FOREIGN ASPECTS OF U.S. NATIONAL SECURITY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP67-00318R000100370001-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 128
• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
• Document Release Date: May 8, 2013
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: February 25, 1958
• Content Type: REPORT

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Foreign Aspects of
U. S. National Security
WASHINGTON, D.C.
FEBRUARY 25, 1958
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Chase Ltd., Photo
Secretary of State, John Foster Dulles (at the microphone), first
speaker of the morning session. At the left, Conference Chairman
Eric Johnston, right, Adlai E. Stevenson.
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Jotetiya yecb
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CONFERENCE REPORT AND PROCEEDINGS
WASHINGTON, D.C.
FEBRUARY 25, 1958
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Committee for
International Economic Growth
1300 Connecticut Avenue, N.W.
Washington 6, D. C.
April 1958
31
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cgtewati
WHAT THIS REPORT IS ABOUT
At the request of President Eisenhower,
Mr. Eric Johnston convened a Conference on "For-
eign Aspects of United States National Security" in
Washington, D. C. on February 25, 1958.
Completely hi-partisan in character, the Conference
brought together leaders of both parties and out-
standing citizens from practically every state,
Alaska, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico. They came, as
Mr. Johnston said in opening the conference?
"to discuss the free world's mutual security?
the security of our own country in a troubled
world; to explore the root and substance of
America's security in this year of 1958 and for
the years ahead."
This record of the Conference,
which the President characterized as in many re-
spects the most unique occasion at which he had
ever been present, is divided into four parts.
Part One, a Summary Report, gives the background,
outlines the general trend of the discussion and
some of the factual material, and quotes statements
that highlight main points made by the speakers.
Part Two gives the full text of the addresses, be-
ginning with that of President Eisenhower, which
actually followed the dinner at the end of the
day's session.
Part Three gives a somewhat condensed record of
the afternoon question-and-answer panel headed by
Vice President Nixon. It also contains a brief ac-
count of the panel on Post Conference Education,
which concluded with the adoption of a motion
recommending formation of an independent citi-
zens' committee to encourage discussion and stimu-
late a further flow of information about the Mutual
Security Program.
Part Four gives the order of events in the day's pro-
gram, and lists those who participated and those
who assisted Mr. Johnston in organizing the Con-
ference.
For the sake of ease in reading,
the quotations in Part One do not indicate omis-
sions by the usual mechanical device of spaced
periods . . . The reader can readily compare the
extracts with the full text in Parts Two and Three
?a rich mine of thoughtful material, of which only
surface outcroppings appear in the Summary Re-
port.
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Co atertb
FOREWORD: What this Report is About
PART ONE: A Summary Report
PART TWO: Text of Conference Addresses
Security and Peace
Opening Remarks
The Free World and
Mutual Security
What Kind of World
For Our Children?
Military Assistance
The Soviet Economic
and Trade Offensive
Mutual Aid: A Program
of Massive Reconciliation
The Moral Foundations
of U. S. Foreign Assistance
Charity Begins Away
From Home
Introducing a
Valiant Warrior
HONORABLE DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
President of the United States
HONORABLE ERIC JOHNSTON
Chairman of the Conference
HONORABLE JOHN FOSTER DULLES
Secretary of State
HONORABLE ADLAI E. STEVENSON
HONORABLE NEIL H. MCELROY
Secretary of Defense
HONORABLE ALLEN W. DULLES
Director of Central Intelligence
REVEREND EDWIN T. DAHLBERG
President, National Council of the Churches of
Christ in the U. S. A.
RABBI THEODORE L. ADAMS
President, The Synagogue Council of America
BISHOP FULTON J. SHEEN
Auxiliary Bishop of New York
HONORABLE DEAN G. AcnEsoN, Toastmaster
Former Secretary of State
PAGE
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We Are Trustees of
PAGE
HONORABLE HARRY S. TRUMAN 56
Democracy and Freedom Former President of the United States
Science, Technology and
Free -World Development
PART THREE: Panel Discussions
DR. JAMES R. KILLIAN, JR.
Special Assistant to the President for Science
and Technology
59
63
Question and Answer Panel 65
HONORABLE RICHARD M. NIXON, Vice President of the United States
HONORABLE C. DOUGLAS DILLON, Deputy Under Secretary of State
HONORABLE MANSFIELD D. SPRAGUE, Assistant Secretary of Defense
HONORABLE JAMES H. SMITH, JR., Director, International Cooperation Administration
HONORABLE DEMPSTER MCINTOSH, Manager, Development Loan Fund
Panel on Post-Conference Education 83
HONORABLE ERIC JOHNSTON, Chairman of the Conference
MR. ERLE COCKE, JR., Co-Chairman of the Conference
MRS. J. RAMSAY HARRIS, Co-Chairman of the Conference
HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN, Member, House of Representatives
HON. CHESTER E. MERROW, Member, House of Representatives
PART FOUR: Program and Participants
The President's Letter
Program
Honor Guests at Luncheon
Honor Guests at Dinner
Directory of Participants
Congressional Guests
Conference Staff
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A corps of volunteer hostesses handle the early morning task of registering the participants
from 42 states, Hawaii, Alaska and Puerto Rico.
Chase Ltd., Photo
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"An event without parallel in modern American
History . . . "
... is how the New York Herald Tribune described
this conference in Washington where some 1400
Americans gathered late in February, 1958.
They met to discuss the security of the United
States and its foreign aspects?in the age in which
man is preparing to travel to the moon and beyond.
They met in the knowledge that we are nearing
the day when man has the power to exterminate
the human race?in which two nations share much
of the responsibility for the destiny of mankind.
What the USA does in relation to the USSR and
other nations, and what the USSR does in relation
to the USA and other nations, will not only shape
our own and the world's future but determine
whether there is to be a future.
In the four months preceding this Conference,
the USSR had given ample evidence that it is now
prepared to challenge the United States on the
latter's home ground, in the fields of scientific
achievement and peaceful production. What might
once have been regarded as the idle boasts of the
Kremlin, were now reinforced by the hard realities
of two earth-circling satellites and by $2 billion of
Communist aid to countries within the Free World.
It was acute awareness of this Soviet challenge
which brought 1400 national leaders from all walks
of life, every sector of our land and both political
parties to the "Conference on Foreign Aspects of
United States National Security" at the Hotel Stat-
Part One
A SUMMARY REPORT
ler on the third day after Washington's birthday.
There were hundreds more who wanted to sit in on
this discussion, but they had to be turned away
for lack of room. It was, in the words of Time,
"one of the most diverse citizens' groups ever as-
sembled."
Specifically, the Conference was called to ex-
plore methods for providing a fuller flow of in-
formation to the American people about the Mu-
tual Security Program?that legislation which au-
thorizes the U. S. Government to help build up
the military defenses of the Free World; to cooper-
ate with other countries in strengthening their econ-
omies; to lend technical assistance to help those who
want to help themselves; to provide emergency
relief for children, for the oppressed and for vic-
tims of disaster.
Partisanship Took a Holiday.
Political foes famous for forthright speech put
away partisan verbal hardware at this Conference,
proving once again that there are causes big enough
to bring together people from opposite political
poles.
Among the participants were the President of
the United States, a former President, two former
Presidential candidates, the Vice President, the
Speaker of the House of Representatives, 193 Mem-
bers of Congress, the Chief Justice, the Secretary of
State and his Democratic predecessor, the Secretary
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2 SUMMARY REPORT
Bi-partisan spirit demonstrated. Left to Right, Dean Acheson, former Democratic Sec-
retary of State, former President Harry S. Truman, Senator Lyndon B. Johnson, Majority
Leader of the Senate, and Republican Minority Senate Leader, William F. Knowland.
of Defense, and scores of other high Government
officials.
Former President Truman joined wholeheart-
edly in support of President Eisenhower's proposals
for Mutual Security. Equally generous support came
from the President's opponent in two elections,
Adlai E. Stevenson. The former Secretary of State,
Dean Acheson, was on the same side of the argu-
ment as the man he has sometimes vigorously criti-
cized, Secretary of State John Foster Dulles. Vice
President Nixon, leading a discussion panel, under-
took to answer any question that came from the
floor, even the most sharply critical.
Seated at the same table at luncheon and dinner
were such political opposites as Senate Majority
Leader Lyndon B. Johnson, Democrat, and Mi-
nority Leader William F. Knowland, Republican;
House Majority Leader John W. McCormack,
Democrat, and Minority Leader Joseph W. Martin,
Jr., and Minority Whip Leslie C. Arends, Repub-
licans; and the Democratic Chairmen and the rank-
ing Republican Members of a number of important
Congressional committees.
Outside the political sphere, leaders in three
great religious faiths, Protestant, Catholic, and
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Jewish?the Reverend Edwin T. Dahlberg, Presi-
dent of the National Council of Churches of Christ
in the U. S. A.; Bishop Fulton J. Sheen, Auxiliary
Bishop of New York; Rabbi Theodore L. Adams,
President of the Synagogue Council of America?
showed their fundamental agreement regarding the
moral foundations of cooperation and assistance
through the Mutual Security Program.
Why then was this Conference called,
if informed leaders, representing different political
and religious beliefs, all agree as to the vital neces-
sity for Mutual Security?
Because, successful action in a democracy de-
pends not only upon informed leaders but even.
more upon an informed body of citizens As the
President said: "It depends on the fullest under-
standing by every American of the importance of
these programs to our country." But as yet, many
Americans are not sufficiently informed about Mu-
tual Security to have such an understanding.
For example, Representatives Carnahan (Dem-
ocrat from Missouri) and Merrow (Republican from
New Hampshire), both Members of the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, had returned the day
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before the Conference from a joint speaking tour
of 32 cities in 21 states. They reported that their
audiences were interested in the program, eager to
learn about it, "and we found that once the benefits
of the program were understood and the program
explained, there was enthusiastic support."
The Conference of February 25th was called,
therefore, to inform a broad group of citizen leaders
about Mutual Security, with the hope that they in
turn would carry the facts to ever-widening groups
of citizens. it was for this reason that the Con-
ference was organized around the leaders of over
300 national organizations representing all facets
of America: business, labor, agriculture, women's,
veterans, nationality groups, and fraternal orders to
name but a few. It was also for this reason that
the opening talks undertook to explain
What the Mutual Security Program is.
It is a program through which the United States
and other nations join together to strengthen their
mutual security and to advance their mutual search
for peace. This is done in two ways: First, through
Military Assistance, we increase the military de-
fenses of the United States and the Free World at
a minimum cost; and Second, through Economic
Assistance, we help lay the foundations for eco-
nomic growth "in the newly-developing countries of
Asia, Africa and the Near East, so that they can be
strong enough to be economically independent and
thereby politically independent of foreign domi-
nation." The Administration's request for this
program for 1959 is $3.9 billion, two-thirds of which
is for Military Assistance and one-third for Eco-
nomic Assistance.
The Military Assistance part
of the program, as requested for 1959, amounts
to $2,630 million or only about one-sixteenth of the
cost of the domestic armaments program. President
Eisenhower itemized this military figure as follows:
"The sum needed for direct military assistance to
others is $1,800 million. Defense Support, which is
the financial assistance we give certain countries in
order to help them maintain necessary military
forces, accounts for another $830 million.'
Secretary of Defense McElroy, dealing in more
detail with the military side of the Mutual Security
Program, said that the United States is currently
furnishing weapons to more than 40 countries and
SUMMARY REPORT 3
also providing extensive training. However, this
is not a one-way street. Since 1950, he said, our allies
have spent about $5 of their own money on mutual
defense for every $1 contributed by the United
States.
What has this mutual effort produced? Secre-
tary McElroy noted our worldwide network of over
250 major land, sea and air installations outside the
United States. Our allies also have 34 percent more
ground forces (also better trained and equipped)
than in 1950, 108 percent more combatant vessels,
121/2 percent more conventional aircraft and 23
times as many jet planes.
The President, the Vice President, and the Sec-
retary of Defense, each stressed the fact that "the
unit costs in sustaining this allied power are far
less than in producing similar strength from our own
resources." In addition, "if we should attempt to
do the whole task ourselves, the number of young
men inducted into our armed forces would be
sharply increased." Vice President Nixon, in the
afternoon session, was quite specific:
"As far as the Military Assistance is con-
cerned, what we are doing is simply providing
the funds to maintain the forces on the perim-
eter of the Communist empire, forces that
have to be maintained, not only for the defense
and security of the countries in which those
forces are located, but also for our own defense.
And if these forces weren't maintained by the
Koreans, the Formosans, by the South Viet-
namese, by the Turks and our friends in West-
ern Europe with our help, we would have to
do the job alone. On the average, it would cost
us in dollars, purely apart from the manpower,
five times as much at least to maintain the
same level of military strength abroad that we
currently have."
Military Assistance?Necessary but Negative
Throughout the day, speaker after speaker
acknowledged the necessity for Military Assistance
and for other defense expenditures, but all agreed
with James R. Killian, Jr. ? the President's "mis-
sile czar" ? that "defense is only a part of the na-
tion's task; and that it is a negative part".
The President, and his Democratic predecessor,
Harry S. Truman were in such close accord on this
point that their words flow almost as a continuity:
"To maintain America's military strength
during the next five years, we shall spend more
than 200 billion dollars. This almost unimagi-
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4 SUMMARY REPORT
nable sum will, together with similar but
smaller expenditures of our allies, keep us in a
strong security posture. But these sums, great as
they are, cannot produce a single constructive
useful thing for human beings". (President
Eisenhower)
"Now, what can we hope from all these
weapons?all these billions of dollars we must
spend for defense? The most we can hope to
gain from them is a stalemate?all we can do
with them is to buy time. But time for what,
you may ask. Are we to go on blindly with no
hope, no plans for ending the armament race,
no program for establishing a just peace in the
world except to pile weapon upon weapon?
No, my friends, that is not the answer." (For-
mer President Truman).
Economic Assistance?Affirmative Step
Toward Peace
"One of our best hopes", Mr. Truman con-
tinued, "is economic assistance for other na-
tions. This is a chance to move forward, to do
something affirmative toward breaking the
stalemate. This is our chance to take action to-
ward peace, behind the shield our defense
forces form for us. Foreign economic assistance
is the cutting edge on the tool that gives some
meaning and purpose to all our efforts for
defense."
This positive theme of Economic Assistance as
an affirmative step toward peace preoccupied the
attention of many of the speakers, bringing forth a
display of high thinking, deep feeling and noble
expression such as results only when men are pro-
foundly moved by great events and causes.
"In the last analysis we can have positive
security only through positive peace [the Presi-
dent said]. A positive peace is one brought
about by active work to create the living con-
ditions, the level of education and health, the
mutual understanding, and the sense of com-
mon purpose that make possible the everyday
substance of living in harmony with our neigh-
bors. Peace is an affirmative, constructive, con-
tinuing development."
Referring to the sum which the United States
devotes to this affirmative step toward peace, the
President noted that "Economic and technical aid
totals $1,300 million?about half of what we
spend for the military portions of the program".
Mr. Truman felt that this amount was unduly
modest: "If there is any money in the budget that
holds out any hope for mankind, this is it; and we
ought not to be talking about cutting it but about
raising it?perhaps raising it substantially. People
will forgive us for spending too much in the search
for peace; they will never forgive us for refusing
to spend enough."
What Good Has Our Mutual Aid Done?
In asking this question, President Eisenhower
referred to the entire Mutual Security Program?to
the two-thirds which is spent on military assistance
and to the one-third which is spent on economic
assistance.
He then recalled for the participants the sit-
uation in Greece in 1947 before the Truman Doc-
trine gave assistance, the critical situation in Iran
before the fall of Mossadegh, and the perilous con-
dition of South Viet-Nam after the partition of
Viet-Nam in 1954. In each of these cases, mutual
aid resulted in "freedom saved and communist im-
perialism checked at a crucial point."
Our program of mutual aid has produced
equally dramatic results in the economic field, re-
sults which are clearly tied to our own economic
prosperity. A measure of the benefits to the U. S.
economy can be seen in the rising value of U. S.
exports to Europe since the Marshall Plan stimu-
lated recovery from World War II. For example,
the value of U. S. exports to Belgium and Luxem-
bourg increased by 47 per cent between 1948 and
1957; by 55 per cent to Italy; by 67 per cent to the
United Kingdom; and by 95 per cent to the Nether-
lands. These five countries combined spent over
one billion dollars more for U. S. products in 1957
than in 1948.
What is the Present Function of Mutual Aid?
The function of our mutual aid program has
shifted from meeting post-war emergencies to build-
ing the long-range basis for peace. It has shifted
from the swift restoration of Europe's war-damaged
economies to the slow, difficult task of economic de-
velopment; it is now concentrated heavily in the
newly-developing countries of Asia and Africa where
vast reserves of human energy are opening up in a
way that has not happened for centuries.
"Is this tremendous force to become funneled
into violence, rioting, destruction of orderly
government, and communist exploitation?",
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the President asked. "Or will [it] be chan-
neled into producing better education, wider
sharing of prosperity, improved health and
living standards, and greater freedom, self-
determination and self-respect?
"Look at a single figure. Over a large part of
this area the average individual has twenty cents a
day to live on." True, these people have been
abysmally poor for centuries. But there is a change;
recently most of these countries have become inde-
pendent. "The world has seen twenty new countries
born since World War II." Their people are now
determined to have a better life, and "the trained
communist agent is always present, trying to make
communist capital out of this normal and healthy
dissatisfaction with needless poverty."
SUMMARY REPORT 5
This, the President said, is what American co-
operation in the economic development of these
countries means:
"Improved agriculture and industry raise living
standards and give more and more people a
solid stake in peace.
"Improved education brings greater political
stability and international understanding.
"Improved health cuts down poverty and misery
which are well-known breeding-grounds of dis-
order and communism."
Why Is This Aid "Mutual"?
Our aid program is mutual because it helps
America at the same time that it helps our friends.
The evidence given by the speakers supported the
Senator Theodore Francis Green (Democrat, Rhode Island), Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, in
ernest discussion with Secretary of State John Foster Dulles.
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6 SUMMARY REPORT
Three national leaders join forces. Adlai Stevenson, President Eisenhower, Thomas E. Dewey.
conclusion that the program has these practical
results:
? It provides military safeguards, through co-
operative action, of a kind that the United
States could not possibly obtain if we tried to
go it alone, even though we put far more
men in uniform and imposed far heavier
taxes for defense.
? It strengthens our Allies?strong allies are an
asset, weak ones a liability.
? It helps to assure access to materials which
the United States must import not only for
defense, but for industry and everyday living.
(By 1975, we shall need to import between 25
per cent and 100 per cent of our requirements
for the 26 most important industrial raw
materials, ranging from antimony to zinc).
? It enlarges foreign markets by helping to
create new purchasing power and new corn-
sumer demands where hitherto there has
often been only the economic vacuum of
utter poverty. (In the last five years our
foreign trade has expanded 68 per cent?
our domestic trade 18 per cent. Foreign trade
now provides more jobs, 41/2 million, for
Americans than the automobile, textile,
chemical and steel industries combined).
? It helps newly-developing countries to hold
off Communist attempts to turn discontent
into subversion. It helps these countries to be-
come sturdy, self-respecting members of a
peaceful Free World community. And thus,
? It helps independent countries to stay inde-
pendent. More people have gained political
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independence since World War II than have
gone behind the Iron Curtain in the same
period, even when one includes the vast pop-
ulation of Communist China. If these newly
independent people should go the way of
China, more than three-fourths of the world
would be Communist.
Aid Dollars Spur U. S. Employment
At a time when there is so much concern about
recession and unemployment, it's important to
remember that 600,000 Americans in factories and
farms throughout the United States owe their jobs
to the Mutual Security Program. This fact, which
was pointed out by the first three speakers of the
day?Messrs. John Foster Dulles, Adlai E. Steven-
son and Neil H. McElroy?came as a new thought
to many of the participants.
"There seems to be an idea in some quarters,"
said Secretary Dulles, "that the money appropriated
for Mutual Security is in some way taken abroad
and spent there. Of course, this is not the fact."
Actually, nearly 80 cents of every dollar of Mutual
Security funds is spent right here in the United
States to buy farm products, machinery, materials,
and military hardware, which in turn are sent
abroad to aid the recipient country. By thus aid-
ing both the U.S. economy and the economies of
foreign countries, Mutual Security dollars do
double duty.
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Russia's Challenge to Mutual Aid
The Soviet Union has not been blind to the
restless forces in the less developed countries,
forces which demand some tangible signs of eco-
nomic progress; nor has it been blind to the
strength and achievements of America's Mutual
Security Program in meeting these rising aspira-
tions. Accordingly, in the last several years the
Soviet bloc has begun to imitate this program by
mounting its own strong program of trade and aid.
Mr. Allen W. Dulles, Director of the Central
Intelligence Agency, gave the Conference facts
about this new Soviet challenge:
"The total amount in credits and grants ex-
tended by the Sino-Soviet bloc for economic
development outside the bloc over the last
three years [is] the equivalent of about $2
billion.
"Over 95 percent of this aid has been con-
centrated on six countries?Afghanistan,
Egypt, Syria, India, Indonesia and Yugoslavia.
In these countries over the past two and a half
years, Soviet programs in aggregate have been
more than double those of the Free World.
Many other countries are today in the throes
of deciding whether to seek aid from the West
or from the Soviet bloc.
"The Soviet programs have also included a
large-scale movement of technical personnel
to the Free World countries. More than 2000
are now active in nine countries in which
U. S. comparable personnel number less than
1000. Also large numbers of technicians are
going from these countries to Moscow, Prague,
and Peiping for their training."
Russia Has "Declared War"
on the United States "in the peaceful field of
trade", to quote Mr. Khrushchev's own words. In
repeated statements during the past year, the
Russian leader has indicated a shift in Soviet
tactics from the use of military force to that of
economic penetration. This is a serious chal-
lenge which cannot be ignored, in the light of
existing facts. Mr. Allen Dulles analyzed the
Soviet strategy as follows:
"The evidence as we now see it indicates that
the USSR does not propose to use its military
power in a manner which would involve the
grave risk of war.
SUMMARY REPORT
"It seems clear that the Soviets desire to press
forward in the area where they probably
consider us most vulnerable: the winning of
the allegiance and eventually the control of
the uncommitted nations by trade and aid,
and by subversion.
"They probably estimate that if they can in-
duce us to devote our resources almost exclu-
sively to the military field, they can the more
easily break our economic and cultural ties
with other nations and win them over.
"Today; February 25th, is the tenth anniver-
sary of the take-over of Czechoslovakia by
Communism. Not a shot was fired. It was
not guided missiles but the so-called 'guided
democracy' which did the trick."
7
Stevenson Would Test Russia's Motives
Mr. Adlai Stevenson, like Mr. Allen Dulles, be-
lieves there is a vast difference between the pur-
pose of Russian loans and credits and the purpose
of our economic assistance. He suspects that the
Soviet Union is using aid and trade for the ultimate
goal of political control. Accordingly, he would test
Mr. Khrushchev's sincerity. As part of a six-point
program, Mr. Stevenson recommended the follow-
ing:
"Sixth?Against the background of an en-
larged and stabilized American program, weav-
ing together the great resources of the indus-
Discussing a point are two prominent guests, Adlai E.
Stevenson, right, and Senator Leverett Saltonstall (Re-
publican, Mass.)
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8 SUMMARY REPORT
trialized nations, giving play to private as well
as government initiative, we could well invite
Mr. Khrushchev to coordinate his efforts with
ours if he is really interested in the economic
development and political independence of
these less fortunate countries. Such coopera-
tion?and I hope we leave no stone unturned
in our effort to cooperate?could avoid the
Ivaste and hazard of blackmail that results from
competition in this kind of effort. And if the
Soviets are not interested in joining our inter-
national effort, such an offer would at least
unmask the motives behind their assistance
programs."
The Responsibility of Neighbors
In a Shrinking World
Moving beyond the question of the Soviet
Union and its challenges, Mr. Stevenson struck a
responsive chord in the other Conference partici-
pants when he expressed his own conviction that:
"Obviously this isn't just a contest with Commu-
nism. Our interest in the independence of these
vast areas would be just as vital if Russia and
China were still governed by imperial Czars and
Emperors. Even if the Communists were to call off
their campaign of economic and political penetra-
tion, the need for our effort to help these emerging
nations make the transition to modern, viable econ-
omies would remain. For so long as a billion people
in this shrinking world see no hope of fulfilling
their impatient demands for a better life, the threat
of disorder, desperate measures and dictatorship
remains, and there can be no real hope for the
secure peace the world is yearning for."
The inter-dependence of peoples in a shrinking
world was also what President Eisenhower had in
mind, later in the day, when he said: "My friends,
if we are to find the world we seek, we must catch
the vision of the neighborhood of the world. When
we have done this, all such measures as Mutual
Security will seem as natural and logical?or as
necessary to our own good?as our activities for
community prosperity, health, and education seem
now."
The Moral Challenge to America
The belief that nations, as well as individuals,
have a responsibility toward their neighbors is one
which is deeply embedded in the minds and hearts
of many Americans. Why then, they ask, must the
United States always stress the factor of "self
interest" in its international programs? In our home
communities, are we good neighbors only because
it pays?
"I hope we Americans will cease to be ashamed
of generosity and magnanimity," Mr. Stevenson
said. "No nation ever before approached what this
one has done to help others help themselves, and
not by any means in self-protection either. Why
don't we glory in it? Why aren't we proud of it?
Why do we ridicule our best instincts? I have said
before, and I repeat, that I haven't seen any repeal
of the command to love your neighbor."
