CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-HOUSE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67B00446R000300130013-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 34
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2003
• Sequence Number: 13
• Publication Date: August 16, 1965
• Content Type: OPEN

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August 16, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL. RE R -
in a different world and on borrowed
time.
I not only introduce the legislation; I
support it and trust that the Ways and
Means Committee will open hearings
during the present session or during the
recess. We must act before those who
have little sympathy for our industry go
to the extremes now contemplated,
namely, a 50-percent tariff cut across the
board withy -or eptions.
SETTIN H _ CORD STRAIGH
The SPEAKER. Under previous or-
der of the House, the gentleman from
New York [Mr. ROSENTHAL] is recog-
nized for 60 minutes.
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, it is
with considerable regret and a heavy
heart that I take this time this afternoon
but I do so on a matter of great im-
portance, in my judgment, both to the
House of Representatives and certainly
to myself.
On last Thursday the gentleman from
Ohio [Mr. HAYS] made some remarks
which I think were probably among the
most serious ever made by one Member
against another Member in the history
of this body.
The United Press of that day reported
as follows :
WASHINGTON.-Representative WAYNE L.
HAYS, Democrat, of Ohio, said today current
unofficial hearings at which Congressmen
have been soliciting views on Vietnam are
giving "aid and comfort" to the Communists.
HAYS in a House speech directed his critical
remarks particularly at Representative BEN-
JAMIN S. ROSENTHAL, Democrat, of New York,
one of several Members who have conducted
such informal sessions.
HAYS said the sessions have provided a
forum for "crackpots" to air their views in
opposition to U.S. participation in the Viet-
nam fighting. He said ROSENTHAL had been
"helping the Communists" by holding such
meetings. "He's giving aid and comfort to
them," he said.
The dispatch continued:
HAYS' remarks were prompted by a state-
ment by ROSENTHAL on another issue.
ROSENTHAL had told the House U.N. Ambas-
sador Arthur J. Goldberg, according to press
reports, would announce shortly a more flex-
ible U.S. policy toward Russia's nonpayment
of V.N. peacekeeping assessments.
HAYS said he doubted that ROSENTHAL
knew, since the matter was still under study,
and that anyway ROSENTHAL was helping
Russia by suggesting to Russia in advance
that she need not make further concessions
in this U.N. dispute.
He said ROSENTHAL was "aiding the Com-
munists" in this case "just as he has been
helping the Communists in Vietnam" by
holding meetings on Vietnam. He said
ROSENTHAL had been incorrectly implying
that the hearings were sponsored by the For-
eign Affairs members.
For the attention of those Members
who have not had the opportunity to
read these remarks in the RECORD, they
appear at page 19607 of the RECORD of
August 12, 1965.
It seems to me that when one Member
accuses another Member of aiding the
Communists and giving aid and comfort
to the Communists, he is bordering on
the charge that the other Member is
guilty of treason. This, I believe, is a
very serious charge and must be an-
swered in its entirety, not only by my-
self by by other interested parties.
Frankly, when the gentleman from
Ohio made his remarks, I was rather
taken aback and shocked. My subse-
quent reaction was one of hurt, because
Mr. HAYS is the chairman of my sub-
committee on State Department Affairs.
He is, in my judgment, a respected Mem-
ber of the House, a man for whom I have
considerable respect and even admira-
tion, a man with whom I have had the
0leasure of having lunch at the same
't'able in the House restaurant perhaps
100 times since I have been in Congress,
and a man who has done me a number of
personal favors. Only within the last
week or two he did something for which
I was very grateful to him. Thus; when
he made these very serious charges, I
wondered if perhaps there was not some-
thing wrong with me-if there was not
something I had done directly to Mr.
HAYS to cause him to make what I believe
is probably one of the most serious
charges ever made in this Chamber.
At the time of the incident, I could
have, as all Members know, risen to a
point of order and asked that his words
be taken down. At that point had the
Speaker ruled in my favor, the words and
Mr. HAYS' remarks would have been re-
moved from the body of the RECORD.
But the damage would have been done in
the press. It was my immediate judg-
ment, whether. good or bad, that it would
be better to face the entire issue, and
better to face the remarks so that we
might all reflect on them at some other
time rather than have the matter dis-
posed of at the moment.
I was at a loss to explain Mr. HAYS'
attack. Yet I knew he must have realized
that anything he said, one Democrat
against another, would carry very, very
serious political implications. When I
had thoroughly exhausted the possibil-
ities of my behavior having caused his
remarks, I then began to wonder about
him. Of course, I had no basis for any
personal feelings for him other than re-
spect and admiration and, a modest
degree of affection. I then waited until
the next day, until the newspapers re-
ported the incident. I should be honest
and tell you I had hoped there would be
little press reaction. But in the Long
Island Press of Friday, August 13, which
is the most important paper in my dis-
trict, there appeared a headline in about
1-inch type which said, "Abet the Com-
mies? Absurd: ROSENTHAL." In other
words, while I did have a chance to make
a response, the attack had put me com-
pletely on the defensive.
New York Times of Friday, August 13,
1965, carried the first half of the UPI
story. But they carried the charge and
not my response. They said as follows:
Representative WAYNE L. HAYS, Democrat,
of Ohio, said today that unofficial hearings
at which Congressmen had been soliciting
views on Vietnam were giving "aid and com-
fort" to the Communists.
Mr. HAYS, in a House speech, directed his
critical remarks particularly at Representa-
tive BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL, Democrat, of
Queens, one of several members who have
conducted the informal sessions.
Mr. HAYS said the hearings had provided
a forum for "crackpots" to air their views in
opposition to U.S. participation in the Viet-
19735
nam fighting. He said Mr.-ROSENTHAL had
been "helping the Communists" by holding
such meetings.
And the New York Daily News of the
same day, Friday, August 13, 1965, car-
ried the story which said in the head-
line, "L.B.J. Supports Lodge on Viet-
nam," but, in the bottom of the story,
recorded the same essential charge that
I was giving aid and comfort to the Com-
munists.
It was then that I realized the matter
had to be faced directly, then that I was
obliged to look at what Mr. HAYS had said
in the past remarks on the floor of the
House, then that I sought to discover
whether he had ever questioned the in-
tegrity of other Members of Congress.
I supposed if I could find some clue along
these lines, I might then find the answer
as to why he chose to attack me.
I was particularly surprised at one of
the gentlemen's statements, made on Oc-
tober 31, 1963, on page 20679 of the REC-
ORD, where Mr. HAYS said:
Mr. Speaker, I have been reading in the
press about various people being called
pinkies, Communists, and what-have-you by
other Members of the House. I have never
stooped to calling anybody a Communist or
any other vile name, but I would point out,
having some knowledge of communism, that
one of the Communists' chief tricks and one
of their chief tactics, as well as the Nazi
murderers' principal tactics, was to call
somebody they disagreed with a dirty name
such as a Communist or for a Communist
to call someone a Nazi. I wonder if those
who play this game should not be suspect
as. to their own political philosophies? In
other words, the big lie technique.
Given the quality of his attack on me,
I was puzzled by.the very tolerant senti-
ments of that particular statement.
I continued looking at other com-
ments and came across one which indi-
cated another saddening tactic-the old
charge of guilt by association. This oc-
curred on June 7, 1957, on page 8533,
where Mr. HAYS said as follows:
I have always been told if you have evi-
dence introduced-I am not an attorney, so
I am trying in my feeble way to refute this-
if you have evidence introduced, you con-
sider from whence this evidence comes.
Since Mr. PowELL is the sole source of this
statement and since Mr. POWELL has made
this accusation against Members from Penn-
sylvania and Ohio, maybe we should con-
sider some of his previous statements. Why
he made this accusation I do not know. I
suppose that is as hard to explain as it
would be to explain why he appeared with
Earl Browder and William Z. Foster at a joint
rally of the Communist Party in Madison
Square Garden in 1944 and shared top bill-
ing with those two. Or it might be as hard
to explain why he was the editor of a news-
paper and the author of a column in which
he one time identified the New York Times
as "a Salsberger journal of first-class Negro
baiters."
I have heard the New York Times called
just the opposite on this floor by many more
people than the gentleman from New York,
Mr. POWELL. Or why when one time, when
the distinguished gentleman from Texas,
Mr. Dies, had the temerity to summon one
of the columnists of Mr. POWELL's newspaper
before his Committee on Un-American Ac-
tivities, the Reverend Mr. POWELL wrote, "The
sooner Dies is buried, the better." And he
goes on quoting a lot of other trash that I
will not quote because I do not want it to
appear in the RECORD.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 16, 1965
He [Mr. Powm[.] winds up by saying, "The
death of Dies Is just as Important as the
death of Hitler." Well, Mr. Dies is here, full
of vim, vigor, and vitality, I am happy to
say. So that wish of the reverend gentle-
man from New York had no more reason
that his dishonest statement against Mem-
bers of Congress from Pennsylvania and
Ohio.
Mr. HAYS seems to have been par-
ticularly worried about other Members'
attitudes toward communism. In ex-
change with Mr. CURTIS, of Missouri, on
page 4305, March 15, 1962, the gentle-
man from Ohio said this:
Mr. HAYS. I would just like to say to the
gentleman who is interested in fighting com-
munism that in my opinion each one of us
who fights down here in the well by doing a
lot'of talking is not doing any effective fight-
ing like some of us do back in the pre-
cincts.
Such matters, as we all know, are po-
litically very delicate. They deserve re-
straint and caution. But so do any re-
marks made by Members about fellow
Democrats. This is why I was disturbed
by remarks by the gentlemen on page
6540, of the RECORD of April 18, 1965:
Mr. Speaker, perhaps I should say this
about the great golfing Governor of Ohio-
Incidentally, the Governor was a
Democrat, just as I am.
the Governor of Ohio who reputedly shoots
a lower score than the President and who
has through his opposition to adequate
financing tried to ruin the school system of
Ohio and who in his tenure as Governor has
permitted Ohio's highways to deteriorate
until they are among the worst in the
Nation. Knowing him as I do, perhaps I
should say in my opinion, he would have
kicked the farmers of the Nation in the
teeth before he teed off on the first hole;
he wouldn't have waited to have a conference
in the golf shop on the ninth hole.
I have found, to continue, that I was
not the first to take time to respond to
charges made by Mr. HAYS. On page
21103, September 27, 1962, Mr. Alger, of
Texas, had the following to say:
Mr. Speaker, I am happy to report to the
House that the statement made yesterday by
the gentleman from Ohio, Mr. HAYS, in which
the gentleman from Texas now addressing the
House and the gentleman from New York,
Mr. Pillion,; were mentioned, I have been
assured privately, in no sense was intended
to be derogatory, that we would be slow to
hit the beaches with the gentleman from
Ohio in case we ever, God forbid, became
engaged In combat. I understand that no
such implication was intended either in that
part that was added under permission to
revise. which we did not hear on the floor.
That a Member of this body had seen
fit to question the courage of his fellows,
apparently to deny it later-all this
seemed to me deeply puzzling. Yet there
were other unexplainable incidents. On
January 17, 1963, page 542 of the RECORD,
appears the following:
Mr. HAYS. Mr. Speaker, I listened with
a good deal of interest to a great part of the
speech which was made by the chairman of
the Committee on Appropriations, the gentle-
man from Missouri, Mr. Cannon. I am sure
all of us are concerned about the debt, But
I might say in the 14 years I have been here
I have never been before the Committee on
Appropriations one single time and asked
them for one single appropriation. But I
would have been a lot more impressed still
If I had not been around here last year and
had seen the spectacle of the light for pres-
tige that went on and a considerable number
of weeks of the time of the Congress and the
country wasted. I would have been more
impressed if the chairman would have de-
voted himself at that point to trying to
reduce the debt instead of trying to increase
his own prestige.
Is there not a better way to conduct
the discourse of politics, regardless of
how strong one's sentiments?
Mr. Speaker, other Members have
taken special orders to respond to Mr.
HAYS before with reference to his ac-
cusations, One such example was May
18, 1961, at page 8405 of the RECORD
when the distinguished gentleman from
Iowa, Mr. Schwengel, had the following
to say:
Mr. SCHWENGEL. Mr. Speaker, on occasions,
Members of the House get carried away or
for some reason become careless with their
thinking and speech and in the process re-
flect upon the good character and record
of distinguished public servants and private
individuals in our country.
This, in my opinion, was the case, Mr.
Speaker, when the gentleman from Ohio [Mr.
HAYS], referred to a very dear friend of mine
and a friend of thousands of people in Iowa
as a broken-down politician during a col-
loquy on the House floor when we were dis-
cussing some matters that had little rela-
tionship, if any, to people like Mr. Whitney
Gillilland of whom the gentleman from Ohio
spoke when he said, I quote:
"If they cannot find a Kennedy, maybe they
can find a broken-down politician from Iowa
like Gillilland that Eisenhower put on the
CAB,"
Is such an approach really necessary?
Does it fit the traditions of this body?
Mr. Speaker, I also discovered that
both Senators from Ohio had felt the
sting of Mr. HAYS' tongue. Perhaps this
was State politics. However, in my case
I really cannot understand how there
would be any political motivation by
making remarks that would apparently
increase the chances of my not being
returned to this body.
Yet Mr. HAYS had been active in Ohio.
On November 12, 1963, at page 21578,
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio said the following:
This article by Tom Talburt, Washington
correspondent for the Scripps-Howard news-
papers, contains the following specific state-
ments made by Representative HAYS:
"Congressman WAYNE HAYS, Democrat, of
Ohio, says he understands why both of Ohio's
Democratic Senators oppose a congressional
pay raise. He says they're not worth It.
"HAYS, who's backing a proposed pay boost,
said he'll offer an amendment to pay legis-
lators on a sliding scale from $5,000 to
$35,000 a year and let each Member decide
for himself how much he is worth.
"'If my amendment passes and either
Ohio Senator says he's worth more than
$5,000, he could be tried for perjury,' snapped
HAYS.
"After placing rather dubious prices on
the heads of Senators FEANx LAIISCHE and
STEPHErr YOUNG, HAYS was asked to evaluate
his own performance.
"'I'm worth the maximum,' he declared."
I am not pleased with such remarks.
I am not happy to have to bring them to
the attention of the House. But I have
been attacked, and made vulnerable to
serious political charges at home. That
I am obliged to defend myself is not my
fault. And this is why I am taking the
time of the House today.
Mr. Speaker, other examples, some
more pungent and some less pungent, of
the gentleman from Ohio's habits of
political discourse. But perhaps Mr.
HAYS himself summed up his own style
when on May 24, 1950, at page 7636 of the
RECORD of the House, Mr. HAYS, of Ohio,
said as follows:
Mr. HAYS. Mr. Speaker, I also recognize
that the statement which I inserted is a
technical violation of the rules. The re-
marks which were made were not, in my
opinion, particularly offensive to the gentle-
man in the other body, and I might say, not
anywhere near as offensive, not one-tenth
of 1 percent as offensive as some statements
I have made from the public platform with-
out congressional immunity about the afore-
mentioned gentleman. With that state-
ment, I ask unanimous consent that the
remarks be withdrawn.
Mr. Speaker, I have neither the expe-
rience nor the training to understand
why there are times when the gentleman
from Ohio chooses to say unexpectedly
critical things about other Members.
And sometimes they have been almost
as serious as the one he said about me.
What, then, Mr. Speaker, did he charge
me with? He charges[ me with three
things: He charged me with breaching
and violating the security of the briefing
given by Ambassador Goldberg to the
House Committee on Foreign Affairs, and
of announcing in advance what this
country's position is in regard to the
United Nations. He then charged me
with giving aid to the Communists by
holding public hearings in my district.
And he charged me with being mislead-
ing in suggesting that these hearings had
the official sanction of the House.
With regard to the first citation, the
briefing held by the committee, I would
like to advise you, Mr. Speaker, this was
not the first occasion on which Mr. HAYS
has charged a Member of the House with
violating security.
On October 23, 1964, he charged the
gentleman from Delaware [Mr. McDoW-
ELLI with probably the "biggest intelli-
gence break that Peiping has had vis-a-
vis the United States." And he also said
he hoped the people of Delaware would
take cognizance of the action of Mc-
DOWELL in breaking American security.
Is this proper politics between Demo-
cratic colleagues?
What I read to you is a direct quote
from the Wilmington Evening Journal
of October 23, 1964:
Mr. McDowELL, in response to Mr. HAYS'
accusation, said, "The insinuation that I
broke any security regulation is completely
false."
HAYS said "McDOWELL'S remarks were of
unquestionable and inestimable value to the
Chinese Communists."
Mr. McDOWELL said he could not un-
derstand Mr. HAYS' reaction. He said
any one of the U.S. methods of surveil-
lance have been fully available to the
public press for several months.
So I was not the first Democrat charged
by Mr. HAYS with breach. of security. In
any case, the charge against me was
quite without foundation.
In the RECORD of August 12, 1965, I be-
gan my remarks by saying:
Mr. Speaker, on next Monday it is reported,
Ambassador Arthur J. Goldberg will an-
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pounce a more flexible American position on
peacekeeping-
And in the next to the last paragraph
I stated:
if this is to be the substance of Am-
bassador Goldberg's speech to the 33-nation
committee on United Nations finance, then
I am anxious to register my highest regard
for such enlightened policy. v
I inserted in the RECORD at that point
a New York Times editorial of that morn-
ing, August 12 which said:
Washington's plan to announce a more
flexible position on peacekeeping assessments
may prove a lifesaver for the United Nations.
. The editorial goes on to discuss the
United States proposal for a new ap-
proach to peacekeeping assessments.
With regard to the United Nations, on
August 11, 1965, a New York Times car-
ried a story under the byline of Richard
Eder. The headline, says, "End of U.S.
Fight on U.N. Dues Seen." Below that,
"Goldberg Is Reported Ready To An-
nounce Policy Shift."
The Washington Star headline of
August 10 stated, "U.S. To Abandon Fight
for Soviet U.N. Dues." And immediately
under, a subheading, "Goldberg Monday
Will Agree To Scrap Article 19 for Con-
tribution Device."
A United Press dispatch appearing
that morning before the House met
reads as follows:
As it stood, before the last-minute hitch
yesterday, the administration planned to
make an announcement in New York Mon-
day to this effect:
The United States still holds to its legal
view that the U.N. Charter means what it
says.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
to insert this dispatch in the RECORD at
this point, together with the other news-
paper stories I referred to.
The SPEAKER. Is there objection to
the request of the gentleman from New
York?
There was no objection.
The matters referred to follow:
UPI RELEASE
As it stood, before the last-minute hitch
yesterday, the administration planned to
make an announcement in New York Mon-
day to this effect:
The United States still holds to its legal
view that the U.N. Charter means what it
says, that "the expenses of the organization
shall be borne by the members as appor-
tioned by the General Assembly," and that,
under article 19, a member more than 2 years
in arrears "shall have no vote."
However, if the U.N. membership is unwill-
ing to enforce article 19 the United States
will go along, but will regard its own pay-
ments as voluntary contributions rather
than mandatory.
This would be a major U.S. shift. On Oc-
tober 8, 1964, the United States submitted a
memorandum to the United Nations saying
that failure to enforce article 19 would
"undermine the constitutional integrity" of
the world organization.
The memorandum said such a view would
be a repudiation of the International Court
of Justice, which ruled in 1962 that assess-
ments are mandatory, and would "tempt
members to pick and choose" which U.N.
obligations they would fulfill.
"How could any organization function on
such a fiscal quicksand?" the memorandum
asked.
What brought about the U.S. change was
a realization that the U.N. membership was
not prepared to enforce article 19. The or-
ganization has virtually paralyzed itself for
the past year by suspending voting in order
to avoid a showdown.
Administration officials were well aware
their move would be seen by some critics as
a U.S. "surrender." Representative H. R.
GROSS, Republican, of Iowa, said after a
Goldberg briefing yesterday that the United
States was getting ready to "tuck its tail be-
tween its legs."
But the administration argues that it is
better to slide around a legal point than to
see the United Nations paralyzed for still an-
other year. As one U.S. diplomat put it: "All
those legal opinions we wrote a year ago are
still true. But this has become a matter of
practical politics."
The move would be significant in U.N. his-
tory. Under the charter, an assessment of
expenses on members was the only so-called
mandatory power given the General As-
sembly.
UNITED STATES To ABANDON FIGHT FOR SOVIET
U.N. DUES-GOLDBERG MONDAY WILL AGREE
To SCRAP ARTICLE 19 FOR "CONTRIBUTION"
DEVICE
(By William R. Frye)
UNITED NATIONS, N.Y.-Next Monday, the
United States plans to abandon its long fight
to force Russia to pay her United Nations
dues, it has been learned here. Russia then
is expected to make a "voluntary" contribu-
tion in September or October.
Defeat for Washington on the Russian-
dues issue has been considered inevitable for
months. U.N. diplomats long have known
the United States did not have the votes to
put the squeeze on the Kremlin, requiring
payment or taking away Russia's voting
rights.
Next Monday, U.S. Delegate Arthur J.
Goldberg will bow publicly out of the
effort, according to the present plans. He
will agree to shelve article 19 of the U.N.
Charter, which says countries 2 years in ar-
rears shall have no vote in the General As-
sembly.
After the Russians have, cast several votes
in the 1965 Assembly, which meets in Sep-
tember, they are expected to make a "volun-
tary" contribution that will be "substantial"
but much less than the $62 million they owe.
Thereafter the United States, too, is ex-
pected to contribute to a "save the U.N."
fund and other countries will do the same,
In the hope of erasing a $108 million U.N.
deficit.
In addition, however, the U.N. must pay
off some $180 million in bonds floated to pay
for peace operations in the Congo and Mid-
east. Russia has refused to pay her share
toward amortizing this debt.
The Johnson administration's decision to
swallow defeat came after long and careful
consultation ? ? ? which felt that the over-
riding time an explosion of indignation was
feared.
The danger apparently was overrated.
Sources say there proved to be three major
factions in Congress:
1. Those who felt the United States should
fight to the end. This group dwindled as
the months passed, and at the last was very
small.
2. A group, largely pro-U.N., which felt
that the overriding necessity was to free the
world organization from paralysis over the
issue, even though it would mean loss, for
the foreseable future, of the U.N.'s legal
power to tax its members for peacekeeping
actions.
3. A group, largely anti-U.N., which wel-
comed loss of the U.N.'s tax power, fearing it
might one day be used to embarrass the
United States.
19737
MAJORITY IN ANY CASE
By whatever process of reasoning the con-
clusion was reached, a majority decided the
United States should bow out of the struggle
as gracefully as possible.
The administration settled upon this
course in late spring or early summer, and
thereafter the only problem was how to save
the most face.
One device, urged by British Delegate Lord
Caradon, was to save the law by changing
the facts, that is, to have the U.N. Assembly
convert all past contributions for peacekeep-
ing into voluntary contribution8, so that
anyone who had not made a contribution
was not legally in arrears.
U.S. experts considered that this wouldn't
wash, that it was too drastic and too ob-
viously contrived. It could still happen,
even now, despite American skepticism; but
the United States is not expected to urge it.
Instead, the United States is expected to
endorse a relatively simple Ethiopian plan,
or some close variant of it, under which the
U.N. would merely decide that article 19
should not. or will not be raised in the As-
sembly. This will mean that business can
"proceed normally" in September when the
Assembly reconvenes.
SHOWDOWN AVOIDED
Previously, ever since January of 1964,
the Assembly has been unable to act on
controversial issues for fear of an explosive
showdown on article 19. Beginning in De-
cember 1964, a device of unanimous consent
was adopted to avoid determining which
countries had the right to vote. Only a
relatively few matters could be handled this
way.
The result was that the 114-nation As-
sembly was rendered inoperative, with the
veto-bound Security Council the U.N.'s only
practical resource in the political field.
This in turn enhanced the power of the
Soviet veto. Virtually nothing could be done
of which Russia did not approve.
The forum in which Goldberg will dis-
close the new American stand is expected to
be a 33-nation Finance Committee which is
due to resume August 16. The present plan
is for Goldberg to be among the first
speakers.
There will be a note of irony for the
new American representative in that his
first major appearance will be to break bad
news to the American public and to accept
reversal of a World Court opinion.
Goldberg came to the U.N. from the U.S.
Supreme Court, and has said he wants to
build up the rule of law. The World Court
ruled in 1962 that article 19 could be enforced
in the present case.
[From the New York (N.Y.) Times, Aug. 1,
1965]
END OF U.S. FIGHT ON U.N. DUES SEEN-GOLD-
BERG Is REPORTED READY To ANNOUNCE
POLICY SHIFT
(By Richard Elder)
WASHINGTON, August 10.-The United
States will give up its long fight to get the
Soviet Union to contribute to peacekeeping
operations of the United Nations, according
to reliable official sources here.
This policy shift, which has been consid-
ered inevitable since last December, is to be
publicly announced next Monday. At that
time, Arthur J. Goldberg, the new U.S.
representative at the United Nations, will
address a special 33-nation committee that
has been stdying the question of delinquent
assessments.
The Soviet Union and its allies and several
other countries have refused to contribute
to peacekeeping operations in the Congo and
the Middle East. Other nations contended
that the arrears of the objecting members
had built up past the point at which, accord-
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ing to article 19 of the charter, those coun-
tries were no longer entitled to vote in the
General Assembly,.
The sum charged to the Soviet Union as
arrears is $62,236,000, of which $21.6 million
would be for this year. The total of the sums
carried as arrears stands at $1.28 million.
Other countries that have refused to Con-
tribute to the peacekeeping operations are
Czechoslovakia, Byelorussia, the Ukraine, Ru-
mania, Poland, Cuba, Hungary, Albania,
France, and South Africa.
Throughout last year, the United, States
lobbied vigorously to obtain a General As-
sembly majority for compelling the Soviet
Union to pay or lose its vote. Although the
majority was believed to have been available,
some U.S. officials contended that to force
the matter would disrupt the United Nations.
This argument prevailed.
The United States agreed to avoid a show-
down, and a complicated formula was
adopted under which no votes were taken
during the last Assembly session. Because
of this next to no business was done.
APPROACH DISCUSSED
Officials here believe that the decision to
avoid' a showdown has undermined any
chance of rallying a new anti-Soviet majority
at the 20th Assembly session which opens
September 21. It is believed that the United
States could, at best, fight only a rearguard
action against the Soviet right to vote.
The current discussion in the administra-
tion is on the manner in which the United
States should signify that it has given up the
fight.
Some officials and Other persons close to the
situation report that Mr. Goldberg favors
making a clear-cut announcement Monday
that the United States has dropped its insist-
ence on linking the penalties of article 19 to
peacekeeping operations authorized by the
General Assembly.
Other State Department officials are re-
ported to oppose this, saying the United
States should insist that the Soviet Union
pay while indicating quietly that it would
accept whatever the General Assembly de-
cided this fall.
CONTRIDUTION OP'PEEZO
Mr. Goldberg issued a statement calling
reports that the United States would drop its
insistence on enforcing article 19 not accu-
rate. He added that the question was still
being discussed and that the U.S. posi-
tion will be explained fully and clearly
when the committee of 33 convenes on
August 16.
The United Nations delegate discussed the
question before a closed session of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee this morning.
Later this week he will appear before the
House Foreign Affairs Committee.
The Soviet Union contends that only the
Security Council can authorize peacekeep-
ing operations, and that it is not obliged to
pay for operations authorized by the General
Assembly. The United States, and most
United Nations members, argue that the Gen-
eral Assembly can act when the Security
Council is unable through vetoes to do so.
Mr. ROSENTHAL. Mr. Speaker, an-
other Interesting part of this experience
is that on the previous day there was a
colloquy on this floor between Mr. HAYS
and Mr. SISK, of California. This col-
loq.uy is to be found on page 19242 of
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, of August 11,
1965. Mr. HAYS said:
If I were the gentleman from CaI ornia,
and he is a very close friend of mine and
a distinguished Member of this body, I would
not go too far out on the limb betting that
that story is wrong.
That was referring to the 17N story.
Then Mr. Sis,K replied:
I might say to my good friend I am not
betting on it one way or the other. I am
simply saying, based on the information I
have, I think the story is not necessarily
true because the decision has not been made.
It may be that the story in the future may
prove to be true but I question its truth-
fulness as of last night or as of this time.
Mr. HAYS then replied:
I do not know how true it was last night
and I do not know how true it is this min-
ute, but if I were a betting man I would
be .willing to bet a year's salary that the
new Ambassador to the United Nations will
make that statement next Monday.
That is the statement by Mr. HAYS
which was made approximately 24 hours
before my own statement was made in
the well of this House.
Other of his charges accuse me of giv-
ing aid and comfort to the Communists
in holding hearings in my congressional
district seeking grassroot opinions on the
war in Vietnam.
On this matter, I think it is interesting
to bring to the attention of my col-
leagues, Mr. Speaker, the remarks Mr.
HAYS made on September 30, 1964, in the
Appendix of the RECORD of that day
which are on pages 5035 and 5036 as
follows:
Mr. Speaker, in an effort to reacquaint its
officers with the thinking and views of Amer-
icans in communities across the land, the
Department of State is encouraging Foreign
Service officers on leave from foreign assign-
ments to accept invitations to meet with
community groups, service clubs, churches,
and other organizations. This program is
under the direction of Mrs. Katie Louch-
heim, Deputy Assistant Secretary of State,
and long an advocate of an increased dialog
between American communities and the For-
eign Service officers who represent us abroad.
Through such contacts our Foreign Service
officers are able to familiarize themselves
with grassroots thinking on a host of do-
mestic and international subjects and to be-
come acquainted with developments in our
rapidly changing society.
He goes on to insert an article entitled
"New Communications With Grassroots
America," which endorses the idea that
members of the executive branch ought
to find out what people are thinking.
Ought this not also be the duty of Con-
gressmen? On what grounds would the
gentleman endorse those meetings and
attack mine?
A story of the Long Island Press of
August 7, 1965, which announced my
hearings, said:
ROSENTHAL To HOLD VIET HEARINGS
FswAY
Congressman BENJAMIN S. ROSENTHAL,
Elmhurst Democrat, will hold an open hear-
ing on Vietnam at 9:30 a.m. Friday in
Borough Hall, Kew Gardens.
The hearings, which the lawmaker says are
to get the grassroots sentiments of his con-
stituents, will be held in the old traffic court-
house.
A member of the House Foreign Affairs
Committee, ROSENTHAL asked all those in-
terested in expressing their views to write his
Washington office.
Although the hearings are not official, Ros-
ENTHAL said he would compile a report to be
distributed to Congress, the State Depart-
ment and the White House.
A New York Times story that followed
the hearings on Saturday, August 7, 1965,
is an article written by Tanta Long; It
said:
However, the all-day session was unofficial,
but a stenographic record was taken.
In my opening remarks at the hearing,
of which I hold in my hand a steno-
graphic record, I said on page 2: "This
unofficial congressional hearing will be-
gin a little late."
On page 5 of those hearings, I said, and
I quote:
I want to emphasize that this is an un-
official hearing, not authorized by any con-
gressional committee, but will be conducted
in accordance with the Rules of the House of
Representatives with the one exception that
the press, radio, and photographers will be
permitted.
There could hardly have been any am-
biguity here. I was quite clear in em-
phasizing the unofficial nature of the
hearings.
At the hearing, Mr. Speaker, 35 wit-
nesses testified, all residents of my con-
gressional district or those representing
organizations whose principal activities
are conducted in my congressional dis-
trict, offering many and varied views.
What was the reaction to such hearings?
Many seemed to agree with the viewpoint
of the New York Times.
On this Saturday, August 14, 1965, the
New York Times carried the following
editorial entitled "Listening Posts on
Vietnam." I read as follows:
The gloominess of the options the United
States faces in Vietnam makes it important
that the country's policymakers keep open
the fullest opportunities for two-way com-
munication between them, and the Ameri-
can people. President Johnson has been
alert in recent woks to the necessity for
informing both Congress and the country
of the motivations and limitations of Ameri-
can involvement.
A small group of Congressmen have de-
cided that they can best discharge their ob-
ligations in helping to shape policy by hold-
ing unofficial hearings in their districts, at
which opponents and proponents of Ameri-
can actions in Vietnam set forth their views.
Most of these hearings have elicited a broad
range of opinion in keeping with the best
traditions of free inquiry and expression.
The one-sidedness that too often has char-
acterized college teach-ins has been notably
absent.
Despite this accent on the democratic in-
terplay of Ideas, the hearings have come un-
der attack in the House by Representative
WAYNE L. HAYS, of Ohio. He charges that
they provide a forum for "crackpots" and
give aid and comfort to the Communists.
