SUMMARY OF REMARKS BY ALLEN W. DULLES DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE TO ALL-AMERICAN CONFERENCE TO COMBAT COMMUNISM AND KANSAS CITY ASSOCIATION FOR INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND TRADE KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67-00318R000100640001-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 2, 2013
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: November 11, 1960
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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SUMMARY OF REMARKS
BY
ALLEN W. DULLES
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
TO
ALL-AMERICAN CONFERENCE TO COMBAT COMMUNISM
AND
KANSAS CITY ASSOCIATION FOR
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS AND TRADE
KANSAS CITY, MISSOURI
11 November 1960
7:00 P.M. --C.S. T.
Veterans Day, which we celebrate on November 11 of each
year, i-s dedicated to those who in war fought to preserve our
own freedoms and to bring freedom to others.
The fighting in World War I ended with an Armistice
forty-two years ago. Ever since then we have been struggling
to achieve peace and make it secure against the forces which
that war let loose in the world, foremost of these forces is
International Communism.
The treaty which ended World War I was deeply influenced
by Woodrow Wilson's fourteen points, and the doctrine of the
self-determination of peoples. The map of the world was altered
and the principles set forth in that treaty, eventually helped to
bring freedom to many millions formerly under colonial rule.
In the light of this history it seems strange that we, the
United States, should now be falsely accused as an imperialist
and colonialist power by the Soviet Union. It is they who have
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enslaved many millions of peoples, while the principles of our
Declaration of Independence, of our Revolution and of President
Wilson's call for self-determination have made the United States
the foremost protagonist of the principles of human freedom.
On Veterans Day we also pay, tribute to those who in World
War II contributed so largely to bringing an end to Nazi and Fascist
tyranny in Europe and to Japanese imperialist designs in the
Far East.
And lastly today, we pay tribute to those who in the Korean
War maintained the barrier against the aggressive advance of
Communism in the Far East.
Thus we have learned over the four decades since
November -1918, during the lifetime- of: many--of-us-, that our freedoms
can be menaced not alone here at home, but by events.in.other and
often distant parts of the world -- on the Rhine, in Korea, and today
in.Berlin, in the :Congo, and in tar-away Laos and .nearby-Claba:
The advance of Communism anywhere in the world can affect
the United States. To permit this would be a betrayal of the
veterans to whose sacrifices .we pay.tribute here today.
Anyone speaking 'here in this .city, on these subjects, would
be derelict if he failed to pay.tribute to the role of President Truman
.in the defens.e of our freedoms, He initiated the Truman Doctrine
in 1947 to protect Greece and Turkey from Communist aggression
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and subversion. He took a firm stand in the days of the Berlin
blockade, an.d in the defense of freedom's frontiers in Korea.
During the last eight years under President Eisenhower
these frontiers of freedom have been defended. The military and
economic strength of the Free World have been steadily built up
to face what today and tomorrow may be ever bolder and more
powerful Communist threats.
It was during the years of tension following World War II
that the Central Intelligence Agency was organized as a special
element in our Government to help meet the new dimensions of
the crisis which the Free World faced in dealing with the aggressive
plans of International Communism.
One of the essential reasons for the creation of the Agency
was the need to obtain better information on a world-wide basis as
to what the Communists in Moscow, their allies and satellites,
were planning and plotting through their far-flung subversive
apparatus.
And when in 1947 and 1948, shortly after the organization of
the CIA, the Communists took over in Czechoslov-akia, threatened
in Greece, in France and Italy, and then in Berlin and later in
China and Korea, the Central Intelligence Agency was strengthened
both in authority and resources to become one of the instruments
of our government in dealing with the International Communist
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subversive threat.
In the CIA we do not deal with policy ? we attempt to get
at the facts without which no adequate policy, can be formulated.
The threat of Communism dates back to 1917 when the
Bolsheviks, declaring the dictatorship of the proletariat, took
control of the machinery of government in Russia.
The period of just over forty years since then falls roughly
into four periods.
The first decade, up to the early 1930s, I would call the
decade of indifference and misunderstanding by the Free World
of what was really happening in Russia as a result of the
Communist-Bolshevik take-over.