In the present world situation, there is a moral
and spiritual challenge to America, and it was to
this challenge that the three representatives of the
great religious faiths addressed themselves.
Said Dr. Edwin T. Dahlberg:
"The world is weary and disheartened by the
continuing plans for massive retaliation. We
yearn for someone to lead in plans for massive
reconciliation, on a global scale, and look for
the day, which we believe to be at hand even
now, when America's great wealth, resources,
and power shall be dedicated to that end.
"Can we ever expect the world to believe in
our peaceful intentions when we appropriate
45 billion dollars for our military budget and
only a few million dollars for non-military
development and technical cooperation?"
Rabbi Theodore L. Adams took note of "our
present serious problems of recession and unem-
ployment" but recalled that similar problems faced
Rome at the time it collapsed before the onrush of
barbarians. Rome's collapse was due only in part
to her absorption in military affairs and her conse-
quent neglect of the economic crisis. This crisis
was really a secondary symptom: "the economic evils
had their root in moral apathy and paralysis of
human will."
"Clearly, a radically effective strategy needs to
be devised for regenerating the spirit of our
people, for giving them a renewed sense of
courage, confidence and mission, and for
enabling them to develop a sober, rather than
a neurotic, awareness of our opportunities, as
well as our perils."
Bishop Fulton J. Sheen cautioned the Con-
ference that the United States must not base its
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mutual aid only on self-interest and materialism.
"To do this would be to put ourselves on the same
basis as the Soviets. We would thereby assume the
basic Marxian principle of the economic deter-
mination of history.
"The foreign aid of the United States must
introduce some factor besides the economic,
political and military, one which is the strong-
est in our national traditions and one which
the Soviets not only lack but repudiate. They
have one fear in our dealing with the rest of
the world, that we will take cognizance of that
defect which makes them suspect by all the
peoples of Asia and Africa, and that is our
belief in God, the dignity of the human person,
the freedom of conscience, and the principle
that the State exists for man, not man for the
State.
"The Soviets would have the world believe
there is only hunger of the belly. Our great
country which has risen to prosperity because
it holds that God has endowed men with cer-
tain inalienable rights must recognize that
'not by bread alone doth man live'.
"This is the crux of the question of foreign
aid."
But What About Mistakes in the Program?
Even the strongest advocates of the Mutual
Security Program readily conceded that there have
been mistakes in its administration. On this par-
ticular point, Mr. Truman had some forceful com-
ments to make:
"There are many people who say they don't
like the foreign aid program because they be-
lieve it is administered badly. I don't believe
that. From where I sit, it looks as if a lot of
things are now being administered badly?but
you can't abolish the government on that ac-
count. Neither is that the way to correct mis-
takes in the Mutual Security Program. Exam-
ine it all you please, correct all the mistakes
you can, improve it every year and every day,
eliminate waste and increase efficiency?but
don't scuttle the ship just to stop the leaks."
In the best traditions of an American town
meeting, critics of the program had their say par-
ticularly in the afternoon panel, when questions
from the floor were answered by Vice President
Nixon, Deputy Under Secretary of State C. Douglas
Dillon, Assistant Secretary of Defense Mansfield
D. Sprague, ICA Director James H. Smith, Jr., and
SUMMARY REPORT 9
the Manager of the Development Loan Fund,
Dempster McIntosh.
Why isn't more of the program channeled
through the United Nations? Why isn't military
assistance put in the Defense Department budget
rather than the Mutual Security budget? What
is being done to correct mistakes in both the
economic and the military programs? Hasn't
there been a great deal of waste? Aren't there too
many Americans abroad in connection with these
programs? Don't we need a second World Bank?
What is being done to protect American overseas
investments? Why should we spend American
money to build up our competitors?
These were some of the billion-dollar questions
which the panel members answered frankly and
fully, and which are included in Part Three of this
Conference Report. And then there was Danny
Kaye's heart-warming reply to a question about the
United Nations Children's Fund.
Vice President Nixon's answers to two of the
questions were among the highlights of the day:
Standing
Statler.
Chase Ltd., Photo
room only in the Presidential Room, Hotel
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10 SUMMARY REPORT
Why Spend Money Abroad For Projects
We Turn Down At Home?
How do you rationalize draining swamps in
India and building dams in North Africa, a ques-
tioner asked, while in the name of economy we re-
fuse to start needed reclamation and water-resource
projects here in our country?
"We do want to develop our own country [Mr.
Nixon answered]. We want better reclama-
tion, flood control, and development of our
agriculture and all our resources. But I would
just like to suggest that we can have the finest
reclamation program in the world and it's not
going to make any difference if we're not
around to enjoy it.
"We have to realize that in aiding these coun-
tries in developing their water and power
resources, we are of course aiding ourselves.
We also have to realize that the alternative to
providing funds for the 'capital deficit' coun-
tries is one that the United States and the
Free World cannot accept. It's either economic
deterioration followed by political instability
which allows the strongest minority group to
take over?fascist or communist; [or it] forces
these countries to turn somewhere else for aid.
And I don't need to tell you that there are
others who will offer the aid when we in the
Free World do not take the opportunity to
offer it ouselves.
"In World War II we also had no new starts
in reclamation. There was very little com-
plaining, because we were fighting a war for
our survival. What we must understand now is
that we are again fighting a war for survival.
It's not a military war at this point. It's an
economic war. But it can destroy the independ-
ence and the liberty of free peoples just as
surely as military war. And for that reason it
is necessary for us to make some sacrifices at
home."
Why Spend Money To Help Neutral Countries,
especially when we know some of them will use it
to socialize their institutions? This was a question
that was put in various forms.
"What is our opponent in this conflict? [Mr.
Nixon asked in turn.] We know what it is?
international communism. What is the mortal
enemy of international communism in any
place in the world? It's national independence.
If you can make a country strong enough to
be independent of foreign domination, the
Communists have then lost the battle.
Chase Ltd., Photo
The audience gave its close attention to the speakers.
"I say this is in our interest. Let us take India
[as an example]. It is far better for India or
any one of these countries to be independent,
to be neutral, to be uncommitted, than to be
on the Communist side. As far as India is con-
cerned, whatever we may think of the govern-
ment, whatever disagreement we may have
with the leaders, we must remember they have
the same great tradition of common law that
we have, they have the same belief in freedom
of speech and freedom of press that we have.
"There are parts of their economy that are
nationalized, so this brings us to the question?
do we finance socialism abroad? My answer is
this. If the United States deliberately places
conditions and strings on its. aid programs,
we may as well not have them at all. We
believe our system is the best kind of system
for us. We may also think it is the best kind
for other countries, but we must remember
that the conditions in each country vary, the
tradition in each country varies, and the
leaders and the people must have the same
right as we to choose the kind of economy and
the kind of government they want.
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"As far as our self-interest is concerned, the
question is not that we are buying friends.
This is not the purpose of the program. The
question is: By this program are we making
countries around the world strong, independ-
ent members of the community of nations? If
they are independent, if they are strong, this
is the answer to communism because inter-
national communism is completely incompati-
ble with national independence."
Science, Technology and Free World
Development
Science is one of the great creative forces in
the modern world and one in which Americans
have special faith, because we have used it so exten-
sively and effectively to transform and improve
conditions of living. Other nations can do likewise
and to the mutual benefit of us all. This was the
aspect of mutual aid discussed by Dr. James R.
Killian, jr., who, since Sputnik, has been on leave
from his post as President of the Massachusetts
Institute of Technology in order to serve as Special
Assistant to President Eisenhower for Science and
Technology.
If we wish to see scientific progress on a wide
scale, he said, we must help create the kind of
environment that makes it possible.
"Science and technology can be put to work
only when they are woven into the fabric of a
society which is modernizing its political life,
its educational institutions, its methods of ad-
ministration, and its outlook toward the whole
economic process.
"This broad transformation of traditional
societies can be carried out only on the spot
by the citizens of the new aspiring nations.
But the component of help from abroad may
be decisive to the outcome. The economic
aspects of our foreign aid program are designed
to supply that essential component. They aim
to help create the essential conditions for prog-
ress; to create the circumstances in which
modern science and technology?and the scien-
tists and engineers who know its methods and
possibilities?can perform their creative tasks."
What Kind Of World For Our Children?
Throughout the day of February 25th, one
central theme appeared and reappeared in the
words of every speaker, regardless of his profession,
SUMMARY REPORT 11
his politics or his religion. Mr. Stevenson stated
it in this manner:
"The present generation in the West bears
a heavy and inescapable responsibility for the
kind of world in which their children and
grandchildren will live. I am deeply convinced
that the outcome depends on what the govern-
ments and peoples of the industrialized world
do now?over the next decade?not on what
is done a half century from now. Peoples of
Asia, the Middle East and Africa are now
gaining momentum; the new nations are now
defining their inner character and purpose,
what we do or fail to do now will thus cast
long shadows."
Success Depends Upon Our Understanding
And Action
Action in a democracy, however, depends upon
a full public awareness and understanding of the
issues. And therefore, the Conference voted to
carry on the high purposes of this meeting by estab-
lishing a national committee of private citizens.
It will be the mission of this committee to convey
Chase Ltd., Photo
Three speakers awaiting their turn.
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12 SUMMARY REPORT
to all our citizens a fuller flow of information on
the foreign aspects of our national security. For,
the participants at the Conference recognized that
there remains much to be done if their zeal and
understanding is to permeate to the grass roots of
all America.
"Success," said the President in closing his
speech that night "depends on the fullest un-
derstanding by every American of the impor-
tance of these programs to our country, as well
as an understanding of the hopes and needs
and views of our friends overseas. It depends
not only on what we are willing to give, but
on what we are willing to receive and learn
from others. It depends on our realization of
the indispensable role played by mutual aid
to produce a safe and peaceful world.
"This is no time for shortsighted narrowness.
The array of leaders of both parties who have
come together here today is eloquent proof
that on this issue partisanship has indeed taken
a holiday. The urgency of the times and the
opportunity before us call for greatness of
spirit transcending all Party considerations.
"The tasks of building and sustaining a mighty
military shield are hard, and tremendously
costly. The tasks of patiently building a sound
peace in a sound world are less costly, but even
harder.
"Americans have always shown a greatness of
spirit and capacity of understanding equal to
the demands of both war and peace. Ameri-
cans will show these qualities now, and in the
years ahead."
President Dwight D. Eisenhower with Conference Chair-
man Eric Johnston, and Co-Chairmen, Mr. Erle Cocke,
Jr., Mrs. J. Ramsay Harris.
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Pati 7wo
TEXT OF ADDRESSES
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SECURITY
and PEACE
The Hon. Dwight D. Eisenhower
President of the United States
Mr. Chairman, and Fellow Americans:
I am speaking tonight at a unique dinner in Washington. At this dinner are national
leaders from all walks of life, every sector of our land, and both political parties.
They have been meeting all day in our nation's Capital, considering one of the most
critical and embracing problems of our times?that of furthering the peace.
I am honored to join with them tonight, for they are dedicated people. They are ded-
icated to this proposition:
In the last analysis, we can have positive security only through positive peace.
Today a principal deterrent to war is adequate military strength. We are sustaining it,
and will keep on sustaining it.
But a positive peace is one brought about by active work to create the living conditions,
the level of education and health, the mutual understanding, and the sense of common pur-
pose that make possible the genuine everyday substance of living in harmony with our
neighbors.
Peace is an affirmative, constructive, continuing development. Its foundation is an edu-
cational process that will give to all people a fuller understanding of the shadows of fear
under which we live, and a united determination to dispel them.
To maintain America's military strength during the next five years, with no great or
early change in the world situation, we shall spend more than $200 billion. This almost un-
imaginable sum will, together with similar but smaller expenditures of our allies, keep us
in a strong security posture. But these sums, great as they are, cannot produce a single
constructive, useful thing for human beings. Indeed they can give us no more than rela-
tive security; only true peace can give us true security.
For the past four decades the primary goal of American foreign policy?overriding all
others?has been to bring about this kind of peace?a peace in which every nation may con-
fidently progress, each in its own way, toward a better life for all its people.
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TEXT OF ADDRESSES 15
The methods we use in working for this kind of peace are many and varied. They in-
clude day-to-day diplomacy, talks with heads of friendly governments, tireless efforts to work
out amicably the clashes of interest that naturally arise even among friends. They include
building the mechanisms of peace, such as treaties of friendship and the United Nations.
They involve the effort to take specific steps toward peace, among them, satisfactory disarm-
ment plans. They include information activities, cultural programs, educational exchanges
and promotion of mutually profitable foreign trade. And they involve the program of mu-
tual security.
It is with this last item that I shall principally deal.
It is my conviction that, urgent as the outlay for our own missiles and other modern
weapons may be, a strong program of military and economic aid is equally urgent.
This is a strong statement. It is bare, plain, fact.
My friends, we are talking about a program that has been proving its worth in prac-
tice for over ten years. And yet, every time another year comes round, the mutual security
program is compelled to engage in a life-and-death struggle for its very existence.
Why? The reason is that the attack is based, not on the record, not on the facts. It is
based on slogans, prejudices, penny-wise economy and above all, an outright refusal to look
at the world of 1958 as it really is.
"What the ostrich-like opponents of mutual security seem to be saying is: "Billions for
armament, but not one cent for peace!"
Let's get away from sloganeering, and look at facts.
To do so, let us seek answers to three simple questions.
What is the mutual security program?
What good has it done?
What is its present function?
What Is Mutual Security?
Mutual aid is of two kinds: military and economic.
Of these, the military side is much the larger. In our request for 1959, the sum needed
for direct military assistance to others is $1.8 billion. "Defense support," which is the financial
assistance we give certain countries in order to help them maintain necessary military forces,
accounts for another $830 million. The military strength maintained by these friendly coun-
tries is as necessary to our security as it is to theirs. Moreover, the unit costs in sustaining
this allied power are far less than in producing similar strength from our own resources.
If we should attempt to do the whole task ourselves our over-all costs would go up at
an appalling rate. The number of young men inducted into our armed forces would be
sharply increased.
In short, I know of no responsible military authority who would for a moment con-
sider abandoning or weakening our program of military aid.
But having provided, with the cooperation of our friends, for safety against military
assault, we face only a bleak future of indefinite support of huge armaments unless we get
on with the constructive work of peace. One of the major tools available to us, which
serves both defensive and constructive purposes, is economic aid.
Economic and technical aid totals $1.3 billion. This is about half of what we spend
for the military portions of the program.
The larger part of this activity falls under three headings.
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One is technical assistance. Often these countries have the needed funds, and labor, and
determination, to carry out splendid development programs. These include improvements
in irrigation, agriculture, roads, dams, health projects, schools and industry. Our small
investment in providing the special skills of our experts supplies the necessary spark to re-
lease all this creative energy.
Another major part of economic aid is loans. Many of the newly developing countries
cannot, in the early stages, borrow money from investors or banks. The new Development Loan
Fund will tide them over this difficult period, until their economies become stronger.
Still another category of economic aid is called Special Assistance. This includes, among
other things, grants where loan repayment would be imposssible.
In short, economic aid is designed to bridge the two great gaps that stand in the path
of most of the newly developing countries: lack of trained manpower, and lack of capital.
Results of Mutual Aid
Now, the second question: What good has all our mutual aid done?
The answer is this. Mutual aid has repeatedly played a major part in keeping free-world
countries from losing their freedom. It has thwarted the Communist hope of encircling and
isolating us by taking over vulnerable smaller countries, through aggression or subversion.
I give a few examples.
Consider Greece, in the winter of 1947. Some 30,000 Communist guerrillas, financed from
foreign sources, had seized control of large parts of the country. The government did not have
the resources to strengthen either its small, poorly equipped forces or the crumbling
economy.
At that point, under the Truman Doctrine, United States economic and military aid went
to work.
With its help, by the fall of 1949 the number of guerrillas was reduced to less than a
thousand, and later wiped out altogether. And, during the years that followed, the tottering
economy was restored to pre-war levels.
The result: freedom saved in a crucial sector, Communist imperialism checked.
Recall the critical situation in Iran before the fall of Mossadegh.
The economy was in chaos. Pro-Communist elements within the country were strong.
The stage was set for a Communist take-over of this strategic country.
But the Shah and his people reacted vigorously, deposed Mossadegh and re-established
law and order. American economic and military aid were promptly given and greatly bolstered
the new government. Now the country's oil, so important to our European allies, is flowing
again. A vigorous development program is in progress. Iran has found strength as a nation.
The result: again, freedom saved, Communist imperialism checked at a crucial point.
In 1954, we saw a clear case of the connection between mutual aid and peace in Viet-Nam.
When Viet-Nam was partitioned in July 1954, South Viet-Nam faced the threat of overt aggres-
sion. It had the problem of absorbing nearly a million refugees. The country was full of
private armies and subversive groups.
In spite of these appalling difficulties, Communist efforts to dominate South Viet-Nam
have entirely failed. For this modern miracle, the Viet-Namese people under the dedicated
leadership of President Diem deserve great credit. At the same time, American aid of all
kinds played an indispensable role. With our help a national army was organized and trained.
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TEXT OF ADDRESSES 17
Technicians helped the government to set up institutions needed for healthy business and na-
tional life.
The result: once more, freedom saved, Communist imperialism checked, at a highly
critical point.
Now ask yourselves, my friends: If this flood had not been stemmed at these points,
where would it be now?
Can there really be anyone left in America who will say: "Never mind. Let these countries
go one by one. We shall find peace and security in Fortress America."
We might as well try to find peace by building another Chinese wall.
Our hope for permanent security and peace today is not in fortifications and walls. It is
in the hearts and minds and unity of purpose of the people whose ideals we share throughout
the free world.
The Present Function of Mutual Aid
Our third question is: What is the present function of mutual aid?
As our mutual aid programs have shifted from meeting post-war emergencies to building
the long-range basis for peace, the scene of operations has shifted. Our technical and economic
aid is now concentrated heavily in the newly developing countries of Asia and Africa.
Throughout large parts of these continents, vast reserves of human energy are opening
up in a way that has not happened for centuries.
This poses a blunt question. Is this tremendous force to become funneled into violence,
rioting, destruction of orderly government, and Communist exploitation? Or will this force
be channeled into producing better education, wider sharing of prosperity, improved health
and living standards, and greater freedom, self-determination and self-respect? Is our goal a
just and permanent peace or is it just a precarious security built on arms alone?
If you wonder why there is so much restlessness in such places as the Middle East, South
Asia and the Far East, look at a single figure.
Over a large part of this area, the average individual has 20 cents a day to live on.
Some ask: "Hasn't this been true for centuries? Why then is it suddenly such a problem?"
One reason is that most of the countries involved have recently become independent. The
world has seen twenty new countries born since World War II. With independence and with
greater knowledge of the outside world there has been a new hope, and a new determination to
have a better life.
In these countries the trained Communist agent is always present, trying to make Com-
munist capital out of this normal and healthy dissatisfaction with needless poverty.
In the last few years the Communists have added a new technique: Blocked in their efforts
to use military force for expansiou, they have turned to offers of economic loans and credits ?
and this in spite of their own low standard of living at home. They are trying to imitate a
valuable and needed program we began 10 years ago.
There is a vast difference, however, between the purpose of Russian loans and credits and
the purpose of our economic aid.
The Soviet Union wants to gain economic, and ultimately political, control of the coun-
tries she pretends to help.
We, on the other hand, want these countries to stand on their own feet as proud, robust
friends and partners with whom we can live in mutual respect.
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18 TEXT OF ADDRESSES
Improved agriculture and industry raise living standards and give more and more people
a solid stake in peace.
Improved education brings greater political stability and international understanding.
Improved health cuts down poverty and misery which are well known breeding grounds
of disorder and communism.
Imperatives for Peace
My friends, if we are to find the world we seek, we must catch the vision of the neighbor-
hood of the world. When we have done this, all such measures as mutual security will seem
as natural and logical ? or as necessary to our own good ? as our activities for community pros-
perity, health, and education seem now.
While economic aid undeniably helps other nations, it likewise strengthens our own secu-
rity and economic position. It establishes good relations with nations from whom we obtain
important raw materials and other goods. Asia, for example, supplies five-sixths of the world's
rubber and half of its tin. Moreover, the countries principally concerned represent the greatest
potential market for future trade relations. Already they are buying five times as much from
us as in 1938.
If anyone, then, wants to judge this entire program only on a what's-in-it-for-me basis,
he can find all the justification he needs. But beyond this, if others want to add another
element, "Do unto others as you would have them do unto you," I see no reason to apologize
for acknowledging this kind of motive.
I can see no great evidence of intelligence in sneering at "do-gooders" if their do-gooding
helps America at the same time that it helps our friends.
But it is not a primary purpose of mutual aid to produce expressions of gratitude and
affection.
We should rather look for these things: Is economic aid helping these countries to hold
off Communist attempts to turn discontent into subversion? Is it helping them to become
sturdy, self-respecting members of a peaceful free-world community? Is it helping to win, for
all of us, a secure and just peace?
The answer is "Yes."
Tonight I am not discussing the importance to peace and to our own domestic prosperity
of the fullest possible trade with other nations ? trade which means jobs to more than four
and a half million Americans. That would take another speech in itself. But let me try to
pack my views into one or two sentences.
Under current conditions, the urgency of both our mutual security and our reciprocal
trade agreements legislation leaves no margin for error. These are not merely useful sugges-
tions or helpful hints.
They are iron imperatives of security and the building of true peace.
Of course, in the last analysis, the success of our efforts for peace depends heavily on our
relations with the Soviet Union. We urgently want these relations improved.
We have urged that orderly preparatory discussions be undertaken to lay the groundwork
for a productive high-level conference.
We have indicated a wide range of crucial topics on which we would be willing to work
toward agreement.
A start has been made toward increased exchanges of people and ideas, through an agree-
ment in principle recently concluded in 'Washington.
A greatly increased flow, in both directions, of leaders of thought in the two countries
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would be productive in making the voices of our two peoples more influential than are the
pronouncements of governments. In line with this thought I suggested, in a recent letter, that
visitors to us by such non-governmental Soviet leaders would be welcomed.
Another American proposal is that, beginning perhaps with cooperative projects aimed
at conquering major diseases, we might embark upon a broad program of Science for Peace,
which would raise the level of scientific knowledge and achievement all over the world.
Moreover, our country proposes that we seek without delay to work out practical mecha-
nisms to insure that outer space will be devoted only to peaceful uses.
We will spare no exertion, we will neglect no approach ? with the people of the Soviet
Union, as with those of the free world ? whenever there is any promise of another step, large
or small, toward a world of prosperity, justice and harmony.
Conclusion
In conclusion, Itity fellow Americans, the action I would like to ask of you is simple. It is
your fullest support of the pending programs of mutual military and economic aid.
Success in these fields, as always in a democracy, depends on you.
It depends on the fullest understanding by every American of the importance of these pro-
grams to our country, as well as an understanding of the hopes and needs and views of our
friends overseas. It depends not only on what we are willing to give, but on what we are willing
to receive and learn from others. It depends on our realization of the indispensable role played
by mutual aid to produce a safe and peaceful world.
And remember this: as our aid program goes forward with your support, people all over
the world will know that it is not a maneuver carried out by a dictator ? rather it is an expres-
sion of good will and basic common sense coming from the voluntary act of a free people.
This is no time for shortsighted narrowness. The array of leaders of both parties who
have come together here today is eloquent proof that on this issue partisanship has indeed
taken a holiday. The urgency of the times and the opportunity before us call for greatness
of spirit transcending all party considerations.
The tasks of building and sustaining a mighty military shield are hard, and tremendously
costly. The tasks of patiently building a sound peace in a sound world are less costly, but even
harder.
Americans have always shown a greatness of spirit and capacity of understanding equal
to the demands of both war and peace. Americans will show these qualities now, and in the
years ahead.
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OPENING
REMARKS
The Hon. Eric Johnston
Chairman of the Conference
Fabian Bachrach
It was my great privilege, at the request of the President of the United States, to invite
you to this Conference on Foreign Aspects of United States National Security.
Now I have the pleasure of bidding you welcome.
At the outset of our meeting, I should like to present two fellow citizens who have given
generously of their time and energies to make this conference possible?my Co-Chairmen:
Mrs. Ellen Harris of Denver, Colorado, former National Co-Chairman of Citizens for Eisen-
hower, and Mr. Erle Cocke, Jr. of Atlanta, Georgia, former National Commander of the
American Legion.
It seems to me fitting, as we open today's discussions, to state as simply as possible why
we are here?why the President proposed this citizen assembly and what we hope to accom-
plish as the day progresses.
We have come here to discuss a fundamental aspect of our national policy?the Free
World's mutual security?the security of our own country in a troubled world.
'We have come here to explore as deeply as we can the root and substance of America's
security in this year of 1958 and for the years ahead.
We are here to seek information about policies and plans, about objectives and purposes
of mutual security. We are here to inform ourselves and to take this information back to
our own communities, there to be discussed and considered by the American people.
And why are we doing this? We are doing this because we feel that mutual security is a
subject that is worth the most serious national attention. We are doing this because we
know that a democracy's success depends on popular understanding. In a democracy, a policy
is only as good as the people's understanding of it.
As we study our mutual security program today, we will find that there are two prin-
cipal aspects?the military and the economic.
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All of us know how much our safety and the Free World's safety depend on mutual mili-
tary strength. We need the military for our common defense?to turn back any aggressor
who might plan to march in and take over.
But do all of us know that military strength is not enough? It resolves nothing. It is a
negative force. What it does is to buy us time for a positive, affirmative course to bring
about conditions essential to peace.