The notion that free discussion must be a
casualty of the Vietnamese war impresses
us at much more destructive of American
values than any viewpoint that might be
set forth at the hearings. We hope more Con-
gressmen will hold them as a demonstration
of democratic vitality.
Those Members of whom the Times
editorial speaks--who have either held
or participated in such hearings-are:
Representatives KASTENMEIER, BINGHAM,
DIGGS, BROOMFIELD, RYAN, RESNICK, and
FARBSTEIN.
I have received dozens of letters, Mr.
Speaker, on the subject since the articles
about Mr. HAYS' charge appeared in the
paper. One that came in not from my
district but from an adjacent district
across the Long Island Sound I would
like to read. It is from Pastor George
Koski of the Bernadotte Evangelical
Lutheran Church, Strang and Murdock
Avenues in the Bronx. It says:
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DEAR MR. ROSENTHAL: It is good to see that
you are holding informal sessions at which
the people can voice their views on the com-
plicated questions of the war in Vietnam.
Of course, these hearings are not a fully
satisfactory substitute for the official inquiry
which should be launched by the Foreign
Relations and Foreign Affairs Committees,
but at least they represent the beginning of
a congressional search for understanding
which can lay the basis for sound policy.
I cannot agree with those who feel that
the Communists are receiving "aid and com-
fort" from these meetings. Our Nation has
grown great not through the suppression of
dissent but rather through the full exercise
of our freedoms of belief, expression, and as-
sociation. Contrary to the views of some
legislators, it is not the constitutional duty
of Congress to duck big questions. Vietnam
is a big question. It should not be ducked.
Your sincerely,
Pastor GEORGE Kosax.
Mr. Speaker, I have sought to answer
strong charges made against me by a col-
league and fellow Democrat. I regret
that these have been made. I regret
even more that I have had to respond
to them in this fashion. But I knew of
no other way to clear my own good name
which, it seems to me, is put in question
by accusations that I am the sort to
"give aid and comfort to the enemy."
This has been an unfortunate affair.
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I am happy to
yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. BINGHAM. Mr. Speaker, as a
new Member of Congress I have been
deeply impressed. by the courtesy gen-
erally extended by Members to each
other on this floor, even when they differ
profoundly on issues. I was therefore
deeply shocked by the attack that was
made last Thursday by the gentleman
from Ohio [Mr. HAYS] on my colleague
from New York [Mr. ROSENTHAL]. I do
not believe it is necessary for me to dis-
cuss in detail the reasons given by the
gentleman from Ohio for his criticisms.
They have been dealt with very ably and
completely by my colleague from New
York. I should like merely to add a few
comments.
First, it was clear, as he had just now
told the House, from Mr. ROSENTHAL's
statement on August 12, that he was re-
ferring to press reports as to what Am-
bassador Goldberg's position was going
to be and that he was not disclosing or
discussing any confidential information.
Nor was he making any announcements
of U.S. policy.
Secondly, my colleague was expressing
his support for the idea of a flexible
U.S. position on the article 19 issue. I
likewise expressed my support for such
a position on August 12. This is essen-
tially the position which President John-
son, through Ambassador Goldberg, has
now announced.
Third, at the invitation of my col-
league [Mr. ROSENTHAL], I joined him in
the informal hearing he conducted in his
district 10 days ago. Various points of
view were expressed there, just as they
had been at, a forum I.helped to put on
in my district some weeks before. If such.
expressions of opinion at the grassroots
of our country give aid and comfort to
the Communists, then I say God help us.
The day we seek to choke off the free
expression of citizen opinion, that day
we will have taken a long step toward
totalitarianism. We shall be in danger
of losing the very freedom we are fight-
ing for in Vietnam.
Parenthetically, Mr. Speaker, and so
that there may be no misreading of my
position, I want to say that in spite of
great concern and misgivings on some
points, I support the broad outlines of
the President's policy in Vietnam as I
understand it. I expect to have more to
say on that subject in a day or two.
Fourth, the gentleman from Ohio was
quite mistaken in his charge that my col-
league from New York had given the
impression that the hearing in his dis-
trict was some sort of Foreign Affairs
Committee hearing. It was clear from
Mr. ROSENTHAL's statements both before
and after the hearing that this was an
informal session with no official status.
It was on this basis that I took part in it.
These are agonizing days, Mr.
Speaker, for the President of the United
States and for all of us. We are con-
fronted with awesome and difficult de-
cisions on which good men and true,
loyal Americans, may differ. When a
private citizen accuses another private
citizen with whom he disagrees of giv-
ing aid and comfort to the enemy, that
serves no good purpose and is regretta-
ble. When one Member of this House
so accuses a colleague on the floor of this
House, it is deplorable, and it will only
impede the important work we have to
do here.
I take it, Mr. Speaker, that is the rea-
son for the rules of this House requiring
that Members control their tempers and
enjoining courtesy upon them.
If I may, as a freshman Member, say
so, those rules are wise.
I thank the gentleman from New York
for yielding to me..
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker,
will the gentleman yield to me?
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I will be happy to
yield to the distinguished gentleman
from Wisconsin.
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, I
want to thank the gentlemen from New
York for yielding to me so that I might
take this opportunity to offer some ob-
servations in connection with the pro-
ceedings known as "Hearings on Viet-
nam" held in various Members' districts.
I do this because I think in certain
quarters a considerable misunderstand-
ing has arisen as to the nature of these
proceedings and as to what they purport
to be. At a later dato I will report more
fully the unofficial hearings conducted
by myself in Madison on July 30 and 31.
I support what the gentlemen from
New York [Mr. BINGHAM and Mr. RosEN-
THAL] have already said in connection
with the proceedings that they partici-
pated in.
However, at this time I should like to
state that at the very outset the proceed-
ings were described as unofficial or not
authorized by a congressional committee
or the Congress and were further de-
scribed as being conducted in my repre-
sentatives capacity as a Member of Con-
gress solely. There was no suggestion
that these were official and to my knowl-
19739
edge this inference was not drawn by
anyone who had taken the trouble to
read or inquire what the proceedings
were about. Secondly, I would like to
make a brief observation or two about
the participation in these hearings. I do
this because some quarters, including in
my case, one State senator from the
State of Wisconsin, Senator Gordon
Roseliep, who has taken the liberty of
transmitting to various Members of Con-
gress an undated press release in criticism
of the proceedings I was conducting, have
betrayed a woeful lack of information on
this matter.
The principle misconception is that the
hearings were conducted solely or pri-
marily to provide these administration
critics of Vietnam policy or even in some
cases "leftists" a forum to express their
views. In all the hearings that I have
been familiar with, and certainly I can
speak for the Madison proceedings, or-
ganizations and experts were invited and
in fact did participate in support of the
administration and in some cases in ad-
vocacy of the military policies beyond
that of the administration so that at the
very least a reasonably balanced hearing
took place.
In the case of the Wisconsin State
senator, I am sure that, since he released
his press release before the hearing took
place, he was unmindful of the fact that
such organizations as Young Americans
for Freedom, Young GOP, The American
Legion, Reserve Officers of America, Cit-
izens To Support the People of South
Vietnam, and many other organizations
participated voluntarily in the proceed-
ings. I say this because his release inti-
mates that these proceedings are some-
how sinister and darkly motivated. This
just simply is not true. Various Mem-
bers of Congress or, indeed, other citi-
zens may differ whether proceedings of
this sort are useful, desirable, or neces-
sary. This may depend on one's district
or one's personal views. But as far as
I am concerned the cause of democracy
and a free society is served by open and
public discussion of policy issues of the
highest concern to all citizens. We have
done this to some extent in public tele-
vision debate; it was done some months
ago in March in the House hearings On
the Sino-Soviet conflict, and it is clear
to me that it is well that public discus-
sion goes on concerning the issue of
gravest importance at this time to all
Americans.
A further misconception inherent in
the release circulated in the name of Wis-
consin State Senator Roseliep alleges the
hearings play in the hands of our ene-
mies by encouraging the communities in
their belief that America is divided over
the war in Vietnam.
What the gentleman seems to be say-
ing is that free discussion of important
policy matters is a luxury a democracy
cannot afford in times of crisis, a prop-
osition which is contradicted through-
out the history of this Nation.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
to include excerpts from four editorials
from prominent newspapers in Wiscon-
sin, three of which are Republican,
which have clearly supported the idea of
having hearings on Vietnam back home
at the grassroots.
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19740 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - HOUSE August 16, 1965
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without
Objection, it is so ordered.
There was no objection.
[From the Monroe (Wis.) Evening Times,
July 23, 1965]
A good many persons from the Monroe
area have indicated interest in hearing what
KAsTxNMErER has to say. And we hope the
meeting can be held in a manner by which
we all learn something of value concerning
the Vietnam situation.
We don't expect any great answers to the
problems of the world. But it should give
us a better insight into just what Vietnam.
can mean to you and the fellow who lives
next door.
[From the Portage (Wis.) Daily Register,
Aug. 2, 1965 ]
Wisconsin Congressman ROBERT ]KASTEN-
rzEn has led the way in what we cannot
help but think is an admirable cause. It is
a political cause, too. It will help the ener-
getic KASTENMErER's image; but, mainly, it is
an attempt to wake up the people of the
home district and make them aware that the
national and international problems which
face our Nation face them also.
BOB KASTENMErEa may have gained pub-
licity by holding his hearing. If so, he richly
deserves it, for we, in turn, have gained some
small lesson in the degree of our apathy
toward the decisions of our Government,
and in the necessity of our becoming more
aware of what Is happening on the national-
international scene.
fFrom the Waukesha Freeman, July 21, 1965]
It Is responsive to this overwhelming sen-
timent that he wants public discussion of
the issue. It is our feeling, as well as his,
that the American people ought to be heard
on what this country's course shall be prior
to involvement so serious that there would
be no other choice than all-out war.
{:From the Madison Capital Times, July 19,
1965]
If ever there was a need for discussion and
debate on any issue faced by the American
people it is on this question of the gather-
ing war in Vietnam.
We are well on the way to what might be
the most destructive war in history. But
there has been scarcely any debate on the
decisions which have so deeply involved this
country.
Mr. DOW. Mr. Speaker, will the gen-
tleman yield?
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I yield to the gen-
tleman from New York [Mr. Dow].
3r. DOWN Mr. Speaker, I shall not
take long to express my thinking. I have
read the remarks of the gentleman from
New York and I have read the remarks
of the gentleman from Ohio. In my
opinion, Mr. Speaker, the remarks of the
gentleman from New York, coupled with
his observations today, much better serve
the cause of free speech in this country,
much better serve our historic American
tradition of freedom, and much better
serve the cause of freedom today than
the remarks of the gentleman from Ohio.
Mr. FRASER, Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. RO$ 1'rHAL. I yield to the gen-
tleman from Minnesota.
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, I want to
join in the remarks of my colleagues
concerning the incident which has been.
the subject of this discussion this after-
noon.
Mr. Speaker, I read the statement
which my distinguished friend from New
York [Mr. ROSENTHAL] made about the
prospective policy position of the U.S.
Government In connection with the pay-
ment of United Nations assessments. I
thought that his statement was not only
in order but was well reasoned and timely
and, certainly, breached no confidence of
any kind with respect to any committee
hearing. I can say that with some confi-
dence, Mr. Speaker, because I attended
the committee hearings to which the
gentleman from Ohio referred. I have
also read the press reports, and I am cer-
tain that what the gentleman from New
York was talking about was a matter of
public knowledge, having been fully dis-
cussed in the press of this Nation.
I might also say, Mr. Speaker, that I
am amazed that there should be this in-
tolerant attitude toward the Idea of hold-
ing hearings in the district of a Member
of this House. In a way, it seems to me
that these hearings are analogous to the
practice of those Members who seek to
ascertain public opinion through the use
of polls. I know that many Members of
the House take advantage of this oppor-
tunity. Also, in a way, it is analogous to
the invitation extended by the newspa-
pers of this Nation to have the readers
comment in the newspaper giving their
private and individual views.
Mr. Speaker, it is my judgment that
holding hearings of the kind that the
gentleman from New York held pro-
motes the public interest and serves to
develop a deeper public understanding
of the issues involved and helps to en-
lighten the Members whose responsibility
it is to both serve the constituents of
their own districts and the welfare of the
Nation.
May I say, Mr. Speaker, I discussed
with the gentleman from New York the
nature of the hearings he was proposing
to hold. It was clear to me then, that
there was no suggestion that these were
to be official hearings, but were unofficial.
I have since verified that by reading the
press release which announced such
hearings.
I had the opportunity to help arrange
for a speaker for a teach-in at the Uni-
versity of Minnesota, one of the great
universities of this country, and I was in
touch with the Department of State to
gain from them a spokesman for the
administration's point of view.
It is my belief that these teach-ins,
these hearings, and every other forum
in this country which provide for a dis-
cussion of an issue as crucial as that
of Vietnam deserve our support and do
promote the public interest.
Lastly, Mr. Speaker, let me say that I
serve with my colleague from New York
[Mr. ROSENTHAL] as a member of the
Committee on Foreign Affairs. He is
one of the hard-working effective mem-
bers of that committee. He has demon-
strated on that committee a very deep
and genuine concern for the welfare of
the American people and for their Gov-
ernment.
I am glad to associate myself with the
efforts which he has made to try to in-
form himself more completely about the
views of his 'constituents on Vietnam
and in promoting a broader public dis-
cussion of the policy alternatives which
continue to confront this Nation.
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I thank the gen-
tleman from Minnesota.
(Mr. RYAN (at the request of Mr.
FRASER) was given permission to extend
his remarks at this point in the RECORD.)
Mr. RYAN. Mr. Speaker, I join with
my distinguished colleague, the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. ROSENTHAL]
in his remarks on the importance of un-
official congressional hearings on the
importance of unofficial congressional
hearings on the Vietnam situation. It is
unfortunate that public debate should
ever become the casualty of war. It is
alarming that debate should ever be
stifled because views expressed differ
from official governmental policy.
The Congress has yet to undertake a
full-scale discussion of the American
military and political role in Vietnam.
Nonetheless, decisions are made every
day that touch the life of every American
family. Congressmen need, and the
American people deserve, all the illumi-
nation that can be brought to bear on
the issues.
The hearings I held on August 12 and
13 in New York City were designed to do
just that. Panels were balanced with
witnesses who presented various points
of view-some in support of and some in
opposition-to administration policy.
Informed citizens exchanged views and
debated the issues in a free and open
forum.
To label such hearings crackpot or the
participants propagandists is to cloud
the importance of what was said. It is
to divert attention away from the debate
by the most tactless name-calling.
I am shocked that any Member of
Congress would attack another Member
for encouraging this kind of public dis-
cussion and impugn his motives. Cer-
tainly the gentleman from New York
[Mr. ROSENTHAL] is owed a public
apology.
People in a democracy bear the re-
sponsibility of being attentive at all
times to decisions and events which
shape their lives. Quiescence is never
the duty of a citizen. A silent democ-
racy is in fact, a dangerous democracy.
Informed public discussion, on the other
hand, is a sign of a vital citizenry. I
for one have no fears of citizens speaking
out.
Mr. GROVER, Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield'?
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I am happy to
yield to the gentleman from New York.
Mr. GROVER. Mr. Speaker, there is
an honest difference of opinion as to the
wisdom of these teach-ins and I sub-
scribe totally to the fact that there is
an honest difference of opinion, and also
to the wisdom of having broadcast in
the country a program of informal so-
called hearings.
Again, I subscribe to that fact, that
there is an honest difference of opinion,
but I have known the gentleman from
New York [Mr. ROSENTHAL) for some
10 years and his loyalty, his integrity,
and his patriotism is unquestioned.
Mr. Speaker, the remarks which were
made and which I have read in the
RECORD certainly were ill-advised and in-
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A . Nn, 4 16 196 tZ Approved FCONGRESSIONALO/, &6I RPfi7
temperate. The gentleman from New
York is a sincere Representative who has
been overwhelmingly elected from his
district. With respect to those remarks
I say to the gentleman from New York
[Mr. ROSENTHAL], "I am with you and
I would hope that the RECORD would some
day be adjusted and that they would be
withdrawn."
Mr. ROSENTHAL. I thank the gen-
tleman from New York.
(Mr. ROSENTHAL asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks.)
resumed sporadically on the West Side. Riot-
ing began Thursday night when a firetruck
killed a Negro woman. In Springfield, Mass.,
calm prevailed after a civil rights demon-
stration in which 44 persons were arrested
early yesterday.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post, Aug. 14,
19651
ADVERTISING SALESMAN RECALLS TERROR OF
Los ANGELES RIOTING
(NOTE.-Robert Richardson, 24, a Negro, is
an advertising salesman for the Los Angeles
Times. He witnessed rioting in South Los
Angeles for nearly 8 hours Thursday night.)
(By Robert Richardson)
Los ANGELES, August 13.-It was the most
terrifying thing I've ever seen In my lilfe.
I went along with the mobs-watching,
listening.
It's a wonder anyone with white skin got
out of there alive.
I saw people with guns. The cry went up
several times-"Let's go to Lynwood" (an all-
white neighborhood) whenever there weren't
enough whites around.
Every time a car with whites in it entered
the area, the word spread like lightning down
the street:
"Here comes 'Whitey'-get him."
The older people would stand in the back-
ground, egging on the teenagers and the
people in their early twenties. Then the.
young men and women would rush in and
pull people from their cars and beat them
and try to set fire to their cars.
Olie white couple, in their sixties, hap-
penened to be driving along before the block-
ades were put up. They were beaten and
kicked until their faces, hands, and clothing
were bloody. I thought they were going to
be killed. How they survived I don't know.
Those not hitting and kicking the couple
were standing there shouting "Kill! Kill!"
Finally, they turned them loose. An am-
bulance was called, and they were taken
away.
Two white men ducked when rocks bom-
barded their car. When they ducked, the car
hit a car with Negroes.
They were beaten so badly one man's eye
was hanging out of the socket. Some Negro
ministers made their way through the crowd
and carried both men into an apartment
THE LOS ANGELES SITUATION
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr.
HARRIS in the chair). Under previous
order of the House, the gentleman from
Idaho [Mr. HANSEN] is recognized for
30 minutes.
(Mr. HANSEN of Idaho asked and
was given permission to revise and ex-
tend his remarks, and to include ex-
traneous matter.)
Mr. HANSEN of Idaho. Mr. Speaker,
I take the floor today with a deep feeling
of apprehension.
The events of the last. few days in Los
Angeles, Chicago, and other parts of the
country-but especially in Los Angeles
and southern California-are enough to
make one's blood run cold. Here we
have seen rioting conducted to such an
extent that it can only be called armed
insurrection. Here we have seen armed
thugs running rampant in the streets
burning, pillaging, and killing.
I received a telephone call yesterday
from a constitutent who is now in Los
Angeles. He described to me the hell
and horror of that city during the past
few days and said, "This isn't America."
I include at this point in my remarks
three newspaper clippings-the first a
short article from the Wall Street Jour-
nal of this date giving the current status
in Los Angeles, Chicago, and Springfield,
Mass.; and two from the Washington
Post of August 14 describing conditions
in Los Angeles and Chicago:
[From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 16, 1965]
Los Angeles rioters were driven from the
streets by authorities.
Looting and arson decreased in the city's
Negro ghetto on the fifth day of disorders,
but sniper fire increased. Firemen and
police were favorite targets, and some cars
on a busy freeway were fired upon. A Negro
looting a liquor store was killed by police
early yesterday, bringing the death toll to 31,
all but 4 of them Negroes. The riots left
762 injured and 2,334 in jail; fire damage was
put at $175 million with unestimated mil-
lions in looting losses. whites.
A curfew was extended by California Gov- Everybody got in the looting-children, racial violence was out of all proportion o the
,
causeAlso tr
i
d io
ng
dd women break
Brown it pol an
alsealarm in a Negro
ernorz fromthe windows grownups, and ol going men into an, Guardsmen had sei respondingto a f
stores.
rioters Saturday night. Security forces Then everybody started drinking-even neighborhood, and the race of the per-
sealed off a 42-square-mile area so tightly little kids 8 or 9 years old. That's when the son who set the alarm can only be con-
that residents couldn't get out to buy food. cry started, "Let's go where 'Whitey' lives." jectured.
Most bf the grocery stores in the area had That's when I began to see guns. The violent and devastating riots in
been side dent nted and looted.
Johnson expressed a sense of I believe the mobs would have moved into
President ra white neighborhoods, but it was getting late, Los Angeles are inexcusable. They were
" youth
to the relief frightened streets" as order was being Angeles. and many of them had to go to work this triggered by the arrest of a Negro
He said resort t take of Los Ange. morning. on suspicion of drunken driving, and I
"t very weapons to terror takes from the Negro
"the his o weapons ipah which he is achiev- Saturday soe mWe said, "Wait
roll over the weekend. police blotters of the same day showed
frig his own emancipation."
Chicago o police arrested 46 persons Satur- We'll really get 'Whitey' then." a number of arrests of whites on similar
day night and early yesterday as violence They knew they had the upper hand. They charges without any riots.
No. 1508
building and called an ambulance. Fire Commissioner Robert J. Quinn shifted
The crowd called the ministers hypocrites.
They cussed them and spit on them. Some Engine Co. 12, consisting of 18 Negro fire-
Negro officers tried to disperse the crowd, but men and 1 white captain, into the Wilcox
they were jeered at, sworn at, called traitors Street Station to replace Truck Co. No. 26.
and stoned. A spokesman at the station said the move
The Negro officers were given a worse time was made because company 26's truck was
than the white officers. damaged in last night's incident and was
Light-skinned Negroes such as myself were undergoing repairs.
targets of rocks and bottles until someone Civil disobedience such as the current
standing nearby would shout, "He's blood>" riots in Chicago and Los Angeles are
or o a brother off: ' doing much to harm legitimate Negro
As s s o me areas were ere blockaded during the
night, the mobs would move outside, looking goals.
for more cars with whites. When there were The triggering incident in Chicago, a
no white cars, they started throwing rocks Negro woman accidentally killed by a
and bottles at Negro cars. Then near mid- firetruck, certainly cannot be called
seemed to sense that not the police nor any-
one else could stop them.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Aug. 14, 19651
MOB SLASHES POLICEMAN IN
CHICAGO OUTBURST
CHICAGO, August 13.-A crowd of Negroes
attacked and slashed a white policeman to-
night as he drove to work through a racially
troubled West Side neighborhood.
Blood streamed from face cuts onto his
civilian clothes as other policemen led him
through a shoving, shouting crowd of about
200 Negroes. He was identified as Robert
Wiens, 25.
A uniformed policeman was reported to
have been knocked unconscious when a bot-
tle sailed through the window of his squad
car and hit him on the head. His identity
was not immediately known.
The attack on Wiens took place 1 block
from a civil rights rally sponsored by ACT,
a civil rights group. The rally swelled to
about 300 after the attack on Wiens.
The all-Negro crowd at the rally shouted
"revenge" and "fight" as ACT leader Law-
rence Landry exhorted them: "You are mis-
used in a white-controlled society." Lan-
dry's speech did not make a direct call to
violence.
During the demonstration, 2 dozen crowd
members marched into the intersection of
Wilcox Avenue and Pulaski Road, where
they waved signs, stopping traffic for 5 min-
utes.
No arrests were made immediately.
At one point, a segment of the crowd
surged several blocks down the street to the
Goldblatt Bros. Department Store, where
they shouted obscenities against "the white
man's store" and attempted to break in.
Police from six nearby squad cars quelled the
attempt in minutes.
A group of about 15, mostly teenagers and
including girls, broke windows of the store.
Earlier, city officials suspended three fire-
men and began an inquiry after a fire truck
accident * killed a woman bystander and
provoked a racial demonstration last night.
Desegregation leaders had attributed some
of the bitter feeling to the absence of Nergo
firemen in the station at 4000 West Wilcox
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19742 SSIONAL RECORD -HOUSE August 16, 1965
I highly commend responsible Ne- The realities facing the administration financing of major activities they do not
groes in these critical areas who are try- in its dealings with the constitutional- wish to supposucrt. This does not mean
ing to bring order out of chaos despite financial crisis in the United Nations that future
such activities will die
the fact that, in many cases, they are General Assembly are simple, clearcut, unborn. On the contrary, they can be
being subjected to greater abuse than and obvious: financed by those nations principally in-
that suffered by most whites.
Peace Prize winner, Dr. Martin Luther ouLuIJ y appears To oe unwuling to strip As Ambassador Goldberg said today,
Peace currently planning on going Luther from two major powers the right to vote however, the United States considers
Kin , to talk tly p with Ho Chi-mint. because they have refused to pay assess- such an attitude equally applicable to
Dr. King attempts any ments for major activities which they do itself. Thus, although he stressed the
Perhaps, before ac
self-appointed international not wish to support. This unwillingness firmness of U.S. support for the integrity
peace as- steeds from the simple but genuine fear of the regular budget of the United Na-
signments,.he should stop off in Chicago, on the part of many members that to do tions, our new representative served no-
Los Angeles, and other critical areas of so would split the United Nations apart, tice that this country reserved the right
the Nation. In my opinion, Dr. King leaving them adrift alone in a very to hold back its support of questionable
and other recognized leaders of this troubled sea. major activities which an irresponsible
Nation's civil rights movement are obli-
gated to help quell these insurrections At the same time, the members of the majority might attempt to launch in the
which are the inevitable result of pyre: General Assembly cannot bring them- future.
miding violations of the law which have selves to sign away, by legislative act, As for the word "defeat," I would sug-
been occurring in scores of previous dem- their only real power: the power under gest that it applies really to the General
onstrations. the Charter to assess its membership col- Assembly's battle with itself. The United
Mr. Speaker, there is great fear among lectively for activities approved by a ma- States could be Jiminy Cricket for only
our people. Where will this lawlessness jority of the member states. And this is so long. The World Court could advise
strike next? what, in effect, they would be doing if but once. After that, it was up to the
Those with grievances have no busi- they voted formally not to apply the General Assembly collectively to decide
ness rioting in the streets, destroying sanctions of article 19 to the Soviet Un- the extent of the role as an interna-
lives and property. They, like everyone ion and France, the principal Jelin- tional deliberating and deciding body it
else, have constitutional recourse to the quents, could actually play in the world as it is
courts and to lawmaking bodies If their For almost a year now, the General As- today.
rights have been abridged in any way. sembly has been like a sick man forced The task for the United States now is
This knid of violence can only drive to lie in a hospital bed, unable to do exactly as it has been since the signing
races in this country into armed camps. much other than think about his own of the charter 20 years ago in 1945. It is
It would seem to me fundamental that weakness. And, during-that_time, with- to work to bring to the community of
any person or group of persons demand- out a forum for orderly dialog among nations through our voice in the United
Ing full privileges of citizenship should nations, we have seen what we call "the Nations, the ideals and goals and belief
assume at least some of the basic respon- world situation" deteriorate. Examples? in the rights of mart which have mo-
sibilities of that citzenshlp. Today's morning newspaper lists a few: tivated us as a nation for almost 200
Mr. Speaker, our leaders must not give Vietnam, the Dominican Republic, Kash- Years. It is at the same time, to use the
comfort to lawless behavior. Our legis- mir, rumors of a possible nuclear test United Nations to help keep chaos and
lators are entrusted to pass good legisla- by Indonesia who is at odds with her irresponsibility from keeping us and
tion. Our people are responsible for neighbor Malaysia, Cyprus. Plain com- other peaceloving nations from realizing
selection of good leaders, and to honor monsense dictates that the United States the goals we seek.
and obey the law. These are the only ensure the availability of every instru- I do not view our position as a back-
conditions under which domestic peace mentality possible to channel the ener- down. I view it as a mature demonstra-
and security can exist. This is rule by gies of a restless family of nations into tion of our desire not to dissolve the
law.. This is the American way. Paths leading away from, not toward, U.N. and leave the United Nations
Let us all join in responsible effort to cahos and disaster. The General As- building as an empty monument to the
end prejudice, hatred, and violence sembly may not be as strong as it thought futility of man's search for peace. The
within this country. Let us never, in. it was a year ago, but at least the states- central problem in the world today is in
respective of our racial heritage, forget manlike move today by the U.S. dele- the perilous posture of world peace in
that our Constitution is not only color gation should help get it out of the hos- Vietnam. The best hope fof a termina-
blind, but it recognizes the fatherhood pital and onto its feet where it can tower tion of that war is in the United Nations.
of God and the brotherhood of man. collectively over the misadventures of In this light it would not only be
Our system is the last best hope on its membership. immature but adverse to our national
earth for mankind-let us not fail those There has been a lot of talk over the interest and toward world peace to force
who have paid dearly to entrust Its bless- past few months, and there will un- a dissolution of the United Nations by
ing to us. doubtedly be a lot more in the next few a confrontation with the Soviet Union
days, about mistakes and defeat. I on a legal interpretation of one's finan-
GENERAL ASSEMBLY APPEARS UN- would suggest that the cardinal mistake cial obligation.
WILLING NG TO STRIP RIGHT To was that the General Assembly mis- On the Great Seal of the United States
FROM T TWO MAJOR PH To judged its maturity. It moved decisively the American eagle holds in one of its
VOTE
in the name of its collective membership talons an olive branch and in the other
The - SPEAKER pro tempore. Under to meet threats to the peace, trusting in arrows. Our history has demonstrated
a previous order of the House, the gen- the collective responsibility of that mem- that there is a time for the arrows and
tleman from New Jersey l.Mr. GAL- bership to support its initiatives. It was a time for the olive branch. The neces-
i.ACnsa] Is recognized for 5 minutes. only after deep commitment that It dis- sity to use the arrows is unfortunate and
(Mr. GALLAGHER asked and was covered that some of those members yet in Vietnam today that necessity
given permission to revise and extend wanted out, even though they had ac- continues to exist. At the United Na-
his remarks.) quiesced and in some cases voted for the tions today we are relying more on the
Mr. GALLAGHER. Mr. Speaker, the major peacekeeping undertakings in the olive branch in order to prevent the
United States took a painful step at the Congo and in the Middle East. stalemate and possible dissolution of the
United Nations today and nobody seems By its unwillingness now to insist that United Nations because we are essen-
entirely happy about it. We are involved these delinquent members pay their fair tially interested in peace and the United
In some rather painful business in Viet- share of these operations, the General Nations still remains man's best hope
nam and no one is entirely happy about Assembly has admitted to its limitations for peace. Perhaps the United Nations
that either. But, as we in this Chamber as a corporate body of nations, and ac- will never realize a world of total agree-
are well aware, working constructively cepted that it will not require major ment but it could realize a world at
with reality is seldom easy. Powers to shoulder the greater burden of peace living by the rule of law. This
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August 16, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
wicked fangs bared much of the time. He The little brown and cream haired animal a yearling bull and a healthy one except for
looked pitifully small against the large gray took advantage instantly and snapped its a recent injury to the right eye. It had been
wolves. jaws on the small of the back of the mo- badly torn into uselessness. It had prob-
As he watched, Uyatorna concluded that' mentarily confused animal and twisted its ably suffered an unexpected accident and fe'l
the fate of the wolverine was a foregone con- grip wickedly. The vicious attack appar- behind a herd when the wolves apparently
elusion. It was just a matter of time. How ently did a great damage, because the wolf took pursuit.
could a small animal like him ever hoped to tried to flee all but dragging its hind quar- position wolverine might whave olves to the alu ky
pit its small body, although powerful to tears.
sure, against the great reat bulk of the savage ge attThe two remaining wolves ack on the wolverine, momentarily knock- caribou from ctheeblind side andt
wolves? this unex-
drama
The hunter was amazed at the show of Sng him off balance. The little animal re-
which t edhun tedhe inespellbound
courage of the small animal. He was not gained his footing while one wolf gripped about to cower away leaving the caribou he him on the neck. The other one went for fas eati n skinned the caribou and cut out
had claimed for himself. He had apparently his flanks.
killed it himself because of the apparent The powerful little carnivore, apparently choice pieces of meat and wrapped them in
wolverine had taken a position at a
savagery of the attack. The throat of the twisting orryworrying about his flanks, madlater his quick, the skin
caribou had all but been torn away.
motion. An THE TIGHTENING CIRCLE fly muscled right foreleg whipped and caught distance just beyond effective arrow range
the wolf at his flanks on the shoulder with from the man. Uyatorna could have shot
Spellbound and with tingling expectancy, his sharp nails and paw. An exposed flesh the animal if he wished because It had been
Uyatorna watched the ever-tightening circle suddenly appeared as the skin flapped down within perfect range.
of wolves around the hapless and coura- from the wound. He didn't however, because he had come
geous wolverine. It seemed to him that it was The injured wolf backed away limping but to admire the little animal's invincible cour-
a maneuver designed to unnerve the doughty the one at his neck held on tenaciously- age under what seemed to be the most deadly
little animal. wickedly. The wolverine was in trouble. and impossible odds. The wolverine was
The maneuver was deadly, calculated- He made a series of quick motions and sud- licking its wounds and watching Uyatorna as
that showed a latent and lethal ferocity. denly there was a terrible crunch of bones. he worked around the carcass.