During the early years of this period it was hoped that if
we left the Communist movement alone, like a bad dream it
would go away.
I was a member of the American delegation to the Paris-
Peace Conference in 1919. At this time it was felt that the problems
of the world could be settled without much regard for events in the
Soviet Union. The United States did, however, take the lead in
terminating intervention in what was coming to be viewed as an
internal Russian affair. At the same time we held aloof from
diplomatic recognition as we began to appreciate the basic
incompatibility of the Soviet system and all its works with a
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society devoted to free enterprise and the freedom of the
individual.
The second decade, prior to the outbreak of World War II,
was marked by the establishment of diplomatic relations between
the United States and the Soviet Union. By and large during
this decade the United States and countries of Western Europe,
through restored contact, endeavored to do business with Russia.
In the field of trade and commercial relations, initially some
progress was made. Soon, however, the incompatibility of the
two systems in this field also became apparent. The Soviet Union
had little to sell which we wished to buy and neither the desire
nor the financial means to acquire from us those goods and services
?which they could not pay for by their own trade or by the export
of capital.
This was also a period of very restricted social and cultural
relations. During this decade of the Thirties we continued to be
disillusioned by the Soviet system, with its deportations and purges.
In particular we were disturbed by their activities, through the
Comintern, in interfering in the internal political affairs of other
countries. We found that Communism was their principal
commodity of export.
Then came the decade of the Forties, which opened and
closed with periods of great disenchantment. Following the
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Molotov-Ribbentrop cynical agreement of A.ugust 1939, Poland
was invaded by the Soviet and partitioned with Nazi Germany.
Finland was attacked, and the Baltic States lost their freedom
in June of 1940. With Hitler's attack on the Soviet Union there
followed a period of alliance in war. Then came the post-war
disillusionment as Stalin abused the agreement signed in Yalta
and after probing the strength of the West from Iran to Berlin,
aided in the Communist take--over of mainland China and prepared
to collaborate in the Communist attack in Korea.
Thus it was natural that the decade of the Fifties was the
decade of the awakening -- an awakening not only, to the basic
purposes and policies of the Soviet Union and their ally Communist
China, but also an awakening to the growing economic and
military strength of the Soviet Union which emerged as ,a .nuclear
power with growing ability to deliver nuclear weapons to any, part
of the globe.
It was also an awakening to Soviet strength in the field of
science, to their development of a sophisticated educational system,
particularly in scientific and technical fields, and to the emergence
of the Soviet Union as a power which could make its weight felt not
only militarily but economically and technologically all, over the
world.
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The decade of the Sixties will be a decade of great decisions.
During this period we will probably see a rough balance of
military strength in the nuclear and delivery fields, where both
sides will recognize that all-out nuclear war is mutual des-truction.
Then the methods used in the struggle will tend to shift, as
it is beginning to do today. The balance of power in the uncommitted
areas of the world may well be determined in fields other than the
military.
It is on the nature of this, Struggle that I wish to speak tonight.
While I shall be dealing mainly with the non-military phases
of our global confrontation with Communism, ?the maintenance of
our military strength remains of vital importance. During this
decade of the Sixties we must do all in our power to assure ourselves
that the Soviets at no ,ti-xne gain superiority in the arms race. What
is more, it is vital that their own intelligence appraisal of the
respective military situations should not give them any assurance
that they could attack us without receiving unacceptable damage
and destruction in return.
There must be no ground for misinterpretation either of our
military strength or of our willingness, if our own interests or
those of our allies are attacked, to respond with overwhelming
strength.
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Too often in the past, wars have come through the misjudging
of the strength and tenacity of an opponent or of the fortitude with
which the opponent would meet any aggression. To cite only very
recent history, Japan so miscalculated, and twice Germany did
likewise.
In many of his statements Khrushchev has indicated that he
sees evolving the likelihood of something in the nature of a nuclear
stalemate. While he still rattles his missiles, and threatens to use
them even in situations as close at hand as Cuba, at the same time
he is professing that he does not intend to initiate a nuclear war.
He considers this a risky adventure, quite unnecessary to the
accomplishment of his aim for a peaceful conquest of the
non-Communist world. Hence, today he is trying to sell-to us
the idea of co-existence, but his co-existence is largely a figure
of speech to cover his program of conquest without war.