In seeking this course, the economic aspects of mutual security are vital. They alone can
provide stability in the new third world?a world which today occupies one-third of the earth's
land area and where one-third of its people live. In this underdeveloped third world, eco-
nomic growth and development is the primary concern. And here the primary threat from
aggressors comes in economic mufti, not in military olive drab.
In our deliberations today, this area of economics will deserve our closest attention. It
is our most difficult area. It is here that we really have so much to learn?and perhaps not
so much time to learn it.
This day is the beginning, only a beginning. It is a moment in which we might plant
seeds. The seeds, if we wish to plant them, will need our devoted care and cultivation in the
days, the months, and the years ahead. I think we can make these seeds germinate and
grow. I think we have come here because we deeply believe this.
In an unprecedented way, our honored speakers and our eminent guests testify to the
significance of our meeting. But, in my opinion, the most impressive thing about this assem-
bly is neither our notable guests nor our head table. What impresses me most are you, all
of you, from all parts of our country, who have come here to join in this forum.
At this meeting there is only one status and only one commitment for each of us. The
status is our American citizenship. The commitment is the love of our beloved country.
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THE FREE WORLD
and
MUTUAL SECURITY
The Hon. John Foster Dulles
Secretary of State
Dep't. of State Photo: Whit Keith, Jr.
Mr. Johnston, ladies and gentlemen of this conference. I want first of all to express my
deep appreciation to you for being here. I can assure you that it is a tremendous inspiration
to those of us who work on a day-by-day basis here in Washington to know that so many out-
standing citizens throughout our nation are prepared to come here to discuss together this
problem of mutual security, and we hope to go back throughout the country preaching that
gospel. And I want to thank you, Eric, and your co-chairmen for having organized this con-
ference. It can and I think will play an indispensable part in the formulation of critical
foreign policies at a decisive moment in history.
As I stand here, my thoughts inevitably go back to a day almost exactly 10 years ago when
I stood with Secretary Marshall at the National Cathedral and participated in one of a series
of nationwide religious gatherings designed to rally support for the European Recovery Pro-
gram. That program was a program which had its inspiration and its prosecution on a
bipartisan or nonpartisan basis. And so it is that, as it was carried on during this decade and
is projected into the future, it retains the bipartisan character which is essential to make it an
acceptable, durable and successful policy. You here today will see ample evidence of that bi-
partisan support as you hear the President, and a former President, of the United States, one
Republican and one Democrat; the Republican Vice President of the United States and one
who has twice been the candidate of the Democratic Party for the Presidency; and a Demo-
cratic and now a Republican Secretary of State.
This is a national effort without partisan characteristics whatsoever, and as such, it can
and will continue, and will succeed.
Now there are a good many reasons for supporting this Mutual Security Program. I will
mention very briefly only a few of them.
There is, first of all, a very elemental reason. This program gives employment to about
600,000 Americans. There seems to be an idea in some quarters that the money appropriated
for the Mutual Security Program is in some way taken abroad and spent there. Of course,
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that is not the fact. The money which is spent for the Mutual Security Program virtually in
its entirety is immediately spent in the United States, and it creates jobs, it does not take
away jobs from the American people.
A Deterrent Power
But, of course, there are reasons far transcending that in importance. This Mutual Secu-
rity Program assures to the United States the use of bases throughout the world which are
absolutely indispensable for our security, our safety, the deterring of war and the preservation
of peace. The deterrent power of the United States would not be adequate, would be subject
to elimination by a sudden blow, if it were confined merely to the United States, based merely
upon the United States. It is absolutely indispensable that there be bases dispersed around
the world in order to have the diversification and the geographical sites dispersed, from which
retaliatory power could take off.
That is secured for us by the Mutual Security Program. And let me make clear this: that
to have these bases, it is not enough to have the physical possession or occupancy of certain
pieces of land. It is not enough to have a paper with writing on it which says that you can use
a base. It is absolutely indispensable for the effective use of these vital areas that they be bases
not just of military power but bases of good will, friendship and cooperation.
So it is that the various features of this Act are in that respect interlocked because not
only do they provide for the bases upon which the Free World depends for the deterring of
war, but they help to assure that these bases will be friendly bases. I assure you that no base
is of any value whatsoever if it is a base located in hostile territory or where the surrounding
people are unfriendly. Such a base is a liability and not an asset.
And then there is a third reason. This Mutual Security Program helps to maintain in
existence forces around the world which are largely contributed by allied nations. They have,
for example, nearly five million ground forces around the world which help to hold various
strategic areas and to deter attack upon them. Eighty per cent or more of the cost of that is
borne by our allies. We make a contribution of around 20 per cent, perhaps. But the whole,
the 100 per cent, is an effective defense of the United States because, make no mistake about it,
if there is attack anywhere in the world, that is an attack which is designed immediately or in-
directly, presently or prospectively, to injure, and be an attack against, the United States. We
are the target.
Well, now, there is another aspect of mutual security and that is that the Mutual Security
Program contributes to keeping out of the tentacles of Communist imperialism many countries
of the world, newly independent in great part, underdeveloped in great part, which are coveted
by communism as part of its program. The Communist program was announced a long time
ago and was only recently reaffirmed. It is designed to encircle, and eventually to strangle,
the United States. Already that strategy has worked to the extent of bringing nearly one billion
people within its control. The purpose is to go on and on until finally, as I say, the United
States is encircled and ultimately there is economic strangulation. At that point Mr. Stalin
remarked that the remnants of capitalism might, and he put it in quotes, "voluntarily" give
in to communism.
Only recently, as you know, Mr. Khrushchev announced: We declare war upon you, not
military war but economic war, and in that we are relentless and are determined to win.
These countries, as Mr. Johnston has pointed out, have to a large extent recently won their
political independence, but that is not enough because there is throughout this area, as a result
of gaining political independence, a tremendous expectation that something now is going to
happen, something better is going to happen in terms of the economic life of the people who
for so many generations seem to have been caught in a morass of hopeless poverty. Unless
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something can be done about that within the Free World, inevitably they will be caught in
the trap of communism, not only to their ultimate disaster, their exploitation, but to the
ultimate undoing of the United States itself.
Well, those are some reasons, and they add up to a pretty compelling list: the deterring
of war, the maintaining of peace, the preservation for the United States of an environment in
which we ourselves can live happily and securely. Surely those are goals worth seeking.
A Counter Challenge
But there is something beyond that. You know this threat from international communism
is a pretty formidable affair. It is formidable primarily because it represents the belief, the
fanatical belief, of a group of people who feel that they have hold of something which is going
to enable them to dominate the world. You cannot account for the fact that a group of people
who 41 years ago controlled nothing now control about a third of the world's population.
You cannot explain that just by technicalities, that they did this, they did that or the other
thing. That kind of thing emanates from a dynamic belief. And that kind of a challenge
can only be met successfully by a counterchallenge, a counterchallenge of a faith that is held
more intensely and that is a greater and a truer faith.
These reasons that I have given are not alone, or in the aggregate, adequate because they
are purely defensive. We are never going to cope with this situation by defensive measures or
by a defensive spirit. There has got to be a dynamic spirit, and unless the specific things that
we do are encompassed within that spirit, then I fear that they will fail.
'Where in the world is that spirit to be found if it is not to be found within our own coun-
try? That indeed is the very foundation of our nation. Our founders did not organize this
Republic as a small, selfish area of security and well-being. They founded this nation as a
great experiment in human liberty which would extend itself throughout the world. Our
Declaration of Independence proclaimed not merely a political fact. It proclaimed that all men
are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights. And when our nation was in
process of formation, those who advocated it did so on the ground, as set forth in the opening
paragraph of the Federalist Papers, that it seemed reserved to the American people by their
conduct and example to show that there can be organized a good society of free men and upon
the success or failure of our experiment will depend the fate of humanity.
And when George Washington gave us his Farewell Address, he said that we must so use
this blessing of liberty that it will be sought for and adopted by all the peoples of the world
who do not yet have such liberty.
I have often quoted a statement made by Abraham Lincoln with reference to our Dec-
laration of Independence, in an impromptu speech which he made at Philadelphia on the
way to be inaugurated in Washington. He said about the Declaration of Independence:
"It was not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother-
land but something in that Declaration giving liberty not alone to the people of this
country but hope for the world for all future time. It was that which gave promise
that in due time the weight should be lifted from the shoulders of all men and that
all should have an equal chance."
And he went on to add,
"I was about to say that I would rather be assassinated on this spot than to sur-
render that concept of our Declaration of Independence."
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Well, that is the spirit that we need today. It is nothing new. It is the American concept
of mission, of dedication, not just to ourselves, not to our selfish welfare, but a dedication to
bring the blessings of liberty to all men everywhere.
So, as we support for one reason or another specific ieason this Mutual Security Program
I hope that the American people ? and you will have a great part in determining that ? I hope
that the American people will have a rebirth of the faith, the dedication with which our nation
was founded, which represented for so long a time what was known the world over as the
"Great American Experiment." This is the time to revive, to renew the great American ex-
periment; and as we think of others, we will in that way be most apt to save ourselves.
Thank you.
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WHAT KIND of WORLD
FOR OUR CHILDREN?
The Hon. Adlai E. Stevenson
I have come here today to say that I think foreign aid is an essential weapon in the armory
of American diplomacy and an essential tool for accomplishing America's peaceful purposes.
It is not often, as you may have noticed, that I can agree with the Administration so
wholeheartedly. Indeed, we have had some sharp disagreements. I think of Brooks Hays'
story about that stubborn old Ozark moonshiner who was apprehended and hauled into court
for the tenth time. The exasperated judge exploded. "Man, you have caused this court more
trouble and you have cost the taxpayers more money than anyone ever did before, and this time
I'm going to sentence you to the full extent of the law. Have you anything to say?" The
grizzled old fellow shifted his tobacco and said: "Well, judge, I may have caused you some
trouble, but no more than you have caused me."
I feel a little like that about the Administration that has arranged this meeting today.
But it is one of the greatest blessings of our party system that what unites us is usually more
important than what divides us. And that is especially true today because there is nothing,
literally nothing ? nuclear weapons, ballistic missiles, atomic powered submarines ? more
important than what unites us here today, Democrats and Republicans alike.
I don't think this meeting should ever have been held; I don't think it should have
been necessary to stir up public support and pressure on Congress to vote some money for
foreign economic aid which is just as imperative, in my judgment more so, than the de-
fense appropriations that are voted so easily. And that's what I've come to talk about?
economic aid as distinguished from foreign military assistance and defense support, about
which the Secretary of Defense and others will doubtless speak to you. I wish it had never
been called "foreign aid"; I wish it had been labeled economic defense, foreign invest-
ment or economic development. For that's what it is, and my assignment is to talk about
funds for technical assistance to the underdeveloped countries, funds for loans for basic
economic development and grants for special projects and emergencies?in all less than
a billion dollars, not a fourth of what the President is asking for mutual security alto-
gether, and only about 2 per cent of what we are spending on our defense establishment
alone.
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Economic Defense Essential
But its merit isn't just that it is relatively inexpensive. Its merit is that it is essential;
military defense and improving economic conditions in the uncommitted countries are
not alternatives?they are both essential. Does anyone really think that the Soviet Union,
for example, would deliberately launch a direct attack against this country?if our de-
fense and retaliatory capability is adequate? But does anyone doubt that Communist polit-
ical?economic?psychological probing and penetration will go on and on all around the
world? Does anyone doubt that they will nibble away at the Free World and progressively
isolate us if they can? Does anyone doubt that they are making a massive effort to tip the
scales of power in the decisive areas?in the 18 countries that have recently won independ-
ence and among the third of all mankind with a per capita income of less than $100?
Does anyone doubt that they are succeeding after what has happened in a few years from
North Africa to Indo-China? They have even won elections in important states in India
and Indonesia.
I say, and I hope you agree, that the Soviet-Chinese bid by aid, trade, propaganda and
subversion to win these uncommitted areas is far more dangerous than Soviet missiles or
Chinese manpower just now. This is the hot war now and we have been losing ground
in the underdeveloped countries which Lenin and Stalin (and Khrushchev, 1 suspect) be-
lieved to be the decisive stepping stones, first to the domination of Europe and ul-
timately of the world. A progressive weakening of our position in these areas in the
next few years, coupled with dramatic Soviet advances in the military field, will further
neutralize sentiment among many of our friends. And the enhancement of Soviet prestige
in the uncommitted areas as a result of Sputnik and Russian educational achievements
cannot be exaggerated.
Obviously this isn't just a contest with communism. Our interest in the independ-
ence of these vast areas would be just as vital if Russia and China were still governed by
imperial Czars and Emperors.
Everyone testifies that in the long run the only way to stop Communist expansion
is to create strong, healthy states resolved to keep their independence and capable of
resisting. This cannot be done by military aid alone. Indeed I believe overemphasis on
military assistance and defense pacts furthers Communist success by lending credibility to
the propaganda that we are warmongers and interested only in buying military allies.
if all this is so why is there any hesitation about helping these countries to
modernize their ancient societies, to develop economically and thereby fulfill the aspira-
tions of their people for human dignity and a tolerable standard of living?
Lack of Understanding
I can't answer that question, unless the imperative importance of economic de-
velopment with our help and by our methods instead of Soviet methods is not fully un-
derstood. And that, I suppose, is why we are here.
I would argue that at no time has the principle of foreign aid been of greater sig-
nificance or more directly served the interests of the United States than it does today.
For the full scale of the Communist challenge is only now becoming apparent?some $2
billion of credits and grants?mostly for economic assistance?since 1955. In 1957 they
sent over 2,000 technicians to 19 countries, 400 to India alone. Last year they brought
more than 2,000 trainees to Communist countries for technical training. Much of this aid
has gone to key countries?India, Afghanistan, Indonesia, Egypt and Syria. The purpose
is obvious?to bring about economic dependence in strategic areas which will sooner or later
lead to political subservience.
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And the Communists have many advantages in this contest with their lower costs,
their large pool of specialists, and their power to inflict sacrifices on their people. They
also have advantages in the appeal which their own recent history of rapid development
offers to backward lands, in their capacity to absorb agricultural surpluses in trade ar-
rangements with underdeveloped countries, their language facility, and their closer iden-
tification with poor and backward peoples.
But even if the Communists were to call off their campaign of economic and politi-
cal penetration the need for our effort to help these emerging nations make the transition
to modern, viable economies would remain. For so long as a billion people in this shrink-
ing world see no hope of fulfilling their impatient demands for a better life, the threat
of disorder, desperate measures and dictatorship remains, and there can be no real hope
for the secure peace the world is yearning for.
The importance of economic aid has been enhanced in this last year by another de-
velopment. 'While Soviet offers of loans and trade have been increasing, opportunities for
trade with the West have been dangerously cut. The countries along the Asian fringe de-
pend heavily upon the export of primary products. Their expansion and their hopes of
further industrial development have been buoyed up in the last decade as a result of the
commerce stimulated by the booming economic conditions in the West. But in the last
year the trend has been reversed. Export income for primary producers fell by some $600-
$700 million in 1957 alone, and this, I need hardly point out, is a figure largely in ex-
cess of any aid the countries received from the West during that period.
In other words, economic opportunities in the Communist Bloc are increasing at
a time when -Western opportunities are shrinking. We should indeed compound disaster
if at this time, having cut trade, we cut aid as well. Thus the stagnant state of our
economies makes our foreign aid program more urgent than ever.
Nor, frankly, is this only a matter of strategic or diplomatic interest. We should
have learned by this time that the most developed countries are the best customers and
that by helping to develop those large and growing areas, we are at the same time helping
ourselves. For we are helping to create new opportunities for mutually profitable trade and
investment and to obtain more dependable sources of the vital raw materials on which we
are becoming increasingly dependent. Moreover, the economic fortunes of thousands of our
own people are tied up with the continuance of foreign aid. In any year, our steady ten-
dency is to sell more than we buy. In present conditions of trade, the surplus which
America runs with the rest of the world rarely falls below a billion dollars a year and
can rise to as much as $3 or $4 billion. In the last year the dollar gap has reopened
sharply since domestic recession has cut American purchases abroad.
In these conditions, foreign aid, which places dollars in the hands of important cus-
tomers overseas, is one means of protecting our great export industries from a sharp cut in
our overseas commerce. I sometimes think that those who speak contemptuously of eco-
nomic aid programs as "handouts" do not always realize in which hands the "handout" ul-
timately comes to rest?for it is very largely the hands of the workers and stockholders
engaged in export industry, and a sizable number of American farmers as well.
Need For Improvement
But please don't misunderstand me. From what I have said I wouldn't want you to
conclude that I am wholly satisfied with our foreign aid program, past or present. I'm
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not. And I have, I confess, some sympathy for those in and out of Congress who have
hesitated over our foreign aid policies in recent years.
These programs have only marginally fulfilled their task and certainly have offered
no very hopeful pointers to the future. They have been geared in too high a degree to
purely military considerations. They have contained no guarantee of future continuance.
They have thus been unsuitable as a basis for long term economic growth. They have in
short been wavering and haphazard. Though they have done something, they have cer-
tainly not done enough.
But we have begun to realize that if foreign aid is to make its full contribution to
the growth of a more stable world, it must be on a sustained, thought-through and co-
ordinated basis. The Development Fund for loans on a sustained basis is a reflection of
this thinking, and I emphatically approve this new approach.
We know something now about the rhythms of development toward a modernized tech-
nical economy. Our aim should be to assist the underdeveloped and emergent nations
to achieve a level of domestic saving which has a chance of becoming self-sustaining.
The difficulty is that the poverty of so many of these communities in Asia and Africa
makes the original act of saving virtually impossible. Saving is non-consumption, and if
consumption standards are low enough, to consume less can mean simple extinction.
The progressive role that development investment can play is to push these emergent
economies through the first stages of capital accumulation. In each economy, the needs
will vary, though we can make a good guess that roads, transportation, power, water sup-
plies and planning surveys will be among the first necessities. As the capital from outside
helps to build up these first levels of investment, local capacity to save will increase, and
as domestic savings rise and private investment opportunities increase, the aid programs
can taper off. Such a concept gives a beginning, a middle and an end to our efforts and
sees to it that at the end, we leave behind not Cadillacs and file boxes but the solid eco-
nomic apparatus of a modern state.
I believe we have made a start toward this phased, sustained and thought-through
concept of foreign aid, and it is this approach which I most heartily support as the future
shape of our operations. In it I see more than a means of diplomacy or an underpinning
of our own economic stability. I see it as a new and characteristic American contribution to
the science of good human relations and to the exciting experiment of living together in a
world made one by science and technology.
Recommendations
I would hope that this conference might conclude that the primary problem is growth;
that the threat of communism in the underdeveloped areas is less military than it is eco-
nomic, poli tical and moral; that the need in these critical areas is social and economic
modernization. I believe a powerful and sound case can be made to Congress and the coun-
try for a program to promote economic and social health and self-reliance without mili-
tary strings. And such a program should include, in my opinion, the following:
First?This year the full $625 million requested should be appropriated to the Eco-
nomic Development Fund, and next year the Fund should be put on a permanent basis
so that it can plan investments forward for some years, not merely on a project basis
but in terms of the total requirements of the receiving nation. Our emphasis should be
on loans, not gifts, where feasible. You remember Confucius' question: "Why do you dis-
like me? I have never done anything to help you."
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Second?We must make clear our support for the Indian 5-year plan on a long-term
basis and enlist other nations to do likewise so that the Indians can proceed with rea-
sonable confidence that they can achieve their essential objectives. India?twice the size of
the Marshall Plan world?will need a sustained support to get over the hump. If we fail
there, our cause will suffer grievously.
Third?We should explore methods of increasing private capital investment, although
risk capital can't and won't begin to do the job of basic development?roads, power, trans-
portation, schools, etc. But with strong government leadership and with a steady flow of
government capital, private investment will have an enlarging role to play.
Fourth?We must learn to use our surpluses of food and fiber as a major constructive
resource in economic development, not as charity but as working capital?to enable men
to divert their labor from agriculture to roads, dams, power stations and the like without
creating an inflationary demand for food and clothing. Our great agricultural productivity
is a source of strength if we have the wit to use it.
Fifth?I think it is time we coordinated our economic affairs with our friends instead
of all going it alone. The whole of the industrialized free world has the same interest in
seeing the underdeveloped areas make the transition to self-sustaining growth while main-
taining their independence. This is a global enterprise; and it should be organized on
that basis. For Western Europe and Japan this coordination would give a badly needed
sense of common constructive purpose at a time when military problems alone seem to hold
the center of the international stage. Moreover, coordination would also make possible
useful contributions from some of the smaller states of the Free World.
I do not believe it is necessary to set up a single international fund. But the govern-
ments of the Free World should gather, assess what they are doing, and make common
cause in enlarging their efforts in both technical assistance and the supply of capital. Before
the NATO Conference, I suggested that the OEEC in Paris might offer a useful gathering
place for this new enterprise. That organization, a product of the Marshall Plan, has the
flexibility, the staff, and the tradition of constructive purpose to do the job. I am con-
fident that from such collaboration a new spirit would emerge in the Free World, a new
sense of the powers and constructive possibilities of democracy, a unity based on hope rather
than fear.
Sixth?Against the background of an enlarged and stabilized American program, weav-
ing together the great resources of the industrialized nations, giving play to private as
well as government initiative, we could well invite Mr. Khrushchev to coordinate his ef-
forts with ours if he is really interested in the economic development and political inde-
pendence of these less fortunate countries. Such cooperation?and I hope we leave no stone
unturned in our effort to cooperate?could avoid the waste and hazard of blackmail that
results from competition in this kind of effort. And if the Soviets are not interested in
joining our international effort, such an offer would at least unmask the motives behind
their assistance programs.
Great Moment In History
A final word?and perhaps the most important. I hope we Americans will cease to be
ashamed of generosity and magnanimity. No nation ever before approached what this one
has done to help others help themselves, and not by any means just in self-protection
either. Why don't we glory in it? Why aren't we proud of it? Why do we ridicule our
best instincts? I have said before and I repeat that I haven't seen any repeal of the com-
mand to love your neighbor.
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But of course we all know that it is a matter of enlightened self-interest for the United
States to throw the weight of its resources into the economic development of the transi-
tional areas of Asia, the Middle East, and Africa. We know that the loss of these areas to
communism would have incalculable consequences. We know that our economy is increas-
ingly dependent on imported materials. We know that Western Europe and japan, even
more, need an expanding world market if they are to continue healthy. And if we doubt
the reality of these immediate interests, measure the costs, in all directions, of the engulf-
ment of China by communism.
But there is something more to be said and understood. We live at an exciting mo-
ment in world history. The next half century will be full of change and growth and rising
aspiration. Industrial maturity takes some five or six decades. That was what it took
Britain from the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, then the United States commenc-
ing with the Civil War, then japan. And it has taken Russia about 50 years from the
great revolt against feudalism in 1905 to launch Sputnik. But the rhythm of moderniza-
tion is faster now. We can assume that China and India, which number about half the
human race, will reach industrial maturity by the end of the century. And what about all
those other scores of millions in Asia, the Middle East, Africa and Latin America?
This is one of the great watersheds of history. At the turn of the twenty-first century
it is certain that there will be in those areas great, powerful nations, capable of applying
to their resources all that modern science can afford. Our children and our grandchildren
will share the planet with the citizens of these newer nations.
What kind of world will that be? Will it be dominated by new and bitter conflicts,
rooted in bitter memories from a difficult colonial past, in memories of racial discrimina-
tion, in memories of painful difficulty faced alone during the awkward transition to
modernization? Or will it be a world held together by bonds of common humanity, by
memories of shared adventure during the period of transition, by a common respect for
the dignity and stature of the individual human being, by a common will to maintain a
regime of international order on this tiny planet?
I am deeply convinced that the outcome depends on what the governments and peo-
ples of the industrialized world do now?over the next decade?not on what is done a
half century from now. The peoples of Asia, the Middle East, and Africa are now gath-
ering momentum; the new nations are now defining their inner character and purpose;
what we do or fail to do now will thus cast long shadows.
In this very precise and concrete sense, the present generation in the West bears a
heavy and inescapable responsibility for the kind of world in which their children and
grandchildren will live. This is the ultimate stake?the ultimate interest?in what we call,
so inadequately, foreign aid.
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MILITARY
ASSISTANCE
The Hon. Neil H. McElroy
Secretary of Defense
U.S. Army Photo
I am glad to have the opportunity to meet with you this morning to discuss the im-
portance of the Military Assistance Program and its part in our overall defense. If this
nation is going to retain its freedom and strength in the critical years ahead, its citizens
must have the knowledge and understanding which will lead them to support the steps
that must be taken. The Mutual Security Program is an essential part of our national
security, and I am grateful that citizens to whom so many of our people look for guidance
have come here today to learn more about it.
In 1950, the active Army ground forces of the allies with whom we are today joined in
collective defense numbered about three and a half million men, most of whom were inade-
quately trained and equipped. Now, according to latest available estimates, there are 4.7 mil-
lion men in the Army ground forces of these same allies?an increase of 34 per cent.
Moreover, the men in these forces are far better trained and organized than were the troops
of 1950. They have better equipment and support facilities and their morale is at a much
higher level.
In the naval forces of these allies in 1950 were about 1,200 combatant vessels. Today there
are 2,500 combatant vessels, an increase of 108 per cent. In 1950, they had a total of about
16,000 conventional aircraft, and some 600 jets. Their forces today are equipped with 18,000
conventional aircraft, and the number of jet planes has increased to about 14,000-23 times as
many as they had in 1950. They have many more and better airfields, and improved commu-
nications and early warning systems.