Uyatorna felt a pang of pity for the wolver- The little animal had caught his remaining The hunter cut out a piece of caribou meat
ine. Should he intervene? He decided attacker by the knee of its right foot and and walked part way toward the animal!
against it. The animals were working them- crushed it with his powerful jaws. "Uvah, qaveoraq, tutumik negeoragin."
selves into a pitch of fury and if he revealed The wolf let out a howling scream as it re- ("Here, little wolverine, eat a piece of cari-
himself, there was a good chance that they leased its hold on the neck of the wolverine. bou meat,") he shouted. He threw the mor-
would turn on him. This is what the latter wanted. He turned sel toward the fierce little carnivore. As the
The wolverine no longer circled around the aggressor in an instant and snapped his pow- hunter returned to the carcass, the animal
dead caribou. Ile settled on the side where erful jaws on the neck of his enemy partly edged toward the piece of meat and ate it.
the dead animal's legs lay sprawled. Each of from under and side. THE WINDFALL
the wolves were now about 15 feet from the THE ENRAGED WOLVERINE As he finished skinning the dead wolf,
threat n ng r prey. not all dt They at the e but emit low, wolverine , by verine braced Working for a himself leverage, and made a pulling Uyatorna turned to the wolverine and
shouted, "Little wolverine, now you can have
staggered d turns. urns. . gars n This o forced once the enraged wol-
to turn its body in different directions in and twisting motion. The body of the huge all the caribou meat you want."
quick succession. wolf whipped partly in the air. Its neck He skinned the one he had shot through
Still the wolves edged forward shrinking snapped and it fell dead-its head in a grue- the heart and then followed the bloody
the deadly ring. Suddenly one of them, ap- some and unnatural position. trail of the third one. He found it about
parently the leader, snarled wickedly, baring THE CARNAGE a quarter of a mile where it had bled to
its fangs. The others followed, again in The little animal had emerged victorious death.
staggered turns. The wolverine sprung against what seemed impossible odds. He As he skinned it, Uyatorna observed,
around swiftly with hissing growls-fangs looked around and then made a circle our- "These, were young grown wolves and they
bared. the carnage and the evidence of it he were reckless. The one that got away will
The series of snarls increased. The wolves veying had created. The terrible dealth-dealing never forget the terrible lesson he learned
were apparently trying to confuse their prey look remained in his eyes. He bared his today."
to to tleft hat nds beginning n spin was 3 ec his fangs from time to time as he emitted half As he started home with the load of cari-
attack d right any turns. any was expecting hissing growls. There was froth at the cor- bou meat and skin and three wolf pelts, Uya-
ners from any quarter any moment. ners of his mouth. torna chuckled:
THE DEADLY SCEI E Except for his murderous eyes and wicked "Amasuk will never believe me when I tell
Uyatorna watched in dreadful fascination. fangs, the wolverine looked anything but a her how I got all these animals "
The scene below him was a deadly one where lethal killer to Uyatorna. He ambled along ~_-
each animal would ask no quarter nor would clumsily as if he didn't possess any agility "'75TZ -- ~~ ~- F
it expect any. At least one of them would and strength. It was aljaws l there anon ed with any MINNES $ SUPPORT S PRES-by - POLL
hidean.. The hunter no longer would doubted in of the most po IDENT JOHNSON'S POLICIES IN
his mind that one ne of the dead would b be the animal.
wolverine. The wolverine, was apparently trying to lo- VIE'T'NAM
"Amaqut makoa tuqutiqneagii munna cate the trail left by the wolf that had left
qaveoraq." ("These wolves will surely kill the scene of the fray dragging its hind Mr. MONDALE. Mr. President, Presi-Vietnam have
the little wolverine") Uyatorna thought. quarters. He seems to have picked up the dent Johnson's policies is m from a vocal
The snarls of the wolves continued. They scent and proceeded to trail it. brought criticism
which claims a that
began to make feinting moves toward the "AYIIYAA," shouted Uyatorna. "Little minority, a forth loud
minority wolverine. Uyatorna was amazed at the lit- wolverine, you have done quite enough. I these policies do not have the support of
tle animal. He seemed to be aware of each will kill that wolf for you." le. But I am proud
feint. He showed great agility and he As he shouted, the hunter revealed himself the to report American that, p peopeople. u a recent u
seemed ready to meet each one. What if the above the rock formation. The animal saw
wolves attacked all at once in a mass of col- him instantly and bristled, baring his fangs. by the Minneapolis Tribune, a strong
lective fury? What chance has he got? Man was another sort of an enemy and the majority of Minnesotans and the do s action tand be-
THE ATTACK wolverine instinctively withdrew and ambled
away. taken in meeting this very difficult prob-
Even I as h wondered, one of the wolves Uyatorna walked around the rock and be lem,
atttack acked a s split second before the others. gan to pursue the wounded wolf. When he president Johnson has declared that
The wolverine met it in a surprising and un- came upon it, he shot an arrow through its
orthodox manner. The little animal ducked heart. He didn't bother to go after the one we must support the people of Vietnam
and appeared to go under the wolf. At that with a severed artery on its hind leg. It and their efforts to determine their own
instant there was a sickening, grinding snap had gone over a low rise and disappeared. destiny in the face of Communist ag-
oY bone. In a lightning-fast counter, the "If he hasn't bled to death by now, he gression. Fifty-eight percent of Min-
wolverine had gone for the left hind leg of will in a short time," Uyatorna voiced his nesotans clearly support this policy, com-
the attacker and closed his powerful jaws thought. pared to only 21 percent who oppose it.
on the thigh and bone. one with the shoulder wound had run
The victim yowled with pain and twisted The away with a bad limp and it was nowhere An even greater majority, 77 percent,
tefronnt in the air and one of the down hard nng to be seen. feel that the President's explanation of
the, contusing ro fro nfusings t. one fell at wolf's HEALTHY CARIBON the reasons for our commitment is a
g
leg hung The wounded
recognize the neces-
g from l ooselyeries of e blood squirt- and went
He was urprisede that it was it of my State And
ins from it is a series of jets.
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 19768
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-,SENATE August 16, 1965
city of sending more American troops to
'Vietnam at this time.
Results of the poll also indicate strong
support for the President's efforts to find
an alternative to war, his efforts to reach
a peaceful settlement through negotia-
tions which our Communist adversaries
still refuse to participate in.
Mr. President, I Ain proud that the
people of my State are so clearly in sup-
port of President Johnson's policies in
Vietnam. I ask unanimous consent that
the Minnesota poll of August 8, 1965, be
printed in its entirety in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the poll was
ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
[Prom the Minneapolis , (Minn.) Tribune,
Aug. 8, 19Q5]
FIFTY-EIGHT PERCENT APPROVE SENDING OF
TROOPS TO SOUTH.,. VIETNAM
Most Minnesotans (58 percent) support
U.S. policy of sending more troops to battle
in South Vietnam, a statewide survey by the
Minneapolis Tribune's Minnesota poll indi-
cates.
Thirty-one percent of the men and women
questioned in home interviews disapprove of
enlarging the Nation's role in Vietnam, as is
being done by the Johnson administration.
The rest of the people are undecided or
have special opinions to offer.
Approval is based mainly on the feeling
that "we have committed ourselves and have
got to end the war as soon as possible" or
that U.S. involvement in the war needs to be
increased to stop communism.
Such endorsements often are expressed
reluctantly in the survey. "I don't like the
idea, but we have to do it," a Bloomington
housewife said.
A farmer from Otter Tail County put it
not to feel locked. into.. their, previous opin-
ions when they were asked:
"President Johnson has said that the
United States is in South Vietnam to help the
people there secure their independence and
to show the world we. keep our promises to
fight for freedom. Do you think those are
good reasons or poor reasons for being In
South Vietnam?"
Per-
cent
Good reasons------------------------- 77
Poor reasons-------------------------- 14
Other answers------------------------- 3
No opinion--------------------------- 6
Total---------------------------- 100
Almost half of the people (47 percent) who
said on the earlier question that our partic-
ipation in Vietnamese affairs was based on
unsound principles thought the President's
explanation was good.
Here is a comparison of the two sets of
responses with the qualified answers and no
opinion count not shown:
(In percent]
U.S.
participation
All adults___________
Men
Women
Adults with grade school
training- _ --------------
High school ---- ------ ---,_-
College ___________ -
Democratic-Faruaer-La-
borites___________________
Republicans_______________
Independents__________
Sound
58
62
54
Not
sound
29
19
17
L.D.T.'s
reasons
14
16
12
this way: "I guess we got to finish what we The next question was: "We now have 7o.-
'Started, but were not wanted over there. It's 000 men in Vietnam. The U.S. ground
just like it was in Korea, all these boys killed forces will be increased to 150,000 troops,
and no real answer for It." many of whom will be taking an active part
Frustration over the difficult war in south- In the fighting. Do you approve or disap-
*8st Asia and dismay over losing American prove of our playing a larger role in the
lives there are the main factors which cause Vietnam struggle?
Minnesotans to disapprove of sending more
troops. [In percent]
What is expressed in the survey is a close ---I
approximation of how the general public in
the State reacts. That's because the 600 peo-
ple who were interviewed only 2 weeks ago
are an accurate model of the adult popula-
ti
on.
They reveal uncertainty about U.S. par-
ticipation over a decade in the affairs of Viet-
nam, although a majority of people (58 per-
00&t) think our reasons for helping South
i
V
etnam are sound.
The public is more in agreement when it
All adults--------------
Man --- ---------------
Woman___
Grade
High school ---_-_-----
Collepe_________________
DFL ers------- ?--------
Republicans----------
independents --------- _
Dis-
approve
Other
and no
opinion
- - ..,....e
se Each person who had an opinion was asked
South Vietnam; 77 percent say a paraphrase
of Mr. Johnson's remarks contain "good" why they approved or disapproved. These are
reasoning. their answers, the percentages being ex-
People were asked early in their interviews: pressed in terms of all people interviewed:
"Let's consider southeast Asia for a Approval: Percent
moment. The United States has been help- We committed ourselves and have
Ing South Vietnam since 1954. Do you think. got to follow through, must end
the reasons for our support are sound or war as soon as possible ----------- 40
not sound?" Must stop communism------------- 16
The replies: Per- Must keep promise to South Viet-
cent nam---------------------------- 4
Reasons are sound-------------------- 458 Other answers---------------------
R
easons are not sound---------------- 21 Disapproval:
Other answers-..---------------------- 3 They don't want our help and we
No opinion------------- ---------------------------- 18 don't belong; United States can't
Total---------- win anyway---------------------
----------------- 100 Nothing Is accomplished, we have
Interviewers then changed the subject and done enough there, should pull
asked several questions on other topics, a out or end it now--------------- 5
conversational maneuver that was specified We are losing too many lives------- 5
Must be another solution, the U.N.
on their question forms. should help ---------------------
That interlude afforded people a chance Other answers-_---___ 5
As an example, the above table indicates
that 40 percent of all the people interviewed
approve of sending more troops to Vietnam
because we have commitment to follow
through. Many persons supplied more than
one reason for their approval or disapproval.
CENTENNIAL OBSERVANCE OF
KALAUPAPA SETTLEMENT
Mr. FONG. Mr. President, 100 years
ago a tiny settlement was established on
the island of Molokai in the Hawaiian
Kingdom for the victims of leprosy, now
known as Hansen's disease.
Last week a 3-day centennial observ-
ance was held at the Isolated settlement.
Guests from the outside world were in-
vited by the nearly 200 active and inac-
tive patients for a luau-Hawaiian
feast-and a display of crafts made
there.
It is difficult to imagine now the pa-
thetic condition of those who were sent
to the settlement at Kalaupapa in the
early years. Into this valley of death
and despair came Father Damien, who
ministered to the afflicted until he him-
self succumbed to the disease.
The dramatic story of the Kalaupapa
settlement and the heroic sacrifice- of
Father Damien has been retold on this
centennial occasion in an article in the
Honolulu Star-Bulletin of August 11,
1965. Ably written by Tom Kaser, the
article describes the settlement as it was
and as it is today.
I ask unanimous consent to have
the article printed in the REcoRD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
KALAUPAPA MARKS A CENTURY OF ISOLATION
(By Tom Kaser)
KALAUPAPA, MOLOKAI.--You can't help but
feel a little humble at this place, especially
when you consider its geography and its his-
tory.
Kalaupapa, located on. a peninsula at the
foot of cliffs on Molokai's rugged north coast,
is one of only three centers for the treatment
of Hansen's disease (leprosy) In the United
States today.
Hale Mohalu, In Pearl City, and a U.S. Pub..
lie Health Service hospital in Carville, La.,
are the only other institutions in the coun-
try that exclusively treat communicable or
"active" cases of Hansen's disease,
It is possible that leprosy, as it was known
before 1874, was diagnosed In the Hawaiian
Islands as early as 1823, when a Protestant
missionary wrote in his journal that "cases
of ophthalmic scrofula and elephantiasis"
were on the increase.
The first officially recorded case of leprosy
in Hawaii was in 1853, and by the late 1850's
the disease had spread to almost epidemic
proportions.
King Kamehameha V finally declared, in
January 1865, that those afflicted with lep-
rosy must be Isolated, and the site chosen
by the board of health was a peninsula on
the north coast of Molokai.
For $1,800, the board bought most of the
land on the peninsula, including from 15
to 20 houses and rights to use nearby Wai-
kolu and Wainiha Valleys.
Nine men and three women were on the
first boat that arrived at the peninsula, on
January 6, 1866. Part of the group consisted
of kokuas or helpers. Also included was a
health department superintendent, but nei-
ther he nor several of his successors spoke
Hawaiian,
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whom they can make their case. I refer
to section 16, amending section 209 (e)
of the act. It is an amendment I had the
honor to offer.
I call attention also to an amend-
ment offered by the Senator from Ver-
mont [Mr. PROUTY], which he described
in his very interesting address, making.
the National Advisory Council under the
act really meaningful.
I call attention also to a very impor-
tant amendment, sponsored by the Sen-
ator from California [Mr. MURPHY] and
the Senator from Vermont [Mr. PROUTY],
with respect to the possibility of politi-
cal manipulation, which extends the
political activity restrictions of the Hatch
Act, now applicable only to State and
local officials operating under the act,
also to private persons whose salaries are
paid predominantly by the Federal funds
under the Antipoverty Act.
The Senator from Arizona [Mr. FAN-
NIN] offered an amendment specifically
including consumer education, which is
a crucial lack among the poor, in the list
of areas which community action pro-
grams are encouraged to cover.
I call attention to another amend-
ment which I had the honor to propose,
under which the public is given a greater
degree of information on the local level
than the House provided. It is found in
section 9 of the bill amending section
202(a) (5) of the act. It permits public
hearings at the request of appropriate
local community groups, as well as open-
ing books and records of a participating
agency to the light of day of the press,
radio, television, and other agencies of
public information, which can zero in on
what is being done in the programs. This
is the best carthartic I know of to deal
with excesses and inequities.
Another amendment which I had the
honor to offer calls for continuous con-
sultation with State antipoverty agen-
cies at every stage of the planning and
conduct of community action programs,
and is to be found in section 14 of the
bill amending section 209(a) of the act.
Too often, the office in Washington has
announced approval of programs which
the States have not seen before, this is
clearly unreasonable in those States
which are fully cooperating in the anti-
poverty effort.
We have not at all done what we ought
to do about the right of a Governor to
veto a proposed program. I feel that we
made a great mistake in wiping out al-
together the provision for a Governor's
veto. It was done by a close vote in the
committee; the vote was 8 to 7. We
should have left in the bill an effective
procedure, under a modified version of
the House provision. A Governor should
be given the opportunity to express his
disapproval, as he has every right to do.
If the Director wishes to override him,
there should be a public hearing, which
would put the Director of OEO in Wash-
ington to his proof. In short, the Gov-
ernor should not be permitted to kill a
program, but neither should his disap-
proval stand if the Director, in the court
of public opinion,'can prove his case.
That subject will probably be the most
serious one. we shall have to deal with
tomorrow and the next day in consider-
ing additional amendments with respect
to this legislation.
My colleagues, who also proceeded on
such amendments in the committee, will
be offering cuts in the authorizations of
funds. Whether or not I favor such
cuts, I believe the Senate should give
them serious attention, because it is true
we must not be profligate if there is no
opportunity to retain control over the
program.
In addition, there are "other amend-
ments with which we shall have to deal.
Finally, as I announced last week dur-
ing consideration of the conference re-
port on the Peace Corps, it is my inten-
tion to offer an amendment-and this
will be my final effort in this regard-to
confine the Director of the antipoverty
program, Sargent Shriver, to one job,
namely, his direction of the antipoverty
program. I feel that this subject should
not be labored unduly, but I feel we must
decide it in respect of how we want this
poverty program to operate.
Senators should bear in mind, if we
get into a discussion-and there are
many openings for one-in which it is
found that the administration of the pro-
gram was at fault, that we should under-
stand that we had an opportunity to cor-
rect the situation, and that we either
did or did not do it in an advised way.
I have grave concern as. to the propriety
and wisdom of continuing to let Sargent
Shriver-an excellent public servant-
carry both jobs. I deeply feel that it
will result in a serious diminution of
capability in bringing about success in
both jobs-and most likely it will be felt
most in the antipoverty program.
I therefore hope very much that the
Senate will express itself firmly and
finally on that subject. I shall be pre-
pared to argue the question of constitu-
tionality of such action taken by the
Senate, as I believe it is entirely consti-
tutional and entirely in accordance with
the powers and authority of the Sen-
ate-indeed, its duty-in this matter.
I look forward, therefore, to disposi-
tion of the amendments and the bill in
the spirit which I have described, the
spirit of being very much for the war
on poverty, and of understanding the pit-
falls which are involved and therefore
endeavoring,"by every means open to us,
MENDEL RIVERS, OF SOUTH -" his past, weekend, I submitted to the
CAROLINA task force an outline of my own views
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, on U.S. merchant marine policy. Rep-
earlier in the day, a Member of this body resenting as I do the great State of
launched an unbridled attack on the dis- Maryland, which contains the second
tinguished chairman of the House Armed leading port in the Nation, Baltimore, I
Services Committee, the Honorable MEN- have gained some experience in the prob-
DEL RIVERS, Representative of the -First lems of the maritime industry. This
Congressional District of South Carolina. experience has led me to certain conclu-
The subject of the attack on Representa- sions about our merchant marine policy.
tive RIVERS was a report of. a speech I submitted these conclusions to the
made by him in Hartford, Conn., Presidential Task Force for their consid-
on August 11, 1965. Representative eration. I would like to review these
RIVERS was quoted as saying: "I will policy suggestions in the Senate today.
insist on victory in Vietnam. Anything Before I make any suggestions about
short of that would be treasonable." He the U.S. merchant marine policy, how-
is further reported to have stated "that ever, I would like to discuss briefly some
Americans must be prepared to make the of the reasons why I believe that a vigor-
decision to attack Mao Tse-tung's home- ous and progressive policy is necessary.
land if Mao's forces start m_oving." The
Representative asked rhetorically:
"Should we use our atomic power to
wipe out Red China's atomic capabil-
ities?" He then stated, "We must get
ready to do this very thing if we want
to stop Red China."
These remarks were characterized on
the Senate floor as "so un-American as
to be abhorrent."
Mr. President, neither the distin-
guished chairman of the House Armed
Services Committee nor his remarks
need defense by me. Representative
RIVERS has long years of experience in
the field of military affairs from his dedi-
cated service on the House Armed Serv-
ices Committee. I should like to point
out that his independent and objective'
views have caused confrontation with
far more experienced officials, including
even the Secretary of Defense. I should
also like to point out, however, that the
distinguished chairman has been deal-
ing with military affairs firsthand, and
from a responsible position, far longer
than the Secretary of Defense, not to
mention his Johnny-come-lately critics.
In the final analysis, the American
people must judge what is and what is
not un-American. The President has
stated categorically that we are en-
gaged in a war in Vietnam. Representa-
tive RIVERS states that anything short
of victory in this war would be treason,
and his other remarks merely expressed
the hard realities of what may be neces-
sary to achieve that victory. I am sure
that Representative RIVERS is satisfied,
as I am, to leave it to the judgment of
the American people as to which is un-
American-victory in the war, or ap-
peasement of the enemy.
SUPPORT FOR U.S, MERCHANT
MARINE
Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, as
a friend of the American merchant ma-
rine, I am extremely interested in the
work of the Presidential Task Force on
Merchant Marine Policy, which is headed
by Alan S. Boyd, Assistant Secretary of
Commerce.
All the reports which have come to
my attention indicate that this task
force is conducting a most thorough in-
vestigation of the many and complex
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The declaration of policy of the mer-
chant Marine Act of 1936 set forth the
objectives of the Congress. Since these
objectives have since been obscured and,
in some instances, ignored, I would like
to quote from this declaration of policy:
It is necessary for the national defense
and development of its foreign and domestic
commerce that the United States shall have
a merchant marine (a) sufficient to carry its
domestic waterborne commerce and substan-
tial portion of the waterborne export and
import foreign commerce of the United
States and to provide shipping service on all
routes essential for maintaining the flow of
such domestic and foreign waterborne com-
merce at all times; (b) capable of serving
as a naval and military auxiliary in time of
war or national emergency; (c) owned and
operated under the United States insofar as
may be practicable, and (d) composed of
the best-equipped, safest, and most suitable
types of vessels, constructed in the United
States and manned with a trained and effi-
cient citizen personnel.
It is hereby declared to be the policy of
the United States to foster the development
and encourage the maintenance of such a
merchant marine.
I believe that these are worthy ob-
jectives. From the point of view of
national defense, there is no question
that a large and efficient merchant
marine, coupled with a healthy ship-
building and ship repair industry, can
make a major contribution to our na-
tional security. Vessels are needed for
troop transport: The entire First Cavalry
Division embarked for Vietnam last week
by ship. They are needed for supply
functions as well. Some 600 ships were
required to supply American troops in
Korea, and the present situation in
southeast Asia has demonstrated the
continuing need for such vessels. The
shipyards, both naval and private, must
also be ready, to activate and repair ves-
sels for service in the national defense.
The conclusion of the Harvard Business
School study for the Navy Department in
1945 still holds true today:
The controlling factor in the determina-
tion of the characteristics of sbippipg and
shipbuilding activities in the United Stites
in peacetime as well as in wartime is the
national security.
The value to U.S. commerce of a
healthy merchant marine is equally
clear. There will be gains in employ-
ment, in returns to the American econ-
omy, and in reliability if "a substantial
part" of our commerce is carried In U.S.
bottoms. This is particularly important
in light of persistent balance-of-pay-
ments difficulties. Yet today only 9 per-
cent of our foreign commerce moves in
American-flag vessels. Norwegian car-
riers transport twice as much of the
American foreign trade as U.S. flagships;
Liberia carries three times as much as we
do. And even from this poor position,
we are losing ground.
These concerns become all the more
urgent in view of the rapid buildup of
the fleets of other nations, most es-
pecially of the Soviet Union. The United
States ranks only fourth in the world
in number of ships afloat, even discount-
ing the disastrous effects of the current
maritime strike. The Soviet Union has
already surpassed us in number of ships
in the active fleet, and may shortly ex-
ceed us in total tonnage afloat.
While nations like Japan and Norway
are engaged In determined efforts to
build up their fleets, we are falling far-
ther and farther behind. We now rank
no higher than 11th among shipbuild-
ing nations of the world. The United
States-the leading trading nation in
the world-risks becoming low man on
the totem pole of international shipping.
The need, then, is clear. My sugges-
tions fall into four general classifications.
First. Probably most important is
the matter of subsidies. The Govern-
ment pays out nearly $400 million a year
in direct and indirect subsidies to the
shipping and shipbuilding industries.
Under normal circumstances, a nation
whose economy is based upon free enter-
prise regards a subsidy system as alien
and undesirable. It seems to me, how-
ever, that there are certain goals-the
ones enumerated in the 1936 act-which
can be achieved only through the main-
tenance of a healthy American shipping
and shipbuilding industry. Due to sev-
eral factors, notably the high standard
of living of American workmen, these
goals simply cannot be met without Gov-
ernment subsidy. It Is for this reason
that, although I sympathize with those
who dislike the general principle of Gov-
ernment subsidy, I feel that certain
forms of subsidy are essential in this
case.
Construction subsidies are an impor-
tant means of insuring the adequacy of
the merchant marine and of the ship-
yards. It seems to me to be advisable
to continue the present system of con-
struction differential subsidies to the
liner fleet. The U.S. liner fleet is the
finest in the world, due in large part to
the Government aid program-80 per-
cent of the 20-knot cargo liner vessels in
the world have been built and operated
in the United States. This part of the
program should continue, with up to 55
percent of the construction cost being
paid by the Federal Government.
The first Subcommittee of the Mari-
time Advisory Committee, after long and
careful study of U.S. needs, has concluded
that a bulk carrier construction aid pro-
gram is desirable. This has long been
my position.
Given the requirement that ships be
built in the United States, we must rec-
ognize that this county will never ac-
quire an efficient bulk carrier fleet with-
out Government subsidy. And it is most
certainly in the national interest that
such a fleet of dry bulk carriers be devel-
oped.
According to the analysis made by the
Presidential Task Force, the average cost
of each bulk carrier would be $11 mil-
lion, approximately half of it to be paid
by the Government. A fleet of 250 ves-
sels, to be built by 1985, has been sug-
gested.
Such a program would add $169 mil-
lion to the annual subsidy of nearly $400
million, at the outset, for a total expendi-
ture of approximately $570. million.
I do not believe that this is too large a
price to pay for the development of a
bulk carrier fleet, which can be of in-
estimable value to this country in the
future. Moreover, as the Maritime Ad-
visory Subcommittee has pointed out:
Much of the cost will be recouped by the
Government through additional revenues.
A substantial portion of every dollar
of subsidy will return to the Government
in the form of income or corporation tax.
I would not presume to give detailed
advice as to the number and design of
such vessels, of course. But I believe that
subsidy for such construction would be
highly appropriate. It would undoubedly
prove to be one of the best investments
that this Government could make.
It might prove necessary, once the
contruction of the new dry bulk carriers
is completed, to grant an operating sub-
sidy to this segment of the fleet as well.
I would propose, however, that no such
action be undertaken until a detailed
study of the requirements had been com-
pleted. With the modernization of the
fleet and the continuation of the cargo
preference assistance, the dry bulk car-
riers might well prove to be self-support-
ing. Y
I have already cosponsored in the Sen-
ate a bill S. 1858, which would allow the
creation of tax-free reserve funds for the
construction of new vessels. The enact-
ment of such a proposal would provide
construction assistance to the other non-
subsidized shippers. The continuation of
present trade-in procedures is also to be
recommended. Taken together, this
construction assistance for liners, dry
bulk carriers, and others would provide a
well-rounded program of modernization
of the U.S. cargo fleet.
Another important area in which
Government assistance is given is that of
operating subsidies. :Due to the high
standard of living of American seamen,
there appears to be no alternative to con-
tinued operating subsidies, if we are to
continue to hire American crews and op-
erate ,vessels under the American flag.
These subsidies must therefore be con-
tinued. '.
It may be noted, however, that a sig-
nificant increase in construction sub-
sidies, s}tch as I have urged, would pro-
duce a much more modern and efficient
American fleet. This in turn would re-
duce the amount of operating subsidy
needed.
Second. Another area in which the
Government can be of great assistance
in promoting a healthy merchant ma-
rine is the policy of cargo preference.
Public Law 664, enacted in 1954, pro-
vides that at least 50 percent of U.S.
Government-generated cargo shall be
carried in American flag vessels, if such
vessels are available at "fair and rea-
sonable rates." Public Resolution 17,
enacted in 1934, declares that all agri-
cultural products financed by U.S. loans
shall be delivered in U.S. vessels, if they
are available. In addition, all military
cargoes must be shipped on American
flag ships.
Three years ago, the late President
Kennedy reaffirmed the importance of
this cargo preference, stating in particu-
lar that the 50 percent requirement "is a
minimum, and It shall be the objective
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of each agency to ship a maximum of tion is labor-management relations. As The Defense Department can aid.the
such cargoes on U.S. flag vessels." I told a Senate subcommittee, the labor maintenance of a strong private shipyard
Despite this explicit Presidential order, situation has been chaotic in recent industry in another way: By guarantee-
there have been numerous occasions on years. I strongly feel that something ing a substantial portion of the naval
which the requirement has not been must be done about this deplorable situ- repair and conversion work to the pri-
met. - ation-operating as far as possible with- vate yards. The 65/35 provision form-
Rather than detail the instances, I in the framework of free collective bar- erly included in the annual Department
would merely cite the 1962 report of the gaining. of Defense appropriation would be an
Commerce Committee on this subject: I concur heartily with what Secretary effective means of guaranteeing a mini-
All too often, the committee has felt, there of Commerce Connor said at the Mer- mum of 35 percent of such work to pri-
has been evidenced in at least several of the chant Marine Academy last week: vate yards.
administrative departments an apparent de- In our system of free, competitive enter- The proposals which I have made would
sire on the part of those responsible for prise, I would prefer to see a diminishing not be without cost to the Federal Gov-
shipping arrangements to evade the cargo Government role and an expanding private ernment. If adopted, they might raise
preference requirement whenever opportu- rol in the maritime industry. But so long the present total annual maritime eX-
nity offered. as the Government is involved--so long, for penditure substantially. But a nation
instance, as the Government is called upon
Close congressional supervision has to pay 72 cents or more of every dollar in which can afford $5.2 billion for space,
resulted in some improvement of the sit- wages aboard subsidized ships-the voice of it seems to me, can also afford to spend
uation since then, but American cargo the Government must and will be heard. sufficient funds to insure an adequate
shipping is still in a weak and rapidly merchant marine.
deteriorating condition. The temptation When the Government and the tax- And it would be short-sighted indeed
for Government agencies to ship in for- payers of this country have as big a to assume that funds spent to assist the
eign bottoms at lower rates still appears stake in the maritime industry as they maintenance of our merchant marine are
to be, strong. do-to the extent of nearly $400 million funds lost. Not only will they produce
I, therefore, feel that a reaffirmation annually they have a right to expect an effective and efficient merchant ma-
and extension of the cargo preference some stability in labor-management re- rine for wartime and peacetime activity,
policy would be appropriate. The U.S. lations, and some continuity in the serv- not only will they save the United States
merchant marine cannot remain healthy ice for which they are paying a large substantial amounts of dollars on her
without substantial amounts of cargo. part of the bills. International balance of payments, not
The U.S. Government, which is the im- I believe that the Government should only will they provide jobs for American
mediate beneficiary of a strong merchant require a no-strike clause in the labor seamen and shipyard workers, but they
marine in time of emergency, should be contracts of all construction and Opera- will be paid back to the Government, in
the first. to give the American ship- tion which it subsidizes. Only in this large part, in the form of taxes. Thus
pers that cargo. I, therefore, propose manner can some continuity of service the additional spending which would be
that 75 percent of this Government's be insured. % entailed would represent a relatively
cargo be shipped in American bottoms. I would like to make it clear that I am small but very important investment-
I have respectfully urged the task force not proposing compulsory arbitration of one of the best investments, in my judg-
collective bargaining issues. When a
to make such a recommendation. ment, which the Government could make.