Our own intelligence analysis of the situation leads us to
believe that in order to accomplish its objectives under the guise
of co-existence, the Kremlin will put chief emphasis on the following
lines of action: -- internal subversion, economic penetration and
massive propaganda, directed against the countries of the Free World.
Chief attention will be given to the weak and newly freed nations, and
to those nations which are vulnerable to attack because of economic
disparities, poverty and ignorance.
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Every weakness in the Free World, every division among and
within our free societies will be exploited. They will try to divide
us and thus to win us over.
Divided countries fit handily into the Communist program. We
have as examples -Germany, the city of Berlin, Korea and Vietnam.
In each and every one of these cases the Communists have helped to
create and then exploited d
ivisions in the Free World.
What does intelligence tell us of Khrushchev's weapons in
the war of subversion?
He uses the technique of maintaining and directing Communist
parties, subservient to Moscow, in almost every part of the Free
World. We even have one of his servile Communist parties here
in the United States.
Fortunately, our own high standard of living, effective counter-
measures spear-headed by the Fed.eral?B4reau of Investigation, and
the repugnance we share of everything that Communism means, tend
to keep the party small and politically ineffective.
Unfortunately, such is not the case in all other countries of the
Free World. In many countries Communist parties have positions of
relative respectability. In some they have large representation in
the legislatures where they sabotage parliamentary government and
often render parliaments impotent to take the decisions necessary for
the country's security and well being.
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In the earlier days of the Communist movement, Moscow openly
maintained well publicized organizations to give direction to these
Communist parties. First came the Comintern -- dissolved largely
to satisfy the apprehensions of the United States Government during
the war days. Then came the Cominform which likewis-e disappeared
after a few years of existence. Neither of these actions altered the
'basic Soviet policy of directing these Communist parties from Moscow.
They merely arranged other methods, more covert and less advertised,
to accomplish the same objective.
For some years the Communists, at regular intervals, have been
holding large party Congresses in Moscow. Here they gather together
the hard core Communist leaders from all of the major countries of
the Free World and from many of the smaller countries. These
'Communist leaders from abroad are indoctrinated in the policy which
Moscow considers best calculated, according to the particular
background of the country, concerned, to build towards Communist
domination and the destruction of democratic processes.
Thus they use the liberties, which are the essence of our free
institutions, to try, to undermine, in country after country, the very
concept of liberty itself.
In February of 1959 one of these major party Congresses, the
twenty-first, was held in Moscow. Since a miscellaneous group of
Communist leaders from all quarters of the globe gathered together,
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the security arrangements of these Communist meetings could not
be very good. Hence -we know, for example, a great deal about
the instructions which were given to the Communist delegates from
Latin American countries. We know that the program now being
followed in Cuba is based, chapter and verse, on what the Cuban
?Communists-were instructed to do at this twenty-first party Congress.
A very special meeting of Communist party delegates is now
being held in Moscow to celebrate the annive-r-s-ary of the Soviet
Revolution. In addition to high representatives of Communist China
-and of all of the ten Communist satellite states, we have identified
representatives from five Latin-American states, five important
European countries-, and from many Asian and African countries.
If the usual pattern is followed, we expect that the Communist
parties of about 60 countries will be present. The American
Communist party is among those represented at the meeting.
Some of the time of this conference will undoubtedly be spent
in discussing important differences between Moscow and Peiping.
Khrushchev is supporting the doctrine of .coexistence as the best
method of spreading Communism. The Chinese Communists had
adopted a more uncomprbmising view, favoring military aggression
wherever it can effectively advance their frontiers.
However, we can be sure that there will be group meetings in
which the situation of individual countries and areas will be
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carefully studied and a party line adopted with appropriate
instructions to Communist leaders in practically every country in
the world.
These Communist parties operating in the Free World are not
national parties as are the other parties which represent the various
political and social views of free peoples-. The Communists
represent the views -of International Communism as laid down in
Moscow, or sometimes in Peiping.