Much of the explanation of the impressive growth and modernization of these allied
forces is to be found in the Military Assistance Program. Under this program begun in 1950
with bipartisan support, the United States is now furnishing guns, tanks, naval vessels, aircraft
and in some cases missiles to more than 40 countries. We are also providing extensive train-
ing to most of these allied forces, as well as support to military research and development on
the part of European countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization.
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It is not difficult to see what this means to us in terms of military strength and defense
readiness, or how these forces, located at strategic points around the globe, help us meet the
threat that faces the United States and the Free World.
We well remember how following World War II the United States and its Free World
allies rapidly adjusted both our economic and military establishments to peacetime levels.
The same was not true in every nation of the world; the Soviet Union continued to main-
tain a great and powerful military machine.
Today the forces that can be marshalled against us include the largest land army in
the world, and a navy, the second largest in the world, which includes the largest peacetime
submarine force in history?about 500 submarines, as compared to the 58 that Hitler had in
operation at the start of World War II. They include an air fleet which is rapidly growing
in size and effectiveness, and an ever-increasing missile and nuclear capability.
These forces are constantly being modernized; and in the past year we have seen drama-
tic evidence that an advanced scientific capability has been developed which seriously threatens
our superiority in the crucial area of research and development of future weapons systems.
Critical Period
We are entering a period when in the event of total war between the two great powers
catastrophic destruction could result. The United States and its allies are determined to main-
tain such power and such readiness that it will be clear to any potential attacker that the
price of a massive surprise attack would be a counterblow of devastating effectiveness. So long
as we are able to maintain this position, the likelihood of all-out nuclear warfare will, barring
a miscalculation, remain relatively remote.
But, this does not mean that communism will abandon its avowed objective of world domi-
nation. We can expect it rather to intensify efforts in other fields where in its view the price
of conflict would not be so high. This accounts for its increased use of economic penetration,
subversion and threats of local aggression. Recent targets of these forms of action include
Syria, Egypt, Yemen, and Indonesia. A classic example is Syria, where during the past year
the Communists introduced large shipments of military equipment and training personnel,
accompanied by vigorous efforts at subversion and a storm of fabricated charges directed
at Syria's Free World neighbors.
The answer to the localized threat?the nibbling away at our allies and at the uncom-
mitted countries of the world?lies in large part in the Mutual Security Program of economic
aid, which is being discussed with you by others, and the collective defense system strength-
ened by our Military Assistance Program. The forces of some of our allies are of importance
to us in maintaining our deterrent ability; all of them are of crucial importance in provid-
ing effective resistance against the threat of subversion and local aggression, and in serving to
maintain that condition of local security essential for political and economic growth.
With changes in the nature of the threat and improvement in the economic self-sufficiency
of some of our allies, the application of our program has shifted. For example, in the early
1950's more than three-fourths of our shipments of military equipment went to our NATO
allies in Western Europe; during the current year, about two-thirds of such shipments are be-
ing made to countries in the Middle East and Far East, including Greece, Turkey, Iraq, Iran
and Pakistan in the Middle East and Taiwan, Korea and Viet-Nam in the Far East.
The funds we have available for this program are limited, and their wise expenditure is
the responsibility of the Department of Defense, under the policy guidance of the Depart-
ment of State. Selection of the nations to be aided is based in large part on military force
objectives established by the joint Chiefs of Staff and is designed to meet United States
strategic objectives. These force objectives are under periodic review.
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The extent of our support of the force objectives is determined after thorough consider-
ation of many interdependent factors in the military, economic and political sphere. We seek
only to maintain and modernize these allied forces at a rate consistent with our own resources
and the ability of our allies to use and maintain the equipment. The program for each
year is prepared with full realization that, in the development of Free World military capa-
bility, we must bear in mind that we face a struggle extending over many years in which
victory may fall to the side with the greatest staying power. Consequently, both the United
States and its allies must shape their military programs so as not to jeopardize long-term
political and economic stability.
For Defense Only
Also, as a matter of national policy, military equipment so furnished is made available
solely to maintain the security and legitimate self-defense of the recipient nations, and to per-
mit them to participate in the defense of the area or in collective security arrangements which
are consistent with the Charter of the United Nations. Before we deliver equipment, it is
our policy to require that the receiving nations agree that they themselves will contribute as
much as their economic condition will permit to the development and maintenance of their
own defensive strength and the defensive strength of the Free World; and that they will do
everything possible to assure the effective use of the assistance we are furnishing them under
this program.
Since 1950 when the program began we have spent almost $20 billion on military assist-
ance. During the last four-year period we have been spending at a rate of just over $2
billion a year; approximately the same level of expenditures is envisioned for the next 2 or 3
years. This rate of spending represents more than one-half of our so-called "foreign aid,"
or about 3 cents on every dollar of federal taxes paid. Approximately 85 per cent of all
of these military assistance funds have been spent right here in the United States principally
for the purchase of military hardware delivered to our allies. Thus, the largest portion of
these expenditures have been plowed back into the American economy.
It should be remembered that the United States is by no means bearing the full cost
of these military forces. Important as our contribution has been in building the strength
of our Allied forces since 1950, we have not borne even the major part of the cost. This im-
pressive achievement has been accomplished by a joint effort. During the period of our con-
tribution of almost $20 billion, our allies receiving such assistance have spent $105 billion
in the joint defense effort. Thus, the nations receiving grant military assistance from the
United States, of which there are over 40, have together spent for their defense about $5
for every dollar that we have contributed to their military establishments.
It is clear that the strength which the Military Assistance Program has helped develop
has been achieved by a much smaller expenditure of our resources than would have been
possible had we tried to do the job alone. Further evidence of this can be seen clearly by com-
paring the cost to pay, house, feed and clothe a United States soldier with the same costs for
soldiers of our allies. As of last year, the cost for an American soldier was $3,515 annually,
not including the weapons, equipment, transportation and other expenditures which go into
making him an effective fighting man in any part of the world. By contrast, the cost to pay,
house, feed and clothe a French soldier was $1,440; a Pakistani, $485; a Greek, $424; and a
Nationalist Chinese, $147.
We cannot know how much the strength represented by allied forces would have cost the
United States had we tried to create it entirely with our own resources. But beyond ques-
tion, if we had not helped our allies develop that strength, for our own security as well as for
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theirs, we would have had to make much greater defense expenditures, and would have had
to maintain many more men under arms, with a considerably larger proportion of them
overseas. Moreover, all these efforts would not have produced the defensive strength we
have today.
Changing Requirements
Like our own defense effort, the Military Assistance Program is constantly being ad-
justed to changing requirements inspired by technological advances. This year, for example,
we are increasing the delivery of various air defense and surface-to-surface missiles to allies
able effectively to use and maintain the equipment.
In the Fiscal Year 1959 Program now before Congress, we expect to concentrate pro-
portionately more of our effort in modernization and less in maintenance costs. These latter
are to an increasing degree being absorbed by the recipient countries. In this connection
you are, of course, familiar with the decisions reached at the NATO Heads of Government
Meeting last December which recognized the need for deployment of Intermediate Range
Ballistic Missiles to Europe. The agreement just concluded with the United Kingdom is
similar to others which will measurably increase the capability for decisive military retalia-
tion. The Military Assistance Program will play a vital role in providing part of the cost of
the missiles systems furnished under these arrangements.
Though it is proper to consider the Military Assistance Program largely in terms of
assistance to allies, I would like to add that the program also permits and encourages pur-
chases of equipment from the United States by countries which have the ability to absorb
the cost. The importance of these sales to our own defense budget is indicated by the fact
that since 1950 our own tax dollars have been augmented by more than $1 billion from such
sales of equipment. Sales of this type during 1956 totaled $79 million and for 1957 were
$312 million. This is another encouraging sign of the increasing capability of some of our
allies to bear more and more of the burden of their defense forces.
Before concluding, let me mention briefly two or three benefits derived from the Mili-
tary Assistance Program aside from its all-important contribution to the growth and mod-
ernization of allied forces.
One such benefit is the maintenance and protection of our worldwide network of over
250 major land, sea and air installations outside of the United States, made feasible and
possible by this program. These bases are and for some years to come will continue to be
of major importance to our defensive and retaliatory capability, modified as necessary with
the introduction of more advanced aircraft and missile systems.
Another is the significant role the program has played in helping to assure the avail-
ability to us of overseas sources of raw materials necessary in our civilian economy and essen-
tial to our defense efforts.
Finally, the program has made an important contribution in the field of military
research. For some years the United States has contributed support to programs for military
research and development by NATO allies. As a result of decisions taken at last Decem-
ber's Heads of Government Meeting in Paris, the United States is taking further steps to stim-
ulate the exchange of military research information, and is making available designs of
advanced weapons selected by NATO countries for joint production abroad. This effort
should in the long run measurably decrease NATO's reliance on the United States as almost
the sole source of production for the more advanced types of weapons.
I hope my remarks have led you to share my conviction concerning the importance of the
Military Assistance Program. Without question it is an integral and vital part of our own
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defense effort. It provides us with much more security at less cost than if we were to attempt to
attain the same capability through our own resources alone. It is my firm conviction, and
that of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, that this program must be continued. Any slackening on
our part would set the example of the most powerful nation in the Free World cutting down
on security without regard to the realities of the threat, and would almost inevitably result
in a dangerous lessening in the will and capability of our allies to resist. The risk to the
United States in such a course is clearly unwarranted and would be highly dangerous to our
national security.
Thank you.
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Lottie Jacobi
The SOVIET ECONOMIC
and TRADE OFFENSIVE
The Hon. Allen W. Dulles
Director of Central Intelligence
The subject assigned to me this morning is the Soviet economic and trade offensive.
I shall broaden the term "Soviet" to include what we of ten refer to as the Communist Bloc,
that is, the Soviet Union, the European Satellites, and Communist China. Each plays a role
in the economic and trade offensive of international communism.
As Director of the Central Intelligence Agency, it is not my task to recommend policies.
It is rather to analyze as accurately as possible and present the facts as a basis for determin-
ing policy.
This I purpose to do in describing the Communist trade and aid offensive.
It is not always easy to get the facts regarding the Communist world. They throw a shroud
of secrecy and security around all sensitive areas of their policies and actions. In the field
of their trade and aid, however, many of the basic facts are well known. Of course they try to
keep secret the details of the arrangements among the countries in the Communist Bloc. Also
they are not anxious for the facts to be known about some of their arms deals with countries
outside of their bloc.
However, as regards the Soviet's general aims and objectives in the field of economic and
trade penetration, their actions and the public assertions of their leaders are a helpful guide.
Too often people tend to ignore the statements of those whose credibility they may have
reason to question. Many years ago, Hitler in Mein Kampf wrote what he proposed to do.
He did it. Little attention was paid to his book until after he had gone to war.
In the case of the Soviet Union there has been an extraordinary consistency over the years
in basic policy declarations and subsequent actions of the Communist leadership.
The statement issued by the Soviet Union and their allies and satellites in Moscow last
November on the fortieth anniversary of the Bolshevik revolution might well have been writ-
ten by Lenin. The declaration of the recent Afro-Asian Conference in Cairo was on all fours
with the program of the Congress of the Peoples of the East which the Soviet held in Baku in
1920. Lenin himself predicted in 1923 that the outcome of the struggle would be determined
by the population masses of Russia, India and China.
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Changing Tactics t.
Tactics change?die timetable is altered as circumstaixes demand: The overall objectives
and strategy remain much the same.
The evidence as we now seelt indkates that the USSR, in striving toward their objectives,
do not propose to use their .military power in a manner which would involve the grave
risk of war. They probably still estimate that our 'power' of' retaliation could more than
match their offense. They have a healthy respect for our nuclear capability and our means of
delivering nuclear weapons.
In any event they have now alerted us to the dangers which lie in their growing mili-
tary capabilities; they have shaken any complacency, and shown us that we could not
always expect to be, first in all phases of military endeavor. They have the skills?scientific
and technical?to do in the military field what we can do. If they work on a particular project
for longer hours with more manpower and with more equipment?human and material?
than we, they can accomplish a particular objective before we do. This should have been
accepted as axiomatic because neither the United States nor any other country has any
monopoly on brains.
Their Sputniks and missiles have also taught its that we cannot afford to be second best
in any important military field.
This particular conference will be considering whether we can afford to be second to the
Soviet in supporting friends and allies and in our relations with the uncommitted newly
developing countries of the world which look abroad for help in their industrialization and
in all that goes to raising the standard of life.
The President in his recent message to the Congress cited the three major objectives of
our Mutual Security Program. One of these was the forestalling of Communist subversion or
massive economic penetration of other nations.
In pressuring for a period of relaxation of tensions and co-existence it seems clear that
the Soviet desires this for two purposes: first, to build their military strength and to develop
the highly complicated modern ??tapons?ballistic and nuclear?and, second, to press forward
in the area where they probably consider us most vulnerable; the winning of the allegiance
and eventually the control of the uncommitted nations of the world by trade and aid, and
by subversion.
Victory Without a Shot
They probably estimate that if they can induce us to devote our resources almost exclu-
sively to the in field, they can the more easily break our economic and cultural ties with
other nations and win them over.
Today, February 25, is the tenth anniversary of the takeover of Czechoslovakia by com-
munism. Not a shot was fired. It was not guided missiles but the so-called "guided democ-
racy" which did the trick. ?
In Prague last July, Khrushthev said, "We can light without bombs and we are convinced
that our cause will be victorious." He added that he would not predict in which countries
communism would consolidate itself first but that once nations learned the advantages of
socialism they will "organize and achieve a change in the social order."
Our own grandsons, he recently predicted to an American correspondent, "will live
under socialism in America, too." Again, speaking at a reception at the Albanian Embassy
last year he laid down the challenge: "If the capitalist gentlemen wish to help the backward
nations as they constantly and clamorously declare, they are welcome to do this . . The
underdeveloped nations, however, must bear in mind that the capitalist never gave any.
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thing gratuitously because this contradicts the very essence of capitalism." And, last October,
he explained that the "wars are not necessary for the victory of socialism, capitalism will inevit-
ably vanish from the historical arena just as was the case of feudalism which made room for
capitalism."
These are the theories they openly preach to the world and they propose to go out into
the world with missionaries of trade and aid to spread this doctrine.
While the Communist leaders have suppressed and liquidated more peoples of alien
races and views within their area of control than any dictator or conqueror of the past, they
ally themselves abroad with nationalistic aspirations. While they deny freedom to their satel-
lites in Eastern Europe, they attack those countries which, like Britain, have voluntarily given
freedom to many more peoples than the entire population of Russia itself.
We would be negligent, however, to ignore the fact that their trade and aid programs
backed with subtle propaganda have had a significant impact. The farther removed a coun-
try is from any real appreciation of Soviet actions in their own area of domination, Hungary
or East Germany for example, the greater is the impact of Soviet propaganda and of their
deliveries of arms, of industrial products and "know how."
Target Areas
In effect, they will buy anything, trade anything, and dump anything if it advances
communism or helps to destroy the influence of the West.
They are careful to choose the countries where they can tailor their program to the
advancement of their political aims. But if this is demonstrable, the terms of trade and aid
are seemingly attractive. Interest rates are low and, with good Communist-type behaviour
on the part of the recipients, it may be entirely remitted.
The strings are invisible. They can move quickly. They have no budgetary limitations
or legislative restrictions. Their only "Battle Act" is the battle to advance Communist aims.
They have vast stores of obsolescent military equipment which looks new and shiny to coun-
tries in the infancy of military development. It can be given away without affecting the
Soviet's own military position. They will take in barter payment agricultural products and
raw materials which we, because of our surpluses, find it impracticable to accept.
Now, to get down to cases:
The total amount in credits and grants extended by the Sino-Soviet Bloc for economic
development and military aid to countries in the Free World outside the Bloc over the last
three years amounts to the equivalent of about $2 billion.
Over 95 per cent of this aid has been concentrated on six countries?Afghanistan, Egypt,
Syria, India, Indonesia and Yugoslavia. In these countries over the past two and a half
years Soviet programs in aggregate have been more than double those of the Free World.
Of course, many other countries have received attractive offers and many are today in the
throes of deciding whether to decide to seek aid from the West or from the Soviet Bloc.
The Soviet programs have also included a large scale movement of technical person-
nel from the Communist Bloc to the Free World countries where aid is extended. More than
2,000 Bloc technicians are now active in nine of the newly developing countries in which
United States comparable personnel number less than 1,000. Also large numbers of techni-
cians are going from these countries to Moscow, Prague and Peiping for their training.
From the viewpoint of the strain on the Soviet economy and to enable comparison
with the United States foreign aid effort, it is important also to consider Soviet aid to other
members within the Communist Bloc.
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Over the past decade- more than $1.6 billion has been pumped into China in the form
of military credits and military hardware and perhaps as much as $500 million has been
given to Red China outright.
In addition, in the form of non-military aid, some $3.7 billion has gone in loans and
grants from the Soviet Union toward the development and reorientation into the Commu-
nist system of the basic economic programs of Communist-dominated countries. Of this,
more than $900 million went to Poland, $650 million to East Germany, $450 million to Com-
munist China.
Bloc aid to North Korea since the armistice has totaled $586 million, not including
military materiel. This works out at $73 per North Korean which, on a per capita basis,
exceeds United States economic assistance to South Korea. A comparable effort has been
made on behalf of North Viet-Nam.
Any attempt at analyzing the bookkeeping in the trade relations between the Soviet and
the other Communist states is tricky business. The real value of the ruble is an unknown
quantity and transferring ruble amounts to dollars is at best an estimate. These figures, how-
ever, give the order of magnitude of the trade and aid. They do not take account of certain
other factors.
For example, the early stage of the relations between the Soviet and the Satellites and
China saw the moving of captured plants and materials from these countries to the USSR to
hasten Soviet post-war construction and rehabilitation. Many plants in these countries were
operated under direct Soviet control and the output siphoned off to the USSR. Then, too,
low prices were fixed by the Soviet on goods it purchased and high prices on the goods they
sold to the Satellites and China.
Soviet Economy
This was during the Stalin period and the post-war reconstruction. Then the Soviet saw
that they had to turn around and rebuild their subject empire, which was in partial ruins.
As a result, today, while no firm balance sheet can be drawn, the European Satellites and Com-
munist China represent a net drain on the Soviet economy and add somewhat to the financial
burden of their aid program in the Free World.
Nevertheless we believe the Soviets can and will continue their programs in Free World
countries at a scale at least as great as we now witness. Both intra-bloc and external programs
combined will require less than one per cent of their gross national product. The net eco-
nomic cost over a period of years will be even less than this because from this program they
will receive some needed raw materials and consumer goods.
I mentioned the appeal of the Soviet program to the newly developing countries of the
world. Many are too far away from Moscow to understand the meaning of Hungary, to
analyze the dangers which communism spells for their newly found freedom.
They see that Russia, which economically and industrially was a backward country a
couple of decades ago, has in some manner, mysterious to them, become in a relatively short
space of time the second greatest industrial and military power of the world. They do not
understand the cause. They do not realize that much of this has been achieved by profit-
ing from the industrial revolution of the West; that it has been developed at the expense
of the standards of living of the peoples of Russia; that housing and road building and con-
sumer goods have been sacrificed to heavy industry and weapons of war.
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Major Weapons of Conquest
They tend to feel that the American economic standards are too high ? too distant ? too
hard for them to attain. They are not overly impressed by the fact that last year we made
about sixty automobiles to the Soviet's one; or that there are wide disparities between the
Soviet and ourselves in the standard of living. They do hope that they can eventually aspire
to something like the economic and industrial advancement of the Soviet Union. When the
missionaries of Soviet society appear with their offers, the temptation is great. If there are
no clear-cut alternatives the reaction is often favorable.
To leave the field open to this type of penetration presents us with grave dangers.
What use is it if we and our allies concentrate solely on building barriers against some future
military attack while the Soviet envoys of trade, aid and subversion get behind those barriers?
Then, too late, both we and the countries affected will know the true meaning of "Red Im-
perialism."
In this brief presentation, I have endeavored to give an appraisal as an intelligence
officer of the information available to us. I can summarize by stating that in our considered
opinion, the present strategy of the leaders of international communism as directed from
Moscow will not be based on military adventures or the direct use of military power. They
will not be likely at this time to take steps which they believe would involve the risk of
nuclear war, although Soviet military power will continue to be used as a threat against
weaker countries.
On the other hand, international communism will undoubtedly use the methods of eco-
nomic penetration and internal subversion as major weapons to advance their cause.
On this day, ten years since the takeover of Czechoslovakia, it is appropriate that you
should be considering the countermeasures which will be most effective in meeting these
threats to our national security. They most certainly can be met with the resources which this
country can command.
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42
MUTUAL AID:
A PROGRAM
OF MASSIVE
RECONCILIATION
Reverend Edwin T. Dahlberg
President, National Council of Churches
of Christ in the U. S. A.
It is a rare privilege to represent the National Council of Churches in today's discus-
sion of the foreign aspects of United States national security. One of the glories of our
Republic is that we can meet in a gathering of this kind, composed of all political parties,
all the major religious faiths, and all shades of public opinion. This is a national heri-
tage that must at all costs be defended and preserved.
As president of the National Council of Churches, which is composed of 34 denomina-
tions of the Protestant and Eastern Orthodox churches, with a total membership of 38
million people, I cannot pretend to voice the unanimous viewpoints of so huge a section
of the Christian Church. Nevertheless, on the basis of the expressed resolutions adopted
by the 2,000 delegates present at our Triennial Assembly in St. Louis early in December,
and judging by close to a thousand letters coming to me from all parts of the nation and the
world in the last few weeks, I know that I am bringing to you the deepest convictions of
a very large and important cross section of American Christianity. In behalf of the Na-
tional Council, therefore, I wish to express sincere gratitude for this opportunity to speak
on some of the non-military approaches to world peace which we believe essential to the
survival of America and our total world civilization.
All of us, as members of the one body of mankind, are entering upon a completely
new era of history?the Nuclear Space Age. We welcome the coming of this age. It is
more exciting than the age of Columbus and Magellan. We should look upon it as a
part of the on-going purpose of the Eternal God, moving towards a goal that is bigger
than any political, ecclesiastical, or nationalistic interest. In the presence of this com-
pletely new development in history we can no longer think in terms of one nation or one
continent alone. We must think in terms of the universal and the ultimate. For we are
now not only one nation under God, but one world under God. This is true whether or
not we believe it.
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During the Christmas season two months ago it was my good fortune to go on a
mission of the National Council of Churches to the armed forces of the Alaska Command.
While there I visited some of our most remote radar sites and our northernmost army
posts, air force bases, and naval stations, all the way from Elmendorf Air Base, Fort Rich-
ardson, Eielson Air Force Base, Fort Greeley, Ladd Air Force Base and King Salmon Air
Force Base, Fire Island, Kodiak Island Naval Station, and Adap Island Naval Station, far
out on the Aleutian Chain. I was tremendously impressed by that long defense line on the
northern rim of the continent, where the men of the Distant Early Warning line stand
guard over the nation night and day, around the clock, in the bitter cold of the long
Alaskan night, only ninety minutes away from the Communist zone. Amid trigger ten-
sion, men stand ready to take their jets into the air at the first flash of the signal from the
finger poised and ready to touch the command button that would loose the most terrible
forces of destruction known to man.
Need Bold, Creative Answers
Strangely enough, though I came away from that experience with a great sense of
pride in our security system, I came away also with a profound sense of insecurity. I can-
not forget the evening when one of the high commanding officers took me aside and said in
such a voice of passionate conviction such as I have seldom heard in any man, "Dr. Dahl-
berg, the churches of America must do something about this! This is not the answer." The
American officer speaking to me up there on the edge of the Arctic was no sentimentalist. He
was no representative of a soft line. He was a tough, competent representative of the
armed forces at their bravest and best.
When even this man on the Distant Early Warning line of the nation could voice
such a sense of deep religious concern, do you wonder that those of us who are priests,
ministers, and rabbis of religion?the appointed watchmen on the Distant Early Warning
line of the Kingdom of God?should appeal to you who are the appointed leaders of gov-
ernment to devise some other and better means of national survival than bombs, rocketry,
and missiles?
We beg of you to apply the same bold, creative imagination to the non-military ap-
proaches to peace that you have already applied to military defense. We know that you
are working tirelessly and hard in our behalf. We pray for you, earnestly, as you carry
on your shoulders the anxieties and burdens of the nation, in the midst of much mis-
understanding. The world is weary and disheartened by the continuing plans for massive
retaliation. We yearn for someone to lead in plans for massive reconciliation, on a global
scale, and look for the day which we believe to be at hand even now, when all of Amer-
ica's great wealth, resources, and power shall be dedicated to that end.
What the non-military answer shall be, is not easy for any of us to say. It must begin
in the Spirit. For as Jesus said, "According to your faith, be it done unto you." Once we
substitute a new faith and a new spirit for our present obsession with military defense
as our main reliance, and the ever present temptation to touch the technological panic
button, we can depend upon Almighty God to show us the way to more effective negotia-
tion, both summit and regional; the way to control both nuclear bombs and population
bombs; and the way to the kind of human relations and trade and mutual aid programs
that will bring new hope and confidence to all nations.
These are days when we should take completely to heart the promise of the Word of
God in James 1:5-6, "If any of you lack wisdom, let him ask of God, that giveth to all men
liberally, and upbraideth not; and it shall be given him. But let him ask in faith, nothing
wavering."