In addition, of course, I believe that contract comes up for negotiation, there In summary, my proposals would in-
the Congress should continue to oversee should be free and unimpaired collective volve additional subsidies, increased
carefully the administration of the cargo bargaining, aided perhaps by Federal cargo preference, provisions for labor
preference laws. As a member of the mediation if such mediation would assist peace, and placing of work in American
Merchant Marine and Fisheries Subcom- in preventing a work stoppage. shipyards. The cost would not be pro-
mittee, I will do my utmost to see that But once a contract has been agreed hibitive; the results, I believe, would be
all Government agencies comply with upon, issues which arise during the life of great advantage to this Nation.
these regulations whenever practicable. of the contract should be settled by arbi- Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, will the
The first subcommittee of the Mari- tration-not by strike or by lockout. Senator yield?
time Advisory Committee made a recom- And I respectfully submit that the Fed- Mr. BREWSTER. I am very happy to
mendation that not less than 30 percent eral Government should make this a yield to the distinguished senior Senator
of all petroleum and petroleum products prerequisite of any construction or op- from Oregon.
imported into the United States be car- erating subsidy. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I com-
ried by U.S.-flag tankers, where they are Fourth. Lastly, I offer several re-com- mend the Senator from Maryland for
available. mendations which bear on the Govern- the speech he is making. I associate
I agree with the subcommittee that ment's policies toward the private ship- myself with his speech.
such a regulation would not be unduly yEVds of the Nation. I think it should be I tell the Senator that, as in years
harsh on petroleum importers, and that the general objective of the Government gone by, he can find me on exactly the
it might aid significantly in restoring our to encourage the growth and continued same side that the senior Senator from
tanker fleet to some semblance of health of the private shipyards. Maryland is taking.
strength. At present, American flag- This can be accomplished in several I believe that the senior Senator from
2.3 of shim carry only this . the e y we ways. I would oppose a total ban on the Maryland is unanswerably right, and e can, and imports
should, this do countr much y. better Surely than n purchase of any vessels abroad, but i that the speech he is making is needed.
can, should, that no such purchases in for- I hope that the Navy and the Defense
that.
general, I feel that the Government eign shipyards should be made without Department and the White House will
should expand and intensify its efforts careful consultation with the Congress. take note of his remarks.
to promote shipping in American bot- Twice during the past year, such pur- Mr. BREWSTER. Mr. President, I
toms. Some of these efforts can be di- chases have been suggested. The gen- thank my distinguished colleague. I
rect: Through an expanded and strictly eral rule-to be reached only under ex- appreciate the fact that he joins with
enforced cargo peference program the ceptional circumstances-should be that me and lends his great prestige to the
cost of which may be reduced as increas- no work which could be done in Ameri- point of view that I am now raising and
that he has so loAa espoused.
.ping rates into line with foreign rates. tial American construction and repair
Other efforts can be indirect: The capacity, should be given to foreign
Maritime Administration's continuing yards. VIETN T'NA1VOR R SENATOR
promotion, "for trade or trips, American This rule should apply to Defense GOLDWATER'S COLUMN
ships" is an example. Such a dual pro- Department contracts as well as those of Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, a col-
gram, efficiently administered, would the other agencies. Moreover, the re- umn written by a former Member of this
greatly strengthen the American mer- quirement that subsidized ships be built body, Barry Goldwater-I believe that
chant marine. . in U.S, yards is reasonable and very most of us still remember him-was pub-
Third. The next general area of mar- much in line with the 1936 declaration lished in the New York Herald Tribune
itime policy which I feel deserves atten- of policy. for August 15 and in other newspapers
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 19828 Approved For Rele Ag# tr%,p`I[L[~MBO04iiRD0130013-1 August 16, 1965
which publish Mr. Goldwater's column.
While it is highly critical of me, I ask
unanimous consent to have it printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SCREWBALL IDEAS
(By Barry Goldwater)
Senator WAYNE MORSE, of Oregon, sug-
gests that there is a rising demand among
the American people to impeach President
Johnson. He made this astounding an-
nouncement recently in the Senate.
Senator MORSE, who is noted for going to
any lengths to make a point In favor of his
own position? claimed that this is due to
the administration's Vietnam policy, which
he opposes.
"In my trip across the country," the Ore-
gon Democrat told his colleagues on August
3, "I have been alarmed by the rising de-
nuciation of the President and his adminis-
tration for their Vietnam policy.
"I have heard the word 'impeach' used
more often in the last week than I have
heard it since President Truman sacked Gen-
eral MacArthur.
"I have been asked by more people than
I would have thought possible if there is not
grounds for impeachment of the President,
and how the process can be set in motion.
I have been advised about petitions that
have been circulated and hundreds of peo-
ple are signing asking for the President's
impeachment," he stated.
"Much of this talk stems from objections
to a war being undertaken without congres-
sional declaration. Most of these people see
the President as waging an executive war
in violation of the Constitution. They think
the impeachment clauses of the Constitu-
tion must apply to such a case."
Senator MORSE accused President Johnson
in the same speech of conducting an illegal
war in Vietnam. He added:
"In my judgment, we cannot jutify the
homicides for which the President or Rusk
or McNamara or Bundy or Lodge and the
rest of them are responsible in conducting
an unconstitutional war In South Vietnam."
These statements, coming from a Demo-
crat, raise some interesting questions.
One wonders just who Senator MORSE
talked to during his trip across the country.
Since all the public opinion polls show
the American people overwhelmingly sup.
port the President's policy in Vietnam, it
must be concluded that the Senator spent
his time consulting the intellectual extrein-
latA who keep suggesting that the President
Is "out of control" because he has decided to
stand firm against Communist aggression in
Asia. It is safe to assume that most Amer-
icans never heard the suggestion of im-
peachment until senator MORSE cut loose.
What did he expect to accomplish by his
remarkable statement?
He carefully says that he was "alarmed"
by what he heard. But It is important to
note that his concern did not prevent him
from giving the widest possible .circulation
to a ridiculous suggestion of removing the
President.
Senator MORSE also coupled his comments
with a demand that the administration give
heed to Congressional critics of its Vietnam
policy and that the Congress remain in ses-
sion so that the stream of criticism can con-
tinue for the remainder of the year.
Senator MORSE should pause to consider
why people with such an qutlandish idea as
impeachment of the President should seek
him out for questioning. Such charges as
once accusing administration officials of
homicide make him the logical repository
for screwball ideas.
This certainly should be the source of his
concern. It proves beyond any doubt that
the fax-left critics of President Johnson's
foreign policy have become irrational in their
objections and that they are running far
beyond the bounds of intelligent debate.
They are certainly "out of control."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I could
not find a better recommendation for my
position on any issue than to discover
that Goldwater is against it. The reason
why he made such little imprint on
American public opinion in 1964 is well
illustrated by the tactics to which he re-
sorted in publishing this article.
I should like to suggest to Mr. Gold-
water that, he give instructions to his
ghost writers at least to tell the whole
story. However, we do not expect that
from Mr. Goldwater and his ghost
writers.
Mr. President, the column takes great
exception because I painted out in the
Senate that there are those in this coun-
try who seek to resort to impeachment
proceedings against the President of the
United States because of his undeclared,
unconstitutional, and illegal war in
southeast Asia. But, there Is not a word
in the Goldwater distortions to show
that I made perfectly clear that I com-
pletely disagree with the position taken
by those talking about impeachment.
The first reference to communications
which I received, and discussions which
I have heard concerning impeachment,
was in reference to comments I made in
the Senate on August 3 setting forth
again as I have so many times, my dis-
approval of the President's executive
handling of the conduct of the war with-
out the slightest constitutional authority
to do so. I pointed out in that speech
of August 3 that the President has come
under criticism for conducting a war
without a declaration of war. Further,
I pointed out that it should be evident
that if Congress goes ahead with its
present plan to adjourn by Labor Day,
or shortly thereafter, the war in Viet-
nam will be even more completely an
executive war than it is now, because
Congress, at least at the present time, if
it wills, has the constitutional checks
which it can apply to the President, the
Department of State, and the Depart-
ment of Defense.
I also pointed out that Congress cod
do more to protect the President from
impeachment talk if it remained in ses-
sion, because it would be in-a position to
exercise its checking function; whereas
with Congress out of session for 3 or 4
months, the President, would be exposed
to rising charges that he is conducting
a war without reference. to the Consti-
tution.
During the past few weeks I have said
over and over again that I believe the
best friends of the President in Congress
are those who wish to keep Congress in
session. I have suggested that if Con-
gress feels that its schedule permits it
to take a recess of 4, 2, or 3 weeks at a
time, It might consider doing that, but to
adjourn sine die would be something
different.
I do not believe we can morally justify
adjourning Congress sine die with
American boys dying in southeast Asia
In a war that could spread rapidly.
We have a clear duty, connected with
our positions of public responsibility, to
stay in session, if it is for no other re a-
son than to remain here to participate
in our constitutional duties as a cheek
upon the executive branch of the Govern-
ment under our system of three coequal
and coordinate branches of government
while a war, even though in this instance
an unconstitutional war, is being fought
and supreme sacrifices are being made.
There is not the slightest reference in
the Goldwater trash that he published
in his column yesterday about the speccki
I made on August 4. He quotes from my
August 3 speech. On August 4 I repeated
the language to which Goldwater refers
from my August 3 speech. Then I went
on to say, quoting from my August 4
speech:
Then I went on to make a statement as
why, in my judgment, Congress should not
adjourn sine die but should remain in ses-
sion until January 1, I pointed out that
we should remain in session and carry out
our constitutional responsibility of serving
as a legislative check upon- executive action.
There are those, judging from the inter-
views with the press today, and from tele-
phone calls that the senior Senator from
Oregon has received, who interpret my re-
marks as indicating that I advocate the im-
peachment of the President.
Of course, such an interpretation is
nonsense.
Then I proceeded to develop my rea-
sons for opposing any suggestion about
impeachment, and set out the contents
of the letters that I had sent out in
answer to such suggestions, in which I
made perfectly clear that I thoroughly
disapprove of any impeachment pro-
posal.
I ask unanimous consent that certain
excerpts from the August 4, 1965, speech
be printed at this point in my remarks.
There being no objection, the excerpts
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, yesterday I said
In a speech on the floor of the Senate.
"Mr. President, in my trip across the coun-
try and back since I spoke on the floor of the
Senate last Wednesday, I have been alarmed
by the rising denunciation of the President
and his administration for their Vietnam
policy. I have heard the word "impeach"
used more often in the last week than I have
heard it since President Truman sacked
General MacArthur. I have been asked by
more people than I would have thought pos-
sible if there is not grounds for impeach-
ment of the President, and how the process
can be set in motion. I have been advised
about petitions that have been circulated
and hundreds of people are signing asking
for the President's impeachment.
"Much of this talk stemsfrom objections
to a war being undertaken without congres-
sional declaration. Most of these people see
the President as waging an executive war,
in violation of the Constitution. They think
the impeachment clauses of the Constitution
must apply to such a case."
Then I went on to make a statement as
to why, in my judgment, Congress should
not adjourn sine die but should remain in
session until January 1. I pointed out that
we should remain in session and carry out
our constitutional responsibility of serving
as a legislative check upon the executive
action.
There are those, judging from the inter-
views with the press today, and from tele-
phone calls that the senior Senator from
Oregon has received, Who interpret my re-
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marks as indicating that I advocate the
impeachment 9f the President.
Of course, such an interpretation is
nonsense.
Mr. President, I have been receiving a great
deal of mail in regard to this matter and
many people have talked to me at meetings
at which I have spoken in opposition to the
President's war in Vietnam. I have been
answering all of the mail on the impeach-
ment matter with a letter that contains these
two paragraphs. I read two paragraphs from
a letter dated July 6, 1965. I have sent simi-
lar letters before and since that time: ?
"In your letter, you asked me for my views
concerning your suggestion that steps should
be taken to impeach President Johnson and
perhaps some other officials. It is my view
that such an impeachment attempt would
be a very serious mistake. All it would do
would be to divert attention away from the
basic issues involved in American foreign
policy in Asia and center attention on Presi-
dent Johnson, as an individual. It would
cause many people who disagree with his
foreign policy to rally behind him, because
they would consider such a movement to be
an ad hominem approach. Attacking John-
son, personally, will not change his course
of action, and it will not win supporters for
a change of foreign policy in Asia, but to
the Contrary, it will drive supporters away.
In my opinion, there is no question about
Johnson's sincerity or his patriotism or his
desire for peace. It Is Johnson's bad judg-
ment and mistaken reasoning in respect to
the war in Asia that constitute the basis of
the crucial problems that confront us in try-
ing to get a change in Johnson's policies in
Asia. To attack him, personally, by propos-
ing impeachment would be the most seri-
ous personal attack that could be made upon
him. It would rally the Nation behind
him and result in his policies being escalated
into a major war at a much faster rate.
Those of us who oppose Johnson's foreign
policies must meet his views on their merits.
We should never attack him, personally."
I wish the RECORD to show that this letter
represents the position the senior Senator
from Oregon has taken in all correspondence
on the subject. Also, it represents my an-
swers to questions on impeachment at all
rallies I have attended, and in all my con-
versations with those who urge impeachment
of the President.
Those that I have talked to and who have
written to me suggesting impeachment of the
President are not extremists in the sense
that they are irresponsible persons. Many
of them are on the faculties of American uni-
versities. Many of them are out of the pro-
fessional life of our Nation.
I have no intention of joining them in such
a program. Neverthless, I believe it is a
significant fact that there is growing discus-
sion in this country of an attempt to stop
the President from his illegal war in south-
east Asia, even to the extent of circulating
impeachment petitions.
Mr. MORSE. I merely wish to say in reply
to the Senator from Ohio that it is not at
all surprising for people in the country who
think the President is following an uncon-
scionable and illegal course of action in
South Vietnam to turn to the Constitution
and look for what procedural protection
they have. They have a perfect right to turn
to the impeachment procedure. I believe
that they are making a great mistake in
judgment. I, of course, would defend them
in their right to exercise their constitutional
rights. But, in one sense, I should like to
say to the Senator from Ohio that until the
President follows his constitutional obliga-
tion by coming before this body and asking
for a declaration of war, the President is en-
gaged in an illegal war. It is a war now con-
ducted by the Chief Executive, in South
Vietnam without a scintilla of constitutional
right. This Congress is likewise guilty of
violating its duties under the Constitution
by seeking to delegate to the President a
power that it cannot constitutionally dele-
gate. It is the duty of the Congress under
article I, section 8, either to declare war or
to stop the President . from slaughtering
American boys in southeast Asia. I have no
doubt that impeachment talk will increase
if the President qontinues to conduct an un-
constitutional war.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, let me
make very clear that the more Barry
Goldwater attacks me the better I like
it, because that will only show how right
I am. He was dead wrong throughout
the campaign in his shocking proposals
for military action which would have in-
volved us in a major war in Asia. It is
with great regret that I find my Presi-
dent has followed to too great a degree
the very unsound position that Gold-
water took during the campaign.
I still hope, upon further reflection
and as more and more evidence comes in
with respect to the great concern that
exists throughout the country with re-
spect to our military course of action in
southeast Asia, that my Government will
return to the framework of international
law and that we will put the members of
the United Nations on the spot by for-
mally submitting the entire subject to
the Security Council, and in that way
find out who it is who really believes in
substituting the rule of law for military
might as a means of settling disputes
which have raised this serious threat to
the peace of the world.
THE DEADLOCK IN CONFERENCE
ON THE FOREIGN AID AUTHOR-
ZATION BILL
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, as the
country now knows, the Senate confer-
ees and the House conferees have been
in deadlock over the foreign aid author-
ization bill. The Senate committee and
the Senate adopted the Fulbright-Morse
amendment to the foreign aid bill. The
first part of the proposal submitted by
the Senator from Arkansas would au-
thorize a 2-year extension of foreign aid.
The second part, the amendment which
I offered-and which I have offered for
several past years-seeks to bring the
present program of foreign aid to an
end. The date of my amendment this
year was the beginning of fiscal year
1967. In the intervening period a
thorough study of foreign aid would be
made by a special committee, to the end
of starting a new foreign aid' program
on the basis of new rules and procedures
and policies, to the extent that the old
program needs to be changed, as found
by that study; and the objective should
be that the new program should seek to
limit the foreign aid program to 50
nations, although we made very clear,
as the RECORD will show at the time the
Senate debated the matter, that there is
nothing 'fixed about the figure 50, and
that if the study showed that it ought to
19829
be a higher number or a lesser number,
another number ought to be selected.
Mr. President, it is highly significant
that the Foreign Relations Committee
this year formally adopted my amend-
ment. The present Presiding Officer of
the Senate [Mr. LONG of Louisiana], a
member of the Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, knows that for the past 2 years
serious consideration has been given to
the Morse proposal. In my two dissent-
ing reports in the past 2 years on foreign
aid I pointed out that the majority in
their report was kind enough to point
out that their feeling was there had been
great errors in foreign aid, but that they
felt the administration should be given
a further opportunity to bring about the
necessary changes and reforms.
The Presiding Officer knows that in
the past 2 years I have said that the
majority of the committee had made my
case for me, and that when they admit
that reforms are necessary it clearly be-
comes the responsibility of the Foreign
Relations Committee to make recom-
mendations for reforms.
This year, in contrast to the majority
position of the last 2 years, the commit-
tee started adopting some reforms. The
Fulbright proposal for a 2-year authori-
zation, coupled with the Morse proposal
for ending the program at the beginning
of fiscal year 1965, and starting a new
program, was really a matter of major
moment in connection with foreign aid.
Without disclosing any privileged mat-
ter, as the papers have stated, the For-
eign Relations Committee met last week,
on August 12, with the Secretary of
State, Mr. Rusk, and the director of for-
eign aid, Mr. Bell, and they discussed the
impasse that has developed between the
Senate conferees and the House con-
ferees, and it was pointed out that there
was a deadlock.
The Presiding Officer knows that dead-
locks are resolved. The Presiding Officer
knows that someone will recede.
I say to my colleagues in the Senate
that I pay high tribute to the chairman
of the Senate conferees, the Senator
from Arkansas [Mr. FULBRIGHT]. I am
indeed proud of the insistence of the
Senate conferees in conferences with the
House, in their attempt to work out a
conscionable accommodation of the dif-
ferences which exist between the two
conference groups.
We also know that the administration
has put on the heat. The administration
wants a conference report. I can under-
stand that. However, I believe that in
getting a conference report, unless the
suggestion I am about to make is ac-
cepted, the end result will be closer to
what the House wants than what the
Senate has passed. I hope not, but that
is my fear.
I have made clear that I cannot vote
in conference for the renewal of the old
program. The American people are en-
titled to something better. I believe that
the real friends of foreign aid should
insist on something better. In my judg-
ment, if we continue foreign aid on the
basis which has characterized it in the
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past,. the American people will rise up
against it at the polls and make perfectly
clear to the Members of Congress that
they are fed up with it.
They should have done it several years
ago. Since 1946 we have had a program
costing some $111 billion which is so
honeycombed with inefficiency and
shocking waste, and is the cause of so
much corruption in so many parts of the
world,that it ought to be stopped. I be-
lieve the military aid aspects of foreign
aid explain to a remarkable degree some
of the serious plights in which the United
States finds itself in those areas of the
world where strong anti-American feel-
ing is developing; and more of that is
entering. I mention it in passing
tonight only because I wish to say that
those of us who are insisting upon a
reform of foreign aid are the true
friends of foreign aid. Officers of
the present administration who wish to
continue foreign aid as it has been will,
in my judgment, run into such strenous
opposition from the American people that
they are the ones who will do great
damage to the positive, affirmative
aspects that could characterize a sound
foreign aid program.
I shall not sign a conference report and
I shall not vote for a conference report,
as I made very clear to the conference,
and as I have made very clear heretofore
in the Senate, that is merely a conference
report that would give the American tax-
payers more of the same-more waste,
more inefficiency, more corruption, and
more expedients to postpone the' day of
reckoning .,in the underdeveloped areas
of the world. So I have-proposed a con-
tinuing resolution on foreign aid on a
temporary basis until there can be some
crystallization of a foreign aid program
that will at least include some procedures
therein which will make it possible for
us to go ahead with the reform of foreign
aid.
But, It is said, "What about Vietnam?"
Let us face it. Vietnam no longer has
anything to do with the foreign aid pro-
gram. Vietnam is in a class by Itself.
The funds for Vietnam are included
in the foreign aid bill, but everyone knows
that, in the months ahead, we shall re-
ceive requests from the administration
for additional funds for Vietnam, and
those measures will be passed.
I do not believe, in connection with
the continuing resolution with respect
to foreign aid, that Vietnam presents
any sound argument against such a con-
tinuing resolution.
What we should do is to give consid-
eration to a continuing resolution on
foreign aid. The Senate ought to con-
sider a continuing resolution rather
than a new foreign aid bill which, in my
judgment, would entrench more deeply
the existing evils of our present foreign
aid bill. I make these comments today
because I wish to make them as a mat-
ter of public record in the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, and to express the hope that
my President, the Secretary of State,
and the directcr of foreign aid, Mr. Bell,
will give careful thought to the sug-
gestion.
I am not alone in making the sugges-
tion, because other members of the com-
mittee, in effect, said in the presence of
the Secretary of State the other day that
they would like to have the Department
of State be prepared to advise us as to
what insurmountable problems would be
created by such a continuing resolution,
if any-and I do not believe there are
any.
It is better for the Senate and for the
House to adopt a continuing resolution
of aid as it now exists rather than to go
ahead and adopt a new foreign aid bill
before we have had the time to make the
necessary reforms or time to make the
necessary reforms for a new foreign aid
program. So I make that suggestion
tonight in the hope that the administra-
tion will consider it. If a conference
report based upon a receding by the Sen-
ate conferees, or a majority thereof,
comes to the floor of the Senate, it will
stir up a considerable discussion in the
Senate and in the country, because the
public generally, in my opinion, wishes
foreign aid cfeaned up.
The bill before us for conference with
the Fulbright-Morse amendments elim-
inated would give the American people
no hope for cleaning up of foreign aid
under that bill. The Senate should con-
sider and adopt a continuing resolution
because of a deadlock in conference and
because there is a growing recognition of
the situation on the part of the confer-
ees, the members of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee, and Members of the
Senate; and the sentiment is also preva-
lent in the House. There is one House
conferee who goes even further than I
go In regard to foreign aid. He would
lead one to believe that he would be per-
fectly willing to end it for all time.
Interestingly, I consider myself a
stronger advocate, or an advocate of
foreign aid as strong as any Member of
the Senate, bar none, but an entirely
different type of foreign aid than has
been fleecing the American taxpayers
out of billions of dollars for so many
years.
So if we really wish to be friends of
foreign aid, the Senate and the House
ought to support a resolution that would
continue, for another year, foreign aid as
it was administered under the old bill.
Such action would not prevent it from
being adopted with the clear understand-
ing that Vietnam is excluded, and Viet-
nam will be considered by itself in the
light of the needs as that illegal war
progresses.
ADJOURNMENT
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, if there
is no further business to come before the
Senate at this time, I move that the
Senate adjourn until 12 o'clock noon
tomorrow.
The motion was agreed to; and (at 6
o'clock and 8 minutes p.m.) the Senate
adjourned until tomorrow, Tuesday,
August 1.7, 1965, at 12 o'clock meridian.
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Brother E. L. Schovajsa of Temple. We were
delighted to talk briefly to the group and
meet the students individually. They are a
well-mannered, alert, and pleasant group of
young people. Their instructor is Brother
John L. Chervenka, who is principal of Rogers
High School, and also teaches Spanish.
Czech I is taught the first year and Czech II
the next. Last year's Czech I class numbered
23; this year's Czech class numbers 10, which
is about normal. The classes use the Mikula
text, published in 1936. No State funds are
available for the purchase of newer or revised
texts, because of a State education require-
ment that before a free text can be supplied,
over 10,060 students must be enrolled in a
particular course in the State. The class is
very short on dictionaries. Your editor
promised that he would try to help them out
in this regard. A good Czech-English and
English-Czech dictionary is available through
the Czechoslovak Publishing Co., here in
West, for a price of $6. Here is a good chance
for someone who wants to do something good
and worth while for the cause of the Czech
language and its survival in what is probably
the last outpost of Czech instruction in the
whole United States of America. Anyone
wishing to purchase this dictionary for the
permanent use of Rogers High School Czech
classes may do so by making out their check,
payable to the Czechoslovak Publishing Co.,
indicating on the check what it is for, and
we will do the rest. The Vestnik will publish
the list of donors, and if -you'd like, we'll
insert the name of each donor in the dic-
tionary. A lot of people wax strong about
the sad plight of the Czech language here in
Texas. Here then, is a direct way to aid the
cause. They need your help. How about it?
Now is the time to prepare for the fall school
semester.
Brother Chervenka is a member of SPJST
Lodge No. 69, New Colony, and is doing a
fine job with these young people, considering
the tools he has available. His brother, Cal-
vin, is also an SPJST member, and teaches
at Temple Junior College. The SPJST is
well represented among the young people at
Rogers High.
Our sincere thanks to Brother Schovajsa
for his invitation, and to Brother Cher-
venka, students and faculty at Rogers High,
our congratulations, and may every success
be yours. -
The following article appeared in a recent
issue of the Temple Daily Telegram, and we
are indebted to Brother Leonard D. Mikeska
for calling our attention to it.-Editor.
CZECH LANGUAGE CLASS AT ROGERS ONLY ONE
IN NATION -
(By Beth Allen)
RoGERs.-A teenage boy stood in front of
a class .last week and read a newspaper arti-
ticle about President John F. Kennedy pub-
lished on the first anniversary of his assas-
sination.
But he's not a member of a civics class
whose time-sense is out of whack.
He's a member of the only public high
school Czech class in the Nation and he'd
already read the article in Czech. Now he's
translating.
The article appeared in the Vestnik, the
Czech-English newspaper published in West,
in central Texas, and the student is a mem-
ber of the' Czech II class at Rogers High
School.
The Vestnik is used as a supplementary
text. J. L. Chervenka, who teaches the class,
said they have about a year's supply of old
Vestniks theyeised for reading.
The State-adopted text is the oldest in
the State, according to Chervenka. It was
published back in 1936 and adopted in 1937
and is loaded with drills but has little read-
ing matter. -
Because it's the only public high school
Czech class in the Nation, the Rogers class
finds reading matter a little hard to come tifully commemorates the former Presi-
by. Hence, the use of the Vestnik. dent and made him live again by apply-
However, persons who want their children ing his principles and his beliefs toward
to learn some foreign language in high school
other than Spanish and French, probably today's major problem, Vietnam.
shouldn't dash out and move to Rogers. Under leave to extend my remarks, I
Unless their children speak Czech at home submit for inclusion in the RECORD Mr.
they might find the sledding a little rough. Nixon's speech because I believe the
Texas has a large number of citizens of points he makes and the course he charts
Czech origin, many of them only second should be brought to the attention of the
or third generation native Texans, and Congress:
many of these citizens live in and around
Rogers. HERBERT HOOVER 91ST BIRTH DATE COMMEMO-
So Czech at Rogers High School is not ac-
tually taught as a foreign language, Cher-
venka said.
Most of the students already speak Czech
by the time they enroll in the course. How-
ever, they are actually illiterate in the lan-
guage, just as English-speaking students are
illiterate in English until they study it in
school. In other words, they can speak it
fluently, perhaps with faultless grammar,
but can't read or write the language.
So the emphasis in the Czech classes
(Czech I is taught one year and Czech II the
next) is not on obtaining a basic vocabulary
and learning the grammar from scratch, but
enlarging the students' vocabularies and im-
proving their grammar.
The textbook is used to provide grammati-
cal rules and drill. The Vestnik provides
practice in reading aloud in Czech and trans-
lating from Czech to English and from Eng-
lish to Czech. Mr. Chervenka uses a program
with "a lot of original writing in Czech.
These Czech themes are reproduced and dis-
tributed to the class for translation to
English.
Last year's Czech I class numbered 23.
This year's Czech II class is smaller, as is
usual with language classes. There are 10
in the group.
The credits these students earn are ac-
cepted in colleges across the land as foreign
language credits.
Chervanka also teaches Spanish at Rogers
High School and is principal.
The class was first organized in the fall of
1957 and has been offered every year since
then on the alternating basis.
B. F. Harbour, superintendent of schools,
figures Rogers High School is a fine place to
offer the course, "About 85 students out of
the 205 enrolled in high school are Czech,"
he said.
Rogers' unique place in modern language
instruction came to light in a nationwide
survey made by a language association. A
school in Illinois listed the course, but no
current class was reported. .
Students enrolled in Czech II this year are
Margaret Malina, Johnnie Elsik, Willie Jana-
cek, J. W. Pechal, Shirley Pekar, Anton
Hutka, David Vanicek, Calvin Motl, Linhart
Pechal, and Edward Skrabanek.
Hoover's 91st Birth Date
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
RATIVE PROGRAM, WEST BRANCH, IOWA, AU-
GUST 10, 1965
(Address by Richard M. Nixon)
This distinguished gathering, honored by
the presence of General Eisenhower, is in
itself, an eloquent tribute to one of America's
greatest leaders. The honor which has been
accorded to me to add to that tribute pro-
vides a wide and rich choice of subjects.
For over 50 years Herbert Hoover walked as
an equal among the giants of the earth.
We could honor him for his service as Pres-
ident of the United States.
We could honor him for his achievements
as an engineer and as an author.
We could honor him for his contribution
to the cause of more efficient government
through the reports of the Hoover Commis-
sions on Government Reorganization.
We could honor him for the selfless service
which earned him worldwide recognition as
the great humanitarian of the 20th century.
But, great as were his achievements, Eu-
gene Lyons was probably correct in conclud-
ing that Herbert Hoover will be remembered
more for what he was than what he did.
In terms of public esteem, never has one
man fallen so low and risen so high. Thirty-
three years ago he left the White House
vilified by his enemies and forsaken even by
some of his friends. Like Secretary Rusk,
he had learned how viciously cruel so-called
scholars can be in writing of their contem-
poraries.
In that dreary March of 1932, Herbert
Hoover - could well have been described as
the "man nobody knows." This warm, kind,
generous, shy, witty, and progressive human-
itarian was painted as a' cold, heartless, self-
ish, aloof, humorless reactionary.
But time has a way of healing the wounds
inflicted by excessive partisanship. If the
commentators of the decade were cruel, the
historians of the century will be kinder.
Before his death he became a living example
of the truth of the words Sophocles wrote
2,000 years ago. "One must wait until the
evening to see how splendid the day has
been."
His legion of friends can be forever grate-
ful that Herbert Hoover was one of those
rare leaders who lived to hear the over-
whelming favorable verdict of history on
his public career.
No words can add luster to the special
place he has earned in the h
t
f
ear
s o
his
ountrymen. But let it be noted that for
ix on Herbert generations to come his magnificence in ad-
HON. GLENARD P. LIPSCOMB
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. LIPSCOMB, Mr. Speaker, on
August 10, 1965, former Vice President
Richard M. Nixon delivered a commemo-
rative speech in West Branch, Iowa, as
part of his tribute to one of our greatest
Americans, former President Herbert
Hoover. This remarkable address beau-
versity will be an everlasting example to
those who would achieve greatness. A lesser
man would have lashed back at his critics.
But, Herbert Hoover was one of those unique
individuals who was capable of great anger
against corruption, brutality, and evil but
never against people.
His serenity, in the face of the most brutal
attacks, in the end made his detractors seem
like pygmies and allowed his fellow Ameri-
cans to see even more clearly the great char-
acter of the giant who walked among them.
To limit my remarks on this occasion to
a discussion of his achievements would cer-
tainly be appropriate. But the highest trib-
ute a nation can pay to one of its great men
is to honor his principles in the adoption of
national policy. In that spirit, let us test
our policy in Vietnam against the foreign
policy principles of Herbert Hoover. -
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.August 16, 1965 proved FoC_0NGRESSI 0A/R/ n&%_ PP-
A4539
ico City, in which the United States partici- spiration to accelerate my efforts in carry- The State chamber also pinpoints such
gated, for welding all the Americas together, Ing out the high ideals and principles of the other reasons as these: "The State's remark-
and to preserve for the Western Hemisphere Eloy Alfaro International Foundation of the ably abundant supply of fresh water, r, natural
and
all are , forest and s
oil, the out-
the Pan American unity of freedom loving Republic of Panama. resources, field,
out-
people, that would be the perpetual har- May I now call my wonderful and charming climate contributing, toward
binger against the attempt of any form of wife, Emily, and the rest of my married chil- standing industrial record."
despotism to plant the tyrant's heel on even dren and grandchildren, to come to the plat- Of special direct interest in Mobile is the
the tiniest portion of the soil of our Pan form to share this honor with me and you. I relation between the statewide industrial
American nations, as the. Soviet Union and wish at this time to pay a special tribute and growth of Alabama and the growth of ship-
Dr. Castro have actually done in Cuba, in thanks to my charming wife, and helpmate, ping through this port.
violation of the Monroe Doctrine. who has been my inspiration and help, which "Alabama's well diversified industrial base
Were General Alfaro alive today, he would enabled me to efficiently carry out my re- helps stimulate foreign trade through the
be a zealous supporter of the work and pro- sponsibilities as your imperial potentate, Port of Mobile," the report in the August
groin Af the United Nations. This great during my term of office during the 1964 to Bulletin reminds.
Ecuadorean statesman and dedicated leader' 1965 period. "Rubber, coffee, sugar, jute and iron ore
would have left no stone unturned to assure, I wish to again express my personal appre- pass through the port going to Alabama
for all the peoples of the world, that hope elation to Sir Barney Collins, now imperial plants. In turn, Alabama made products
and peace and good will to all men that is potentate for the period from 1965 to 1966, are loaded on ships at the State docks to be
our common heritage from, our common Dr. Herman A. Bayern, American provost, transported to world markets.