It is quite true that in local situations local Communist leaders
are even encouraged to follow extreme nationalist lines. This tactic
enables them to get support from disaffected elements which would
not follow open Communist doctrine. At times the C-ommunist line
even encourages working with the so-called bourgeois or even extreme
rightist elements. Anything goes as long as the objective of breaking
down the orderly process-es- of representative government is served.
In many cases, pacifism and opposition to national defense
measure-s--can be exploited by Communist intrigue to weaken the
unity and strength of countries. Even members of NATO, for example,
have been subject to this kind of pressure.
Tied into the world-wide network of Communist parties dedicated
to the destruction of free government, ?there is a group of Communist
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front organizations which play supporting roles.
In the first line, we have the World Federation of Trade Unions
with headquarters in Prague. This organization, with central control
stemming from the Communist leadership, has a decisive voice in
the largest trade unions of France, of Italy, of Indonesia, of Japan
and has great influence on Communist unions in practically every
free country of the world.
In further supporting roles to the world-wide Communist
party and labor oganizations, there are two large Communist youth
organizations. In recent years these organizations have held major
rallies in Moscow and East Berlin, attended by young people from
all parts of the world. Last year the Moscow management of these
youth rallies had the boldness to hold their world-wide conference in
free Vienna. They had good reason to regret their boldness.
The Communists have also organized a whole galaxy of additional
front organizations in other fields such as journalism, women's
activities and various professions including law, medicine and the
like. The Communists promote ban-the-bomb movements,
capitalizing on widespread fears of nuclear war.
If International Communism can sell the Kremlin's idea of
co-existence, this will give increasing respectability and appeal to
their Communist parties, their front organizations and to the whole
Communist apparatus.
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Our liberties will not be secure until we thoroughly recognize
the nature and extent of the danger of these Communist techniques;
until we take effective steps to uncover and disclose to the world,
so that all can see, their motives and objectives; and identify the
leaders and the stooges of these parties and fronts as they receive
their tactical orders from the Kremlin.
In exposing the International Communist apparatus it must
also be made very clear, particularly in the underdeveloped areas
of the world, that their choice in determining the pattern of their
economic and political development does not lie between "capitalism
on the one hand and Communism on the other." The real choice is
between the dictatorship of the Communist system run by the Kremlin
and free development of the social and economic life of the peoples
of these countries.
To put this problem more concretely the following is the
situation as I see it today.
Organizers for International. Communism are at work everywhere
in the world. They have the tools in their hands which I have just
described. The wares they are trying to sell are attractively
packaged. The themes - democracy, peace, co-existence, are
prominently displayed and the slogans of imperialism and colonialism
are used.
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These organizers also have at their disposition the Communist
party and front organizations. They are ready to receive any
prospective recruits. Everything is made easy. Moscow will
provide. Promises are cheap.
On the other side the democracies of the world have no
comparable organization. We do not want anything like a Comintern
or Cominform or party Congress to direct and subsidize the millions
of people who long for the advance of freedom and democracy. With
us in the Free World these problems are handled through free
political parties, often contesting among themselves, often working
first and foremost for their own particular party ends and only
incidentally using their resources to combat Communism.
Today as we go into the decisive decade of the Sixties, the
political leaders of the Free World will undoubtedly be considering
the steps that can be taken to help coordinate measures to stop the
menace of the International Communist movement.
It is clear that the great forces of freedom and democracy in
the world, of which this country is the leader, should be put to work
behind a united coordinated effort to meet peacefully, the Moscow
directed threat. Today the Communists believe that they are able to
protect their own frontiers by sealing off the Communist orbit from
any form of peaceful penetration which they consider harmful.
They believe that today, the Free World is divided in its efforts to
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meet their offensive or to take up a counter-offensive. Let us show
them that they are mistaken on both counts.
In order to organize effectively we must first of all educate the
peoples of this country, and of the world to the meaning and intentions
of Communism, make them knowledgeable of the apparatus by which
Communism is being promoted by Moscow, of the nature of the
directives which come from Moscow to the Communist parties of the
various countries of the world. With this knowledge we can help to
build up support for all indigenous anti-Communist forces to meet
the particular Communist threat, country by country.
In this way we can assure that the sacrifices of the veterans
whom we honor today have not been in vain and what they have
accomplished to preserve our liberties, shall not be lost because of
any failures on our part.
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