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Weapon of the Spirit
One of the greatest weapons of the Spirit that we could possibly use is certainly that
of mutual aid and economic assistance?the kind of aid that will make substantial invest-
ments both of public and private money in underdeveloped areas, thereby helping the im-
poverished nations and at the same time increasing the level of trade, commerce, and
industry of our own country. We must remember that whereas the average per capita in-
come of the United States is approximately $2,000 a year, the average per capita in the
underdeveloped countries is $100 a year. In India it is only $60. Can we ever hope to have
peace, security, or real prosperity as long as there is this disparity! Or can we ever expect
the world to believe in our peaceful intentions when we appropriate $45 billion for our
military budget and only a few million dollars for non-military development and techni-
cal cooperation?
Many people in America have the idea that we are engaged in a vast give-away pro-
gram in the field of foreign aid. Actually, economic aid, which is really investment, is a
very tiny proportion of our Mutual Security Program. For the fiscal year 1956-57, a total
of $3,766,000,000 was appropriated for all kinds of foreign aid under the Mutual Security
Program. But $2 billion of this sum, approximately, was for direct military aid. Another
billion went for defense support, and $85 million for miscellaneous purposes. Only $402
million went for economic development and technical cooperation. It is this wide gap be-
tween military appropriations and mutual aid that we want to see overcome. Particularly
should the factor of technical assistance and economic aid be completely disentangled from
the military program, so that there can be a completely honest and accurate understand-
ing of what we are doing. We are happy to note that under President Eisenhower's lead-
ership, steps are now being taken in that direction.
We believe that the churches can speak with some authority and expertness in the field
of mutual aid. We have had 2,000 years of experience in this kind of service. The
founder of our religion, Jesus Christ of Nazareth, in line with the teachings of the great proph-
ets of Israel before him, left us a commission that as Christians we call the Great Com-
mission to teach all nations, to heal the sick, to feed the hungry, to clothe the naked,
and to bind up the broken-hearted.
At the present moment our division of foreign missions in the National Council of
Churches is made up of 70 boards and agencies. We have a missionary force of over 10,000
workers in over 50 countries, cooperating with trained nationals. Our literature is printed
in 1,100 languages and tribal dialects. Voluntary contributions of approximately $44 mil-
lion annually by our church people support all manner of overseas programs, including the
administration of schools, colleges, universities, training centers, medical clinics and world-
famous hospitals, agricultural stations, shops, and farms. Still further, through our De-
partment of Church World Service we expended last year over $12 million for relief, and
sent overseas more than 300 million pounds of food, clothing, medical supplies, and
other necessities, in addition to the shipment of cattle and other livestock by the Heifers-
for-Relief program.
Solid, Enduring Investment
When we see the results of these comparatively modest voluntary aid programs by the
churches, in terms of character, leadership, self-help, and gratitude we are convinced that
this kind of an investment of public funds plus investments in better schools, housing proj-
ects, penal institutions, psychiatric clinics, and the care of the aged here at home would
guarantee the only posture of national strength that is solid and enduring.
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TEXT OF ADDRESSES 45
In brief, we would urge giant steps, of boldly imaginative daring and dramatic charac-
ter, along the lines so ably suggested by the International Advisory Board under the chair-
manship of Eric Johnston, in its report to President Eisenhower last March. We believe that:
(1) Economic development programs, including both technical cooperation and capital
funds, should be multiplied many times over.
(2) The purposes of these constructive mutual aid programs should be set forth in un-
equivocal terms emphasizing not so much what we are against as what we ourselves stand
for in freedom, justice and peace.
(3) Economic development programs should be separated as far as possible from mili-
tary and political programs and considerations.
(4) More of our mutual aid programs should be channeled through the United Na-
tions, the United States working always in partnership with other nations in the establish-
ment of substantial economic development programs under the aegis of the United Nations.
(5) All these programs should be based on the principle of self-help, the benefited na-
tions assuming their own share of responsibility.
Such a program of mutual aid should not be considered primarily as a weapon or a
tool in our fight against communism. It should be based upon an interest in people as
people, human beings who are in partnership with us as children of God, and deserving
of the same blessings that we enjoy. At the same time it is only fair to recognize that such
a program will powerfully counteract the Communist thrust.
During the last five years I have made extensive journeys to some of the other conti-
nents of the world. As I have visited the refugee camps, the mud hut villages, and the
desert areas all the way from Israel, Lebanon, and Egypt to Iraq, Pakistan, India, Burma
and Ceylon, I have had the same impression everywhere, of the limitless potential of all
these countries if only they could have better farms, more industry, more irrigation and
electric power, better schools and medical care, more food and clothing, and a settlement
once for all of the refugee problem through better economic conditions. The Communists
see this and press every advantage in the political, industrial, scientific and economic field.
-We could do it so much better, if instead of spending so little for mutual aid and so
many billions for military defense, we threw more of the weight of our strength into our
non-military defenses.
Must Change Global Climate
While in India in 1953 I saw 2,700 refugees in the waiting room of the Howrah Rail-
way Station in Calcutta. That had been their only home for three years. So far as I know
they are still there. But they were the more fortunate ones. All through the city outside
were the hundreds of thousands of sidewalk dwellers with no shelter at all. It was with an
ominous sense of foreboding, therefore, that each evening I saw the thousands of young
men marching through Wellington Square in Communist demonstrations. As their pla-
toon leaders shouted in staccato tones through short megaphones the cry in three languages
?the Hindi, the Bengali, and the Urdu?"Long live the revolution!"?the marchers replied
in the same three languages "We'll kill them! We'll kill them!"
Do you suppose that this revolutionary seed did not fall on fertile ground as the
hundreds of thousands of people listened in hunger and misery? This misery hangs like
a fog over Asia, Africa, and the islands of the sea. We can no more disperse it by mili-
tary might than we can scatter a cloud by shooting machine guns through the mist. Only
the love of God and man, with accompanying acts of mercy and compassion, can change
this global climate.
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In the recent storm along the Atlantic seaboard there was such a spirit of mutual aid. .
Neighbor helped neighbor. Helicopters dropped food supplies to stranded people. Firemen
and policemen risked their lives in burning buildings and on impassable highways. A 31-ton
Sherman tank battled its way through snowdrifts 12 feet high to take a doctor 14 miles to
help a woman in childbirth bring forth new life into the world.
We are now in an international storm of revolution, nationalism, and the unknown
dangers of the Nuclear Space Age. I dare to believe that if the major political parties will
rise above party alignments and provide for the basic needs of our own people and the
world's people, they will receive the increasing support of the nation. May God with the
help of His limitless love and grace help America to rise up in the true greatness of its
people and fulfill its mission to the world.
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THE MORAL
FOUNDATIONS of U.S.
FOREIGN ASSISTANCE
Rabbi Theodore L. Adams, President
The Synagogue Council of America
Mrs. Harris, Mr. Johnston, distinguished colleagues and guests, ladies and gentlemen:
This conference is unique, not only in the scope of the representation and in the all-
embracing nature of its appeal, it is unique also because the representatives of religious
bodies in this country have assembled together with political and economic leaders on a
matter affecting the relations of this country with foreign peoples and governments. We
have come here because what is at stake is an overriding moral issue affecting the brother-
hood of man and essential spiritual values in face of an unprecedented onslaught of mate-
rialist atheism.
There is a midrash, a Rabbinic legend, which declares that in Heaven, the Patriarchs,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, were not permitted to recite their prayers simultaneously. The
reason for this, as the legend explains, was that, so mighty were each of these personalities
and so explosive was the power of their individual prayers, that had they joined them to-
gether they would have ushered in the Redemption before the appointed time.
When I received the gracious invitation from Mr. Eric Johnston to participate in
this program, and noted in his letter the veritable "Who's Who of Great Americans" who
are taking part in this conference, the legend of the patriarchs came to my mind, and I
thought what marvelous possibilities inherent in this meeting. How great is the potential
for advancing the Messianic ideals of peace and mutual helpfulness when such an array of
men and women join hearts and minds in a common cause.
May I say, ladies and gentlemen, that my colleagues and I deeply appreciate the privi-
lege of sharing in the deliberations of this important conference with such eminent Ameri-
cans as grace this platform and compose this audience. The Synagogue Council of America,
which I have the honor to serve as President, and its constituent organizations which rep-
resent the major religious branches of American Jewry, attach to this conference and its
objectives great importance.
But even as we acknowledge the significance of this occasion, I would be less than
candid were I not to tell you that our feelings of appreciation of this conference are mingled
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with a sense of regret over the need for calling it. Unless I misread the signs of the time, and
in all modesty I do not think I do, it seems to me that the necessity for this conference
reflects a failure on the part of the American people?a failure to act in consonance with
its highest ideals.
"Leaven In the Dough"
That failure, I believe, can be adequately discerned in the passage which tells of a
Jewish saint of Talmudic times who would pray thrice daily: "Lord of all worlds, it is known
unto Thee that we yearn to do Thy will. What prevents our doing Thy will? The leaven
in the dough." The "leaven in the dough" is figurative for the inclination to act contrary
to our ideals.
What are these ideals? ?
They are, first, the ideals of our Biblical faith; and, second, the ideals which inspire
America's democratic traditions. These ideals, which are shared by the majority of Catho-
lics, Protestants, and Jews, have as their central affirmations that God is the Lord of history,
the creator, sustainer, and redeemer of all mankind, the judge of all men and nations. To Him
is due the supreme loyalty, and not to the state, political party, or ruler.
God wills that all men should love Him with their whole hearts and treat other men as
brothers. In social terms, this means that men should live together in a community in which
each person, without fear of persecution or proscription, may develop the gifts of mind, body
and spirit with which God has endowed him. Such a community, whether local, national,
or international, is to be characterized by justice, freedom, and mutual helpfulness. Finally,
the Bible asserts that man, the most exalted and complex of God's creations, is capable of
good and evil. Biblical religion seeks to encourage those capacities in man which will en-
able him to overcome human pride, self-regard, and narrow self-interest, and to act on be-
half of a larger and nobler self, or of a community of selves.
These convictions form the religious matrix of Western civilization. These conceptions
also constitute the roots of modern democratic nationalism. On the basis of these religious
values and the Greek concept of the city-state, John Locke, the 17th century British philos-
opher, formulated the political framework which helped usher in the democratic state. He
affirmed two theses which later were incorporated into our Declaration of Independence;
namely, that the individual, his liberty, dignity and happiness, remain the basic element of
national life; and that the government of a nation is a moral trust dependent on the free
consent of the governed.
The freedom, the equality, the liberties, indeed the standard of living which each of
us enjoys today, we inherited as a consequence of these ideals, and our ancestors' devotion
to them. Further, the very existence of our nation in no small measure is due to the out-
pouring of generous assistance we received from others?notably from France at the time
of our Revolution.
Changeless Values
We know full well that the changeless values of our religious faith, the democratic in-
stitutions of our nation, and the providential abundance of this good earth, have produced
all that is good in us. These ideals and material legacies impose upon us, both as a nation
and as individuals, a moral responsibility to transmit to others, and to future generations,
our democratic faith as well as our material wealth.
No one can gainsay that we are doing much to discharge our responsibility as the leader
of the free world. Yet there is all too much evidence that measured against our precious
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ideals, what we are doing is not enough?does not even begin to be enough. The reports
we hear of the opportunistic Soviet Bloc's devious and sustained campaign of providing
economic and military aid to backward nations, supposedly "without strings," puts the metal
of our idealism to the test more than ever in the past.
At this time of world peril, when lives are at stake, when the future of democracy is
threatened by an encircling communism, and the need for friends all over the world is so
great and obvious, it is said that our people are more concerned about domestic matters than
about our clear moral obligations to the world community. Because of this lack of public
interest, it is said that many of our legislators will not?to use the vernacular?"stick their
necks out" to support such indispensable programs as foreign aid and trade, even though
they are privately convinced of the compelling necessity for such legislation.
Like all of you, I am clearly aware of the problems of recession, unemployment, and infla-
tion. And I feel strongly, as I am confident you do, that our government should pursue
vigorously social welfare and development programs involving housing, education, public
health, social security, regional resources and urban development, and whatever other
measures are called for to contribute to prosperity and full employment. It would be folly
to overlook the contradiction that would arise if we were to urge our people to support
a foreign aid program, to provide jobs and homes and security for other peoples, while at home
social welfare benefits were to be curtailed, and at our doorsteps, God forbid, Americans
queued up in bread lines.
But even with our present serious problems of recession and unemployment, America
still enjoys the highest standard of living in the world. With vigorous and active leader-
ship, both national and local, I have not the slightest doubt that America is able to resolve
both obligations?at home and abroad. If it is necessary, it is possible . . . .
What is profoundly disturbing today is the tendency of many of our people who try
to lose themselves in what Professor Reinhold Niebuhr has called "a paradise suspended in
a Hell of international insecurity." These self-indulging individuals, who sate themselves
on extravagant materialist pleasures, when confronted by the contradictions between their
domestic security and well-being and the hard realities of the International situation, are
the first to react in fear and hysteria. The recent response to Sputnik in our country is a
frightening illustration of this orientation and its consequences.
One recalls uneasily the historian's description of Rome, which despite all her imperial
wealth and power, collapsed before the onrushing Barbarians: "The failure of the Romans
was not merely due to their absorption in the urgent military problem, and their consequent
neglect of the economic crisis. That crisis was grave indeed, but it was a secondary symp-
tom; the economic evils had their root in moral apathy and paralysis of the human will."
Sober Awareness Needed
Clearly, a radically effective strategy needs to be devised for regenerating the spirit of
our people, for giving them a renewed sense of courage, confidence and mission, and for en-
abling them to develop a sober, rather than a neurotic, awareness of our opportunities, as well
as our perils.
Millions of Americans have such a sober and responsible awareness of the American
national mission at this moment in history, and, together with them, the Synagogue Coun-
cil of America has joined in support of the programs of our Government for extending long-
range economic and technical assistance to the less developed nations and people of the world.
In the testimony of the Synagogue Council of America before the House Foreign Af-
fairs Committee in May 1957, as articulated by our Past President, Dr. Abraham J. Feldman,
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50 TEXT OF ADDRESSES
we indicated that "on the basis of fundamental Jewish religious teaching, we believe that these
programs, which are designed to help less fortunate peoples and their governments to pre-
serve their newly won freedom and to move forward on a road to economic independence,
are of crucial importance in the, struggle to achieve peace and freedom, stability and justice."
We went on to point out "our profound religious concern over the factor of motive
in providing non-military economic assistance. We have observed that our government
seems to find it necessary constantly to reassure the American people that the major or sole
reason for helping the nearly one billion people in Asia and Africa who are afflicted with
the age-old scourges of poverty, disease, and ignorance, is our own self-interest, our foreign
policy.
"As religionists, we feel profoundly that the utilitarian motive of benevolence is not
worthy of the United States. The moral character and destiny of America compel the higher
motives, of compassion, of brotherhood, of respect for human personality."
It would be instructive to note that in the ancient Temple in Jerusalem there was cre-
ated an institution called the Chamber of the Silent. According to the philosopher Mai-
monides, in this hidden room the righteous secretly deposited their alms and the respectable
poor were secretly assisted. This, said Maimonides, is the performance of a commandment
on the highest level?from disinterested motives.
This was the spirit in which the Synagogue Council of America expressed its "hope that
the Congress of the United States will enact mutual security legislation to help, in the words
of the Psalm, 'rescue the poor and needy; deliver them out of the hands of the wicked'."
Ladies and gentlemen, we believe that favorable and widespread support of this position
on the part of the American people would do much to demonstrate to the world that we
are still imbued with the conviction that possessed the founders of our nation; namely, that
there is a universal significance to the New -World experiment, and that, in the true mean-
ing of the words of the revolutionaries of 1776, "the cause of America is the cause of mankind."
Four-Fold Program
It would be a major contribution, I am convinced, if out of this conference there emerged
a four-fold program calling for:
(1) public support for the enactment of mutual security legislation;
(2) public endorsement of the expansion of international trade by constructive gov-
ernmental policies;
(3) public support for vigorous enactment of social welfare and development programs
to prevent the recurrence of depressions and prolonged mass unemployment; and
(4) the undertaking of a nationwide program on the part of the major religious agen-
cies and other non-governmental movements to transmit incessantly and with maxi-
mum effectiveness to the people of our country the fundamental moral challenge of
mutual security legislation.
Mr. Chairman, ladies and gentlemen, if this program fails, it will be the failure not only
of the United States Government, but of the pattern of America's moral approach in the eyes
of the world.
It will not fail because the American people have never left unanswered the challenge
of morality.
Thank you.
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CHARITY BEGINS
AWAY FROM HOME
Bishop Fulton J. Sheen
Auxiliary Bishop of New York
One-third of the people of the world go to bed hungry every night.
One-fourth of the population of the earth earns less than $1 a week. This is about
$4 less than the per capita expenditure in the United States on alcohol and only $16 more
than the per capita expenditure for cigarettes in the United States.
The highest per capita income in Asia is in Japan, and that is only $100 a year. The
per capita income in the United States is over $1,500 a year.
Japan has an area comparable to California. But in it are 90,000,000 people, crowded
about 700 per square mile, and on land only 14 per cent of which is arable. This condi-
tion prevails while great nations and vast areas of the world's surface are closed to the
Japanese who might wish to emigrate.
One-half of the population of the earth lives in Asia, and yet they receive only 11 per
cent of the total income of the world.
Never before in the history of the world was there so much wealth; never before in
the history of the world was there so much poverty; never before was there so much educa-
tion, never before so little coming to the knowledge of the truth; never before so much power,
never before was that power so prepared to be used for the destruction of human life.
In the Face of Need: A Moral Duty
Our moral duty to aid the underprivileged arises from the fact that we have superfluities,
and the superfluities of the rich are the necessities of the poor. It was a pagan, Terence,
who said: "Charity begins at home." It was Christ, the Son of God, Who in the parable
of the Good Samaritan said that charity begins away from home with people who are not
of our race or country.
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A second reason for our moral duty to aid others is because the earth and the fullness
thereof were made by God for all the peoples of the earth, and not for the privileged ad-
vantage of a few. The diversity of peoples and races is like to a minor degree the diversity
of cells and organs within the human body. Such interpendence exists between them that
the suffering of one is the suffering of all and the prosperity of one is the prosperity of all.
In aiding underprivileged countries we are not to think of ourselves as superior because
we are economically wealthier; or that those who are aided are inferior because economically
poorer. There are several kinds of need. The underprivileged countries of the world need
one thing; we need another. Both the giver and the receiver have their respective needs.
The underprivileged countries need our machinery for their fields, our clothes for their backs,
our shoes for their feet, and our food for their stomachs. But we have need too: we are poor
in another way. We need to justify our wealth by sharing it; we need to thank God for mak-
ing us the most prosperous nation on the earth; we need the blessing of heaven on our
hearts and the grace of God on our whole being. Therefore with humility and not with
pride and superiority we extend our hands to the needy. Theirs is the burden of being
underprivileged; ours is the burden of being overprivileged. It is their stomachs that are
empty; it could be our hearts that are empty. In any case, they could conceivably do with-
out our aid, but we cannot continue to be without justice and charity.
In justice to our country let it be said that rarely in human history has any victor in
war ever denied himself the spoils of war. Not only has the United States not gained one
foot of foreign territory in two World Wars; it is the first nation in modern times that ever
came immediately to the assistance of the vanquished once the mouths of cannons were
silenced. The two defeated nations of Germany and Japan through our aid have become
the most prosperous nations in Europe and Asia respectively. Centuries ago Alexander the
Great after his defeat of the Persians bade his officers marry Persian women, saying "God
is the Father of all men." Today, our country has put into practice the Divine Mandate
"Love your enemies" and has bound up their wounds and set them on their feet. For all
the world to see, in contrast is Soviet imperialism which today by force controls 35 per cent
of the earth's surface and 36 per cent of the world's population.
Foreign Aid Has Many Aspects
I believe that the United States under Providence is to play an important role in the
preservation of the liberties of the world.
But governments are not completely inspired by an amor benevolentiae or the love of
others for their own sakes. Foreign aid has many aspects, military, political, economic and
social. One of these aspects, which is worth examining, is the giving of aid in order to com-
bat communism by keeping the underprivileged nations within the orbit of the Free AATorld.
In relation to the idea that foreign aid combats communism we would point out three
cautions and three recommendations.
Caution No. I: There is nothing in foreign aid of and by itself which makes it an effective
weapon against communism. Aid can be given by the United States to combat communism;
but aid can be given and is given by the Soviets to further communism.
It is conceivable that the Soviets could give more than the United States, because they
give greater primacy to creating new slaves through world imperialism than to adequate
production for those presently enslaved.
Caution No. 2: It is a fallacy to believe that he who gives the most is assured of winning the
underprivileged. Foreign aid, from this point of view, is like courtship, and it is well to
remember that a maid does not always marry the one who gives her the biggest wingswept
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fenders. The underprivileged nations, to continue the analogy, need not marry at all; they
can become old maids, or politically become narrowly nationalistic; or they could be won by
a third power, which would be neither the United States nor the Soviets and of which we
will speak in a moment.
Caution No. 3: Avoid seeking to win other peoples into our orbit by economic means alone.
To do this would be to put ourselves on exactly the same basis as the Soviets, namely, mate-
rialism. Denying it in theory, but affirming it in practice, we would thereby assume the
basic Marxian principle of the economic determination of history. And what would be tragic
is that we would be doing it to peoples who themselves refuse to accept the primacy of the
economic.
Recommendations
(1) The foreign aid of the United States must introduce some factor besides the economic,
political and military, one which is the strongest in our national traditions and one which
the Soviets not only lack but repudiate. They have one fear in our dealing with the rest
of the world, that we will take cognizance of that defect which makes them suspect by all
the peoples of Asia and Africa, and that is our belief in God, the dignity of the human per-
son, the freedom of conscience, and the principle that the State exists for man, not man for
the State. When we go along with the Communist line that matter alone matters, we are
weak and they are strong; when we give economic aid on the basis that matter alone does not
matter, they are powerless and we are strong.
(2) Along these lines recognize that there exists what might be called a Third World
Power, which despite many fundamental differences with Christianity and Judaism, neverthe-
less does believe in God and prayer. One out of every 7 persons in the world is a Moslem;
375,000,000 of them in the world constitute a great supra-national force. Already the anti-God
forces of the Soviets have won over some of their governments, and largely because we have
been silent on the fundamental difference between them and the Soviets. Islam can be made
sympathetic to the Free World more by recognizing its belief in God than by mere economic
aid which ignores that belief. One of the strongest anti-communist blocs in the world is
ignored because in our insistence on the economic we have placed ourselves on the same
level as the anti-God forces.
(3) The third recommendation would be for the United States to utilize the great forces
of service and charity which are presently scattered throughout the world. I refer to the
thousand agencies of social betterment of Christian missionaries and in some instances Jewish
workers who live with the underprivileged people, who speak their language, share their
hunger and are identified with the people. I pass over our own organization of which I am
the national president, which last year aided 85,000,000 children, sick, orphans, lepers?about
80 per cent of which were not Christian. I call attention to Protestants who spend
$44,000,000 annually in education, agricultural farms, hospitals, leprosaria, dispensaries in
the underprivileged countries of the world.
Why should not some foreign aid be funneled through these agencies exclusively for social
and medical care of the underprivileged? I am not speaking of aid for purposes of Aposto-
late, for Our Lord refused to be a Bread-King.
Too often our government when it wishes to give other nations a sample of our culture
sends to them a hornblower or a movie actor, forgetful not only that these nations expect
more from us, but also that we have much more to give. Should aid be given for the exclu-
sively social purposes mentioned above, it would relieve the stigma attached to foreign aid that
it is given solely for political and military purposes.
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Conclusion
The power of the world, political, economical, social and military, is passing to the East.
The future continent of the earth is Africa. In 150 years from now Africa will be industrially
great, as the United States is today. We of the West have been superior, but not because we
have been white, but because we have been Christian. The moment we lose that faith we
lose our superiority. God has played on the white keys long enough; and in the future, God
will play on the black keys to produce a new melody and a new culture.
It is the loss of the spiritual which makes us think solely in terms of the economic, and thus
makes us competitive rivals with atheistic Soviets. As Dostoevski warned: "A day is coming
when men will say there is no crime, there is no sin, there is no guilt; there is only hunger. . . .
And they will come crying and fawning to our feet saying: 'Give us bread'."
The Soviets would have the world believe there is only hunger of the belly. Our great
'country, which has risen to prosperity because it holds that God has endowed man with cer-
tain inalienable rights, must recognize that "not by bread alone doth man live."
This is the crux of the question of foreign aid.
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INTRODUCING A
VALIANT WARRIOR
The Hon. Dean G. Acheson
Former Secretary of State
This conference today is called so that all of us may consult together and under wise
leadership present to our fellow citizens of the United States one of the great pillar policies
of the Free AVorld.
It seems to me that there are three foundations upon which a free world must rest.
One is a military policy which can bring security. Another is an economic policy, an export
of capital policy such as we are discussing today, and trade policies which can make for an
expanding and more vigorous Free-World system. The third is our political policies which
will bring together the Free World and not divide it. No one of these policies can succeed
without the other. Today we are here to begin a campaign which will not be easy?an
epochal campaign in the democratic process of the United States?a campaign of self-educa-
tion, to bring home to all of us and to our legislators the importance of this policy.
To all of those who love Mr. Truman, it is a great joy to talk about those of his qualities
which make us love him. We find it a delight. We find that it also annoys people whom
we like to annoy and this gives us added pleasure. But we are well aware that this is not
exactly the thing to do at a meeting where we are trying to produce harmony in regard to
policies which transcend any personality, and which is intended to bring us all together.