Creator. and ambassador to Irving L. Mermer, illus- "Alabama manufacturing firms which par-
This foundation was organizeed to per- trious potentate, Mecca Temple, and to all ticipate in direct export trade cover almost
petuate and further the political and moral other members of Mecca Temple, who par- the entire range of industrial activity and
values of the Americas advanced by General ticipiated in conferring this award on me. are located in every partof the State."
Alfaro, for whom the foundation was named, I hope and pray that we may have peace Completion of the 40-foot Mobile Bay ship
and who at the turn of-the century was the in our time. channel, makiNat oobileilhar or equips of the
this
President of Ecuador for two terms.
The philosophy of General Alfaro was based Industrial seaport to serve world trade, a
principally on service to his fellow human The Real Alabama-Part XLV good fortune not only for the port itself and
beings, and to the cause of international the rest of Alabama but for vast outside
peace. areas both in this country and abroad.
The public and private activities of Im- EXTENSION OF REMARKS
perial Sir O. Carlyle Brock, imperial poten- or
tate, comes within the framework of the
kind of service to humanity, and particularly HON. JACK EDWARDS Czech Language Taught at Rogers, Tex.,
in his extraordinary service to the shrine and of ALABAMA High School
the Shrine hospitals for North America. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
In recognition of this fact, the ruling body
of the foundation grants you, Imperial Sir Monday, August 16, 1965 EXTENSION OF REMARKS
highest Brock, imperial potentate, its Mr. EDWARDS of Alabama. Mr. OF
aighest honor-the Eloy Alfaro Grand Grand Cross
and Diploma. Speaker, capital investment in the State You are now among the elite and select of Alabama amounted to more than $1 HON. RALPH YARBOROUGH
group of humanitarians who have been simi- billion in the past 28 months. OF TEXAS
larly honored by the foundation in the past. Translated into terms of job opportu- IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
They include the late Presidents F. D. Roose- nities, this means a total of more than Monday, August 16, 1965
invest-
velt, J. F. Kennedy, and Herbert Hoover, and 45,000 jobs created by this capital invest-
the late General of the Armies,}Doifglas Mac- ment in a State where economic progress Mr. YARBOROUGH. Mr. President,
Arthur, former Presidents Eisenhower and
Truman, and President Lyndon Johnson, is solid and consistent. some time ago, one of my distinguished
Vice ce President FIUNIPBRET, Irving L. Mermer, More on this subject is presented in colleagues in the Senate expressed con-
Ray Holtz, FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover, the following editorial from the Mobile cern and disappointment over the fact
Governors Rockefeller and Harriman, Sena- Register newspaper of August 10, 1965: that no high school in the United States
tors MANSFIELD and. DIRKSEN, along with Im- TEN-STRIKE FOR STATE IN INDUSTRIAL GAINS taught Czech language as a credit course.
perial Sir Barney Collins, who typify the Alabama has scored a 10-strike in excess of I would like to point with pride to a
caliber of men who have been theretofore a billion dollars in industrialization progress recent article in the newspaper Vestnik
honored. in approximately the past 2 years. for Wednesday, June 2, 1965, which de-
honor now Imp is the privilege and This notable achievement is brought to at- scribes the Czech language course at
uthonor our call upon imperial potentate, Sir Barney Col- tention by the Alabama State Chamber of Rogers High School in Rogers, Tex.
digni- y Commerce In the August issue of its monthly This central Texas town is the only high
out , o the ur next determination imperial po, of carry
Cur-
taries o to invest Imperial of Sir the O. Carlyle boarsBrock bulletin.
with the Eloy Alfaro Grand Cross and Di- A July survey by the State chamber de- school in the teaches Czech United S as atates that credit cur-
ploma. veloped the fact that the past 28 months new
and expanded industrial projects announced guage course, and it has been offering a
ACCEPTANCE OF SIR O. CARLTLE BROCK for Alabama amounted to more than $1 bil- course in Czech since the fall of 1957.
Dr. Bayern, American provost, members of lion in capital expenditures. To describe the teaching of Czech at
the Imperial Divan, Illustrious Protentates "Business and industrial leaders have ex- Rogers High School, I ask unanimous
of the Temples for North America, distin- pressed their confidence in Alabama's future consent that the two articles on page 3
guished guests, my charming wife, children with this tremendous capital investment out- through 5 of the Wednesday, June 2,
and grandchildren, and fellow nobles of the lay and it will benefit every segment of the 1965, issue of the newspaper Vestnik be
Shrine for North America. State's population and form a base for great-
I am overwhelmed and from the bottom er future growth," says the State chamber printed in the Appendix of the RECORD.
of my heart, I wish to express my apprecia- of commerce. There being no objection, the article
tion to all my fellow Nobles from Mecca Tern- "Leader In industrial exiiansion and devel- was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
ple, particularly the ambassadors from Mec- opment in the entire Southeast in 1964, Ala- as follows:
ca, who have honored me this afternoon with bama broke all records with a whopping $406 CZECH CLASS AT ROGERS HIGH SCHOOL
the top honor of the Eloy Alfaro Interne- million announced total capital investment town of Rogers
tional Foundation of the Republic of Pan- for newand expanded industries, the largest has The been small receiving Central some Texas rather unusual pubs
ama, with the Eley Alfaro Grand Cross and total reported by any Southeastern State.
Diploma. "When these new and expanded industrial licity in recent weeks, as the nationwide
I was thrilled when Sir Barney Collins, my facilities are put into production, they will foreign language survey. It seems that
successor, bestowed this high honor on me. offer 45,720 additional job opportunities." Rogers High School is the only public high
I accept this award, not for myself alone, but school in the United States that currently
Three keg factors in the rapid industrial teaches Czech as a credit language course. A
850, for all leader 0 I had Nobles the of North America, as growth of Alabama are summed up in this school in Illinois was listed as offering Czech,
whose ltdfr privilege 964 to 1 5, a and serving observation in the report: but no enrollment in the course.
our great fraternity for
re-
a t, to our "The magic of materials, markets and man- It was an honor for your editor to be re-I pled newly el l e myected continued
imperial ued cooperation, potentate. power is continuing to attract manufactur- cently invited to address this year's Czech
newly
To be able to join this select and elite tom- ing?> class at Rogers High School. The occasion
pany of those distinguished recipients who These, of course, are by no means all of the was the annual and traditional evening
have been honored in the past, is Indeed a reasons why Alabama it progressing so fast luncheon sponsored by a very good friend of
high honor, and I shall regard it as an in- industrially. the Czech language and Czech culture,
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It would be presumptuous to say what
position he would take on Vietnam if he were
alive today. But the principles which would
guide him in making that decision ring out
true and clear from the record of his public
statements.
Speaking at the Republican Convention in
Chicago in 1944, he said:
"We want to live in peace.
"We want no territory.
"We want no domination over any nation.
"We want the freedom of nations from the
domination of others.
"We want it both in the cause of freedom
and because there can be no lasting peace if
enslaved people must ceaselessly strive and
fight for freedom."
There was no fuzzymindedness in his
analysis of the cold war. To him the choice
between communism and freedom was crys-
tal clear. He said: "The world is divided by
opposing concepts of life. One is good, the
other is evil."
Yet, while he hated the Communist idea
the great humanitarian had no hatred for
the Russian people. It was his leadership
after World War I which-helped feed and save
the lives of millions of Russian children.
In summary, the principles which Herbert
Hoover would apply in making a foreign
policy decision could be summed up in one
sentence. He wanted peace, freedom, non-
intervention, self-determination, and prog-
ress for all peoples and all nations.
America's critics at home and abroad con-
tend that our policy at. Vietnam is diametri-
cally opposed to every one of these principles.
They contend that America is intervening
in a civil war.
They contend that we are fighting a losing
battle to perpetuate white colonialism in
Asia.
They contend that we are on the side of
reaction, resisting the forces of change and
progress.
. They contend that we are increasing the
danger of world war III.
Even among the majority of Americans
who support our policy too many seem to
believe that we had no business getting in-
volved in Vietnam in the first place and that
all we can hope or try to do is to make the
best of a bad situation.
There is no reason for Americans to be
defensive or apologetic about our role in
Vietnam. We can hold our heads high in
the knowledge that-as was the case in.
World War I, World War II, and Korea-we
are fighting not just in the interests of
South Vietnam or of the United States but
for peace, freedom, and progress for all
peoples.
This is not a case of American intervention
in a civil war. We are helping South Viet-
nam resist Communist intervention.
We are not attempting to impose American
colonialism in Vietnam. We are there to pre-
vent Communist colonialism'and to preserve
the rights of self-determination without
outside intervention for the people of South
It is true because, if aggression is rewarded
those who advocate the hard line in Peiping
and Moscow will have won the day over those
who favor peaceful coexistence, and we shall
be confronted with other Vietnams in Asia,
Africa, and Latin America.
It is true because, if the Communists gain
from their aggression in Vietnam, all of
southeast Asia would come under Commu-
nist domination, and we would have to fight
a major war to save the Philippines.
A crucial issue is being decided in Viet-
nam: Does the free world have an answer
to the Communist tactic of taking over a
free country not by direct attack as in Korea,
not by winning a free election, but by fo-
menting and supporting a revolution? If
this tactic proves unsuccessful in Vietnam,
the steady Communist march to world dom-
ination will be halted. If it succeeds, the
Communists will have the green light for
conquest by support of revolution all over
the world, and we will be helpless to stop it.
This is one of those critical turning points
in history. Today Russia and Red China are
not allies. Red China without Russia is a
fourth-rate military power with no signifi-
cant nuclear capability. Five years from now
the two Communist giants may have patched
up their differences. Even if they have
failed to do so, Red China will then have a
dangerous nuclear capability.
Time, therefore, is not on our side. If
the Communist aggressors are not stopped
now, the risk of stopping them later will be
infinitely greater.
Too much of the discussion on Vietnam
has been in the dreary terms of day-to-day
tactics, of targets to be hit or excluded, of
the cost involved.
It is time for all Americans to raise their
eyes proudly to the great goals for which we
are fighting in Vietnam.
We are fighting in Vietnam to prevent
world war III.
We are fighting for the right of self-deter-
mination for all nations, large and small.
We are fighting to save free Asia from
Communist domination.
We are fighting for the right of all people
to enjoy progress through freedom.
We are fighting to prevent the Pacific from
becoming a Red sea.
To achieve these goals, Americans must be
united in their determination not to fail the
cause of peace and freedom in this period of
crisis.
The noisy minority which constantly talks
of the need to make concessions to the Com-
A4541
must insist that where the security of the
United States is directly threatened by inter-
national Communist aggression, the final
policy decision must be made by the United
States and not by the United Nations.
We respect the views of nations who choose
to remain neutral in the struggle between
communism and freedom. But in evaluating
those views let us remember that no nation
in the world could afford the luxury of
neutrality if it were not for the power of the
United States.
The struggle will be long. The cost will
be great. But the reward will be victory over
aggression and a world in which peace and
freedom will have a better chance to survive.
Herbert Hoover's record gives us guidance
also with regard to our future policy when
peace finally comes in Vietnam.
The man who hated communism helped
save the lives of millions of Russian people
living under communism after World War I.
The man who hated dictatorship set up
the Committee for Small Nations to aid the
people forced to live under Hitler's dictator-
ship in World War II.
Herbert Hoover took a dim view of trade
or aid programs which might strengthen the
power of dictatorial governments over their
people. That is why he insisted that Ameri-
can aid to the starving Russian people be
administered not by the Communist govern-
ment but by the American Relief Adminis-
tration which he headed.
We must continue to step up our air and
sea attacks on North Vietnam until the Com-
munist leaders stop their aggression against
South Vietnam. But completely consistent
with that policy would be the establishment
now of an American Committee To Aid the
People of North Vietnam.
What I am suggesting is not a govern-
ment-to-government program which would
simply strengthen the domination of the
Communist Government of North Vietnam
over the people o that unhappy country but
a people-to-people program. The American
people, through contributions to such a
committee, would send to the people of
North Vietnam food, medicine, clothing, and
her materials which would help them re-
cover from the devastating destruction of
war.
If the government of North Vietnam raised
objections to allowing an American agency
to administer the program, the distribution
of supplies could be undertaken by an in-
dependent agency like the International Red
munist aggressors in order to gain peace are Certainly a program of this type would be
defeating the very purpose they claim to in the great humanitarian tradition of Her-
serve. This kind of talk discourages our bert Hoover.
friends, encourages our enemies, and pro- As we consider the problems we face, let us
longs the war. r.ot overlook one great factor which is work-
The Communists do not have to be told ing in our favor in Asia.
that we are for peace; they have to be con- Twelve years ago, the Communist propa-
vinced that they cannot win the war. ganda in Vietnam and in other free Asian
We shall agree to any honorable peace but nations was based on one major theme-
on one issue there can be no compromise: choose communism and you will enjoy a bet-'
There can be no reward for aggression. ter way of life.
Porcine the Solith Vietnamese into a coali- Today that propaganda line no longer has
the Vietnamese people; the Communists are be a reward for aggression. tong in Vietnam do so not because they like
fighting against progress. One of the rea- Neutralizing South Vietnam would be a communism, bu` because they fear it.
sons the South Vietnamese have been will- reward for aggression. In the past 12 years the only nations i i
ing to fight so long and so bravely against Forcing the South Vietnamese to give up southeast Asia and the Pacific which have en-
the Communists is that they know that any territory to the Communist aggressors joyed sustained economic progress are those
North Vietnam, under communism is an eco- - would be a reward for aggression. in which freedom has been given a chance----
nomic slum. The per capita income of South History tells us that a coalition govern- Japan, South Korea, Taiwan, the Philippines,
Vietnam under freedom is twice as high as ment would be only the first step toward Thailand, and Malaysia. The economic fail-
that of North Vietnam. a complete Communist takeover. ures have been Communist China and Com-
The greatest fallacy is the contention that Neutralization, where the Communists are munist North Vietnam and Burma and In-
U.S. policy in Vietnam increases the danger concerned, as we learned .in Laos, would donesia-both of which chose the Socialist
of war. On the contrary, stopping Commu- mean-we get out, they stay in, they take road to economic bankruptcy.
nist aggression will reduce the danger of war. over. There is a lesson in this record for America.
Failing to stop it will increase the danger Attempting to buy peace by turning over At a time when other nations are turning
of war, territory to the Communist aggressors would toward freedom, let us not turn away from it.
This is true because, if the Communists only whet their appetite for more. Herbert Hoover spoke eloquently on this
gain from their aggression, they will be en- We welcome the interest of the United subject at West Branch on his 75th birth-
couraged to try it again. Nations in seeking a settlement. But we day:
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"A splendid storehouse of integrity and been advocated for years by Senator KARL
freedom has been bequeathed to us by our MUNDT, Republican, of South Dakota, are
forefathers. Our duty is to see that that encouraged by the progress It has made this
storehouse is not robbed of Its contents. summer.
"We dare not see the birthright of posterity The Freedom Academy bill, a measure to
to independence, initiative, and freedom ,of
choice bartered for a mess of a collectivist
system."
Again on his 80th birthday he returned to
the same theme:.
"It is dinned into us that this is the cen-
tury of the common man. The whole idea
is another cousin of the Soviet proletariat.
The uncommon man is to be whittled down
to size. It is the negation of individual dig-
nity and a slogan of mediocrity and uni-
formity.
"The greatest strides of human progress
have come from uncommon men and women.
"The humor of it is that when we get sick,
we want anuncommon doctor. When we go
to war, we yearn for an uncommon general.
When we choose the president of a university,
we want an uncommon educator.
"The imperative need of this Nation at all
times isthe leadership of the uncommon men
or women."
And, just 1 year ago on his 90th birthday,
he reminded his fellow countrymen again for
the last time: "Freedom is the open window
through which pours the sunlight of the
human spirit and of human dignity."
We were privileged to have lived in the
same century with this uncommon, extraor-
dinary man. As we meet in this typically
American town, in the heartland of our
country, may we honor his principles as we
pay tribute to his memory.
gram to meet political warfare needs in the
global struggle against communism, has been
given unanimous approval by the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
Although the bill, introduced by Senator
MUNDT, in 1959, had won Senate approval in
1960 It had been victim of a legislative jam
in the House.
With reintroduction in the House and Sen-
ate this year-under Senator MUNDT's guid-
ance-the bill received a helpful recommen-
dation from the committee report.
The report outlined the effectiveness and
history of Communist efforts in political
warfare and detailed the fact "there is a se-
rious gap in the defenses of the United
States, and the non-Communist world gen-
erally, on the political warfare front." It
said: "There is a vital and pressing need for
an extensive and thoroughgoing program of
education, research, and training in this area
to close the gap."
In additional argument in favor of the bill
the committee report said:
"Clearly, if freedom is to remain a dis-
tinguishing characteristic of our civiliza-
tion, if world peace and the national Interests
of the United States are to be preserved,
communism must be decisively countered
and checked * * ?. (MeCommunists have
developed) a new form of warfare which has
enabled them to render conventional mili-
tary power ineffective in many situations.
The new form of warfare is variously re-
Freedom Academy Bill Advancing
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. KARL E. MUNDT
OF SOUTH DAKOTA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. MUNDT. Mr. President, unani-
mous committee approval in the House
of the Freedom Academy bill has stimu-
lated greatly expanded Interest in and
support for the Inauguration of this
badly needed program for training Amer-
ica's peacetime operatives in the cold war.
Likewise, our continuing problems in
Vietnam provide a daily reminder of the
deficiencies involved in a national pro-
gram which relies too greatly on guns
and bombs, on blood and bullets, to win
enduring victories which cannot be ob-
tained without a sharply revised and
reenforced approach to the problems
of training our friends in South Vietnam
on the important and imperative tech-
niques required to maintain a stable,
sound, and strong civilian government
capable of preserving the victories won
in a shooting war.
South Dakota, newspapers have with
great unanimity expressed their ap-
proval of the Freedom Academy ap-
proach and I ask unanimous consent that
there appear in the Appendix of the
RECORD a recent editorial from the Aber-
deen, S. Dak., American News under the
heading of "Freedom Academy Bill
Advancing."
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FREEDOM ACADEMY BILL ADVANCING
South Dakotans, aware of the merits of
the Freedom Academy proposal that has
ferred to as nonmilitary, political, unconven-
tional, total, or fourth-dimensional warfare,
protracted conflict, etc. ? * * Communist
capabilities in this new type of warfare are
the result of a massive development and
training program which began decades ago,
in secret, conspiratorial meeting and has
been continued in and through a vast net-
work of so-called political warfare or political
training schools.
"The challenge to the United States and
its allies today is not to atomize the military
installations and capital cities of world com-
munism. Rather, It Is to meet the Commu-
nists on all fields of battle in this new form
of warfare and emerge victorious in order
that nuclear war may be prevented * ? S.
(The United States) has led the organiza-
tion and development of the free world's
military * * s. It is imperative that it now
take the lead in developing its total de-
fense by closing the serious gap that exists
on the front which ? * * could be as decisive
as the military front * * ?. fit. is essential
that a thoroughgoing program of research,
education, and training in the area of Com-
munist political warfare be established."
Developments In world affairs since Sena-
tor MUNDT started his campaign for the Free-
dom Academy bill should strengthen the
support for it.
Many Americans would like to see Congress
approve the bill without further delay.
Military Construction Appropriation Bill,
1966
HON. JULIA BUTLER HANSEN
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 10, 1965
The House In Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (H.R. 10323) making
appropriations for military construction for
the Department of Defense for the fiscal
year ending June 30, 1966, and for other
purposes.
Mrs. HANSEN of Washington. Mr.
Chairman, last November the Depart-
ment of Defense announced closure of
several bases. Among them was an Air
Force radar station at Naselle In Pacific
County in my congressional district in
the State of Washington.
The contemplated closure of this 13-
year-old Naselle air base will remove
from Pacific County 180 military and 20
civilian workers and their families with
a payroll of more than $1 million-about
8 percent of the annual nonfarm in-
come.
Estimates indicate that about 350 per-
sons will be affected. Naselle School Dis-
trict will lose 81 students and undoubt-
edly also will lose Federal payments for
their education as other school districts
have lost such funds when defense bases
have been deactivated.
Total population of :Pacific County in
1964 was approximately 14,000 and the
loss of the personnel now manning and
serving Naselle Radar Station will mean
that a substantial percentage of the
population will be lost to this area.
For many years Pacific County has
been one of the depressed areas under
the criteria developed by the Area Re-
development Administration. On Feb-
ruary 1, the unemployment rate was ap-
proximately 17 percent.. It has not risen
above that mark for more than a few
months in the last decade. Thus, the
significance of the radar site at Naselle
to the economic health of the community
is readily apparent.
The Air Force invested considerable
money in this installation. It must be
presumed that its technicians knew
what they were doing when in 1950 this
base was built as an aircraft control and
warning installation on top of a 2,000-
foot mountain at a cost; of about $6 mil-
lion. -These technicians must have
known also what they were doing when
an additional $650,000 was invested to
convert the equipment to a SAGE heavy
radar site.
Again, the Air Force technicians must
have known what they were doing when
in 1962 a further sum of $72,000 was
invested in an improved communications
system which was placed in service on
November 15, 1962.
Further confidence in the Naselle site
was evidenced by the Air Force when in
1963. the Naselle site was selected as a
key link in the improved communica-
tions system now being built by the Air
Force.
At this time, we should be reminded,
also, that this Naselle Air Radar Station
has an outstanding record. It has been
operating when others in the immediate
vicinity had broken down or in some
way had failed to carry out their in-
tended mission.
Consistently, the efficiency of the base
has ranked high among similar installa-
tions.
I would like also to quote from a let-
ter I received from Mr. Carlton Appelo,
manager of the Western Wahkiakum
County Telephone Co., dated January
18, 1965:
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August 16, 196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
Alleviation of America's great social prob-
lems, however, is'a matter of the head as
well as the heart. And we can't help feel-
ing like passengers on a bus whose driver
is vague on just where he's going, but is
hell-bent to get there.
Considering the speed wl which this
legislation went through the Congress it
can also be reasonably said that the
questions raised by this editorial have
not been fully considered. In addition,.
the magnitude of the commitment to
Vietnam is a new element that must be
weighed into any discussion of legisla-
tion which will increase expenditures.
Before Congress is asked to expand or
create new legislation in these areas it
was recommended that the questions
raised by this editorial be given utmost
consideration.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
submit the editorial for inclusion in the
RECORD:
GREAT SOCIETY BLUEPRINT NEEDED
When President Johnson signed the $7.5
billion housing.bill Tuesday, he promised
still further steps to "lift off the conscience
of our affluent Nation the shame of slums
and squalor, and the blight of deterioration
and decay."
His remarks were directed to housing and
urban renewal, but they also reflect Mr.
Johnson's broader determination that this
year's harvest of Great Society legislation is
only the first installment.
Presidential task forces are already out
scouting for ideas on what problems should
become the next targets of concern by a
benevolent Washington.
When Mr. Johnson speaks of building a
better America, one in which the poor and
disadvantaged can increasingly share, he is
stating goals to which all compassionate
citizens can subscribe.
Alleviation of America's great social prob-
lems, however, is a matter of the -head as
well as the heart. And we can't help feel-
ing like passengers on a bus whose driver
Is vague on just where he's going, but is hell-
bent to get there.
After years of argument reaching back into
the New Deal, medicare and Federal aid to
education have been voted into law. Enact-
ment of rent subsidies, and creation of the
Job Corps and related programs, mark an
unprecedented enlargement of Federal re-
sponsibilities.
Now the President is promising more of
the same, while searching out new programs
to make America a more pleasant, as well as
more universally prosperous, place to live.
The Times has given qualified support to
most components of President Johnson's war
on poverty, and we applaud his efforts to lift
up the quality of American life.
However, aside from the question . of
whether some of these activities are better
left to the States and cities, we are bothered
by the atmosphere of haste, and the lack of
any clear idea of just what Mr. Johnson's
Great Society will look like when it's com-
pleted.
Does the President intend for medicare
coverage to be extended later to lower age
groups? (No one knows now what the pres-
ent measure will cost.);
What is the measure of inadequate hous-
ing? Since there will always be some people
who have poorer housing than others, at
what point does the rent subsidy program
stop?
Politics being what it is, it is naive to ex-
pect answers to these questions and others.
But surely this is a time for consolidation
rather than motion for motion's sake.
The Vietnam war, inevitably, will compete
for funds to a degree still to be determined.
e a
ected Indian tribes. It
Then, too, the administration could keep would takke 59,000 acres of land off local
itself gainfully occupied for some time just
straightening out the kinks in programs en-
acted this year-the well-intentioned but
poorly planned war on poverty being the
prime example.
Is Udall Scalping the Indians?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, it is
most interesting to find that gradually
the newspapers are beginning to criticize
some of the actions of this administra-
tion in order that their readers may have
an opportunity to see both sides of these
questions. Friday evening in the Wash-
ington Star James J. Kilpatrick sets
forth a situation concerning one of our
Indian tribes and what the Secretary of
the Interior has in mind in promoting
public power to the disadvantage of the
Indians.
On July 29th the Portland Oregonian
had an editorial entitled "Hazard of Ly-
ing," which is most interesting. These
two articles follow:
[From the Washington Star]
IS UDALL SCALPING THE INDIANS?
(By James J. Kilpatrick)
Getting back to Stewart Udall:
In June, the Secretary of the Interior dis-
tinguished himself, if that is the right verb,
by filing with the Federal Power Commission
one of the most remarkable petitions for
intervention ever filed with that body. His
object is to prevent the Duke Power Co. from
investing its own money, to build its own
dams, on its own property in South Carolina;
his idea is to compel the company to rely
instead upon a Federal power project on the
Savannah River-a project that may never
be authorized at all. ?
In July, the Secretary did it again. This
time his target is the Montana Power Co. and
the circumstances here are more outrageous
still. Udall's object in Montana, unless he
has changed his mind in the last 8
months, is to prevent the construction of two
dams on the Flathead River in the Flathead
Indian Reservation, in order to keep alive
his ambition to see the Knowles project
built with Federal funds.
The controversy in Montana, stemming
from development of the 'Columbia River
Basin, is of ancient vintage.
Briefly, the facts are that the Army Engi-
neers want to build for the Bureau of Rec-
lamation a. high-level storage 'dam at
Knowles, in the northwestern corner of the
State. The structure is a power project;
virtually no benefits are claimed for flood
control or recreation. While only 256,000
kilowatts would be generated at the site,
the dam's usefulness in regulating water
flow would firm- up the capacities of other
structures downstream. In testimony be-
fore a House committee in June of 1963,
Udall strongly endorsed the project. The
Senate, under the urging of MIKE MANSFIELD,
went along with him; but the House repudi-
ated the venture overwhelmingly in Decem-
ber 1963.
Opponents of the Knowles project made a
solid case. The dam would cost somewhere
between $273 million and $325 million, with-
out counting payments that would have to
be made to th
ff
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tax rolls, flood 9,000 acres of irrigated farm-
land, inundate a part of the famed National
Bison Range, displace 1,300 persons, and re-
quire the relocation of 35 miles of railroad
and 115 miles of highway. By the most con-
servative estimates, the project's annual
costs would be $11 million, its annual reve-
nues only $2.3 million. Conceivably, the an-
nual losses could run much higher-in the
neighborhood of $12 to $14 million a year, or
$1.24 billion over the. Army Engineers' 100-
year estimated life.
Fifteen months passed. In Marclr of this
year, the Salish and Kootenai Tribes of the
Flathead Reservation, in conjunction with
Montana Power Co., flied an unprecedented
application with the FPC. They themselves
proposed to build the two alternate dams
on the Flathead River, on sites that would
be flooded if Knowles were ever built. These
two run-of-the-river dams would cost only
$42 million; they would generate 240,000
kilowatts; guaranteed revenue from sale of
the power to the Montana Power Co. would
pay off the indebtedness and produce an in-
come to the tribe of at least $250,000 a year.
Only a handful of persons would be dis-
placed. Jobs would be created during con-
struction for 300 men. And annual taxes
would be created of $2,772,000.
On July 28 Udall intervened, with the
evident purpose of stopping the Indians'
venture in private capital and self-help.
One final note: These Indians are Udall's
wards. He has the fiduciary responsibility
for protecting their rights under a treaty
dating from 1855. But wearing his other
hat, as boss of the Bureau of Reclamation,
he proposed to compel them to give up a
large part of their reservation, to accept un-
stated compensation for the flooding that
would be caused by Knowles, and to sacrifice
the substantial income that would result
from the Montana Power Co. contract.
This is power madness. It is a cruel scalping
of the Indians-and of the taxpayers, too.
[From the Portland Oregonian, July 29, 19651
HAZARD OF LIVING
As this newspaper said at the time, no one
believed that Averell Harriman, the durable
troubleshooter for American Presidents, had
gone to Moscow for a vacation, as he and the
State Department and President Johnson.
insisted.
What purpose was served by this fiction
we are unable to discern. The State Depart-
ment now has admitted that it paid the
expenses of its Ambassador at large, not only
on his visit to Moscow but on his trips to
other European capitals. As well it should,
inasmuch as Mr. Harriman was sent to these
capitals to discuss Vietnam and-related prob-
lems with Soviet and other national leaders.
It is irritating, frustrating and harmful to
public confidence that official Washington-
including the President-increasingly resorts
to evasions, distortions and outright lies
when no national security purpose is served
thereby. Americans may ask, if the admin-
istration will lie about such a little thing,
how can we trust it to tell the truth about
something really j;al?
The Honolulu vertiser Supports Presi- c
dent's Decision on Vietnam
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. SPARK M. MATSUNAGA
OF HAWAII
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. MATSUNAGA. Mr. Speaker, the
various alternatives on the Vietnam sit-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 16, 1965
uation are the subject of editorial com-
ment in the July 29 issue of the Honolulu
Advertiser, one of the leading newspa-
pers in Hawaii.
Pointing out that there are no "good"
alternatives, the editor of the Honolulu
daily expresses the belief that the course
the President has decided upon is keep?-
ing hope alive for successful peace talks.
I commend for thoughtful reading by
all the.. Honolulu Advertiser's editorial,
which follows:
VIETNAM: THE DECISION
It's been said many times there are no
good alternatives in Vietnam. And once
again President Johnson has chosen the best
of them.
His decision is, in effect, to pursue more
of the same. This involves holding the line
with more troops to prevent a disastrous
defeat while pursuing peace talks even
harder.
There are many important fine points in-
volved in the Vietnam situation. But es-
sentially the other alternatives to the Presi-
dent's decision were:
also lead to some private actions not dis- which were showered on former Vice Presi-
cussed at the press conference.) dent Richard Nixon when he visited the
week, In which he argues for a defensive
strategy as announced by the President yes-
terday. He says :
"We must not fool ourselves, however,
about the probable consequences of a deci-
sion to adopt a defensive strategy.
"It would be a signal to the South Viet-
namese that the time has come for them
to move toward peace negotiations with their
fellow Vietnamese.
"They would be on notice that we shall re-
main to defend them from personal disaster,
but that they must not count upon us to win
for them the war they have not been able,
with immense assistance from us, to win for
themselves."
On the basis of experience to date, it is
hard to be optimistic about a successful out-
come in Vietnam soon. It may be a very long
effort-and the way is still cp'gn for it to lead
to a major war.
But the President's decision has also kept
hope alive.
A decision to withdraw that would leave
non-Communist Vietnamese without any
bargaining power or,support -in the face of
a victorious Vietcong, or the launching of a
major effort that might seem to us a holy
war against Communist expansion but would
be viewed by many as an American on-
slaught on Asians.
The President's decision has something for
both doves and hawks. Yet is unlikely to
satisfy those at the extremes of both posi-
tions.
And it must be admitted that the action
he outlined-taken after a week of intensive
conferences,--continues a policy that has not
worked well so far.
Despite all efforts to date, the Communists
have continued both to win the war and
reject what the President says are "13
peace offensives" he has launched.
But, if present policy is continuing, it is
hoped the intensified efforts will produce
results.
On the military front, the basic job is still
to prevent further Vietcong gains, and to
spore up the South Vietnamese military.
The President called a new buildup to
125,000 combat troops a "carefully measured".
response. However, most reports Indicate
this figure will have to go higher if any kind
of line is to be held.
The negotiations front is equally uncertain,
and it too may require additional moves be-
fore there are any results.
The President said he was launching a drive
for peace talks that would seek help in the
United Nations and from any tither source.
To date the Communists have shown noth-
ing but quick rejection or silent disdain for
any third-party efforts.
Their minimum conditions seem to be a
halt to the bombings in North Vietnam and
insistence that we deal with the Vietcong di-
rectly, instead of the Hanoi regime as we
have demanded.
The President did not say anything yester-
day about a halt to the bombings of the
north. But, contrary to what some may
think, halting the bombings is not a magic
formula that will produce peace talks. Pre-
sumably, it is something we would be glad
to do, if there was any sign other conditions
were favorable.
There was clearly some "give" in the Pre's-
ident's press conference statement on deal-
ing with the Vietcong. He said, in effect, this
matter should present no problem.
The next few days or weeks should tell
whether the chances for peace talks have
been increased by both the President's public
statements and any private actions being
Poles Are Kept Unaware of U.S. Aid
Given Them
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BOB WILSON
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker,
under leave to extend my remarks in
the RECORD, I include the following
article from the San Diego Union of
July 22, 1965:
POLES ARE KEPT UNAWARE or U.S. AID GIVEN
THEM
(By Herbert G. Klein)
weeks by a tour of Warsaw by former Soviet
Premier Nikita Khrushchev. For the, latter
visit, Poles were ordered out on the street
and instructe* to throw flowers purchased
by the Government.
The American visit was not announced by
the Polish Government, but it was broad-
cast by Radio Free Europe. Almost half a
million Poles turned out voluntarily and
threw flowers until the Nixon car was literally
full.
Poles stood on the street cheering and cry-
ing. They defied police lines to touch those
in the American party.
The demonstration came as a shock to the
Communist Government.
In April, the new Soviet leaders, Leonid
Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin visited Warsaw
to mark 20 years of Polish-Soviet friendship
and sign a new treaty. Again the Soviets re-
ceived a cold welcome from the Polish people.
There seems good reason to believe that
an American visit would have again pro-
voked great warmth.
The friendship of the Polish people for the
United States is not based on foreign aid or
government negotiation. Basically, it reflects
the fact that one out of every four Polish
families has American relatives. And the
hatred of both Russia and Germany still is
strong in Poland.
In June, Waladyslaw Gomulka, the veteran
Communist Party boss, was reelected by a
99.3 percent vote on a single-slate ballot.
But he is a tough realist who knows this is
not a popular mandate. And in the past
year he has tightened up government con-
trol and added restrictjons against the Cath-
olic Church which he once tolerated.
It is interesting that, even at this time,
Gomulka fears a demonstration for an Amer-
can official.
In view of this, there is no reason for more
funds to support a Communist government.
But there would appear to be an opportunity
to use the hospital as a propaganda theme
of hope for the Polish people.
Our broadcasts should hail the hospital
as a sign that this nation still hopes the
Poles eventually will be free of oppression.
They should stress the refusal to allow
Americans to visit Poland officially. They
should offer hope.
Where there is little else, hope can be a
big thing.
In Poland, they tell the story that the
best way to see Warsaw is to go to the top of
the Palace of Culture, and then look out at
the city.
The Palace of Culture has a Warsaw ver-
sion of a strip tease in a restaurant in its
basement and it dominates the area around
it with its multi-stories.
It was built by the Soviet Union as a
so-called friendship gesture in the fifties.
But most of the Poles look upon its crude
Russian architecture as a monstrosity. The
point of their joke is that only from the top
of the building can you avoid looking at it.
Work is just being completed on another
building which will dominate the landscape
in the Polish city of Krakow. But it seems
likely that there will be no such stories
about the structure. It is an $11 million
ultramodern children's hospital constructed
with American foreign aid money.
Although the building was financed en-
tirely by the United States, the Poles for the
second time recently vetoed a request by
Vice President HUBERT HUMPHREY to visit
their country and dedicate the hospital.
ThIs'seems like more than a routine veto.
The United States has given more than
$1.5 billion in foreign aid to Poland, but over
the years the Communist government has
sought to keep this fact hidden from the
Polish people.
The Polish excuse for postponing an in-
vitation to the Vice President was that they
could not guarantee his safety because of
resentment over U.S. actions in Vietnam.
It seems more likely that the Polish Com-
taken. (It is important to realize that al- munist government wants to avoid any re-
most certainly the week of discussion will currenoe of the friendly demonstrations
OF
HON. GARNER E.
OF KANSAS
SHRIVER
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. SHRIVER. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I. include the. following column
written by Jack P. Harris, publisher of
the Hutchinson, Kans., News, which con-
siders one of the important issues relating
to the omnibus farm bill scheduled for
debate in the House this week. The col-
umn, entitled "Do What Grandma Did,"
follows:
DO WHAT GRANDMA DID
I first became conscious of the price of
bread when I was given a nickel and sent
down to the bakery to get a loaf. It was well
worth the money. It was usually still warm
from the oven, had crunchy crust, and gave
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30013001August 16, 1965
The last is a relatively new area for Presi-
dential leadership. 'But it emerged as a
crucial area with the development of full-
scale modern industrialism and came to
crisis with the great depression-which the
American people are determined never to
let happen again.
Economics has persisted as an area of
Presidential concern in a society in which
some critical problems can better be solved
by high-level decisionmakers, in Govern-
ment and business, rather than being left
to the "marketplace"-or to accident or fate.
Wherever possible, however, it makes good
sense to let competition in the marketplace
and consumers' choices determine economic
activity.
How tension helps: One of the great ad-
vantages of a free society Is that, though
one respects one's political chief, one must
not necessarily do what he says. Business-
men have a different perspective from gov-
ernment, and society's ends-"the public
interest"-may often be best promoted by a
tension between business and government.
Tensions and conflicts may be as construc-
tive for the broad society as within any
single organization.
But they may sometimes become destruc-
tive. The endless problem, within an organi-
sation or society as a whole, is to find a
balance-to permit tensions, but set limits
un +conflict lest it become ruinous.
Role for business: The problems of avoid-
ing excessive power for the business corpora-
tion are as worthy of concern as Is limiting
the power of government. There are inher-
ent restrictions, however, for the corporation
Is not the only significant or powerful insti-
tution today. Labor unions in many respects
provide a useful check on the power of both
-business and government. So do farm
groups, universities, foundations, profes-
atonal organizations, racial and religious
.groups, even family.
The corporation may unavoidably be in-
volved In moral issues, but it cannot presume
to replace the churches, or the conscience of
the, individual. Nor can the corporation be
mother and father to its employees. A free
society is a pluralistic society-one in which
no one institution (or one political party)
can be all-powerful and controlling.
Yet businessmen today are increasingly
coming to understand that they do have con-
siderable power and that they can play-as
heads of huge organizations-a major role
in shaping the fortunes of a free society.
The best way to keep business free
(NOTE.-Thomas J. Watson, Jr., the chair-
man of International Business Machines
Corp., sees a more active social role for busi-
ness as a way to avoid Government controls
that might hurt efficiency.)
"Government controls have slowly en-
croached on business in the United States-
and most of these have been correct. The
pattern of Government control of European
industries, however, Is far more extensive.
U.S. Industry is less fettered than any other
by a long, long shot. Th4t is why our in-
dustry is so strong here. Our success is re-
lated to the speed of the decision process.
"Business must seek to measure up to its'
social responsibilities as a means of preserv-
ing its independence and efficiency. Indeed,
that is what 'social responsibility' means-
it is a way of avoiding direct Government
control. Fortunately, over the past few dec-
ades business has made this a good public
relations thing; people buy products that
way, given a choice. Under the specter of
war, business becomes liberal as hell. * * *
"I would not recommend any institutional
change In our system as long as things are
going as well as they are. But Government
must be prepared to move, when necessary.
It should let business do its damnedest, but
It's got to peg certain things, and when the
statistics approach or exceed the limits, you
must take action. For instance, on unem-
ployment, I think Secretary of Labor Bill
Wirtz' peg should be below where it is. In-
dustry can help out there-and on anti-
poverty programs, too. Similarly, on the
balance of payments. There's no conflict
here with the quest for better long-term
ekes Policy Plain on
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following article by William S. White
from the August 2, 1965, edition of the
New York Journal-American. The Pres-
ident has made our policy in Vietnam
plain. The United States is committed
to uphold its pledge made by three
American Presidents to the people of
South Vietnam. We seek an end to ag-
gression, and the achievement of an hon-
orable.peace. It is our country's respon-
sibility and duty to' be in Vietnam, and
this is what President Johnson made
plain to the Nation.
The article follows:
L.B.J. MAKES POLICY PLAIN ON VIETNAM
(By William S. White)
WASHINGTON.-As the fog of war thickens
over Vietnam, other fogs of quite different
ilk are lifting here at home. The national
atmosphere is burned free of a great deal of
vaporous nonsense.
No longer can it be denied by any respon-
sible public official or private man that the
most vital American interests are involved In
this struggle against Asian Communist ag-
gression. If 125,000 American troops In Viet-
nam are not enough to give somber refuta-
tion to this sort of pettifogging, there is in
addition the solemn declaration of the Pres-
ident of the United States: "This is really
war."
No longer can it be suggested by any re-
sponsible American that this country is
somehow unreasonably refusing to negotiate
with a Communist invader who a score of
times has scorned any honorable discus-
sion-and still does.
No longer can it be suggested by any re-
sponsible American that the purposes and
motives of the United States in Asia are
somehow hidden and tricky and that the
people of the United States, are terribly,
terribly confused.
The position of the Government of the
United States has, in President Johnson's
address to the Nation by way of his press
conference, again and for the umpteenth
time been made plain as the noonday sun.
We are determined to honor the pledges of
three American Presidents to the people of
South Vietnam. We seek no melodramatic
total victory. We seek only an end to ag-
gression and invasion and a decent peace
decently guaranteed. But these aims we not
merely pursue but also demand; and these
aims we shall achieve, come what might.
Of all the moonshine sq long spread by
avowedly liberal splinters in the Senate and
House, none has been more persistently
spread than the claim that American aims
are somehow tricky and that the American
public is somehow in the dark. If Ameri-
can aims in fact suffer for credibility, It is
from their simplicity and-yes-their hon-
esty and altruism in a world where pseirdo-
sophisticates are forever on the lookout for
the gimmick and the clever phrase to mask
candid Intentions.
As to the American public, there has not
been the smallest objective evidence of con-
fusion as to what this Nation is about in
Asia. Every national poll has clearly shown
that the people know quite well what we are
about and that while, of course, they are not
madly gay about it, they fully recognize its
necessities.
To this, this columnist can add a personal
note. In a 2 weeks' absence from Wash-
ington "but in the country" it seemed plain
that tIle only people really confused are that
minority of breat beaters in Congress who
profess confusion to avoid facing up to the
truth that we are in Vietnam simply because
it is our duty to be there as the leader and
guardian of the free world,
There is a time for the fullest debate and
for the longest and most pompous teach-ins.
And these, heaven knows, we have had in full
measure. Then there is a time for a halt to
logic-chopping and emotionalized appeals
for a "peace" that would mean surrender
and betrayal of our responsibilities on this
earth. This time has now arrived. For now
the United States of America is at war.
Public Works and Economic Development
Act of 1965
SPEECH
HON. JOSEPH G. MINISH
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, August 11, 1965
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State. of the Union had under
consideration the bill (S. 1648) to provide
grants for public works- and development
facilities, gther financial assistance and the
planning and coordination needed to allevi-
ate conditions of substantial and persistent
unemployment and underemployment in
economically distressed areas and regions.
Mr. MINISH. Mr. Chairman, I should
like to express my support of the Public
Works and Economic Development Act
of 1965 and urge its passage.
This act provides needed sources of
financial aid for helping certain local
areas in their efforts to attract and stim-
ulate private industries.
This legislation will help to achieve
the goals set forth in the President's
state of the Union message:
Our basic task is threefold: to keep our
economy growing; to open for all Americans
the opportunity that is now enjoyed by most
Americans; and to improve the quality of
life for all.
The programs provided by this act
represent an investment in a better,
stronger America. These are not pro-
grams for giveaways-these are pro-
grams for hope.
The Area Redevelopment and Accel-
erated Public Works programs, the fore-
runners of this legislation now before
us, demonstrated the effectiveness of a
broad scale attack on t>ge problems of
areas of economic stress. I know from
personal experience how valuable the
Area Redevelopment Act program has
been to Newark, N.J., in its determined
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August 16, 1965 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
ertyrights of their owner stockholders. Not
today.
"The property rights in question today are
those of the active property of the separate
corporate persons, not the passive stocks of
the owners. Pope John XXIII, in his his-
toric Encyclical Letter Mater et Magistra,
clearly establishes the role of this right of
property: '* * * in the right of private
property there is rooted a social responsi-
bility * * ^ the overall supply of goods is
assigned first of all that all men may lead
a decent life.'
"Thus we return to the doctrine of mu.
tual consent that freedom is a compact be-
tween men to restrain from so behaving as
to destroy each other's freedom. 4pplied
within the corporation, we see that all the
forces necessary for the continuation of the
corporation's function, labor, capital, and
management, are in a compact of mutual
consent to so act as to respect each other's
minimum freedoms.
"The corporation is also in a compact with
the society which created it. The society,
which recognizes the corporation's right to
private property, will tolerate the private
ownership of the means of production as
].ong as the corporation produces the mini-
mmum socially and economically needed good.
"For too long we have hidden the * * *
dynamic power of our free enterprise system
to create good, social and economic good,
under * * * our obsolete theories of busi-
ness. For too long we have fed ammunition
to our enemies, the prophets of class war-
fare, by insisting on the selfish motivations
of antagonistic classical capitalism, rather
than preaching the proven success of our
mutual consent, cooperative free enterprise
system."
VIZ. A NEW STRUCTURE-AND NEW LEADERSHIP
In the American society today, no longer
is there a simple division between power
(meaning political authority) and property
(meaning business interests). The concept
of property itself has been drastically modi-
fied by the rise of the great corporation and
the wide diffusion of ownership and control
of the means of production, both through
financial institutions and through the po-
litical process.
Many institutions-labor unions, racial
and religious groups? the press, scientists and
intellectuals, as well, as political parties and
their leaders-have some degree of power
to influence the course of American life. The
business corporation clearly does not be-
stride U.S. society like a top-hatted Wall
Street banker in a cartoon in Pravda or
Izvestia. Yet few would deny it has a cru-
cial role to play.
.The ancient cold war between business
and government is breaking up-on both
sides. The new partnership is still in. process
of evolution. There is always the possi-
bility-some would say 'probability-that
it will collapse under fresh political, eco-
nomic, or social pressures. Certainly, the
U.S. business community, which is far from
unified, does not feel itself committed to any
one party's, or any one man's, concept of the
Great Society.
Yet there are reasons for thinking that
the kind of restructuring of busine-govern-
ment power relations that is going on in
the United States represents a genuine
change in the workings of the system.
Worldwide: For one thing, what is going
on in the United States is only a manifesta-
tion of changes at work in all modern indus-
trial societies throughout the world. As
Duke University's Calvin B. Hoover puts it:
"The experience of all modern indus-
trialized societies demonstrates that some
sort of new 'mix' of the responsibilties and
functions of ths'state, of economic organiza-
tions, and of individuals essentially dif-
ferent from that of capitalism of the past
is inevitable."
Every Western democracy is striving to
discover for itself the means of achieving a
better balance between private and public
responsibilities in solving key problems.
There are parallels between the President's
Council of Economic Advisers and his Ad-
visory Committee on Labor-Management Re-
lations, and the new Department of Eco-
nomic Affairs and the National Economic
Development Council in Britain, or the Eco-
nomic- and Social Council in France.
The U.S. way: No two nations are tackling
these problems in quite same way. The
U.S. Government still plays a less controlling
role in industy than do governments in other
countries. U.S. industry, says Thomas J.
Watson, Jr.-whose IBM Corp. operates, in
many countries-is still "less fettered than in
any other country, by a long, long shot."
This, he thinks, is a major reason why U.S.,
industry is so strong and innovative. U.S.
industrial success, as he sees it, Is closely
related to "the speed of the decision process.".
The willingness of private business volun-
tarily to work with Government is, in Wat-
son's view and that of a growing. number of
other business leaders, a way to retain their
present degree of freedom and to avoid what
they fear will be inefficient or wrongheaded
Government controls.
Formidable: The technical and operating
problems facing businessmen who would
measure up to the needs of the time are
formidable. They may range from fiscal and
monetary policy to urban renewal to race
relations to problems of national defense and
the uses of outer space-and, of course, a
knowledge of how to run their own busi-
nesses successfully in' a period of explosive
technological change.
The education of tomorrow's business lead-
ers will have to offer better preparation for
such a wide range of problems than the edu-
cation-and experiences-afforded the pres-
ent generation of business leaders.
Models: Some business leaders of today,
however, do provide models of how to serve
the interests of private business and the
broad society. One such man Is Robert A.
Lovett-banker, World War I Navy hero,
World War II public official, Secretary of De-
fense under President Truman, and a lead-
ing candidate for inclusion in the mythical
"U.S. establishment."
Says Lovett: "The corporation should not
seek to replace public authority. Yet the
corporation is endowed with the public in-
terest--a bit. It is created by the state, and
it must be responsible * * *.
Democracy, Lovett adds, requires that free-
dom be coupled with restraint. There is no
simple formula for this, he concedes, but
says: "I can't believe that there is not enough
wisdom or wit in this country so that we
can handle our problems within a context of
freedom."
There is growing support within the U.S.
business community for such views.
VIII. THE HARD CHOICE THAT FACES BUSINESS
It is becoming clear that what U.S. busi-
ness faces today is a set of choices on the
role it is to play in relation to the broad
society. Business cannot avoid the necessity
of choice, because the modern corporation
has become the towering institution of to-
day's society-and the problems of society
have become its problems as well.
The society is demanding the achievement
of'a great many national objectives-national
security (which inescapably involves the cor-
poration), maximum employment, racial
equality, rising living standards (especially
for groups left behind in the growth race),
improved education, better medical care, a
healthier urban environment, the safeguard-
ing of natural resources.
Two roads: In attempting to achieve those
ends, which involve overlapping business and
Government functions and responsibilities,
there are two basic choices:
To increase the role of Government and,
where business is concerned, to make greater
A4565
use of coercion or fiat to bring about the kind
of business behavior desired.
To seek to develop more fruitful, voluntary
cooperation between business and Govern-
ment.
Either approach has obvious dangers.
The first may involve excessive centraliza-
tion of power in the Government, posing gen-
uine threats to the freedom and efficiency of
business, and to society itself.
The second may be too loose and uncer-
tain, and can. scarcely avoid the problem of
sanctions against "chiselers," or simply hard-
pressed businesses that are not able to meas-
ure up to the standards of social responsi-
bility assumed by large and prosperous
corporations.
No "either-or": But the choice is not a
simple either-or decision.
Indeed, the success or failure of the volun-
tary approach in particular areas will largely
determine whether the coercive role of Gov-
ernment is to be closely limited or greatly
expanded.
And how far government intervenes in the
economy or in social relations will depend
heavily on its ability to create conditions
making for a healthy and growing over-all
economy.
There are two reasons to hope that, thanks
to progress in the understanding and use of
fiscal and monetary policy by government,
the detailed decisions on production, dis-
tribution, employment, location of industry,
and such matters can on the whole be
handled by business on its own. .
Yet specific problems have emerged-and
others will continue to develop-that require
business and government cooperation, or leg-
islative solution.
Today, some of these issues involve col-
lective bargaining and strike threats in key
industries, the Nation's balance of payments,
race relations, unemployment, poverty, urban
decay. What specifically the critical issues
of the future will be no one can know for
sure.
Cautions: Just as they do today, view-
points in the future are bound to differ on
the gravity or nature of particular problems
and on how to deal with them. These view-
points will be colored in part by the inter-
ests of the parties that are involved and
by their ideologies-including Interests and
ideologies of government officials and their
academic or other allies, as well as those of
business.
That means it will be vitally important to
guard, on the one hand, against the notion
that "the public Interest" is always best de-
fined and understood by public officials. The
power of the state, as Calvin B. Hoover warns,
"cannot automatically be assumed to be
wielded in the public interest."
On a host of matters, businessmen must be
free to make their own decisions, or society
will suffer. They should not-as one of them
recently told the President--be treated "like
children."
At the sahhie time, some businessmen point
out, it cannot automatically be assumed that
whatever the President, or other govern-
ment policyrnakers, propose is damaging to
business interests. Frederick R. Kappel,
chairman of American Telephone & Tele-
graph Co., in thinking back. over the forces
that prompted the growth of his own giant
corporation, has stressed that one of the
most essential factors-besides technical in-
novation and entrepreneurial drive-was
"the public consensus, the political deci-
sion."
Leadership and economics: The U.S. sys-
tem puts heavy responsibility on the Federal
Government, and the President in particular;
and the American people have come to ex-
pect Presidents to exert leadership whenever
and wherever national problems are serious-
whether in matters of national defense, for-
eign affairs, race relations, or economic
affairs.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 16, 1965
I am pleased to note that the drum
corps movement has grown in recent
years and is by now attracting a million
young people. National Drum Corps
Week is aimed to bring to attention of
the American people this very important
and effective youth activity. At the
same time, it serves as an encouragment
to our youth and to the very fine con-
tribution they are making to our way of
life. This movement deserves the sup-
port and cooperation of all Americans.
Midway Ready for New Life With Jet Set
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
carrying on a concerted effort for some
time to obtain approval from the FAA for
operation of short-runway jets at Wash-
ington National Airport.
It is my jincere hope that as soon as
the current survey being conducted at
National Airport is completed, such ap-
proval will be granted. There can be
no doubt that the Nation's Capital can-
not be denied short-runway jet service
much longer.
I am particularly hopeful that the new
FAA Administrator, Mr. McKee, will un-
derstand the impressive service that can
be performed to millions of American air
travelers by permitting jet transporta-
tion into Midway with the least possible
delay.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Thomis' excellent
article follows:
MIDWAY READY FOR NEW LIFE WITH JET SET-
OF ILLINOIS ,
AIR LINES To SHIFT FLIGHTS THERE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
(By Wayne Thomas)
Tuesday, August 10, 1965
With the return to central standard time
and the winter air traffic season, Midway air-
Mr.
PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, Mr.
port will regain an important segment of
Wayne
Thomis, distinguished aviation
scheduled airline services, the Tribune has
editor
of the Chicago Tribune, has
learned.
written an excellent article in today's
edition of the Tribune which outlines
In considerable detail the return of ma-
jor airline operations to Chicago's Mid-
way Airport.
This should be good news to millions
of Americans who have, during the past
few months, suffered considerable delays
In both arriving and departing from
Chicago's- O'Hare Field, now `operating
at peak capacity.
I am sure this will also be welcome
news to the Members of Congress who
use Chicago as a transfer point on their
trips to and from their respective dis-
tricts. The resumption of major air-
line operations at Midway, which has
been almost deserted since 1962 when
the airlines moved most of their opera-
tions to O'Hare, is a major victory for
Mayor Richard Daley.
It has been the mayor's persistent and
untiring negotiations with the major air-
lines which today brings within sight of
reality the reopening of Midway to ma-
jor airline traffic. Mayor Daley long ago
realized that Chicago had to have two
major airports to serve the airlines of
America if Chicago was to continue as
the transportation center of the world.
With the development of O'Hare, most
of the major airlines shifted. their op-
erations from Midway in the late-1950's
and early 1960's. Midway, once the
world's busiest airport, had to yield that
title to O'Hare during the past 3 years.
O'Hare Field today handles in excess of
1,400 flight operations daily. Mr.
Thomis' excellent article discusses in
considerable detail the plans that the
major airlines have to restore major ac-
tivities at Midway. Mr. Thomis points
out that one of the factors in speeding
resumption of major operations at Mid-
way is the anticipation that short-run-
way jets will be permitted by the Federal
Aviation Agency to operate into and out
of Washington's National Airport in the
near future.
Mr. Speaker, I find particular satis-
faction in this development, for many
of my colleagues will recall I had been
These will include short-range flights to
the Southeast, Florida, the Southwest
through St. Louis and Dallas, the Northwest,
and the west coast through Omaha and
Denver. Both piston-engined and jet air-
liners will be rescheduled to operate through
Midway, deserted since 1962.
GRADUAL SHIFT OF FLIGHTS
Among the major carriers which are ex-
pected to provide these services are United
Air Lines, American Airlines, Trans World
Airlines, and Northwest Airlines, Inc. As
soon as these large carriers are operating
from Midway, there will be a gradual shift-
ing of other flights from the dangerously
overcrowded ramps and loading gateways at
O'Hare International Airport, the major jet
terminal, according to reliable information.
It is understood that - Mayor Daley soon
will announce the "return to Midway" to the
city council. This is expected to coincide
with release of schedules by United Air Lines
for 18 to 25 daily flights from Midway, about
5 percent of their total operations at O'Hare
Field.
Next in line is expected to be Northwest
Orient Airlines, which has been parking its
707, 720, and 727 jets two deep at its O'Hare
gates in peak traffic periods. A return to
Midway with some of Northwest's 727 and
Electra flights will reduce the pressures at
O'Hare and broaden the company's Chicago
market.
TWA TELLS PLANS
Trans World Airlines has written the city
administration that it intends to return
service to Midway Airport, but there are no
details. TWA has 727 jets-fully approved
for Midway and in twice daily service there
by United Air Lines for more than a year-
and can offer New York, Kansas City, Phila-
delphia, and west coast trips from Midway.
American Airlines management, which
spearheaded the air carrier opposition to
earlier city efforts to restore services to Mid-
way, "has softened" toward Midway, theTrib-
une learned.
Both American, with British 111 small
twinjet planes due for delivery late this year;
and TWA, with Douglas DC-9 twinjets also
to be delivered this fall and early in 1966,
will have equipment ideally suited to 5,000-
feet runway airports. Midway's diagonal
landing strips are both in the 6,000-feet-
class.
FAA STUDY IN WASHINGTON
Part of the airlines' willingness to return
to Midway can be traced to the Federal
Aviation Agency's study of restoring reg-
ular airline jet services to Washington Na-
tional Airport. Washington National is-
nearer the city, while the newer Dulles field
and Baltimore's Friendship Airport are far-
ther away.
As soon as jet service is restored to Na-
tional-in September or October, depending
on results of the study-United will schedule
727 jets from Chicago, probably from Mid-
way, Into National airport.
American Airlines, which has kept Electra
flights from O'Hare into National, will have
to met United's service with jets of its own.
With National open, United is expected
to exploit Midway, La Guardia in New York,
Washington's National to the utmost.
At city hall, officials were told by United
that the company "never expected to make a
profit at Midway airport" with the two trips
to New York and two to Washington it has
operated for 14 months.
Got. It in the Neck
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES E. GOODELL
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, I think
all of the Members will be interested in
the following interesting column by the
distinguished Lyle C. Wilson, which ap-
peared in the Washington Daily News,
August 12, 1965:
GOT IT IN THE NECK
(By Lyle C. Wilson)
We, the people, got it in the neck last week
in a lost cause effort to remind President
Johnson and his Great Society Senators that
the United States was set up to be a govern-
ment of the people, for the people, and by
the people.
We got it when these Senators voted
against this American system. The vote
came on a proposal by Senator EvERETT Mc-
KINLEY DIRKSEN to submit to a continuing
vote of the people of each State the question
whether both houses of its legislature should
or should not be apportioned according to
the Supreme Court's remarkable rule that
population must be the sole determining
factor.
The Court ruled last year against appor-
tionment of one house on the basis of
geography or other characteristics not di-
rectly related to population. In his dissent
from this rule by Chief Justice Earl Warren
and the Court majority, Associate Justice
Felix Frankfurter warned of danger ahead.
Justice Frankfurter said that if the Federal
judiciary involved itself in this essentially
political problem of determining the rela-
tionship between population and representa-
tion, it would generate friction and tension
in Federal-State relations. That tension and
friction are now present.
Senator DIRKSEN'S proposal for a continu-
ing plebiscite on representation in each
State was the American way. He merely
sought to appeal the question to the court
of last resort-the people. His amendment
would have' provided:
That an apportionment plan based on any
factor other than population would have had
to be approved by the voters of the State.
That any monpopulation plan submitted
to the voters would be accompanied by an
alternative plan substantially based on
equality of population to assure the. voters
a choice. -
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August 16, 1965
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4569
The Ming Quong Children's Center
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER
OF CAL11PORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, I am
proud to say that the Ming Quong Chil-
dren's Center, one of the finest organiza-
tions dedicated to the assistance of
mankind and little children in particu-
lar, is located in the heart of my con-
gressional district. -
The Ming Quong Children's Center In
Los Gatos, Calif., is cerebrating its 50th
anniversary this year. Its purpose
throughout these years has been to help
troubled children of California. The old
Chinese "gate which marks the entrance
to the center is a symbol of a half -cen-
tury of this open door policy.
The Ming Quong Center goes deeply
into California history. It grew out of
a rescue mission home In San Francisco
for Chinese slave girls who had been
brought to this country at the turn of the
century. The story of the dedicated
women of the Occidental Board, who
founded the mission, and Miss Donaldina
Cameron and her assistants, who ac-
counted for the rescue of over 1,000 slave
girls, is one of the West's most exciting
tales.
It began in 1915, under its present
name, as a custodial home for Chinese
orphans-little girls who had been aban-
doned with no parents to care for them
or who were being used as domestic
drudges. This was not unusual in the
old Chinese culture. Girls had no value
even for the families which had migrated
to the United States..
Ming Quong-translated "radiant
light' -came into being when it was de-
cided that it was unw;se to house the
Email girls with the older ones who had
been former slave girls. Capt. Robert
Dollar, of the Dollar Steamship Lines,
gave them property-which is now part
of the Mills College campus in Oakland,
Calif.-for a home for 60. younger girls.
In 1935 the need was felt to remove the
girls to warm, sunny Los Gatos as many
of the children had been exposed to
tuberculosis and were undernourished.
The work with both boys and girls con-
tinued as a mission station of the board
of national missions of the United Pres-
byterian Church.
Today, Ming Quong performs as great
a service in meeting modern day needs
as it did 50 years ago. Now it is a resi-
dential treatment agency for emotion-
ally disturbed boys and girls of all races
and creeds. The children live in cottages
each with its own houseparents. A
highly-trained staff of therapist-social
workers, psychologists and a consulting
psychiatrist work as a team to solve the
problems of these unfortunate children
who are innocent victims of circum-
stances beyond their control. They also
work with the parents whenever possible
to try to solve family problems.
Ming Quong is now reaching into the
community to develop all types of com-
munity support and interest. Churches
of all faiths Instead of one, now - assume
their responsibility; individuals and
community groups contribute time and
talent; volunteer auxiliary lubs have
been formed to lend effort &Ad financial
support.
Plans for a day treatment center for
children who do not need residential
care are under way with the public
school system working closely with the
center in organizing special teaching
programs.
Ming Quong's first 50 years has been
dedicated to meeting the needs of the
times and plans for the years ahead
promise this same foresighted approach.
The great old Chinese gate will always
be open to receive the troubled children
of California.
United C o b - ' Policy
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. MULTER. Mr. Speaker, I com-
mend to the attention of our colleagues
the following article by Warren Rogers
from the August 5, 1965, edition of the
New York Journal-American.
United States policy in Vietnam has
received support from an unexpected
source. The Manila Times, generally
critical of U.S. foreign policy in south-
east Asia, came up with a strong defense
of American actions in Vietnam in a re-
cent article by A. L. Valencia. Mr.
Valencia writes in reference to those
Asians who would have the United States
withdraw from Vietnam:
But should not these critics-if they are
honest men-also concede that their very
liberty to dissent has depended directly on
American protection?
Although some Asians resent the
American presence, most Asians know
that that presence is all that enables
them to remain free.
It is encouraging that the people of
Asia have an understanding of our
actions in Vietnam, and appreciate the
objectives for which we are fighting.
That the people closest to the conflict
strongly support our policy should
strengthen our resolve to stand firm in
Vietnam.
The article follows:
UNrIED STATES GETS BOUQVET ON VIETNAM
POLICY
(By Warren Rogers)
WASHINGTON.-Prom time to time, It is a
good idea to take a look at ourselves from the
outside, to we ourselves as others - see us.
Sometimes, amid all the brickbats at home
and abroad, we get thrown a bouquet from
unexpected sources.
The Manila Times, which loves to lambaste
U.S. foreign policy in southeast Asia, has
done just that. In a recent article by A. L.
Valencia, writing from Washington, the
Times comes up with a defense of American
actions In Vietnam which is remarkable for
its candor and its logic.
"Among the angry young men of southeast
Asia," Mr. Valencia writes, "it has become
fashionable to attack America's actions and
motives at every turn, and to applaud every
American misfortune. To be able to talk
back to the greatest power on earth is re-
garded as a badge of courage and patriotism.