So we will spend our time not in eulogizing the man who has contributed more than
any living American to the development of the economic policies that will pull the Free
World through its troubles, but in urging you to believe that from his lips we can all to-
gether gain leadership to go into this fight and carry it through to success. Because, I think
that I can say two things about him which will not cause any offense in this meeting. One
is that he has served this cause well; that from the time he had the great responsibilities
of office laid upon him, he developed the policy which we are talking about today, not as a
personal policy, not anything which he claims for himself, but as a great policy which be-
longs to all of America and to which he has made his great contribution. And I think I can
say one other thing with which everyone in this room will agree, and that is: If one is going
into a fight, it is much better to be on the side of that valiant and happy warrior from Mis-
souri, the former President of the United States of America, the Honorable Harry S. Truman.
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56
WE ARE TRUSTEES
OF DEMOCRACY
AND FREEDOM
The Hon. Harry S. Truman
Former President of the U.S.
Chase Ltd., Photo
I am here today simply because this is a very important meeting for the security of
the United States and the peace of the world. The people of this country have given me
every honor a man can have. All I want to do now is try to repay the people of the United
States, who gave me those honors, with what I hope may be a contribution to the peace
of the world.
I am delighted to see so many of my friends, Republicans as well as Democrats, present
at this meeting. This is a good example of a bipartisan approach to a foreign policy,
and that's the approach we ought to use. Partisan politics ought to stop at the water's edge.
I have come here today to talk to you because I have been told that the Mutual
Security Program is in grave danger of being emasculated by the Congress. If that is true,
then I must tell you frankly that I think the country is in a very bad fix?and I will tell
you why I think so.
We are planning to spend $40 billion on defense next year?and it probably ought
to be more. Then the year after that we will have to spend some added billions. Year
after year the weapons of war get more expensive and more destructive. We are caught
hard and fast in the most terrible armaments race in history. The Russians invent some-
thing, and we have to try to match it. Then we invent something, and the Russians have
to try to match that.
Already, we have weapons so destructive as to endanger the very existence of the
human race, but we have to go on and on making them more destructive and more terrible.
Now, what can we hope from all these weapons?all these billions of dollars we must
spend for defense? The most we can hope to gain from them is a stalemate?all we can
do with them is to buy time. The only thing we can do with armaments is to buy time.
Buy time for what, you may ask? And that is the question; that is the real question. What
are we going to do with the precious time we buy with all the billions and billions we are
pouring into arms?
There is one thing that recent history taught us. Hitler wanted to use poison gas in
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World War II, but when he found out that we had a more effective gas than his, he hesi-
tated and then cancelled his plans. Well, we've bought time with terrible weapons, but
what are we going to do in these precious days that may be our last chance to keep man-
kind from being blown off the face of the earth? Are we to go on blindly with no hope,
no plans for ending the armament race, no program for establishing a just peace in the
world except to pile weapon upon weapon? No, my friends, that is not the answer. There
must be a better way. There is a better way, and we shall find it?with God's help, we
shall find it.
Why haven't we come forward with some new ideas, ideas to compare with Point IV,
the Marshall Plan, the Atlantic Treaty? We live today in a dearth of ideas. The clock
has been turned back to the 1920's. Let's run the hands of the clock up to date with the
new ideas to meet today's problems.
Signposts Mark the Way
The way is not easy; it is not marked with clear and certain signposts. But some things
about it are clear. There are some lessons we should have learned from experience?some
things we know are worth trying.
One of our best hopes is economic assistance for other nations. This is a chance to
move forward, to do something affirmative toward breaking the stalemate. This is our
chance to take action toward peace, behind the shield our defense forces form for us. For-
eign economic assistance?the Mutual Security Program?is the cutting edge on the tool
that gives some meaning and purpose to all our efforts for defense.
I will not undertake to explain here how the Mutual Security Program works and
why it is so important. It is enough to say that the military assistance portions of it are
absolutely vital to our defense and, among other things, give us more defense for the money
than other measures could possibly give. It is enough to say that the economic assistance
portions are our effort to help create conditions among countless millions in many lands
that will lead them to take the path of democracy rather than communism. It is among
those countless millions that the battle for peace and justice in the world will be won
or lost. It is in their minds and hearts that the decision will be made.
There are strong forces on the side of freedom in the struggle now going on in the
world. There are many brave and wise leaders who want their nations to follow the
path of democracy. But if they are to succeed, they must have some outside help. They
can do most of the job themselves, and they will, but in many cases a margin of help
from us will mean the difference between success and failure. And failure means the loss
of more peoples and more countries to the tyranny of Communist dictatorship. It means
Communist slaughter of the innocent, as in Hungary, Latvia, Romania, and Poland, Estonia,
Czechoslovakia and Lithuania.
Remember, it is impossible for us to win the struggle against communism by military
means alone. We must find other ways. And he who destroys any reasonable means to
that end does so at his peril, and at the peril of us all.
Now I have heard that there are Members of Congress who expect to do most of their
economizing on the budget this year by voting to cut the funds for foreign economic aid
?these are the funds for Technical Assistance (which we used to call Point IV) and the
Development Loan Fund. The budget requests for these two funds together are less than
$800 million?little more than 1 per cent of the total budget?and much of this money
will go out as loans which will be repaid to us. How anyone can justify aiming his cuts
at those funds is beyond me. If there is any money in the budget that holds out any hope
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for mankind, this is it: and we ought not to be talking about cutting it but about raising
it?perhaps raising it substantially.
I will pass for the time being the question of whether the total budget is too big or
too small. Opinions may differ on that. But whatever your opinion may be as to the total,
this is the part that ought to be regarded as most sacred of all.
Don't Scuttle the Ship
There are many people who say they don't like the foreign aid program because they
believe it is administered badly. I don't believe that. From where I sit, it looks as if a
lot of things are now being administered badly?but you can't abolish the government on
that account. You cannot abolish the entire government of the United States just because
it's being badly administered. Neither is that the way to correct mistakes in the Mutual
Security Program. Examine it all you please, correct all the mistakes you can, improve
it every year and every day, eliminate waste and increase efficiency?but don't scuttle the
ship just to stop the leaks.
And I want to say a word in a political vein to my Democratic brethren in Congress.
There was a Democratic vote last year to cut a budget item which should not have been
cut, and we are still having a hard time explaining it. Please don't put us on that kind of
spot again. If the Democrats in Congress refuse to spend at least as much for foreign
economic assistance as this Administration recommends, we will never, never be able to ex-
plain it. People will forgive us for spending too much in the search for peace; they will
never forgive us for refusing to spend enough.
I will not presume to offer any political advice to the Republicans. I will only pause
to throw down this challenge: I challenge the Republicans to do as well by this bill as the
Democrats do, and then let's see how we come out.
There won't be any lobbyists buttonholing Congressmen and Senators to support this
peace money. The special interests have nothing to gain and no axe to grind here. But
there will be a silent plea from all the countless millions who yearn for peace in the world.
Who is to speak for them? Is not their future worth something? Is not mankind worth
saving?
People talk of give-aways and look to see how the political winds are blowing. But
the political approach which should decide this matter is the politics of survival. And
survival requires that we face up to our job in the world and go about it with a zealous
faith in freedom. We must show the world that freedom is the best answer to human needs.
To fail in this would be the real give-away program?the program that would give away
everything the United States stands for.
It is given to us in our time to be trustees of democracy and freedom in this hour of
their great peril. It is our solemn obligation to see that peace and freedom do not perish
from this earth. We owe this duty to our children and our children's children; we owe it
to the whole human race. And I humbly believe that Almighty God will be with us and
help us to meet that solemn obligation.
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SCIENCE,
TECHNOLOGY and
FREE WORLD
DEVELOPMENT
Dr. James R. Killian, Jr.
Special Assistant to the President
For Science and Technology
A distinguished economist once defined the mission of his profession by saying that econo-
mists were "the trustees not of civilization, but of the possibility of civilization." Something
of the same may be said of our military men in times like these and of those civilians like myself
who have been asked to assist in the mobilization of our technological resources for the de-
fense of the United States and the Free World. Great resources, human energy, and creative
talent must be organized for military purposes in order to make it possible for the United
States to continue to develop as a free society and to make it possible for a Free liVorld to con-
tinue to exist. But defense is only a part of the nation's task; and that is a negative part.
It therefore gives me the highest satisfaction as an educator and administrator from
the field of science to be able to join today in supporting the President's foreign aid
program, which is a major expression of our nation's ability to address itself not only to
the evident dangers of our time but also, with equal will, to its constructive challenges.
As Secretary McElroy explained this morning, a portion of American foreign aid flows
to nations which are directly threatened by Communist military strength, poised across
their borders, or threatened by the possibility of Communist-inspired military insurrec-
tion. By helping those nations, we add directly to the Free World's ability to resist ag-
gression; and in so doing, we make aggression less likely.
The primary purpose of military aid is precisely the same as military expenditures
made at home; that is, to create a framework within which free men and women can live
their lives in security and develop societies in the light of the humane values to which
they are committed. Moreover, we should be clear that the military aid and support we
give abroad to our allies can have the further constructive effect of freeing local resources
for productive purposes; for many of our allies do not now have the economic capacity both
to defend themselves and to expand their underdeveloped economies.
My remarks this afternoon deal mainly with those aspects of foreign aid which involve
education, science, and technology. In the fields of education and science can be found
opportunities for mutual aid and for the pooling of intellectual resources which can serve
to augment not only the military and the economic strength of the Free World but also
to enrich the social and spiritual life which is an essential part of Free World strength and
stability.
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Student Exchange
At the moment there are some 40,000 young men and women from abroad studying
in American colleges and universities. Of these, 65 per cent come from the underdevel-
oped areas of Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America. About half of them are in
the United States to learn how modern science and technology can be put to work to
modernize the economies of their countries and to prolong and enrich the life of their
fellow citizens.
All of us engaged in American higher education regard the education of these young
men and women as one of our proudest and most important tasks. We also feel that we
should use every practical means to increase the numbers of these young people who come
to the United States; but in saying this, we must also add that we think it important that
increasing numbers of our young people can profitably go to the universities of other
countries in the Free World to round out their education. This kind of educational ex-
change is one of the great instruments for building good will and understanding.
In emphasizing our contribution through education to the process of economic and
social development in the Free World, we must also stress something else. Unless these
young people who come to us for education find adequate professional opportunities
when they return home, the usefulness of their education will be greatly reduced. Unless
the process of economic development within their countries gathers momentum along a
broad front, these students may return home to find not a life of challenging service but
a life of frustration dangerous to their interests and to ours.
These new nations which send us so many students need more than scientists and
engineers; they need a setting in which scientists and engineers can be productive. They
need businessmen, foremen, and a skilled labor force. They need skilled government ad-
ministrators, economists, and agricultural extension workers. They need above all capital
to help them build the economic overheads of a modern society: roads and docks, rail-
way lines, and electric power stations.
If education is one of the important means whereby we in the United States can
contribute to the strength of the Free World, so too can be our active efforts to achieve
a better pooling of scientific resources. The importance of this pooling of efforts was ad.
mirably expressed in the NATO Conference communique last December.
"The full development of our science and technology," said this NATO com-
munique, "is essential to the culture, to the economy and to the political and mili-
tary strength of our Atlantic community . . .
"We seek to increase the effectiveness of national efforts through the pooling
of scientific facilities and information and the sharing of tasks. We must build
on the established tradition of the universality of true science. Our governments will
support the international organizations doing work in this field."
These important objectives agreed to by the NATO Alliance require study and sys-
tematic effort if they are to be realized.
Two-Way Street
To this end, I hope that we can extend the scientific relationships between the
American scientific community and the scientists in other parts of the Free World. Mul.
tiplying person-to-person scientific relationships is especially important. It is a two-way
street. In most of the countries of the Free World, there are productive scholars who are
making contributions important to our own scientific advance, and we in turn have much
to contribute to theirs. On our part, this kind of scientific exchange will require more
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than proficiency in science; it requires an interest on the part of our scientists and en-
gineers in participating in such exchanges; it requires the mastery of foreign tongues and
an interest in and knowledge of the cultural and historical aspects of foreign countries.
But here again we must recognize the relationship between science and the environment
which it seeks to serve. Just as scientists and engineers cannot be productive in the vac-
uum of a static, low-productivity economy, so it is, also, with the unfolding possibilities
of modern science. Science and technology can be put to work only when they are woven
into the fabric of a society which is modernizing its political life, its educational institu-
tions, its methods of administration, and its outlook towards the whole economic process.
This broad transformation of traditional societies can be carried out only on the spot,
by the citizens of the new aspiring nations. But the component of help from abroad may
be decisive to the outcome. The economic aspects of our foreign aid program?and notably
the new Development Loan Fund?are designed to supply that essential component. They
aim to help create the conditions ?for progress; to create the circumstances in which mod-
ern science and technology?and the scientists and engineers who know its methods and
possibilities?can perform their creative tasks.
Science consists of orderly ways of looking at the physical world and of understanding.
partially at least, how it works. Technology consists of ways of manipulating the physical
world to men's purposes. In training our scientists and engineers, we seek to teach them
not merely the tricks of their trade but also something of the history, the institutions, and
the deeper values of the world in which their skills will be applied. In fashioning an Amer-
ican policy to help other people bring to bear the possibilities of modern science and
technology, we must, equally, proceed in terms of a balanced program, embracing not
merely military aid, education, and technical assistance, but capital as well. The economic
aspects of our foreign aid effort seem to me to be an indispensable element in such a well-
rounded American policy.
There is, perhaps, a general lesson for Americans in this problem of foreign aid. We
stand in the face of a challenge which is forcing us to reconsider many aspects of the na-
tion's life. We all know, for example, that the time has come to look afresh at the pur-
poses and methods of our educational system. It would clearly be wrong for us to gear
our educational system merely to the short-run requirements of national defense. It would
be an empty victory for us to outstrip the Soviet Union in military technology at the cost
of losing the broad conception of education focused around the individual human being,
which is the underpinning of our democratic life. The challenge in education is to pro-
duce the skills we need to survive in our own ?fashion; and to give thereby new meaning
and validity to the democratic concept.
Fateful Issues
Similarly, our leadership of the Free World would prove sterile if we were merely to
offer to our friends and allies arms for defense without sharing in their constructive tasks
and adventures. The aspirations at work in Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin
America for increased national and individual dignity, and for increased material and social
progress, are clearly a major phenomenon of the twentieth century. Our response to this
challenge cannot be merely defensive and negative if it is to be successful.
As an administrator in the fields of education and science, I am associated with two
professions, which, of their nature, transcend national boundaries. My professional col-
leagues and I are drawn by the ardent efforts now being made all over the world; and we
seek, instinctively, to find ways to help. More important, however, it is a fundamental
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part of our national tradition that we, as Americans, associate ourselves with other peo-
ples who cherish freedom, independence, increased human dignity, and material progress.
At the moment, fateful military and diplomatic issues turn on the course of events in
Asia, the Middle East, Africa, and Latin America. In bringing to American policy the
constructive elements in the President's foreign aid program, we shall not only be helping
to defend the national interest but also developing and enriching our nation's tradition
and its life.
Toward these great objectives science and technology are important agencies of prog-
ress. If we can give due emphasis to intellectual as well as physical partnership in the
Free World, the combined results of national scientific activity can be greater than the
sum of its parts in the Free World community. Through the release of the latent scientific
creativity in the newly developing countries, our world-wide scientific progress will be
faster and surer for the benefit of all mankind. When thus encouraged and used, science,
as a great creative activity of the mind, will steadily enhance man's dignity and understand-
ing and thus serve to augment the spiritual strength which is essential for the stability of
a Free World.
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Pari tee
PANEL DISCUSSIONS
The following is a transcript of the panel sessions except for those
portions which were inaudible because of recording difficulties.
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(i4
Washington Post Photo
Vice President Richard M. Nixon conducting a two hour Question and Answer panel
at the afternoon session.
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QUESTION AND
ANSWER PANEL
Hon. Richard M. Nixon,
Vice President of the United States
Honorable C. Douglas Dillon, Deputy Under Secretary of State
Honorable Mansfield D. Sprague, Assistant Secretary of Defense
Honorable James H. Smith, Jr., Director, International Cooperation Administration
Honorable Dempster McIntosh, Manager, Development Loan Fund
Mr. Johnston: Ladies and gentlemen, the Vice
President.
Mr. Nixon: You've had a very full day up to
this time, I understand, and I've had a report on
the various speeches that you've heard. The pur-
pose of this afternoon's session is to get into details
?the details as to this year's program in the Mu-
tual Security area.
Before we get into the questions we think it
would be well to have statements with regard to
the program which the Congress will have to pass
upon before adjournment. And to bring you that
picture I now have the privilege of presenting a
man who coordinates the activities of the United
States in the economic area for the Department of
State. He is admirably qualified for this position
because his experience in business and banking
qualifies him on the economic side; his experience
as our former Ambassador to France qualifies him
on the diplomatic side. Mr. Douglas Dillon of the
State Department.
Essentials of the Mutual Security Program
Mr. Dillon: First, just a word about the role of
the State Department in the whole Mutual Security
business. As the Vice President said, I am supposed
to coordinate the program. Now, what that means
is simply this: The Secretary of State has full re-
sponsibility now, as a result of the change in the
law last year, for insuring that the entire Mutual
Security Program is operated in the very best inter-
ests of the United States. What that means is that
our efforts will be expended in those ways, and in
those countries, where it is in our best interests
for all the various reasons that were given to you
in such an inspiring fashion by the speakers this
morning?not merely the strictly immediate ones
but also the long-term reasons.
This coordination does not involve operating
responsibility in any way. The operation of the
program on the economic side is the responsibility,
under the Secretary of State, entirely of Mr. Smith,
who is with us on the panel. For the Military As-
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66 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
sistance part, it is entirely the responsibility of the
Secretary of Defense, who delegates it to the Assist-
ant Secretary for International Security Affairs,
Mr. Sprague.
Now, just a short word as to the "nuts and
bolts" of this program. I don't know whether all
of you have got these charts which were supposed
to be distributed to you, but, if you do, you will see
on chart No. 8 a very clear over-all description of
what we are requesting this year in the Mutual
Security Program as compared to the fiscal year
1958 appropriation.
First of all, you will see that we are asking for
about $500 million more than we actually received
from Congress last year. However, another fact,
which doesn't show on this chart, is that we are
asking for about $500 million less than we, as an
Administration, asked the Congress for last year.
This whole difference lies in the Military Assistance
field. The decrease of $500 million last year is
more than accounted for by the difference between
the request last year of some $2.4 billion and the
present request of $1.8 billion. Similarly, the in-
crease in the request this year over what was actu-
ally appropriated last year is entirely in the eco-
nomic field. As you will see, the actual amounts
requested for Military Assistance, as against the
appropriation, are almost identical: $1.879 billion
appropriated last year and $1.8 billion which we
are requesting this year.
Now, in the economic field you come first to
the largest segment, which is called "Defense Sup-
port." There wasn't much talk about that this
morning, and, therefore, I'd like to say just a few
words. It does not mean that we are giving a mili-
tary slant to our whole economic assistance pro-
gram. Defense Support is a very special thing. It
is not a shotgun approach. It might better be
likened to a rifle for use in cases where we try to
bring to bear the influence of the United States
and the help of the United States in certain spe-
SUMMARY OF MUTUAL SECURITY APPROPRIATIONS
(s. minions)
FY 1958 APPROPRIATION
Special Assistance
Intl. funds for contingency/
(Includes Reappropriotions)
Other
Technical Cooperation
Development
Assistance
$52
Total ...$3,436 Million
REAPPROPRIATIONS
Military Assistance $539 million
Defense Support 36 ?
Technical Cooperation 12 ?
Atoms for Peace 4 ?
Development Assistance 52 ?
UNRWA 24 ?
$662 million
TOTAL
Chart 8
FY 1959 APPROPRIATION REQUEST
Other
Contingency Fund \
Special Assistance
Technical Cooperat$ionl64 212
O.
Total ...$ 3,942 Million
CA. WSJIR
Feb. 20, 19513
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cific places where it is necessary. Defense Support
goes only to 11 countries out of some 63 that are
involved in our Mutual Security Program. And
70 per cent of that support goes to only four
countries. These four are Korea, Taiwan, Viet-
Nam and Turkey.
You heard Mr. Allen Dulles this morning point
out that the Soviet Union is putting in more eco-
nomic aid per capita in North Korea than we are
putting into South Korea. The money we are put-
ting into South Korea as Defense Support is exactly
comparable to the economic aid that the Soviet
Union is putting into North Korea. So any cut in
this program, you must realize, will be cutting the
economic assistance that goes to the South Korean
people to help them bear the burdens which they
are forced to bear because of the big military es-
tablishments in North Korea. A similar situation
exists on Taiwan and in the Republic of Viet-Nam,
which has so gallantly stood up to the Communists
since the days of the war in Indo-China. The fourth
major recipient of Defense Support is also a special
case. It is Turkey, which is the bulwark of NATO
in the eastern Mediterranean?a country which is
not as advanced industrially as some of our other
NATO partners and, therefore, cannot bear a full
load and needs help to produce the support which
she is giving.
Beyond that, we are asking this year for these
other items which you see?$212 million for Special
Assistance. This Special Assistance fund is for eco-
nomic and political purposes in countries where
we do not support big military establishments.
That's the difference between Special Assistance
and Defense Support. Defense Support goes to
those countries which by force of circumstances have
to support heavy military establishments.
We are asking for a contingency fund of $200
million to handle the emergencies which always
occur. We have increased our Technical Coopera-
tion request some $22 million, from $142 million
to about $164 million. This, we feel, is about the
limit of the number of trained personnel that can
be acquired in a year and added to the program.
That is the limiting factor rather than money.
Finally, we come to the Development Loan
Fund about which you have heard so much this
morning. I won't go into that in any great detail
except to say that it is our one great weapon to help
PANEL DISCUSSIONS
67
these people in the uncommitted, or underdevel-
oped, parts of the world to raise their standards of
living. We feel that this $625 million is an absolute
minimum. We have received to date requests from
these countries amounting to about $1.4 billion.
Some of these requests will certainly prove, on ex-
amination, not to be good and will not be eligible
for financing. But it is perfectly clear that with
the funds we have presently available we have no-
where near enough to do the job. It is our feeling
that we need at least the full $625 million if we are
to do the job we have in front of us.
This completes a bird's-eye view of the Mutual
Security Program which is being presented to the
Congress in this fiscal 1959. Thank you.
Dep't. of State Photo: Whit Keith, Jr
C. Douglas Dillon
Mr. Nixon: Now we've had, as Mr. Dillon says,
at least a brief picture of what the program will be.
We felt that at this point, rather than continue
with the spoon feeding which inevitably is the
result when speakers appear formally before you,
we should have audience participation. Now this
morning it was suggested that if you have questions
you might submit them. Those questions, a con-
siderable number of them, have been submitted.
They've been typed on cards and I have them ar-
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68 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
ranged here in front of me. However, we do not
want to rule out audience participation from peo-
ple who might not have thought of a question this
morning, or participation by those to whom ques-
tions might occur this afternoon. So we've decided
on this procedure. We will begin with one of the
questions that have been submitted earlier this
morning and then go to a question from the audi-
ence, and will thereafter attempt to alternate
through the remainder of the time we have
available.
Malaria Eradication
Beginning with the first question, let me turn
first to Mr. Smith over on our left here. We have
a number of questions for him. I might say that
Official U.S. Navy Photo
James H. Smith, Jr.
some of them, incidentally, are provocative. But
he likes that kind of question. I can assure you
of that from having seen him operate before vari-
ous Congressional committees and the like. First
I'll give him an easy one. "Mr. Smith, can you think
of any program, dollar for dollar, that achieves as
much as the money allocated to malaria eradica-
tion?" Mr. James H. Smith, Jr., the head of ICA.
Mr. Smith: The question is whether there is
any program that I know of that has broader bene-
fits than the malaria eradication program. In case
you aren't familiar with it, I think I might explain
that we have undertaken, in partnership with the
World Health Organization, to eliminate malaria
from the world. This is a very major job which we
are going ahead with with great enthusiasm and
with concrete and definite confidence that we'll get
this work done. I can hardly think of any job that
we have undertaken that can benefit mankind more
in the health and medical field.
Why Is Military Assistance in the
Mutual Security Budget?
Mr. Nixon: So that you can have an oppor-
tunity to meet the other members of our panel, I
would now like to turn to the following question.
"Since far more than half of the proposed appro-
priation is for military purposes, why isn't the
military part of the program carried as a part of
the budget of the Department of Defense?" And
so we'll turn to Mr. Mansfield D. Sprague, who
handles that part of the program from the Depart-
ment of Defense?Assistant Secretary Sprague.
Mr. Sprague: Last year the Executive Branch
determined that it would be desirable for Military
Assistance to appear as a separate item in the De-
partment of Defense budget. The Congress did not
agree with this view, at least at the last session, and
so again this year the Military Assistance part of
the budget appears as part of the Mutual Security
Program which is actually appropriated as a part of
the President's budget. The President then allo-
cates the specified sums to the various agencies to
administer. I believe it is fair to say that the Ad-
ministration would still prefer to have the Military
Assistance program shown as a part of the defense
budget because in fact this program is an integral
part of the defense effort of the United States.
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Private Enterprise
Mr. Nixon: And now, turning to another
member of our panel for a question that is in his
particular field?Mr. Dempster McIntosh, the head
of our Development Loan Fund. "Why does not the
United States, as the leading private enterprise na-
tion, push private enterprise more actively as a
weapon in the economic war with communism?"
Mr. McIntosh, that's a big order but I'm sure you
can fill it.