"But should not these critics-if they are
honest men-also concede that their very
liberty to dissent has depended directly on
American protection?
"If, as a result of shrill demands for
'Yankee go home,' American power were to
draw back in the Pacific, the Philippines-
let's face it-would be virtually defenseless"
Mr. Valencia then explores the catch phrase
demanding "Asian solutions to Asian prob-
lems." He puts it this way:
"The world is shrinking so rapidly that
anybody's problem is everybody's problem.
If we insist on Asian solution, it will be
Asian all right, but it is most likely to be
labeled `Made in Peiping.' "
Mr. Valencia then notes that India, for all
its dedication to Asian solutions, was quick
to accept help from the West when attacked
by Red China. Thailand, Laos, Nationalist
China, Malaysia, Japan, and even Cambodia
are not less patriotic for depending upon
American friendship and power to maintain
their national independence, he argues.
"To make these statements is not to
demean national prides," Mr. Valencia adds,
"It is merely to stress a decent respect for
reality."
And the reality, as he sees it, is that most
Filipinos and most Asians not under Com-
munist domination--even though millions
resent the American presence:-"know that
that presence is all that enables them to re-
main free."
It is good to have such reminders that
there is some understanding in southeast
Asia of what the United States is trying to
do. Granted that America's efforts are not
entirely altruistic-is there any American
who doubts that, if we don't fight there, we'll
have to fight here?--& great measure of my-
brother's-keeper philosophy is involved.
National Drum Corps Week
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. WILLIAM L. ST. ONCE
OF CONNECTICUT
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 16, 1965
Mr. ST. ONGE. Mr. Speaker, the week
of August 15 to 22 has been designated
as National Drum Corps Week in honor
of the 1 million teenagers in the United
States who are associated with this
colorful and wholesome activity.
On this occasion, I am very happy to
join with my colleagues in Congress to
pay tribute to these young people and to
extend my best wishes to them for their
participation in this purposeful activity.
The marching and maneuvering, the
bugling, and the drumming have right-
fully been described as "an expression of
order, color, symmetry, and beauty."
Certainly this is a clean., interesting
and inspiring activity for our youth in a
confused world where youth is struggling
to find a place for itself and an outlet for
its zest and energy. Unfortunately,
many of our young people fail to find
worthwhile activities and end up as crim-
inals and juvenile delinquents. -
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Approved For R .22 7B 030013.0 1 Tut 16 1965
way of life, foreign to the great history cease their aggression. Then we look VIETNA _ REAL ANING
and noble traditions of our country from forward to withdrawing our forces from OF "UNCONDITIONAL NEGOTIA-
colonial days to the present time. Fur- southeast Asia. TIONS"
thermore, it would be so inhuman and Such a ceasefire or peace similar to Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, ever
so callous that we as a Nation would be that attained in South Korea is a con- since President Johnson's speech ever
downgraded before all of the world, even summation devoutly to be wished. Let Johns Hopkins University in Baltimore interpretations ler's Germany. I yield the floor. have been made of the meaning of "un-
nguished The disb mbasois speech gave Congressman little who conditional negotiations"-the phrase
made thought to the fact that were to UNIVERSITIES GROUP NOT IN which appeared in his address.
no tbuhe u thfact al at were t n COALITION All peace-loving people are prayerful
bomb Red nuclear installations within that there will be a prompt end to the
the Red Chinese mainland, immediately Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, on July in Vand that peace will come
Communist China with its population of 7, I inserted in the RECORD-pages 15246- war that Vietnam na But few peace-loving
700 million and with its tremendously 15247-an article from the Des Moines to that B t eto the oving
powerful land army would go to war Register which purported to describe a ppthele le will of tolerate an end n the heowtfat
against the United States, overrunning coalition of organizations working to- aggresprice or
sion. The national interest of the
southeast Asia, and in doing this killing gether for legislative and partisan politi- United States and South Vietnam-inns f the
many thousands of American GI's. cal purposes. deed the national interest h of all -natio,
Any self-respecting nation attacked In a letter to the editor of the Register, large and national whose people live is,
in such a manner as was proposed in this the National Association of State Uri- large a policy l pin
Connecticut speech made .by the gentle- versities and Land-Grant Colleges, one of price. There is a price of peace
paid
man from the other body would have no the organizations included in the article, any for peace and it There
only with a clear aid
other course open to it. Furthermore, as said the report as far as it was concerned for encng of is of that price is that
certain as sunrise follows the sunset, the was without foundation. those who speak what that it ens"can
Soviet Union, obligated by its commit- I ask unanimous consent that the let- speak meaningfully.
ment and alliance to Communist China, ter, entitled "Universities Group Not in The President has emphasized on sev-
the despite the fact that its leaders and Coalition,", from the Register of July 19, T
e occasions that the United Sdaons will
the Russian people seek friendship and 1965, be printed in the RECORD. Real such occasions that as is United States to
not war wth this nation, would in- There being no objection, the letter achieve our ion awes necessary to
evitably mobilize its forces and unleash was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, These objotiveo, he has pointed tun are
its missiles, and the third world war- as follows: to persuade the North Vietnamese to
and this a war on annihilation-would [From the Des Moines (Iowa) Register, leave their neighbor, South Vietnam,
begin. July 19, 19651
alone-to cease and desist from direct-
Mr. President, this arm-chair militarist UNIVER:..TIES GROUP NOT IN CoALrrrox ing, controlling, and supplying war ma-
says: TO THE EDITOR: 'teriel and manpower to the Vietcong
I will insist on victory in Vietnam. A July 6 news story by Nick Kotz [put- iti military forces in South Vietnam; fur-
n of interest
more bombastic statement than that.
Unfortunately, this particular arm-chair
militarist has the title of chairman of a
powerful committee.
The President, who is Comander in
Chief of our Armed Forces, has repeat-
edly announced his desire and hope that
representatives of the Vietcong and
North Vietnam and other nations meet
with us at a conference table, that we
are glad to talk settlement and seek a
ceasefire.
He has said time and time again-and
that is our position at the present time,
despite the bombast from the gentleman
from the other body-that we should
seek negotiations unconditionally, with-
out any conditions whatsoever.
Our situation is bad in South Viet-
nam. It is far worse than it was a year
ago or when President Eisenhower first
committed our Armed Forces in South
Vietnam. It is too late now for us to say
a mistake was. made, because we were
committed in 1954 and we have been in-
volved there since that time, and appar-
ently things have gone from bad to
worse.
Despite these statements that should
never have been made-he said:
I will insist on victory in Vietnam. Any-
thing short of that would be treasonable.
We Americans seek and hope for a
negotiated settlement involving major
concessions by both sides which will of-
fer the Communists and Vietcong a rea-
sonable and attractive alternative to
military victory.
We seek a ceasefire and seek the time
when the neighbors to the North and
certain people in South Vietnam will
f that would be treasonable. ported] CO describe a coo o
thee, to assist the South Vietnamese in
groups "working quietly behind the scenes ending the attacks of the Vietcong so
in Congress to reelect Democratic Congress-
men and to lobby for Johnson administra- that the people can live in peace and
tion legislation." The name of the National freedom. This is the price of peace in
Association of State Universities and Land- South Vietnam.
Grant Colleges was included in the list of These objectives could be achieved
organizations which, Mr. Kotz says, have through peaceful negotiations-if the
ander "themeeting chairmanship regship lyof Donald Ellinger Washington leaders in Hanoi were willing to pay this
und
of the Democratic National Committee." price. They understand very clearly
The article is completely without founda- that this is the price and they have to
tion as far as the National Association of date been unwilling to pay it. They
State Universities and Land-Grant Colleges have chosen, instead, to pay a higher
is concerned. The association has not, does price by forcing South Vietnam and her
not, and will not participate in partisan allies to achieve these objectives in a
political activity of any kind * * *. war.
With respect to education legislation, it The President has said that "We do
has long been customary for organizations not intend to be defeated." This is an-
or in this area to meet t together with
or without representatives of the adminis- other way of saying that we do not in-
tration currently in office * * *. At no time tend to fail in our military efforts to
have I or members of my staff participated achieve our objectives.
in meetings of this kind at which there was The President has also stated a "win"
discussion of or plans for support of or op-
position policy for our war effort when he declared
to candidates for public office, or of on June 1:
proposed legislation in partisan terms.
RUSSELL I, THACKREY, In the future I will call upon our people
Executive Secretary, National Associa- to make further sacrifices because this is a
tion of State Universities and Land. good program, and the starts we are making
Grant Colleges, Washington. D.C. are good starts. This is the only way that
I know in which we can really win, not only
Mr. MILLER. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that I may be per-
mitted to proceed on another subject.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection-
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, reserving the right to object, has
the Senator in charge of the bill agreed
to this?
Mr. MILLER. Yes.
Mr. LONG of Louisiana.
not object.
the military battle against aggression, but
the wider war for the freedom and progress
of all men.
Winning the military battle would
naturally mean attaining our objectives.
I might point out that earlier this year
Secretary of State Rusk stated that we
are going to help the South Vietnamese
win the war.
There are some who say that no one
ever wins a war. While it is true that
war brings great hardship and suffering,
it is not true that the objectives stated
by the President of the United States
cannot be won. They are moral objec-
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Judge Burnett, In other words,,-
that the temper and personaiity traits of
this particular trial judge were as well
known before his appointment by the Presi-
dent and his confirmation by the Senate, as
now, and therefore that must be what was
wanted.
Let me say to the distinguished lawyer
who made those remarks that "that"
most certainly was not what was wanted,
not by the Senate and certainly not by
anybody concerned with the honor and
fairness of our judicial system.
]Let me say to the Senate that, this
man's term expires next year and that
this Senator from Alaska is irrevocably
committed to oppose any attempt by this
man to seek another term on the bench
of this or any other court.
His behavior, his inexcusable manner,
bis utter disregard for the interests of
the children whose parents come before
hiin--due apparently to his strange and
pitiable obsession-make him unfit to
wear the judicial robe.
ORDER OF BUSINESS
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
further morning business? If not,
morning business is concluded.
*CONOMIC OPPORTUNITY AMEND-
MENTS OF .1965
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I ask unanimous consent that the
'dxifinished business be laid before the
lenate.
'.['he PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill
Will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK, A bill (H.R.
8283) to expand.-the war on poverty and
efihance the effectiveness of programs
Under the Economic Opportunity Act of
1.964.
'.che PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the Senate will resume consid-
e=tion of the bill.
The Senate resumed consideration of
the bill;
Mr. LONG of Louisiana, Mr. Presi-
dent, I suggest the absence of a quorum.
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. Presi-
dent-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Will the
Senator from Louisiana withhold his re-
quest?
Mr. LONG of Louisiana. Mr. Presi-
dent, I withhold my request.
UNTHINKABLE THAT THIS NATION
WOULD DESTROY COMMUNIST
CHINA'S NUCLEAR INSTALLA-
7IONS
Mr. YOUNG of Ohio. Mr. President, I
rise to comment on the statement made
by the chairman of the Armed Services
Committee of the House of Representa-
s In a speech he delivered recently in
Connecticut. He asked a rhetorical
question
Should we use our atomic power to wipe
out Red China's atomic capability?
Then he added:
We must get ready to do this very thing
Owe want to stop Red China. I will insist on
No. 150--13
victory In Vietnam.. Anything short of that
would be treasonable.
In this same speech the gentleman also
stated:
And even if we win the war in South
Vietnam, I cannot help but think that we
are merely postponing the final victory of
Red China unless the Nation Is prepared to
risk the possible consequences of destroying
her nuclear capability. And unless we make
that decision, it is possible that all of our
fighting in South Vietnam will have been in
vain.
In other words this Member of the
other body really outdid some hard-
nosed militarists in our Armed Forces
who in the past have been advocating
preemptive war against the Soviet Union
and in recent months have raised their
voices advocating a sneak attack or pre-
emptive war on Red China to destroy the
crude nuclear installations of the Red
Chinese. The very suggestion of this is
so un-American as to be abhorrent.
Yet, here is a Member of the other body
occupying the position as chairman of
one of the most powerful committees in
that body advocating this procedure.
Mr. President, the facts are that I am
a fervent believer in the seniority system.
It is one of the advantages of our Con-
gress that under that system, men who
have served long years in the Senate and
in the House of Representatives attain
promotions within the committees of
which they are members, and finally
some of them with long years of con-
gressional service become chairmen of
committees. By and large, chairmen of
all the committees of the Senate and
House of Representatives of the United
States are eminently respected, are most
knowledgeable, and deserve the promo-
tion to chairmen by reason of the expe-
rience that they have acquired over the
years.
Nevertheless, it is somewhat shattering
to my faith in this seniority system to
read of the chairman of the Committee
on Armed Services of the House of Rep-
resentatives advocating a suicidal policy
on our part, and I feel obligated to speak
out against this without delay lest in this
country and overseas such a rhetorical
question would be taken seriously.
That the person making this state-
ment is chairman of the Committee on
Armed Services of the other body causes
me to fear that in Europe and Asia,
among the heads of states, It might be
regarded as authoritative and that his
views are respected and might be fol-
lowed. Were we as a nation to under-
take any such course, we could gain
nothing except, at most, a very tempo-
rary advantage and at a great price-
loss of respect and degradation.
Now let us consider the facts. No
matter what single location or several
locations we might bomb and utterly de-
stroy into ashes within the mainland of
China, that nation-Communist China-
with its great population, its far-flung
geographic area, and its scientists and
scholars would retain the capability of
very soon again producing even more
nuclear weapons and far better and more
powerful than the first crude warheads
produced there, We should realize that
19781,
In this nuclear age of change and chal-
lenge even a small group of scientists
are just as valuable or more valuable
to any nation, to China and to this Na-
tion, than any existing nuclear installa-
tions.
Assuming that we could destroy
China's capability for producing nuclear
weapons for a short time and that we
did destroy all the existing nuclear in-
stallations, how could we possible bar or
prevent the access of the Chinese to the
raw materials necessary for the produc-
tion of fissionable nuclear charges? As-
sume we did hurl our air power over the
Chinese mainland, as this gentleman
suggests. Would we have our Air Force
attempt to lay waste all of the factories
that they beheld below them where they
might suspect that some use was being
made of raw materials to manufacture
nuclear bombs? How could we do that
anyway when it is readily possible for
men of intelligence to disperse such in-
stallations and even locate them in cities
in the midst of massive centers of popu-
lation or underground in other sections
of the country in such manner that our
bombs could not destroy them?
Then, above everything else, it would
riot be possible for us with our missile
power, air power, and land forces to kill
all of those individuals who comprehend
how atomic weapons are made. In other
words, even now in a preemptive war
in a day of infamy followed by other
days of infamy, were we to destroy the
lives of million of Chinese men, women,
and children, we could not possibly kill
off all the scientists.
I am mentioning this to state how fool-
hardy the gentleman's proposal is. Let
us realize that China is a huge nation
that has great diversity and a great
quantity of natural resources; that there
are 700 million men, women and children
living within the borders of China; that
China is a nation with a great history
and its people have a tradition of being
industrious. The Chinese are people of
high intellectual attainments and busi-
ness and scientific achievements. They
have a great cultural background. It is
obvious to all that China is now a great
power and within 10 or 20 years it will
be one of the three greatest powers on
the earth.
We are proud of the American citizens
we have in our midst, in Hawaii and else-
where, men, women and children of Chi-
nese descent. We have inthis body as a
U.S. Senator from the sovereign State
Of Hawaii HIRAM FONG, one of the ablest
and most respected Members of this
body, whose father and mother and all
his ancestors were Chinese and lived in
China.
I advert to that fact to indicate an-
other facet and to indicate how fool-
hardy that suggestion or rhetorical ques-
ton was.
Furthermore, there is nothing Repre-
sentative RIVERS or anyone else can do to
stop China's advance. Even the grossly
inhumane use of atomic and bacteriolog-
ical weapons could not do that. Let us
hear no more about this rhetorical ques-
tion. A proposal to do anything of this
sort, would be foreign to the American
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tives and completely in character for the
people of the United States, whose his-
tory bears testimony to those moral prin-
ciples.
It is not responsive to say, as some do,
that there is no military solution to the
problems of South Vietnam. Everyone
knows this, What must be recognized,
however, is that because of thG intran-
sigence of the leaders in Hanoi, military
victory is essential to lay the foundation
for the political, economic, and psycho-
logical solutions to these problems.
Again in his address at Johns Hopkins
University, the President firmly declared:
We will not withdraw, either openly or
under the cloak of a meaningless agreement.
And what are the essentials of a mean-
ingful agreement?
Quite obviously these are the minimal
objectives which the President has many
times clearly stated and to which I have
previously referred. Indeed, in the very
same speech he said:
Such peace demands an independent South
Vietnam, securely guaranteed and able to
shape its own relationships to all others,
free from outside interference, tied to no
alliance, a military base for no other coun-
try. These are the essentials of any final
settlement.
The interpretation of "unconditional
negotiations" can be accurately made
only in light of these statements by the
President. The President could hardly
clearly and succinctly state our minimal
objectives and disdain a "meaningless
'agreement" in one part of his address
. and then impliedly repudiate his posi-
tion by agreeing to negotiations which
could lead to a "meaningless agreement."
For all their faults, the leaders in
,Hanoi were quick to understand this.
What is so remarkable is that many lead-
ers of other nations, political analysts,
and news commentators apparently
failed to understand it. Possibly in their
zeal to end the hostilities in Vietnam,
they have taken the phrase "uncondi-
tional negotiations" at its face value,
standing by itself, without realizing that
to do so would lift the words out of con-
text of the full text of the Johns Hopkins
address and attach a meaning which
would undercut the integrity of the Pres-
ident's clearly stated objectives.
What the leaders in Hanoi understand
and what others should understand is
that any negotiations which lead to
something less than the achievement of
the minimal objectives stated by the
President would be meaningless, and
that only with respect to matters beyond
these objectives can the negotiations be
uncofditional. There are many possi-
bilities here. For example, the degree to
which the leaders in Hanoi and the
leaders of the Vietcong will be brought to
trial and punished for war crimes, in-
cluding the slaughter of South Vietna-
mese civilians and the murder of prison-
ers of war would bg subject to negotia-
tions, as would be the subject of repara-
tions for damages to South Vietnam.
The degree to which economic asisstance
would be extended to North Vietnam
would be subject to negotiations. But
our minimal objectives for South Viet-
nam cannot be subject to negotiation any
more than, as the late President Ken-
nedy said on July 25,1961:
The freedom of that city [Berlin] is not ne-
gotiable.
There is another way of considering
the meaning of the phrase "uncondi-
tional' negotiations" and that is in light
of the minimal demands by Hanoi, name-
ly: First, American withdrawal from
South Vietnam; second, temporary neu-
tralization; third, communization of
South Vietnam by the so-called Vietnam
National Liberation Front; and fourth,
reunification of North and South Viet-
nam. Obviously to the extent that these
points undercut our minimal objectives,
they cannot be the subject of negotiation.
Bitter history has taught us that neu-
tralization to the Communists does not
carry the same meaning as it does to us.
A neutralist government containing mil-
itant Communists sooner or later ends
up being subverted by the Communists
who consider such a status as merely an
opportunity for the communization of
the government and the people. Ac-
cordingly, it is difficult to see how any
of these points could be the subject of
negotiations. Of course, withdrawal of
American forces would follow upon
achievement of our minimal objectives
for South Vietnam, and to this extent
such withdrawal would be readily agreed
to and would not even have to be nego-
tiated.
Theoretically, perhaps, reunification of
North and South Vietnam might be the
subject of negotiations. I say "theoret-
ically" because of the difficulties in as-
suring elections that are truly free which
would be the only possible basis for such
reunification. Here, again, is where the
Communists interpret the phrase "free
elections" differently than we do. Their
interpretation would permit the use of
terrorist and coercive activities as a
means of persuading the people to vote
"freely" for a Communist government.
The world has witnessed for a long time
the distorted meaning of "free elections"
as practiced in the Soviet Union.
It is for this reason that overemphasis
has been placed on the words of Presi-
dent Johnson in his news conference of
July 28, when he said:
We do not seek the destruction of any gov-
ernment, nor do we covet a foot of any terri-
tory, but we Insist and we will always insist
that the people of South Vietnam shall have
the right of choice, the right to shape their
own destiny in free elections in the South,
or throughout all Vietnam under interna-
tional supervision, and they shall not have
any government imposed upon them by force
and terror so long as we can prevent it.
The President would, of course, like to
see truly free elections, and I am sure,
he would like to see some kind of inter-
national machinery which would guar-
antee such free elections. But he is just
as familiar with the distorted concept of
free elections held by the Communists as
anyone else, and he is equally aware of
the impossibility of establishing the in-
ternational machinery needed to guaran-
tee truly free elections throughout North
and South Vietnam In the foreseeable fu-
ture. That is why I believe there has
been an overemphasis in some quarters
on his words "or throughout all Vietnam
under international supervision", as con-
trasted with his words in the Johns Hop-
kins speech:
' Such peace demands an independent South
Vietnam.
Obviously such an independent South
Vietnam would have to precede free elec-
tions throughout all Vietnam in the short
range period of attainability.
Perhaps it would have been well for
the President to have made this point
clear instead of leaving it for logical in-
ference from his earlier statements.
William R. Frye, writing in the Des
Moines Register of August 3, said the
United States has significantly modified
its Vietnam peace terms in what he
called "a major effort to negotiate its
way out of the war." He went on to
say:
The change in the American position con-
sists essentially of three parts:
1. Washington now is prepared to envisage
reunification of Vietnam by internationally
supervised elections, as called for in the
Geneva accords of 1954, even though, as many
diplomats believe, this could lead to a Com-
munist takeover.
Reunification has long been North Viet-
nam's objective. The United States has held
out for partition, with guaranteed security
and independence for South Vietnam.
2. The United States now is willing to re-
gard Hanoi's oft-cited four points, which
include an American withdrawal from Viet-
nam, as part of the agenda for negotiation-
though not the exclusive agenda nor as a
precondition for a parley.
This Is regarded as a major concession.
Previously, although President Johnson had
offered to take part in "unconditional dis-
cussion," the four points had been consid-
ered an unnegotiable demand for surrender.
Third. The United States Is willing to find
some face-saving formula for including the
Vietcong-National Liberation Front-at a
peace table. Previously Washington had
been unwilling to negotiate with the Viet-
cong, except as part of the. North Vietnamese
delegation.
And Mr. Frye concludes that the
American peace drive has two facets:
Private overtures, through U Thant and
other intermediaries, offering to scale down
the American asking price for peace; and
public gestures, primarily to the U.N., in-
viting action by Thant and the U.N. Security
Council.
These are provocative words by a percep-
tive writer. They lend credence to the re-
port in the Des Moines Register of August
8 that the Johnson administration last fall
rejected a proposal for peace talks which
had been accepted without conditions by
North Vietnam.
Let me quote from that report:
The proposal * ? * did not set any con-
ditions, but the Johnson administration re-
jected it, it is said, for two reasons:
1_ Mr. Johnson was engaged in the elec-
tion battle with former Senator Barry Gold-
water, who was advocating stronger U.S.
military action in the Vietnam war. If word
of peace talks had leaked out, Goldwater
might have capitalized on it as a sign of
weakness and damaged the Democratic
campaign.
2. The South Vietnamese Government was
in turmoil. Opposition to the military re-
gime of Premier Nyguyen Khanh was grow-
ing and Washington believed that negotia-
tion with the Communists might cause the
government to fall.
It is for this reason that I.,hope the
President will not leave to conjecture
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any interpretation of the policy objec-
tives which he has heretofore so firmly
set forth. His every word is being scru-
tinized most carefully by writers, coluln-
nists, commentators, those who have
been critical of his policies, those who
have, as I have, been supporting his pol-
icy in Vietnam, and, most particularly,
the Communist leaders in Hanoi, 'Pei-
ping, and Moscow. The slightest devia-
tion from our minimal objectives will be
seized upon as a sign of weakness by the
Communist World.
In evaluating any agreement to enter
into negotiations, I believe it would be
prudent to take note of a memorandum
from Red China's Mao Tse-tung to the
Soviet Union in'Marchof 1953. It ap-
pears on pages 5'7017-5708 of the CoN-
GRESSIONAL RECORD of April 29, 1954,
volume 100, part 5, 83d Congress, 2d ses-
sion. This memorandum should be read
and studied by everyone and particularly
by our policernakers in the State Depart-
Inent and by those who would, in effect,
have us bargain away the peace and
freedom of South Vietnam and southeast
Asia.
The memorandum is a blueprint of
conquest of Asia by the Communists.
It outlines a program which has suc-
ceeded all too well, even though parts
of the timetable have been thrown off
to some degree. Through Mao's timing
has been off--because the United States
unexpectedly intervened and because of
the Red China-Soviet Union " dispute
over how best to further Communist im-
perialism-the memorandum serves as a
'Mein Kam.pf of Communist conquest and
domination.
It should be emphasized that Mao
anticipated that most of the gains are
to be made through armistices and nego-
. tiations.
First of all, Mao declared:
It appears that time has come that we
have to look upon Asia as our immediate
goal. In Asia--
He said-
tap-ties of internal revolution, infiltration or
intimidation into Inaction or submission will
yield an abundant harvest.
Pointing to the weakness within the
Communist World, Mao wrote:
Consequently, we have to, until we are
certain of - victory, take a course which will
not lead to war.
One course-
He continued-
is to isolate the United States by all possible
means.
Then Britain must be placated by being
convinced that there is a possibility of set-
tling the major issues between the East and
the West and that the Communists and the
capitalist countries can live in peace. Op-
portunities for trade will have a great in-
fiuence on the British mind.
Listen to what Mao had to say about
France:
In the case of France, her war weariness
and fear of Germany must be thoroughly
exploited. She must be made to feel a sense
of greater security in cooperating with us
than with the Western countries.
And on Japan:
Japan must be convinced that rearmament
.endangers instead of guaranteeing her na-
tional security and that, in case of war, the
American forces distributed all over the
world cannot spare sufficient strength for the the capitalist bloc, while, in China there was
defense of Japan. Rearmament is, therefore, nothing so direct and vigorous. . The experi-
an expression of hostility toward her poten- ences in Korea tell us that so long as there is
tial friends. Her desire to trade will offer foreign Intervention and so long as we have
great possibilities for steering Japan away no naval support, military operations alone
from the United States. cannot achieve the objective of liberation.
Before I turn to specific areas of con-
quest set out in the blueprint, let me
quote the section on military prepared-
ness:
As a final goal, there should be in east and
southeast Asia (after these areas are liber-
ated) 26 million well-trained men who can
be immediately mobilized. These men are to
be held in readiness for emergency. They
will achieve two purposes. On the one hand
they will force the capitalist countries to
keep on increasing defense expenses until
economic collapse overtakes them. On the
other hand, a mere show of force, when time
is ripe, will bring about the capitulation of
the ruling cliques of the countries to be
liberated.
Note the emphasis of liberation. The
idea of a "war of liberation" is the chief
propaganda weapon in the'hands of the
aggressors in Vietnam today.
Mao also had some comments on the
Korean war, which was raging at the
time his memorandum was written.
He said:
The important reason that ,we cannot win
decisive victory in Korea Is our lack of naval
strength. Without naval support, we have to
confine our operations to frontal attacks
along a line limited by sea. Such actions
always entail great losses and are seldom ca-
pable of destroying the enemy. In March
1961, I suggested to Comrade Stalin to make
use of the Soviet submarines in Asia under
some arrangement that the Soviet Union
would not be apparently involved In the war.
Comrade Stalin preferred to be cautious lest
it might give the capitalist imperialism the
pretext of expanding the war to the conti-
nent. I agreed with his point of view.
Until we are better equipped for victory, it
is to our advantage to accept agreeable terms
for an armistice.
Here is what Mao had to say about
Formosa:
Formosa must be incorporated into the
People's Republic of China because of the
government's commitment to the people. If
seizure by force toto be avoided for the time
being, the entry of the Chinese People's Gov-
ernment Into the United Nations may help
solve this problem. If there should be se-
rious. obstacles to the immediate transfer of
Formosa to the control of the People's Gov-
ernment, a United Nations trusteeship over
Formosa as an intermediary step could be
The military operations in Indochina
should be carried out to such an extent as to
make the war extremely unpopular among
the French people and to make the French
and Americans-extremely hateful among the
Indochinese people. The object is to force
the French to back out of Indochina prefer-
ably through the face-saving means of an
armistice. Once foreign intervention is out
of the picture, vigorous propaganda, infiltra-
tion, forming united fronts with the progres-
sive elements in and outside the reactionary
regimes will accelerate the process of libera-
tion. A final stroke of force will accomplish
the task. Two years may be needed for this
work.
Two years later :France was out of
Indochina.
But Mao's blueprint for complete dom-
ination of what was formerly Indochina
was stalled when the 'United States de-
cided that freedom for the people and
the peace of southeast Asia required our
assistance.
To those who maintain that South
Vietnam is of little importance to us
strategically, that we have no business
there, that the Communists would settle
for "that one little piece of ground."
Mao's own words supply the answer:
After the liberation of Indochina, Burma
will fall in line as good foundation has al-
ready been laid there. The then reactionary
ruling clique in Thailand will capitulate and
the country will be in the hands of the peo-
ple. The liberation of Indonesia, which will
fall to the Communist camp as a ripe fruit,
will complete the circle around the Malay
Peninsula.
The British will realize, under these cir-
cumstances, the hopelessness of putting up
a fight and will withdraw as quickly as they
can.
If war can be averted, the success of our
plan of peaceful penetration for the other
parts of Asia is almost assured.
Even then Mao considered Indonesia
ripe picking. And who can say he was in
error when one considers the actions of
Indonesia's Sukarno, who continues to
castigate the United States and act like
a puppet of Red China? That is why our
continuation of aid to Indonesia makes
so little sense. And it makes even less
sense that the United States has paid
Indonesia $350,000 to assist that nation
to operate a small atomic research reac-
who advocate that Red China be admit- of August 7. The funds were provided
ted to the United Nations regardless of only last month.
the fact that she does not qualify for The- second secession of Singapore
admission under the Charter of the from the Malaysia Federation could sig-
United Nations. nal the start of another period of chaos
Now let us examine Mao's pronounce- in southeast Asia, as one commentator
ments on Indochina. It should be re- put it, with serious consequences for the
membered that at the time the memoran- struggle to resist communism there.
dum was prepared France was still fight- Finally, the memorandum states that
ing to maintain her colonial interests India should not bear the brunt of his-
there. And those who talk of "free elec- tile actions, that only peaceful means
tions" in Vietnam would do well to keep should be adopted. Why?
his words in mind: Because-
We shall give the maximum assistance to
our comrades and friends in Indochina. The
experiences we have had in Korea should en-
rich their knowledge in fighting for libera-
i Th f Indochina cannot be com-
case o
t
Said Mao--
any employment of force will alienate our-
selves from the Arabic countries and Africa,
because India is considered to be our friend.
on. a
pared with that of China. In Indochina, as Mr. President, these are the main
in Korea, there is serious intervention of points of the memorandum of 12 years
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ago from the one who was then and who
now is the leader of Red China. He was
not writing for literary effect. He meant
what he said.
With so much talk about negotiations
today, I view with misgivings that our
Ambassador W. Averell Harriman and
Gen. Maxwell Taylor, as reported in the
Washington Post on August 9, suggested
that Hanoi is not a likely target of Amer-
ican air attacks against North Vietnam.
According to the report, General Tay-
lor argued against bombing the North
Vietnamese capital. because "we need the
leadership in Hanoi to be intact to make
those essential decisions we hope they
will make at some time."
This seems to contradict Secretary of
State Rusk's statement that there will
be no privileged sanctuary for supporters
of the Vietcong insurgency.
And it recalls that there were no privi-
leged sanctuaries for Adolf Hitler and
his leaders during World War If. Never-
theless, the Nazi leaders were sufficiently
"intact" to make the essential decisions
to end the war.
It is not helpful to our cause to give
comfort to those who promote aggres-
sion. If our leaders intend to pursue a
policy of firmness, they should avoid any
statements which might be construed
as a sign of deviation from that policy.
I am concerned over suggestions, which
seemingly appear as trial balloons, that
we may settle for less than what the
President has stated to be our minimal
objectives. I am concerned also that the
President's critics-some from within his
own party-appear to look only at Viet-
nam without considering the whole pic-
ture so carefully considered by Mao Tse-
tung. They ignore the Communist ob-
jectives in Thailand, in Laos, in Cam-
bodia, in Burma, in Japan, in the Phil-
lippines, in India, and even in Australia.
That is why it is time for all to under-
stand the true meaning of the phrase
"unconditional negotiations."