Dep't. of State Photo: Whit Keith, Jr
Dempster McIntosh
Mr. McIntosh: In my opinion, our Govern-
ment had done a great deal to encourage American
private investment abroad. Our total private invest-
ments in the foreign field today run to a total of
$22 billion. Some of the steps that our Govern-
ment has taken are: our Investment Guarantee Pro-
gram; the maintenance of friendly relations with
foreign countries which makes investments possible;
the development of a favorable climate for invest-
ments; and also assistance with various Government
agencies give to American manufacturers and in-
vestors in guiding them in making investments
abroad.
I feel that the $22 billion of American invest-
ments have made a great contribution to our rela-
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 69
tions with foreign countries. Those investments
have provided employment abroad; they've helped
the economy of those countries; they've helped them
develop exports which have produced foreign ex-
change; they've increased political stability; they've
raised standards of living. I think in every respect
the results have been good. Our investments abroad
are increasing very rapidly. The only trouble is
that a very small proportion are in the underdevel-
oped countries, and I think we should try to facili-
tate investments in those countries.
Mr. Nixon: Now that you have had an oppor-
tunity to hear each member of our panel in answer
to questions, I think it is only appropriate that we
give the people in the audience who did not sub-
mit questions in writing before this session an op-
portunity to be heard. Do we have any questions
from the audience?
The gentleman here is first before the micro-
phone.
Are We Asking for Enough Money?
Question: Mr. Vice President, we've heard a
great deal today from these gentlemen who are here
on the platform, as well as those who spoke this
morning, about the importance of this program,
and I think most of us will admit that it is of
transcendent importance. The question I have is:
Is the proposed program adequate to the job? Is
it enough? Is it adequate to do what we have
to do?
Mr. Nixon: Mr. Dillon, I think as the Co-
ordinator of the whole program we will give you
the first shot at the answer to that question.
Mr. Dillon: I think that the amount of funds
which we have requested this year is adequate for
what we can spend during the coming year. There
is just one thing that I would like to say, and that
is that last year we requested that the Development
Loan Fund be put on a more permanent basis so
that we would have funds available to make longer
range plans. Governor Stevenson mentioned that
in his speech this morning. It is our intention now
that next year, after the Development Loan Fund
has been in operation for a long enough period so
that we will have a record, we will make such a
request of the Congress. I think when we have
that long-range authority we will be in better shape
than we are right now. But as far as funds are
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70 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
concerned, I think that if we get the appropriations
that we have requested?but not otherwise?will
we be in perfectly adequate shape and ready to do
the job that's before us.
Mr. Nixon: We have another question from the
floor, and we will have one more from the floor
before we return to the others.
Why Spend Money Abroad for Projects
We Turn Down at Home?
Question: . . . Throughout the great West, Mr.
Vice President, there are many, many reclamation
projects that fit into our economy and into our
defense protection. But under our present budg-
etary practice all new starts are being prohibited
or banned in the name of economy. Yet I notice
that in . . . foreign aid we are draining swamps in
India and building dams in North Africa. How do
you rationalize that?
Mr. Nixon: Well, I can say, Mr. Atherton, that
you must have been psychic with regard to what
some of your colleagues whom you probably have
not met have also been thinking about. I have
three other questions here that fall in that general
category: One asking why, if the mines of Utah
and the West are closed or closing, we help other
people develop their mining areas? Second, why
should we give money to develop agriculture and
fisheries in foreign countries so that they can com-
pete with us in world markets? And, third, why
should we spend money to develop power potential
in foreign countries when the President has said
that he will not favor any money being spent on
water resource development in the United States
this year? In fact, western Congressmen of both
parties are fighting with their lives on the floor
of the House to restore a $10 million cut by the
Appropriations Committee in the vital Colorado
River Project.
Now since this has the overtones of a political
question, perhaps I should answer it, rather than
expect those non-political people to answer.
I would be less than honest if I were not to
say that there perhaps is no other single program
that the President has asked for this year from the
Congress that presents potentially more difficult
political problems to Members of the House and
Senate than this one. This is true for the reasons
that your question and the other questions that I
have read imply. Frankly it is very easy to go about
a Congressional District or a State and point out the
great need for power development and flood control
and agriculture and the like at home, then ask why
we provide money for the same things abroad when
we deny the needs at home?
Now the answer to the question, of course, is
one that probably has been covered generally in the
speeches this morning. If I were to give it in a
concise form I think I would try to answer it this
way. We do want to develop our own country.
We want better reclamation, flood control, develop-
ment of our agriculture and all of the resources
of our country. But I would just like to suggest
that we can have the finest reclamation program
in the world, and all the flood control that any-
body could possibly dream of, in hundreds of mil-
lions and billions of dollars, and it is not going to
make any difference if we are not around to
enjoy it.
Now, that of course is, I admit, a political
answer to a very honest question. Let me go just
a step further. As far as these various projects are
concerned, we have to realize that in aiding these
countries abroad in developing their water and
power resources, as was suggested in Mr. Atherton's
question, we are of course aiding ourselves. This
we don't need to elaborate on at this point. I
think we also have to realize that the alternative
to providing the funds for the so-called "capital
deficit" countries, to which this kind of economic
assistance goes?the alternative is one that the
United States and the Free World cannot accept,
because it is one of these two things. It's either
economic deterioration followed by political in-
stability which allows the strongest minority group
to take over?and that would be either a Fascist or a
Communist group; or it is the other alternative
which is to force these countries to turn somewhere
else for aid. And I don't need to tell you that there
are others in the world, apart from the Free World
countries, who will offer the aid when we in the
Free World do not take the opportunity to offer it
ourselves.
And so, in the final analysis, I would sum it
up this way. I recall that in World War II we also
had no new starts in reclamation. And there was
very little complaining about no new starts in rec-
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lamation and in other projects during World War
II because we were fighting a war for our survival.
What we must understand now is that we are again
fighting a war for our survival. It is not a military
war at this point?it is an economic war. But it is
a war that can destroy the independence and the
liberty of free peoples just as surely as military
war. And for that reason it is necessary for us to
make choices, and it is necessary for us to make
some sacrifices at home in order to wage the eco-
nomic war that has already been launched against
us and other free peoples abroad.
Why Not Give All Aid
Through the United Nations?
Now just to show you that our questioners were
listening to these speeches, I have one here that I
think either Mr. Dillon or Mr. Smith would enjoy
answering. Mr. Stevenson emphasized the need
for economic aid being given without military
strings, on a multilateral basis, and even with the
cooperation of Russia. Why then should not all
economic aid be given through the United Nations,
which is already equipped to carry on an impartial,
on-going, and competent technical assistance pro-
gram? Mr. Dillon.
Mr. Dillon: I'll take a crack at that one, at least
in the beginning. Carrying on economic aid, which
means the use of large sums of money for capital
development, is something quite different from
Technical Assistance. Technical Assistance is be-
ing done by ourselves, bilaterally, and by the United
Nations with great effect. The United States last
year, in the General Assembly of the United Na-
tions, supported, proposed, and carried through to
adoption a program to greatly enlarge?about
triple?the United Nations Technical Assistance
program ... we think it should be done to the great-
est extent possible, and we believe in that sort of
multilateral help.
Now when it comes to putting all capital de-
velopment in the United Nations, quite different
problems are posed. In the first place, the funds for
capital development come, and they come solely,
from a limited number of countries. The United
Nations, as such, has no organization that is set up,
and no means by which they could equitably divide
those funds except on a purely political basis. This
would certainly not be in the best interests of the
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 71
underdeveloped countries that want to move ahead.
The one great international organization which
has handled this development, and handled it suc-
cessfully, is the World Bank. The World Bank has
done a fine job just because it has resisted in-
dividual country pressures. It has been able to
because it has been independent. With its particu-
lar set-up?none of the Soviet countries are mem-
bers?the voting in the World Bank is weighted so
that it can make its decisions based on what is
thought to be economically best. They have di-
rected their funds where they can do the most
good. There simply are not enough funds in the
world to go around to meet the desires of every one
of the underdeveloped countries right away. And
that is what we would be up against if we tried to
handle our development assistance through the
United Nations. It would have to be spread evenly
on some sort of formula and a great deal of it
would be wasted. Therefore, we are not in favor
of that particular approach for capital develop-
ment projects.
Is the Program Efficiently Administered?
Mr. Nixon: We have here a question that I
know has been asked a great deal, because in my
travels about the country I get it in virtually every
forum session of this type. Assuming that the pre-
vailing cynicism toward Mutual Security relates
more to its administration than to the need for it,
what can be done to reassure the American public
that henceforth the program will be administered
with greater efficiency and greater integrity? Now,
Mr. Smith, since you have had a lot of practice
answering that question before Congressional com-
mittees, why don't you try it here?
Mr. Smith: One of the first questions I asked
myself when I came into this job about four months
ago was, how many leaks were there actually in the
ship that former President Truman spoke of this
morning? And so I had a study made of all the
critical remarks that had been made about the ad-
ministration of the International Cooperation Ad-
ministration. It turned out that there were about
69 identifiable criticisms. These have been analyzed
very carefully during the last couple of months to
see where the fire is behind this smoke. So far we
have found four definite cases where the ICA has
made mistakes, and these either have been rectified
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PANEL DISCUSSIONS
or are in the process of being rectified. A very large
number, I think something over 40, were not con-
nected with or within the control of the adminis-
tration. So I think that actually the ship doesn't
have as many leaks as might have been indicated.
But I do want to stress very carefully that if there
are leaks, or if we do make mistakes, these will be
corrected.
Now the question goes on a little further and
raises the matter of how you are going to prevent
mistakes. Well, this program is administered by not
many more people than there are in this room, and
they are all skillful people?they are selected from
the broadest cross section of the American public.
We have businessmen; we have people who are
experts in government; we have good health people;
we have good agricultural people and irrigation
people. For my money, I don't think you could find
a better collection to undertake this work.
There is one thing, however, that I would like
to see and that I think would make a tremendous
difference to this group. (I am now talking particu-
larly about the couple of thousand Americans who
are the only Americans today engaging in this
competition with the Soviets. And these are the
fellows?not working in Washington, not working
in the capitals of other countries?but who are out
in the field engaging directly with the people of the
underdeveloped countries.) What they need, from
my point of view, and I think from their own, is a
strong vote of confidence and a clear indication that
the moral determination of the American people is
behind them. I feel very strongly that you cannot
expect them to do this job well and enthusiastically
and successfully unless that priceless ingredient is
there?moral determination. I might say that I do
not think it has been there, but I do feel very
strongly that as the American people understand
this program that it will be the propulsive force
that really makes the program a success.
Mr. Nixon: Now, because he administers a
great part of the program, in view of the fact that
he is in charge of the military side; and also because
he has returned just recently from a trip to the
various countries in which we have military pro-
grams, I think Mr. Sprague would like to comment
on this question.
Mr. Sprague: Military assistance, too, has been
a target for some criticism, primarily from the Gen-
eral Accounting Office which is responsible to the
Congress. We have been busily engaged for the
past week in a hearing before Congressional com-
mittees answering these criticisms.
I would like to point out first that there has
never been a criticism based on corruption, fraud,
wrong-doing or negligence. The criticisms are
based on programming inadequacies, in the main.
I would like to make this comment: That while
we are correcting the deficiencies as rapidly as our
experience will permit us, the fact that we have
been able to administer this program at all in the
space of eight short years since the military program
started, is to me an amazing tribute to the American
people and those who have administered this
program. The collective security system which binds
the United States with some 40 other free countries
is one of the outstanding accomplishments of diplo-
macy in the Twentieth Century. These people are
our friends; they want our military help; they are
getting it. The fact that with no previous experi-
Mansfield D. Sprague
U.S. Army Photo
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ence in this type of operation, American military
and civilian officials have been able to render an
accomplishment which has, in my opinion, contrib-
uted a major part to the peace we now have, and
the fact that this has been done with no experience
prior to 1950 is something for which the American
people should be thankful.
I believe that better administration of this pro-
gram and the other programs is possible. We are
dedicating ourselves to that task. Let's not let carp-
ing criticism from a few sources about some misman-
agement and some inefficiencies defeat a program
which is absolutely vital to the security of this
country.
Some Waste Is Inevitable
Mr. Nixon: Thank you, Mr. Sprague. I can not
resist the temptation to just add a word because
both of these people obviously being close to the
program would be assumed to have partisan in-
terest. I have traveled a bit also during the past five
years and have visited almost 40 countries in which
we have had programs?economic or military?of
some size. I think the problem is one that we rec-
ognize as inevitable. First of all this is a new field
for the United States. It is much easier to develop
programs, for example, within the United States
than it is outside the United States?whether those
programs are developed by private enterprise or by
government. I would only suggest that many of the
great American corporations, the private corpora-
tions that invest abroad, also have had waste and
inefficiencies in the early years of their operations.
The second thing that I would say is to under-
line what both Mr. Sprague and Mr. Smith have
suggested, and that is that we must look at the
whole picture and not just at a part of it. Some
waste is going to be inevitable. It is our intention?
and we shall continue to work?to eliminate it as
much as we possibly can. We must look at the end
result, and I use a specific example to bring it home.
I was in Iran just four and a half years ago. This was
immediately after Mr. Mossadegh had gone out and
Mr. Egbal had come into power. Since that time we
have spent millions of dollars needed for economic
assistance in Iran. Several articles have been written
with regard to the waste in that program. There
probably has been some waste, and there undoubt-
edly has been some inefficiency, but the important
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 73
thing is that today Iran is not behind the Iron
Curtain and is solidly on the side of the free nations.
So the question is, would it have been better
because of the waste to have stopped the program
or to have cut it too much and have run the risk of
losing this part of the Free World to the Communist
world, or is it better to have done what we did
do??which was to continue forward, getting rid of
the waste whenever we could, but not giving up
because there were some inefficient operations or
because there were criticisms. I think on its face
it is clear that in this instance the decision was
right to continue the aid to Iran, and we could
repeat that for country after country around the
world.
May I just suggest finally in that connection
that when it comes to providing funds for the
National Defense?the military?we find, particu-
larly in the present temper of the Congress, there is
more sympathy for this kind of aid because the
people want to be sure that we have enough air-
planes, enough missiles and guns to protect our
country and deter a possible war. But I think our
military leaders would be the first to admit that
there is waste in defense, not only in war but in
peacetime as well, and there is also waste and in-
efficiency in economic aid. But we get back to the
basic proposition again; what we must realize is
that the economic conflict is at this time just as im-
portant and potentially, in my opinion, more dan-
gerous to the United States and the Free World
than the possibility of military conflict. Therefore,
we must take the bad with the good; we must work
constantly to improve our aid operations; but we
must not lose our nerve or our determination be-
cause of the criticisms that inevitably will come. I
might say more properly should come, because we
want to know of shortcomings in the programs, and
we will do everything we can, of course, to improve
them and make them more acceptable.
Do We Have Too Many American
Technicians Abroad?
Question: Mr. Vice President, I think you
once said you thought there were too many Amer-
icans abroad. I want you to clarify that statement
for us . . . because I am very concerned. Do you
think that we have too many people abroad, or
perhaps not the right kind of people?
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74 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
Mr. Nixon: The answer to your question is,
first, I would not quarrel with any newspaper person
who may have written a story with regard to what
my views have been. However, I can say that as far
as my support on the Technical Assistance Program,
which I assume you are referring to, that as Mr.
Smith and Mr. Dillon and others well know, I have
supported not only the present amount but in addi-
tion, I believe that amount should be and could be
more than it is. I have found that the Technical
Assistance Program generally is one of the best in-
vestments we have made abroad, and it is a very
small program dollar-wise, when you think of $157
or $160 million as compared with $44 billion for
defense.
Now getting to the personnel problem, there is
a problem, I think we would have to admit, with
regard to Americans abroad, when we have too
many of them in the wrong places. And as far as
the Technical Assistance Program is concerned, I
would say that my general observation has been that
we sometimes have a tendency to concentrate too
many of our people in headquarters and the capital
of the country, rather than sending them through
the country and letting them permeate the various
activities in which they are to engage.
I can not tell you how impressed I have been
in tramping around in some of the areas in which
our Technical Assistance people are located?how
impressed I have been with people from agricul-
ture, from the various activities of American life
who work with the native peoples in these countries
helping them to develop new skills that will enable
them to support themselves better.
I would only suggest in arguing this point, first,
that the Technical Assistance requested by the Presi-
dent is certainly a bare minimum. It should not be
reduced. If anything I would hope that Congress
could increase it. I do not expect it will, but I
think it could do so without doing anything which
would be harmful to the National Security in any
respect.
The second thing I would say?with regard to
administration?we must constantly re-examine the
administration of?these programs. We must not
assume, simply because the program is one that we
support, that it is being administered in the most
effective way. That is why I feel that in all of these
programs we should examine them to see whether,
for example, it is possible to move more personnel
out of capitols of these countries into the field. I
personally think that is possible, and I know Mr.
Smith has been examining that problem within his
own shop.
Now, finally with regard to the training of these
people I must say this. With all the criticisms of
the people in the Foreign Aid Program, let us just
have in mind this fact, that these people do not
have a career service. For the most part they are not
in the foreign service of the United States with the
career protections that being in government service
and in foreign service carry.
For the most part, these are people who go
abroad for two, three or four years. They go abroad,
frankly, at the temper of the American people and
the temper of the American Congress. They take a
risk, and I can only say that while there are some
who are not up to par, as you can expect in govern-
ment or in business, for the most part, we can be
thankful we have so many good, dedicated people
in this program. All I want is to get more of
that kind.
Question: (Inaudible) . . . how about giv-
ing our young people a chance to get into the
service . . . ?
Mr. Nixon: I might suggest in that connec-
tion that in order to get and to keep the quality of
people we need in this program it is going to be
necessary, first to develop long-range thinking and
long-range planning and long-range support from
the Congress. Second, it is going to be necessary to
provide for these people not only training but also
some additional security over what they presently
have.
Now I know various suggestions have been
made, for example, setting up something similar to
the protection the foreign service has. Whatever
plans there may be, they should be given the most
serious consideration, because there is no question
about what our potential opponents are doing.
The Russians today are training technical per-
sonnel, not only by the hundreds but by the
thousands. They are giving them training in
language, they are giving them training in the
customs of the countries. They send them through-
out the world; and whatever we may think of the
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Communist system, do not underestimate how ef-
fective these people are. They are no more dedi-
cated than our people, but they are getting, in some
instances, even better training than ours get. And
so with this challenge presented it is up to us not
only to find a way to match them but to exceed
them, and I think we will be able to do so.
Do We Need a Second World Bank?
Now can I go to one of my questions here
again? Do we need a second World Bank to make
long-term low interest loans to underdeveloped
countries? The new agency would be limited to
making loans which the World Bank, under present
regulations, must reject. I would suppose Mr.
Dillon, as a former investment banker, might an-
swer that question.
Mr. Dillon: That question is very close to a
resolution which was put into the Senate yesterday
by Senator Monroney, and it has received some pub-
licity in the press. This concept is quite different
from the concept to which I addressed myself pre-
viously; namely, financing development assistance
through the United Nations.
There are only a couple of complaints about
setting up another World Bank, which would op-
erate presumably on a softer loan basis, making use
of these local currencies we hear so much about.
The proposals I have seen so far use the regular
formula of the World Bank?subscriptions under
which we pick up about one-third of the money in
convertible currencies and other countries of the
world put up the other two-thirds. This has proved
possible, although they all did not put up the money
at first as in the case of the World Bank, because
the World Bank, operating on a hard-money basis,
has been able to borrow a lot on its own. That
money is borrowed primarily in the United States,
although some is borrowed in Switzerland and some
of the other more prosperous European countries.
Therefore, the percentage that was actually put up,
compared to loans that were made to the under-
developed countries, was very small.
Any new organization which could operate on a
soft-loan basis would not be able to borrow money
in the public marketplace, but would have to rely
entirely on subscriptions. I think there is real doubt
that other countries would be interested or would
be able, even if they were interested, to put up
convertible currencies in that proportion.
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 75
When it comes to using these local currencies,
unfortunately there are some great difficulties in-
volved. Local currencies are only a call on the
goods of the countries in question, so obviously
when we are trying to develop India and help India
by putting funds into India, it does not make sense
to ask India to supply locomotives, and other goods
which she needs so much herself, to develop, say,
Iran.
Therefore, except for the local currencies which
may be available in some of the European countries,
and the amounts of these are small, I think that the
use of local currencies is very limited except in the
countries in which they belong. Of course you can
use the Indian currencies in India, use them in con-
junction with the World Bank loans, and you can
use them in conjunction with Export-Import Bank
loans. We are using them already with some of our
Public Law 480 currencies.
Nevertheless, I think there is a germ of an idea
here that is well worth studying to see whether
there is a possibility of the other countries putting
up their share?whether there is a way such an in-
stitution could be brought into being and function
adequately.
How Encourage Private Investment Abroad?
Mr. Nixon: Thank you Mr. Dillon. Right
along that line, Mr. McIntosh, you answered a ques-
tion a little earlier in regard to private investment
abroad and encouragement of those investments. I
notice that there are several questions in this field
with regard to encouragement of private invest-
ment. Mention is made of the fact that Mr. Dulles
and Mr. Stevenson both stress the importance of
continuity and long-range programs of economic
development assistance. This question perhaps is
one that you might want to comment upon. Has
any thought been given to the adoption of an inter-
national agreement, a Magna Charta, so to speak,
for the protection of such an investment, including
the establishment of an international court to han-
dle disputes from expropriation, confiscation and
nationalization? I believe this refers to a proposal
made at the International Development Conference
in San Francisco. I realize it does not relate directly
to the problem of your fund, but would you give
us an off-the-cuff answer on that?
Mr. McIntosh: Regarding the first part of the
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76 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
question: In the Development Loan Fund, we hope
through many of our loans to create opportunities
for private investment?and, as I mentioned before,
our private investments are growing. Last year our
investments totaled about $2.8 billion, bringing the
present total to $22 billion. I feel that we need to
take steps to encourage increased private invest-
ment in the underdeveloped countries, and I feel
that the activities of the Development Loan Fund
will aid in that respect. That is, we hope through
our loans to improve the economics of those coun-
tries, to help them develop foreign exchange, to
increase employment, and through those means to
improve conditions, which will lead to further pri-
vate investment.
It is difficult to give the private investor every
protection, but we do have an investment guarantee
program which gives protection against confiscation
and also guarantees the convertibility of the funds.
I think the investor abroad must take the chance of
commercial risk that he takes at home.
Danny Kaye Discusses UNICEF
Mr. Nixon: I have a question here, inciden-
tally, which is not directed to anybody here in the
panel. It seems that somebody would like Danny
Kaye, if he is here, to answer this question. Do you
feel that your work with UNICEF has demon-
strated that foreign aid can be effective, based on
your experience with UNICEF? What do you feel
is the reaction to foreign aid on the part of the
recipients? Is Danny Kaye present?
While he is coming to the microphone, I might
say the other day my 12-year-old daughter had a
birthday party and we went to see a movie. The
movie is really a delightful movie, not only for
12-year-olds but for those of us who are a little
older. Danny Kaye plays the part of an English
schoolteacher, and it is a wonderful job. It is
called Merry Andrew?.
Mr. Danny Kaye: Mr. Vice President, and
ladies and gentlemen, this was sprung on me with
a great deal of surprise this afternoon?I intended
to come here merely as an . . . observer. I can
speak with absolutely no authority on anything.
I have been here since early this morning, and
I have heard a great deal about foreign aid. It
would be unwise and certainly foolhardy on my
part to ever take an active part in any political dis-
cussion. However, this question which was asked
about UNICEF, which is the United Nations Chil-
dren's Emergency Fund, whether it does any good
Chase Ltd., Photo
In animated discussion during a break in the proceedings are left to right, Danny Kaye, Ralph Bunche and Myrna Loy.
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to the recipients, I think 1 can speak with a little
authority. I would merely like to say that people in
my profession?a profession of which I am intensely
proud?have some extracurricular activities. It
might be the Heart Fund, the Cancer Society, or
children's activities. I, for one, have been active in
children's activities since I was a child and probably
never outgrew it and that is why I am able to work
well in it.
I was extremely honored and delighted to be a
part of an organization called UNICEF, and when
I hear so much about the long-range point of view
from an economic standpoint?the long-range point
of view of friendship?the long-range point of view
about how we can live in a more peaceful and
humane world, it occurs to me that the greatest
beginning that you can have, as far as the long-
range point of view is concerned, is to begin with
the children of the world who will inherit this
earth long after we are gone. I will have no great
legacy of wealth to leave my child, but I want to
make any effort I can to secure mutual understand-
ing among people throughout the world. I think
we can start at a very salient point with children.
It is a very simple matter to travel around the
world and see sick and hungry children who behave
exactly like the kid does around the corner. It is a
very, very touching thing to see a child who is sick
or hungry or has no home offered a hand in sympa-
thy, offered a hand in love, offered a hand in friend-
ship, offered a hand of help. Thousands of people
have devoted their lives, their energies and their
emotions?people of all nationalities, all religious
denominations, all colors and all creeds banded to-
gether in one common effort?to see that the chil-
dren of the world have some chance to achieve ma-
turity and take their rightful place in this world.
That is one of the most inspiring things I have
ever seen in my life. And through the mass media
of communications that we now have?television,
motion pictures, newspapers, people leaving the
country and traveling abroad (whether or not there
are too many Americans in one place)?I honestly
and firmly believe that in those ways if we come to
understand the problem of the world's children, the
world will be well on the way to understanding it-
self a little better.
Mr. Nixon: Just one moment . . . Danny
Kaye said he wasn't in politics . . . but if he ever
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 77
wants to run for anything, watch out. He'll win!