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the -memorandum to which I
referred in my speech, and which ap-
pears at page 5708 of the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the mem-
orandum was ordered to be printed in
the RECORD, as follows:
AN OUTLINE OF MAO TSE-TUNG'S MEMORANDUM
ON NEW PROGRAM FOR WORLD REVOLUTION
(Carried to Moscow by Chou En-lai in March
1953)
1. ASIA TO BE THE IMMEDIATE GOAL
Due to the profound leadership of Com-
rade Stalin, amazing achievements have
been made in the great task of world revolu-
tion. The success that has been attained
both in Europe and in Asia after World War
II is entirely attributable to Comrade
Stalin's able and correct guidance and direc-
tion. May his wisdom still guide us.
. It appears that time has come that we
have to look upon Asia as our immediate
goal. Under the present circumstances, any
vigorous action In Europe such as internal
revolution, effective infiltration, or intimida-
tion into inaction, of submission is now im-
possible (Communist terminology is differ-
ent, this represents what it really means)
more forcible measures may bring about a
war. In Asia, on the contrary, such tactics
will yield an abundant harvest.
2. WORLD WAR TO BE TEMPORAii5LIT AVOIDED
There is no assurance of victory because of
the higher rate of industrial production and
larger stockpile of atomic weapons on the
part of the capitalist countries, incompletion
of antiatomic defenses of the industrial
areas and oil installations in the Soviet
Union, and Immaturity of China's agri-
cultural and industrial developments. Con-
sequently, we have to, until we are certain
of victory, take a course which will not lead
to war.
3. DIPLOMATIC OFFENSIVE
The United States must be isolated by all
possible means.
Britain must be placated by being con-
vinced that there is possibility of settling
the major issues between the East and the
West and that the Communists and the cap-
italist countries can live in peace. Oppor-
tunities for trade will have a great influence
on the British mind.
In the case of France, her war weariness
and fear of Germany must be thoroughly
exploited. She must be made to feel a sense
of greater security in cooperating with us
than with the Western countries.
Japan must be convinced that rearmament
endangers instead of guaranteeing her na-
tional security and that, in case of war, the
American forces distributed all over the
world cannot spare sufficient strength for
the defense of Japan. Rearmament is,
therefore, an expression of hostility toward
her potential friends. Her desire to trade
will offer great possibilities for steering
Japan away from the United States.
4. MILITARY PREPAREDNESS
As a final goal, there should be in east
and southeast Asia (after these areas are
liberated) 25 million well-trained men who
can be immediately mobilized. These men
are to be held in readiness for emergency.
They will achieve two purposes. On the one
hand they will force the capitalist coun-
tries to keep on increasing defense expenses
until economic collapse overtakes them. On
the other hand, a mere show of force, when
time is ripe, will bring about the capitula-
tion of the ruling cliques of the countries
to be liberated.
5. THE KOREAN WAR
The important reason that we cannot win
decisive victory in Korea is our lack of naval
strength. Without naval support, we have
to confine our operations to frontal attacks
along a line limited by sea. Such actions
always entail great losses and are seldom
capable of destroying the enemy. In March
1951 I suggested to Comrade Stalin to make
use of the Soviet submarines in Asia under
some arrangement that the Soviet Union
would not be apparently involved in the
war. Comrade Stalin preferred to be cau-
tious lest it might give the capitalist im-
perialism the pretext of expanding the war
to the Continent. I agreed with his point
of view.
Until we are better equipped for victory,
it is to our advantage to accept agreeable
terms for an armistice.
e. FORMOSA
Formosa must be incorporated into the
People's Republic of China because of the
Government's commitment to the people. If
seizure by force is to be avoided for the
time being, the entry of the Chinese People's
Government into the United Nations may
help solve this problem. If there should
be serious obstacles to the immediate trans-
fer of Formosa to the control of the People's
Government, a United Nations trusteeship
over Formosa as an intermediary step could
be taken into consideration.
7. INDOCHINA
We shall give the maximum assistance to
our comrades and friends in Indochina. The
experiences we have had in Korea should
enrich their knowledge in fighting for lib-
eration. The case of Indochina cannot be
compared with that of China. In Indo-
china, ? as in Korea, there is serious Inter-
vention of the capitalist bloc, while in China
there was nothing so direct and vigorous.
The experiences In Korea tell us that so
long as there is foreign intervention and
so long as we have no naval support, military
operations alone cannot achieve the objec-
tive of liberation.
The military operations in Indochina
should be carried out to such an extent as to
make the war extremely unpopular among
the French people and to make the French
and Americans extremely hateful among the
Indochinese people. The object is to force
the French to back out of Indochina pref-
erably through the face-saving means of
an armistice. Once foreign intervention is
out of the picture, vigorous propaganda, in-
filtration, forming united fronts with the
progressive elements in and outside the re-
actionary regimes will accelerate the process
of liberation. A final stroke of force will
accomplish the task. Two years may be
needed for this work.
8. BURMA, THAILAND, INDONESIA, AND MALAY
PENINSULA
After the liberation of Indochina, Burma
will fall in line as good foundation has al-
ready been laid there. The then reactionary
ruling clique in Thailand will capitulate and
the country will be in the hands of the
people. The liberation of Indochina, which
will fall to Communist camp as a ripe fruit,
will complete the circle around the Malay
Peninsula.
The British will realize, under these cir-
cumstances, the hopelessness of putting up
a fight and will withdraw as quickly as they
can. We expect that the whole process will
be completed in or before 1960.
9. JAPAN AND INDIA
By 1960 China's military, economic and
industrial power will be so developed that
with a mere show of force by the Soviet
Union and China, the ruling clique of Japan
will capitulate and a peaceful revolution will
take place. We must be on guard against
the possibility that the United States will
choose to have war at this moment. She
may even want the war earlier. The defen-
sive and offensive preparations of the Soviet
Union and China must, therefore, be com-
pleted before 1960. Whether we can prevent
the United States from starting the war
depends upon how much success we have
in isolating her and how effective is our
peace offensive. If the war can be averted,
the success of our plan of peaceful pene-
tration for the other parts of Asia is almost
assured.
In the case Of India, only peaceful means
should be adopted. Any employment of
force will alienate ourselves from the Arabic
countries and Africa, because India is con-
sidered to be our friend.
10. ARABIC COUNTRIES AND AFRICA
After India has been won over, the prob-
lems of the Philippines and the Arabic coun-
tries can be easily solved by economic co-
operation, alliances, united fronts, and coali-
tions. This task may be completed in 1965.
Then a wave of revolution will sweep over
the whole continent of Africa and the im-
perialists and the colonizationists will be
quickly driven into the sea. In fact this
powerful movement may have been under-
way much earlier.
With Asia and Africa disconnected with
the capitalist countries in Europe, there Will
be a total economic collapse in Western
Europe. There capitulation will be a matter
of course.
11. THE UNITED STATES
Crushing economic collapse and industrial'
breakdown will follow the European crisis.
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Canada and South America will find them-
selves in the same hopeless and defenseless
condition. Twenty years from now, world
revolution will be an accomplished fact. If
the United States should ever start a war,
she would do so before 'the liberation of
Japan, the Philippines, and India. The
courses of action in that event are outlined
in the memorandum on military aid.
Mr. MILL'R. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent that M this point in
the RECORD there be printed an article
entitled "The Big If," by the distill-
guished columnist, Mr. Joseph Alsop,
dated August 6; an article entitled "Ma-
jor U.S. Modification of Viet Peace
Terms," by Mr. William R. Frye, in the
August 3 issue of the Des Moines Regis-
ter; an article entitled "Johnson Throws
Support to Thant," by Max Freedman,
published in the Washington Evening
Star on August 5; an article entitled "Re-
port U.S. Rejected Peace Bid Last Pall,"
by Darius S. Jhabvala, published in the
August 8 issue of the lies Moines Reg-
ister; an article entitled "Hanoi Seen as
Unlikely Air Target," by Frank C. Por-
ter, published in the Washington Post on
August -9; and finally,, an article en-
titled "United States Crave $350,000 for
Indonesia Reactor," by Richard Hallo-
ran, published in the August 'i issue of
the Washington Post.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THEBIG IF
(By Joseph Alsop)
The history of the American role in the
War in Vietnam has thus far been stamped
all over, in large letters, "Too Little and Too
Late."
A good illustration is President Kennedy's
1961 decision to make an Important increase
in the American contribution.
The people who were trying for Brownie
points by carrying on a personal vendetta
against the late President Ngo Dinh Diem
elaborately pooh-poohed the results of this
decision by President Kennedy. General
Harkins and Secretary of Defense Robert S.
McNamara were bitterly denounced for over-
timistic estimates of the war situation in
lea.
By now, however, prisoner interrogations
and other undoubted intelligence have re-
roealed that the Vietcong came fairly close
to defeat at that time. The modern weap-
ons that the United States supplied to the
South Vietnamese Army, and the major step-
up in South Vietnamese fighting power,
knocked the Communists temporarily but
rather completely off balance.
Instead of being criticized for overopti-
mism, in fact, Secretary McNamara should
have been attacked on another point--the
failure to act on one of the 1961 recommen-
dations, to backup the South Vietnamese
army with American tactical airpower.
Very few people are aware of it, but the
fact is that the most Important part of
President Johnson's Pleilcu decision last
winter was not the order to bomb North Viet-
namese targets. As the decision was imple-
Inted, . the bombing sorties against the
north were more for show than effect for
many months on end. But President John-
son's simultaneous removal of all wraps
from the use of American tactical airgower
In South Vietnam had a profound effect.
Without this other, much less publicized
step, the war might well have been lost by
now. And if this same step had been taken
when the American contribution was in-
creased in 1961, the war t well have been
Won in the period whenthe Vietcong were
so badly knocked off balance.
Thg facts are, relevant at the moment,
because the increase in U.S. troop strength
in Vietnam, which President Johnson an-
nounced last week, is currently being de-
nounced as "too little and too late." For
once in a way, however, this appears not to
be true.
In brief, the U.S. field commander, General
Westmoreland, was given quite literally
everything he asked for. The armed serv-
ices were not, however, given all that they
asked for as soon as General Westmoreland's
requests were in. Thus the callup of Re-
serves-was deferred, for instance.
In these circumstances, the really disquiet-
ing aspect of the President's news conference
was the interminable and effusive discussion
of negotiations with the North Vietnamese.
This has left the impression, in the country
and throughout the world, that the United
States is prepared to stop fighting the next
morning after being asked to begin talking.
The big "if," of course, Is whether enough
progress can be made in Vietnam to force
the Communists to ask for negotiations. If
that happens, one may be quite certain the
circumstances will broadly resemble those in
Korea in June-July 1951, when the Chinese
Communists asked for negotiations.
The reason for the Chinese request was
simple. The United States and South Korean
armies had made a superb recovery In the
months since the disaster on the Yalu. In
June-July 1951, a powerful offensive threat-
ened the whole Chinese and North Korean
front. That was why the Chinese were ready
to begin talking.
Unhappily, the offensive was stopped dead
in its tracks when talks were requested. The
Chinese got a respite. Two more bitter years
of fighting followed before the signature of
the unsatisfactory peace. The war in Viet-
nam is a direct sequel and result.
It to a serious matter, therefore, if the
impression is conveyed that the United States
Is again ready to commit the same silly folly
that was committed in Korea in the summer
of 1951.
In reality, this impression that President
Johnson conveyed is almost certainly, mis-
leading. He talks of unconditional negotia-
tions because the intention is to keep the
pressure on the enemy until an acceptable
settlement is agreed upon. But the Presi-
dent will still be wise to remove the false
impression, for there are plenty of people
who have .forgotten the Korean folly and will
howl like banshees for a repetition of it,
unless the President clears the air in ad-
vance:
MAJOR U.S. MonirrcATION or VIET PEACE
TERMS
(By William R. Frye)
NEW Yoas, N.4'.-The United States has
significantly modified its Vietnam peace
terms in a major effort to negotiate its way
out of, the war, it has been learned here.
Chief U.B. Delegate Arthur J. Goldberg
informed U.N. Secretary General U Thant of
the new stand on Wednesday. Thant, who
thereupon publicly vowed to redouble his
peace efforts, is expected to relay the propos-
als to Hanoi and Peiping promptly.
The change in the American position con-
sists essentially of three parts:
1. Washington now Is prepared to envisage
reunification of Vietnam by internationally
supervised elections, as called for in the Ge-
neva accords of 1954, even though, as many
diplomats believe, this could lead to a Com-
munist takeover.
Reunification has long been North Viet-
nam's objective. The United States has held
out for prrtition, with guaranteed security
and independence for South Vietnam.
2. The United States now is willing to re-
gard I anoi's oft-cited "four points," which
include an American withdrawal from Viet-
nam, as part of the agenda for negotiation-
though not the exclusive agenda nor as a
precondition for a parley.
This is regarded as a major concession.
Previously, although President Johnson had
offered to take part in. "unconditional dis-
euesions," the four points had been consid-
ered an unnegotiable demand for surrender.
The points involve (a) American with-
drawal; (b) temporary neutralization; (c)
communization of South Vietnam; (d) then
reunification.
3. The United States is willing to find
some face-saving formula for including the
Vietcong (National Liberation Front) at a
peace table. Previously, Washington had
been unwilling to negotiate with the Viet-
cong except as part of the North Vietnamese
delegation.
This large-scale United States "peace of-
fensive" has placed Hanoi and Peiping under
significant new pressure to negotiate an end
to the Vietnam war, U.N. diplomats believe.
PRIVATE AND PUBLIC MOVES
The American peace drive has two facets:
Private overtures, through U Thant and
other intermediaries, offering to scale down
the American asking price for peace; and
public gestures, primarily to the U.N.. in-
viting action by Thant and the U.N. Security
Council.
U.N. diplomats and observers are more Im-
pressed by the private moves than by the
public gestures, though they believe both
contribute to useful pressure on the Com-
munists.
In offering to negotiate the reunification
of Vietnam under internationally supervised
elections the United States has offered, in
effect, to reverse its 10-year effort at parti-
tion, provided only that the elections are
:genuinely free, and certified as such by an
international authority.
SOMETHING TO WORK WITH
It was never clear in the 1950's that the
Communists would let the elections be free,
even though many observers believed they
could win them. They wanted victory to be
not merely probable, but certain. This point
could easily prove once again to be a major
stumbling block. But if so, the United States
will be in a strong moral and propaganda
position. U.N. people believe.
The Secretary General is represented as
feeling he now has something negotiable to
work on. But whether the Vietcong having
believed themselves on the verge of military
victory, will agree to negotiate on any basis
for any purpose is considered problematical.
Strenuous efforts will be made to persuade
them to do so.
It is presumed here, without firm knowl-
edge, that Presidential roving Ambassador
W. Averell Harriman went to Moscow hop-
ing to Induce Moscow to join in this pressure
on Hanoi.
DOESN'T WANT U.N. DEBATE
If after a reasonable period-the word
"reasonable". has not been made precise-
the Communists still refuse to negotiate, even
on a basis which includes their own pro-
posals, the United States is expected to
plunge into the war on a major scale.
The public phase of the American "peace
offensive" is regarded here as useful but less
meaningful.
The U.N. does not believe the United
States really expects, or even wants, a public
debate on Vietnam in the U.N. Security
Council at this stage, despite an invitation
to Council members Friday by Delegate Gold-
berg to "somehow find the means to respond
effectively" to the southeast Asia "challenge."
A public debate would virtually oblige the
Soviet Union to take a violent public pos-
ture critical of the United States, it is pointed
out, :at a time when efforts are being made
to cushion the damaging impact of Vietnam
on Soviet-American relations and avoid a
future confrontation.
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Moscow, too, is said to be opposed to a
Vietnam debate in the U.N. Neither the
United States nor any other country has
formally moved for one.
Repeated statements by Washington that
the United States is willing are taken as
gestures to American domestic critics, who
want the U.N. to help make peace, perhaps
without fully realizing what U.N. interven-
tion would mean at this stage.
JOHNSON THROWS SUPPORT TO THANT
(By Max Freedman)
The effect on the United Nations of Presi-
dent Johnson's new initiatives on Vietnam
can be summarized in two sentences. Up to
now Secretary General U Thant has been fol-
lowing his own instincts, working often at
haphazard, and always barren of results. Now
he is supported by the full authority of the
United States, the whole world knows it,
and he can act with new confidence and
assurance. In a situation filled with uncer-
tainty and danger his new bargaining power
is at least one small hope for peace.
In the past there has been rather savage
criticism of the Secretary General in the
American press. He has been accused of
being so impartial that he has seen no dif-
ference between Communist subversion and
the resistance offered by the United States.
This press criticism has received no sup-
port from the Johnson administration. As
a matter of deliberate and far-sighted policy,
Ambassador Adlai Stevenson and Secretary
of State Dean Rusk and the President all
wanted to preserve the Secretary General's
undamaged authority. They knew the time
might come when the Secretary General
could be very useful in bringing the prob-
lems of Vietnam to the conference table.
Perhaps that time has not yet arrived but at
least he has begun to move in that direction.
It has often been said that the Secretary
General has no mandate to do anything in
this dispute since neither North Vietnam nor
China belongs to the United Nations. That
is not correct, Under the charter he has a
general mandate to bring to the attention
of the United Nations any problem disturb-
ing the peace. He is now able to use the pow-
ers of his office not only as they were defined
in the charter but as they were interpreted
and expanded by the late Secretary General
Dag Hammarskjold.
Beyond all question any hope of a nego-
tiated settlement rests on the Secretary Gen-
eral, Any effort made by an individual gov-
ernment to promote a settlement will be co-
ordinated with the work of the Secretariat
even if nothing is said of this cooperation
in public. Thus, the United Nations always
will be in the background and its authority
can be used at the right moment.
When he was asked if the United States
would support an immediate cease-fire, Am-
bassador Arthur Goldberg replied that a
cease-fire is without meaning unless it leads
to a negotiated settlement of the dispute.
There is another answer that is equally im-
portant. The United States must be very
skeptical of any arrangement that seems to
give the Vietcong the title to the land that
they are holding at the time of the cease-fire.
Any such formula would weaken and dis-
member South Vietnam and make its sur-
vival as an independent political entity com-
pletely impossible.
This explains why the rulers of South
Vietnam are being so cautious about the role
of the United Nations. They want to know
what the United Nations can do to guarantee
that South Vietnam will in fact have a free
choice in a supervised election to chart its
own political course. The United States is
pledged to respect the freedom of south
Vietnam while being willing to accept the
unity of all Vietnam. This is a pleasant and
ingenious formula, so long as it does not
have to be tested, but it enshrines a contra.
F,q46R000300130013-1
diction and may fall apart under the pull
of events.
By every token, the Secretary General
knows better than officials in Washington
how fragile and contradictory this. principle
really is. He has asked for urgent studies
to be made on the problems of supervised
elections so that South Vietnam's freedom
of choice will be a reality rather than an
illusion. He also has made it clear that the
conference room must be a place for gen-
uine negotiations instead of being a place
where the military gains of the Communist
forces are ratified and accepted.
These two principles, deeply held at the
United Nations, should reassure South Viet-
nam that no one is contemplating a diplo-
matic sellout in the abused name of peace.
In these early stages it is impossible to
know what the Soviet Union will do. If she
is ready to minimize the risks of war, she
will not use her veto or organize resistance
to the United Nations effort. It all depends
on how far the Soviet Union wishes to go in
widening her quarrel with Communist China
and in reducing her influence in North Viet-
nam. The Secretary General is now trying
to find the answer to these questions by
delicate personal diplomacy.
Even China may hesitate before she re-
bukes and defies the United Nations. Yet
the Secretary General, even if his present ef-
forts should fail, would have provided an-
other and conclusive proof of the desire of
the United States to find an honorable end
to the war in Vietnam.
REPORT UNITED STATES REJECTED PEACE BID
LAST FALL
(By Darius S. Jhabvala)
UNITED NATIONS, N.Y.-The Johnson ad-
ministration last fall rejected a proposal for
Vietnam peace talks that had been accepted
without conditions by Communist North
Vietnam, it was learned Saturday.
This information, from reliable sources, is
in direct conflict with President Johnson's
statement at his July 28 press conference
that "we are ready now, as we have always
been, to move from the battlefield to the
conference table."
The opportunity for a private and unpub-
licized discussion with representatives of the
Hanoi regime occurred early last fall, at the
height of the U.S. presidential election cam-
paign.
NO CONDITIONS
The proposal, made by a non-Communist
Asian diplomat, was accepted by Hanoi, which
did not set forth any conditions.
But the Johnson administration rejected
it, is is said, for two reasons:
Mr. Johnson was engaged in the election
battle with former Senator Barry Goldwater,
who was advocating stronger U.S. military
action in the Vietnam war. If word of peace
talks had leaked out, Goldwater might have
capitalized on it as a sign of weakness and
damaged the Democratic campaign.
The South Vietnamese Government was in
turmoil. Opposition to the military regime
of Premier Nguyen Kanh was growing, and
Washington believed that negotiations with
the Communists might cause the government
to fall (it did fall later).
Saturday, an informed State Department
source, asked about the story, replied, "The
President was never involved in that one."
He said it was one of many contacts over a
long period of time. "There were contacts
going on almost every other week."
ABOUT PROCEDURE
But, he said, this particular contact con-
cerned only the procedure for a meeting and
there was no hint that anything would come
from it.
He said "the election did not have anything
to do with it."
The effort to initiate direct talks was made
shortly after the August 1964 Gulf of Tonkin
crisis, in which the United States conducted
its first two air strikes against North Viet-
nam in retaliation for PT boat attacks on
American warships in the gulf.
That was 6 months before the present U.S.
air offensive against North Vietnam began
last February 7.
Not long before it accepted the proposal
for direct talks, Hanoi had rejected an in-
vitation by the United Nations Security
Council to participate in a debate on the
Gulf of Tonkin crisis with the comment that
only the signers of the 1954 Geneva accords
were competent to study "the war acts com-
mitted by the United States." The United
States was not a signatory.
AT RANGOON
The proposal, suggesting Rangoon, Burma,
as a meeting place, was discussed at the U.N.
and then relayed to Hanoi by an emissary of
the Soviet foreign ministry. There were
hints of such a proposal at that time, but
its fate was never made public.
Later proposals for peace talks were turned
down by Hanoi, and the sources said Satur-
day they believed the U.S, rejection of the
Rangoon talks caused Hanoi to stiffen its
resistance to negotiations and to intensify
its support of the Vietcong guerrilla war
against South Vietnam.
U.S. officials have said several times that
on no occasion has Hanoi shown a willing-
ness to talk.
The sources pointed out Saturday that
last fall's U.S. rejection and Hanoi accept-
ance of a negotiation proposal is now a foot-
note in history. They maintained, however,
that had a meeting taken place, a road to
peace in Vietnam might have been mapped
out.
HANOI SEEN AS UNLIKELY AIR TARGET-HAR-
RIMAN, TAYLOR HINT STRONGLY THAT CITY
WON'T BE HIT
(By Frank C. Porter)
W. Averell Harriman and Gen. Maxwell D.
Taylor both suggested yesterday that Hanoi
is not a likely target in American air attacks
against North Vietnam.
"Although there has been no assurance
that we won't bomb Hanoi," Harriman said,
"we are a long ways from it at the present
time."
Taylor argued against bombing the North
Vietnamese capital on grounds that "we need
the leadership in Hanoi to be intact to make
those essential decisions we hope they will
make at some time." He would not say cate-
gorically, however, that the city is ruled out
as a future target.
RUSK'S WARNING
Although the Johnson administration has
repeatedly said it has no present plans to
strike Hanoi, Secretary of State Dean Rusk
has warned there will be no privileged sanctu-
ary for supporters of the Vietcong insurgency.
But Harriman and Taylor appeared to
throw out strong hints that Hanoi may be
indefinitely exempted.
And Harriman, U.S. Ambassador-at-Large
who recently returned from talks with Rus-
sian Premier Alexei N. Kosygin and four other
chiefs of state, went out of his way to calm
American fears of further escalation of the
Vietnamese conflict.
Asked about a serious military confronta-
tion with Communist China, Harriman said,
"I see no reason we should stir up the public
to believing that is the danger. I do not
believe it is a danger."
But should such a confrontation with
China occur, Harriman told a panel on "Face
the Nation" (CBS, WTOP), "we would have
to count upon Moscow standing with Com-
munist allies."
At the same time, Harriman said he came
back from Moscow "with a very strong feel-
ing that Mr. Kosygin and his colleagues are
as anxious as we are to prevent escalation."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 16, 1965
MOSCOW'S STAND STATED
He stressed that the Soviet Union cannot
play an overt role as peacemaker because
of its competition with Peiping for leadership
of world communsim. "They may be able to
do things privately they are not able to do
publicly," he added.
And although Moscow supports North
Vietnam and liberation movements generally
as the trend of the future, Harriman said
Kosygin told him the Russians "believe in
the 17th parallel (the dividing line between
North and South Vietnam), indicating that
there shoilld be recognition of the rights of
the South Vietnamese people."
In the same vein, Harriman said President
Tito of Yugoslavia made it plain to him that
South Vietnam should be allowed to have its
Independence and that Tito regards China
as an aggressor nation and a dangerous one.
"And r wouldn't be surprised if that was
not only his view but also.the Soviet view,"
Harriman added.
Taylor, former U.S. Ambassador to Saigon,
was interviewed on Meet the Press (NBC-TV-
WRC).
He said he would expect additional Amer-
lean forces to follow the buildup to 125,000
men announced by the administration.
Asked if he thought a commitment of 300,000
to 400,000 might be needed later, Taylor said
he did not think such a large force will be
required.
He also was asked how long it might take
to end the U.S. involvement in Vietnam.
"I wouldn't expect anything less than l to
2 years," Taylor said.
General Taylor was reminded that in 1962
he and Defense Secretary Robert S. Mc-
Namara had said the United States might be
able to wind up its involvement by Christ-
mas of that year.
"At that time we had not had the political
turbulence," Taylor said, referring to the
subsequent overthrow of the Diem govern-
ment and the long series of paigon coups that
followed.
The lack of governmental stability and of
sufficient trained, military, manpower are
the two most pressing problems in South
Vietnam today, said Taylor.
But "the new and broe,de i.ed U.S. commit-
ment" to fill that manpower gap has given an
"enormous lift" to South Vietnamese . and
Americana alike, he explained.
American air attacks north of the 17th
parallel, Taylor said at another point, have
had "a very clear depressant effect" on in-
filtration ,from the north.
UNrrsn STATES GAVE $350,000 FOR INDONESIA
.REACTOR
(By Richard Halloran)
The United States has paid Indonesia
$350,000 to assist the southeast Asian nation
to operate a small atomic research reactor.
A State Department spokesman said yes-
terday that the sum was paid to fulfill an
atoms-for-peace agreement made in 1980.
The reactor, situated at the Technical In-
stitute of Bandung, was , purchased from
General Dynamics and went into operation
last spring with uranium fuel leased from
the United States.
Under terms of the agreement, the United
States granted the $350,000 after Indonesia
got the facility running. The funds were
given to Indonesia last month.
The United States must now decide wheth-
er to renew the 5-year agreement, which ex-
pires September 20. In light of Indonesian
President Sukarno's pointed anti-American
stance recently, the decision has strong poli-
tical overtones.
No negotiations for renewing the agree-
ment have been started with the Indonesian
Government. The decision to, go ahead or
not will be made by Secretary of State Dean
Rusk and may go to President Johnson for
approval.
If the United States decides not to renew
the agreement, a problem in getting Indo-
nesia to return the fuel may arise. Indonesia
so far has observed the inspection and safety
aspects of the agreement. But Sukarno's re-
action to an adverse decision is unpredictable.
A second consideration is Sukarno's recent
claims that Indonesia will soon have an
atomic bomb. Informed sources say that the
atoms-for-peace reactor cannot technically
be used to build a military weapon.
The Bandung reactor is the only one known
to be operating in Indonesia. A Russian-
built subcritical reactor stopped running in
1963 when the Russians did not replenish the
fuel.
Another Soviet reactor is under construc-
tion but not operating.
American assistance to Indonesia's atomic
program has been criticized at home and
abroad.
In ituala Lumpur Thursday, Reuters re-
ported Malaysian Prime Minister Tunku
Abdul Rahman said:
"Although America says the reactor is only
meant for peaceful purposes, what guarantee
is there that Sukarno will not use it for de-
struction purposes?"
Sukarno has vowed that Indonesia will
"crush" Malaysia, which he considers a neo-
colonial federation.
Earlier this week, Representative Wu x.rssa
S. BROOMFIELD, Republican, of Michigan, was
critical of American assistance to Indonesian
atomic research.
THROWING AWAY _MAR.KETS-AND
FARMERS
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, Al
Capp, who is famed for his Lil Abner
comic strip, recently conjured up little
beings he designated as "Kigmies."
"Kigmies" in the cartoon world,
ushered in an era of improved human re-
lations because they enjoyed nothing
more than a well-planted foot in the pos-
terior. Angry and frustrated human be-
ings could get relief from their frustra-
tions and anger by kicking a Kigmie.
I mention this because of efforts to
make real life Kigmies out of the wheat
producers of the United States.
American wheat producers have just
lost a share in the sale of 6.9 million tons
of wheat to Russia and Eastern. Europe
within the past 2 weeks because of an
unbelievably foolish policy, demanded by
maritime unions, and -maintained by our
Government. of requiring 50 percent of
any wheat sold for dollars to Soviet bloc
countries to be carried in American ships
at nearly twice what it would cost to
move the wheat in foreign vessels.
The news last week told of Canadian
sales to a Russian trade delegation of 27.7
million bushels of wheat for shipment
from western Canada, and another 187
million bushels for shipment from east-
ern Canada, including wheat equivalent
of 400,000 tons of flour. A sale of 7 mil-
lion bushels to Czechoslovakia was ar-
ranged during the week, and an inde-
pendent purchase of 1.1 million tons was
made from Argentina.
The delivered cost of this wheat will
be about $500 million. The Canadian
wheat producers will receive in excess of
$300 million.
Russia is going to need even more
wheat.
Dr. Richard Goodman of the Great
Plains Wheat Council advises me that the
'best available informationindicates the
Russian crop this year will be 40 to 41
million tons.
Between 1959 and 1963, the Russian
crop has averaged 60 million tons.
Russia's requirements are 55 million
tons for domestic consumption and3 mil-
lion toys for export to satellites.
Assuming a 41-million-ton crop and 7
million tons of purchases to date, Rus-
sia is still 7 million tons short of a nor-
mal supply for domestic use and 10 mil-
lion tons of wheat short if her exports
are calculated. Russia still needs wheat
which we might sell ;if our unwise ship-
ping rules were rescinded.
According to press reports, Izvestia has
started indicating to the Russian people
that corn is a fine cereal.
There are indications that Mr. Kosygin
is conditioning his people for the news
that they must tighten their belts on
wheat consumption in the year ahead.
She has booked just about all the wheat
Canada can spare until she is certain of
yields from the bumper crop that ap-
pears sure to be harvested in the western
provinces. Argentina, and Australia are
out of the market at least until they
know the size of then 1966 crop. And
Russia has made one thing clear in the
past: she will not pay more for Amer-
ican products than other purchasers from
the United States have to pay, which is
one effect of our 50 percent U.S. ship-
ping requirement.
We are denying American wheat farm-
ers access to a profitable commercial
market by our self-defeating shipping
requirement. We are asking Soviet pur-
chasers to pay 11 to 1.2 cents per bushel
more for wheat than other countries are
asked to pay-because of the requirement
that 50 percent must be shipped in U.S.
ships. As a consequence, we are not
selling a single bushel of wheat to the
Russians of Eastern Europeans and there
is every indication that they will con-
tinue to buy from our competitors or
substitute corn as a cereal, before they
will patronize us at extra cost, even as
a residual demand supplier.
The shipping regulation, designed to
placate two or three maritime unions, is
helping no one at all. It is giving them
50 percent of nothing. It is depriving
the United States of an opportunity to
improve its balance of payments position
by hundreds of millions of dollars.
While Canadian farmers are expe-
riencing an economic boom and going
into all out production, our wheat farm-
ers are suffering from inadequate markets
and from drastically curtailed produc-
tion. While we develop a farm program
paying people not to product, the Ca-
nadians are forging ahead, increasing
wheat acreage.
Mr. President, there is absolutely no
reasonable justification for this self-de-
feating shipping restriction. It helps no
one. It hurts virtually everybody. If
anyone draws any satisfaction from the
false hope that this silly shipping re-
striction is hurting the Russians and the
East Europeans he should simply take
a look at the Russian purchase mis-
sions which are securing grain from our
competitors all over the world. All we
are doing is sticking our heads in the
sand at a cost of several hundred mil-
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