Now we have a question from the floor here.
Why Develop Our Competitors?
Mr. Nixon: The question as to whether or
not the temper of the country is ready for the type
of sacrifice needed is, of course, one that will be
determined within the next three or four months
and by what happens after this conference. The
answer to this question would require much more
time than we can take on this panel, and I can only
suggest that certainly as we consider the tremendous
industrial and agricultural potential of the United
States, we must realize that our prosperity is directly
related to the prosperity of the developed countries
of Western Europe and also to those newly develop-
ing countries in other parts of the world.
Let us consider Canada to the north and Mex-
ico to the south. Together they represent by far the
best customers we have in the world economically.
Now, this is the case because these countries?and
I speak particularly of Mexico which was not too
long ago a much underdeveloped country which
has come along so rapidly?have developed tre-
mendously both industrially and economically in
the past few years. They have of course developed
to some extent as competitors of the United States,
but they have also become customers of the United
States. I don't think that anyone would want to
suggest that this has not been beneficial mutually,
to us as well as to our friends from Mexico and
from Canada.
The same pattern can certainly be applied to
-Western Europe, where the expenditures of the
Marshall Plan could, I think, very easily be justified
on the basis that the recovery of -Western Europe
has meant so much to the United States economical-
ly because of the trade that has resulted, and will
result in the future from a revitalized Western
Europe economy?trade that otherwise would not
be possible. When we consider the tremendous po-
tential of Africa, of Asia, of the Near East, we see
again that while it is true that developing these
countries industrially does produce temporary prob-
lems of competition in industry and agriculture, in
the end the development of one country economi-
cally does not hurt an already developed country at
all. This is something we learn only by experience.
It is a lesson which must be learned by the American
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78 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
people through repetition and education over a
long period of time, because it is much easier in a
political year, as I indicated a moment ago, to go
about the country and point out that everything
we do to help anybody abroad takes something
from us here at home. The opposite is actually the
case. Can I go on to this question?
Question: (Partly inaudible). The most im-
portant thing in the individual's life is himself. Yet
we send . . . money across the seas to support com-
munism and socialism in our . . . programs . . . .
It seems a little foolhardy to spend our dollars to
enable our allies to go under that system . . . .Why
do we spend our capitalistic dollars to raise the
children of Europe knowing that they have to turn
to the state for the most important material things
in their lives? ... American Medical Association .. .
capitalistic medicine rather than socialistic med-
icine.
Mr. Nixon: I would like to defer the answer
to that question because Eric Johnston has sub-
mitted two or three, sent up directly to the plat-
form. Your question is related to them, so I will
defer the answer and take one more from the audi-
ence. Oh, I am sorry, we have two. Well, we will
take two more, then.
Question: (Inaudible) . . . Kirsten Amend-
ment . . . ?
Mr. Nixon: This question relates to the Kir-
sten Amendment. Right? The Kirsten Amendment
will be described by Mr. Dillon and he will com-
ment upon it.
Mr. Dillon: The Kirsten Amendment, for
those of you who may not know, as I understand it,
is an amendment that was put into the Mutual
Security Bill a number of years ago to enable us to
spend a certain amount of money to train people
who may have escaped from Communist-dominated
lands and to incorporate them into the military
formations of NATO. It is a part of the law. What
we are doing this year is merely asking for a renewal
of the law and amending it where necessary. The
kind of amendments we are making are only to
change the amount of money to be appropriated,
and so forth.
The answer to the question whether we are
going to specifically ask that this law be repealed?
the answer is, no, we are not asking that. However,
we are not asking any more money to be used spe-
cifically for this purpose. The money is available
now under the appropriation and could be used in
the future as it could be used in the past. Actually,
we have not been able to use it to any great extent.
Mr. Nixon: Mr. Johnston tells me that we
will go for just a few more minutes.
Dr. Laubach
Question: We have been talking about a pro-
gram for the undeveloped areas. I think it would
be appropriate if we heard from a man who has
worked in more undeveloped areas than any other
man and with more people. I believe Dr. Frank
Laubach is here.
Mr. Nixon: I must say that Dr. Laubach has
a background of service in many of these countries.
He has been a missionary of good will for the
United States. If he would like to say a few words
at this point, we will be glad to hear from him.
Will you take that microphone right back there.
Dr. Laubach: (Inaudible) . . . I know that
at least 100 million people in the United States are
deeply in sympathy with the hungry multitudes who
. . are being told we hate them. And we have got
to show them that we loathe and hate the people
who enslave them just as much as they do. That we
are their friends . . . . I think that in addition this
first conference ought to stimulate the people of
the United States to a full program of trying to
convince those people what we really are. I think
that the people of the United States are ready for
it .. . perhaps Sputnik made us ready for it . . . and
I think that if we are to challenge the people of
the United States they would rise to the need . . . .
Question: I have in mind what Danny Kaye
said about children. And in view of the emphasis
which speakers here this morning place on the
long-range need for mutual security, the thought
occurred to me that it might serve a mutual purpose
to arouse greater interest in the program among the
youth of the country. With that thought in mind,
may I ask that we submit to the Chair a written
proposal for the consideration of those who will
deal with this problem after this conference.
Mr. Nixon: I would say that Mr. Johnston
will probably answer that question in the later
panel.
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Tunisian Episode
Question: (Partly inaudible) I am all for
mutual aid, it is a wonderful thing ... but certainly
in the name of humanity it would seem we ought to
have some sort of protection against misuse of our
equipment against people . . . I want to know if
any precautions of that kind have ever been taken.
Mr. Nixon: Would you like to answer that,
Mr. Dillon?
Mr. Dillon: In our agreements for furnishing
military equipment, we do have specific understand-
ings that the equipment will not be used except for
the purposes for which it is given, which are meant
to be for the common defense. Some of the equip-
ment which was used in that terrible episode you
mention was equipment furnished in our Military
Assistance Program. Some of it was not. We are
looking into that now with the greatest of care.
Although we have information from the French
Government about it, this is a very difficult prob-
lem. There is no excuse for using that equipment
to go and attack children . . . do things such as you
saw. However, the French Government for various
legal reasons feels that they have a right to use this
equipment in their own defense in Algeria. We will
certainly make every effort that we can to be sure
that no more of our equipment is used in any affair
such as that recent bombing in Tunisia, which is
to be deplored.
Puerto Rico's Achievement
Question: I come from Puerto Rico?a part
of the United States. Puerto Rico 15 years ago was
an undeveloped area. In the past 15 years we have
changed to a fast-developing area. The most im-
portant thing is that in this area there was a well
thought-out program, well planned to develop every
aspect of our country. It was understood by every-
one in Puerto Rico and had the support of every-
one, government as well as private industry. We
feel that in every undeveloped area there are unique
problems. Certainly we have had them in Puerto
Rico. My question is, do we, before getting into
an undeveloped area, prepare such a program and
make certain that it is well balanced in the same
way that private businesses make sure that they
coordinate production, sales, public relations, and
personnel?
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 79
Mr. Nixon: I will ask Mr. Smith to comment
on that question if he will.
Mr. Smith: Every now and again in looking
at some of the countries we are working in you get
a bit discouraged because they are really very un-
developed. But the most encouraging thing I know
of is then to turn your eyes to Puerto Rico and see
what was done there. I am very glad that you
brought up the question. We have just had a con-
ference in Puerto Rico, looking at the ways and
means of the job that was done there in a country
that was brought up from a low level of poverty to
a fine tradition today economically, politically, and
in every other sense. We are using that as an ex-
ample. The Governor of Puerto Rico has been very
generous in offering us the facilities to bring people
there from all over the world so they can see it as
a show window of what can be done.
Mr. Nixon: May I just add to what Mr. Smith
has said regarding Puerto Rico that I visited there
on my Latin American trip a couple of years ago.
I should say Mrs. Nixon's and mine because she is
the real good-will ambassador of the team. We
visited Puerto Rico and I was tremendously im-
pressed by "Operation Bootstrap." Not only people
from the neighboring countries of the Latin Amer-
ican area but people from Asia, Africa, and else-
where go to Puerto Rico to see what has been done
there. The leadership that has been provided by
the people of Puerto Rico and by Governor Munoz
Morin is something that all Americans can certainly
point to with pride.
Now we have reached the point where if we
do not finish this panel you will not get to hear the
very provocative suggestions made by the next panel.
Why Do We Help Neutrals and
Contribute to Socialization?
There is, however, one question which was
delayed and which I will comment upon if I may.
You recall that the essence of the question was,
"Why is it that, in our foreign aid program, we, in
effect, contribute to the socialization of basic insti-
tutions abroad, in Europe and Africa and various
countries that we aid." The particular question of
course related to the socialization?or the national-
ization, shall we call it?of medicine, and this of
course raises a very controversial problem and an
important one.
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80 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
Related to that problem is another one, which
is the question referred to a moment ago. This one
is a very direct question. It says: "Foreign aid has
not made any friends for us so far in the underde-
veloped countries. Foreigners just think we are
soft touches. They accept our giveaways and then
either say they are neutrals or go over to the Com-
munists."
There have been some related questions in that
field which I will not comment upon, but I do
think that when we get to the nub of the problem
we inevitably reach this conclusion. As far as the
military side of Mutual Security is concerned, it is
relatively easy to justify and to sell, to Congressmen,
to Senators, or the country at large. Because you
can sell it not only on the basis of national security,
building up to the strength that is necessary to
deter war?you can also sell it on the basis of strict
economy. It costs less to do it this way than the
other way.
Mr. McElroy this morning I know went into
this, giving you the figures, for the various countries,
of maintaining one of their soldiers in their own
country as compared with the $3,500 a year which it
costs to maintain one American abroad. What the
military thing gets down to is this (and this is $3
billion of the $4 billion package?$3 billion when
we add the Defense Support, which of course is
directly related to it): As far as the Military Assist-
ance is concerned, what we are doing is simply pro-
Viding the funds to maintain the forces on the
perimeter of the Communist empire, forces that
have to be maintained, not only for the defense and
security of the countries in which those forces are
located, but also for our own defense. And if these
forces were not maintained by the Koreans, by the
Formosans, by the South Viet-Namese, by the Turks
and our friends in Western Europe with our help,
we would have to do the job alone. On the average
it would cost us in dollars, purely apart from the
manpower, five times as must at least to maintain
the same level of military strength abroad that we
currently have with the $3 billion.
So the question there, I say, is pretty simple. It is
a question of whether you want to spend $15 billion
to defend the United States and the Free World
through these forces abroad or to spend $3 billion.
Of course, I know that there are those who suggest,
"Well, let them have it all, let us just get back to
the United States." Well, then we can think in
terms of spending ten times as much because it
would cost that much in the event that we did not
have the bases and the assistance that we have from
abroad. That justification is pretty good, and I do
not anticipate too much difficulty in getting what we
need as far as military security or military aid to
allies to the United States is concerned.
But this gets me to the question at hand?aid
to underdeveloped countries. Several of the speak-
ers have touched on this particular problem very
effectively and very eloquently. I think I mentioned
before that I visited most of the underdeveloped?
or as I prefer to call them, newly developing?
countries in Asia and Africa to which this aid goes.
What we are talking about is approximately a bil-
lion dollars. It consists of technical aid of $150
million or so, the President's emergency fund of
$200 million, the Development Loan Fund of $625
million, a total package of about $1 billion.
Now we recognized at the outset that this
money does not all go to allies of the United States;
that is where the military aid comes in. So we can
not justify this billion dollars on the ground that
it all goes to allies. Much of it goes to what we must
call?for the moment?neutrals in the world strug-
gle as between the United States and the Soviet
Union or between the Allied World and the Soviet
world. I say the Allied World rather than the Free
World because, make no mistake about it, the un-
committed nations that I speak about are free na-
tions. This is part of the answer to the question.
I think it would be well to take one country,
one of the most controversial as a matter of fact,
one that has been mentioned many times in this
discussion today?India. People often say to me:
"Mr. Vice President, why do we provide $275 mil-
lion to India for their five-year plan when it is go-
ing to be used to socialize various institutions there?
Why do we provide this money when Mr. Nehru
from time to time criticizes the United States even
more vehemently than those representatives of the
Soviet Union?" We hear further arguments of those
against aid to India; for example, "Why did we give
aid to India when Mr. Krishna Menon of the United
Nations seldom votes with the United States on key
problems when the Soviet Union is on the other
side?" And then we get down to this basic question:
"Why do we aid a country abroad, why do we try to
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provide economic aid when it does not buy friends
for us?"
Now what is the answer to that? The answer is
very simple. The purpose of the economic assist-
ance program of the United States is not to buy
friends. If it were, we might as well cut it out com-
pletely because the people in Asia, Africa and the
Near East are proud people, and as far as these
people are concerned they would resent?and they
should?any effort on our part or on the part of
any other country to buy their friendship with eco-
nomic assistance. That is why the loan program is
more effective than the grant program for these
countries. They would prefer to have a business
arrangement rather than to be in the position of a
pauper as against the one who is rich.
So some may suggest?well, if we don't buy
friends with these programs why do we do it at all?
Of course the answer to that is that it is in the inter-
est of the United States. In those underdeveloped
countries and newly developing countries in Asia,
Africa, and the Near East, it is in our interest, our
self-interest to provide help economically, so that
they can be strong enough to be economically inde-
pendent and thereby politically independent of
foreign domination, even of the United States. That
is what we must say and that is what we believe.
Now how does this make sense? Well, it makes
sense for a very important reason. Because what is
the whole aid program all about? What it is all
about has been repeated over and over again?
we are engaged at the present time in a great
world conflict, a world conflict in which some of the
most effective weapons are not military, they are
economic. Because we are engaged in that conflict
it is vitally important that we fight it on all sides.
What is our opponent in this conflict? We know
what it is?international communism. What is the
major opponent of international communism?what
is the mortal enemy of international communism in
any place in the world? It is national independence.
If you can make a country strong enough to be in-
dependent of foreign domination, the Communists
have then lost the battle they are trying to win.
Therefore, let us take India?if India is inde-
pendent and is strong enough economically, then
they will be able to retain that independence. I say
this is in our interest. And let us also not forget that
it is far better for India or any one of these countries
PANEL DISCUSSIONS
81
to be independent, to be neutral, to be uncom-
mitted than to be on the Communist side. Now may
I say on the plus side as far as India is concerned,
we should not assume that here is a country that
is just the next thing to communism. Because what-
ever we may think of the government of India, what-
ever disagreement we may have with the leaders of
India, we must remember some fundamental things.
They have the same great tradition of common law
that we have; they have the same belief in freedom
of speech and freedom of press that we have. As far
as their economy is concerned, there are parts of it
that are nationalized. Mr. Mehta, the Indian Am-
bassador, told me a few weeks ago, however, that the
greater part of industrialized India is private enter-
prise rather than government enterprise.
So this brings us to the question asked by the
gentleman a moment ago?Do we finance socialism
abroad? And my answer is this. If the United States
in its aid to these countries deliberately places
conditions and strings on those programs we may as
well not have them at all. As far as we are con-
cerned we believe that our system of government,
our dedication to private enterprise is the best kind
of system for us. AATe may also think it is the best
kind of system for other countries, but we must also
remember that the conditions in each country vary,
the tradition in each country varies, and the leaders
and the people in each country must have the same
right we have to choose the kind of economy and
the kind of government they want.
So summarizing this reply, might I just suggest
this: We spend a billion dollars in economic assist-
ance abroad. I personally think it is rock bottom as
far as the amount is concerned. I personally believe
that United States interests could be served by
spending more in this field than we currently are
spending. But there are limitations, of course?
limitations which I recognize and which you recog-
nize. But I can also say that as far as our self-interest
is concerned, let us never forget that the question is
not that we are buying friends. This is not the
purpose of the program. The question is: By this
program are we making countries around the world
strong, independent members of the community of
nations? If they are independent, if they are strong,
this, then is the answer to communism; because
international communism, I repeat, is completely
incompatible with national independence.
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82
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PANEL ON
POST-CONFERENCE
EDUCATION
Hon. Eric Johnston, Chairman of the Conference
Mr. Erie Cocke, Jr., Mrs. J. Ramsay Harris
Co-Chairmen of the Conference
Thomas & Kitchel
Hon. Chester E. Merrow, Member, House of Representatives
Hon. A. S. J. Carnahan, Member, House of Representatives
Mr. Cocke: We are now at that stage in the
program where we would like to indicate to you that
we have a very good friend here today in the person
of Governor Orville Freeman of Minnesota. He is
one of the co-chairmen of the National Conference
on International Economic and Social Development
which will meet here tomorrow. They are tackling
many of the same types of questions that we are?
for instance, the role of non-governmental organi-
zations in the techniques of assistance in economic
development, and the work of the United Nations
in the Far East, the Middle East, and Africa. They
have asked that we cordially invite you to attend
the meeting. Registration is now going on outside
of the Congressional Room in the lobby.
We sincerely hope that you have been satisfied
in coming to this conference. We regret that there
was an overflow. We are now at the point in the
Fabian Bachrach
conference of determining what the activity today
amounted to, and where do you want to go from
here? We hope the questions have been as bi-parti-
san as possible, maybe as embarrassing as you would
like. We think the program was as well balanced
as possible in the limited time of a one-day confer-
ence.
I certainly feel that we need no introduction
of Eric Johnston, who handled a tremendous job
at the President's request. And I am sure that Mrs.
Harris joins with me in saying that we are delighted
to be associated with him in this particular effort.
We are especially pleased to have as members
of this panel two United States Congressmen who
are in a very good position to comment on post-
conference activities and post-conference education
as a result of this meeting. They determined sev-
eral years ago that it was essential to have a con-
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84 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
stantly closing gap between the American people
and American foreign policy. As members of the
Foreign Affairs Committee they have been doing
just that type of job?holding public meetings and
hearings throughout our country, where they have
had an opportunity to talk to many groups such
as we have here.
I would like to present to you, together, because
both of them will participate in this panel together,
as they have all over this country?first, Represent-
ative A. S. J. Carnahan of the 8th District of
Missouri, and Representative Chester E. Merrow of
the 1st District of New Hampshire?a Democrat
and a Republican.
I would certainly like to entertain questions
from the floor, but not in the same sense of the
panel which just preceded this one. Instead, we
would like to ask some questions of you. In sub-
stance, we wanted the organizational people of this
country to assemble, and we are appreciative of your
attendance. We believe you are as good a cross-
section as it would be possible to assemble, especially
since we had only three weeks' time to make the
arrangements and send out invitations. We would
like to have your opinions as to whether it was
worthwhile and whether it should be continued?
if it should, under what group?and any other
question that has not been covered in some earlier
discussion. I think all of you are aware that the
President of the United States is speaking tonight.
There will be no other speaker at the dinner meet-
ing, so this has to be the wrap-up of the conference.
Who would like to take the first question in
giving us advice as to what you would like to have
us do, considering the type of educational job
needed?which I think all of you recognize as a
result of past experiences.
Question: We are aware of the various organ-
izations within our country and what they have
done as individual organizations on other issues
such as this one. But individual groups or a one-day
conference cannot solve this urgent problem. Is
it possible that we will have to organize a national
committee immediately to make clear these factors
affecting our security?
Mr. Cocke: Thank you very much. Another
question here?
Question: (Partly inaudible) . . . I think
that a central committee would do a great job rep-
resenting all of these organizations . . . throughout
the country. They require some central source
through which they can furnish information and
help . . . .
Mr. Cocke: We are glad to get that comment.
Question: (Partly inaudible) . . . I happen
to be a minister, a minister of the Lutheran Church.
I was wondering whether we should take part in a
meeting such as this without dwelling on a very im-
portant phase of American life in its early history,
and a phase which should not be overlooked today.
When I think of George Washington . . . I see him
kneeling in prayer . . . And on reading Lincoln
lore I am impressed by the fact that Lincoln stated
that he spent many a night in prayer because he had
no one on whom he could rely but God . . . I am
wondering whether at a meeting such as this we
ought not to take into account that we should
manifest our trust in God more than we do . . . .
Mr. Cocke: Thank you very much. I think
this is a good place to ask our two distinguished
Congressmen about the reactions of the audiences
they talked to in their travels. I think that ties in
with the reaction of you people in this audience.
Which one would like to start off? They are such a
good team, I don't know which one should lead.
Mr. Merrow: It certainly is a pleasure to be
here and say a few words. My good friend Con-
gressman Carnahan and I did not know we were
to say anything at this conference until about noon-
time, but I do not suppose that gets any sympathy
from anybody because of the fact that Congressmen
are supposed to be able to talk anywhere. It is said
they will talk anywhere, any time, for any length
of time, on any subject, no matter whether they
know anything about it or not.
But we are delighted to be here and speak for
a moment on this panel on post-conference educa-
tion. May I say at the beginning that it is very
heartwarming to see so many people here today and
to see such enthusiasm for the Mutual Security
Program. It is an indication that the people are
tremendously interested and that there is great en-
thusiasm for the continuation of this program. It
has been our privilege, through the sponsorship of
the American Association for the United Nations
and cooperating agencies, to have traveled for about
four weeks in various sections of the country, in-
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cluding the West, the Northwest, the Middle West,
and the Southwest, in support of the Mutual Secu-
rity Program, commonly, termed Foreign Aid. I was
very glad to hear the lady say a few moments ago
that we ought to get away from calling it foreign
aid because actually it is American aid.
We have had the opportunity of speaking in
about 32 cities in 21 states. I believe we have given
about 40 platform addresses on the first tour and 40
on the second, making about 80 platform speeches;
appeared on television 25 or 30 times; and on radio
programs 25 or 30 times; and had several press con-
ferences. These various meetings have included
service clubs, mass meetings, meetings of all types
and always we have thrown the meetings open for
questions.
I think you might be interested in the results.
We found that people everywhere are intensely in-
terested in foreign policy. We also found that in the
question periods there was a minimum of hostility
to the so-called foreign aid program. And we found
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 85
that once the benefits of the program were under-
stood and the program explained there was enthusi-
astic support. We therefore believe that it is a
question of mobilizing public opinion in favor of
the program, because people are interested, and
once the benefits are explained, they are enthusi-
astic about it. I am glad that it has been suggested
that a committee be formed here today. It is our
opinion that if this conference could be followed
by several regional conferences throughout the
country, it would be most beneficial. People con-
stantly asked for information, asked for the re-
printing of the various charts we presented, and
were constantly saying that this information ought
to be available and that it was the first time they
had heard any defense of the program. We were
sneaking in favor of full authorization of the $3.9
billion and for appropriation of that amount to
carry the program through the next fiscal year.
I think it is most unfortunate that this program
has been so hurt by various slogans such as, "the
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?VSTREKTHENS AMERICAN *WARES
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SECURITY
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Congressmen Chester E. Merrow (Republican, New Hampshire), left and A. J. S. Carnahan (Democrat, Missouri), reported
on their joint speaking tour of 32 cities in 21 states, on behalf of the Mutual Security Program.
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86 PANEL DISCUSSIONS
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great giveaway." It has been called a "handout"
and "pouring money down a rat hole." Now once
the benefits of the program are explained, as they
have been explained here today, people are in sup-
port of the program. And I think they agree with
us that if it must be called "the great giveaway,"
then our whole foreign aid or American aid pro-
gram?if it must be called that, then it certainly is
the most productive' give-away and the most produc-
tive handout, and the most productive rat hole in
human history. And I am certainly pleased to see
this enthusiasm. I hope, Mr. Chairman, that it is
followed by regional conferences throughout the
United States. We have concluded that once we
can mobilize public opinion, people will insist on
full authorization and appropriation of the funds
to carry on this program.
Mr. Carnahan: I am glad to associate myself
again with my good Yankee Republican friend
from New England and again offer any assistance
that we can give to furthering understanding of
this program by our people. As Mr. Merrow told
you, we have been out on the road for about a
month, and we have met a lot of people and found
an intense interest in the program. We have found
an eagerness to learn about it and know what it
is all about, and we have not found too much
knowledge on the part of our people of what the
program has cost or what it has accomplished. Our
audiences were really startled to find what the
program has cost in comparison to other costs, and
what some of the accomplishments have been. We
are often told that this is the first time they had
heard the program defended.
I want to join my friend in urging continua-
tion of what you are doing here today, and I think
consideration should be given to regional confer-
ences. I am convinced, as Mr. Merrow is, that it is
not a case of selling the program to our people
or convincing them of its worth?it is just merely
mobilizing the support that exists throughout the
country?support that has not been expressed.
Those who have opposed the program have
done the talking and those who know something
Guests at the conference took an active part in the
afternoon panel sessions.
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about it just have not had too much to say. People
were constantly asking us wherever we went, "What
can we do? What can we do to help?" We have
encouraged study of the program. It certainly
would be reassuring to bring knowledge of what
the program has been and what it had accom-
plished to our people throughout the country. I
hope, that regional conferences will be given serious
consideration.
Mr. Cocke: Thank you very much.
Question: When does this bill come up in
Congress?
Mr. Cocke: Hearings are just beginning. It
will be some little time before a vote is taken on
the authorization, probably no earlier than the
last two weeks in April, and the appropriation
hearings will start some time later.
Question: I am Darcy Wilson, Director of
CARE in New England. At the suggestion and
request of the officials of CARE, I would like to
state that the field directors throughout the United
States are ready to cooperate with other agencies
in organizing regional conferences like the one
in Washington.
Mr. Cocke: We would like to hear from as
many as possible.
Question: Women's organizations could do a
lot on this issue. I hope representatives here today
will go back to their own groups and get strong
mandates on Mutual Security.
Mr. Cocke: A very good point. The 1956
platforms of both parties are in line with today's
activities as well as your comments.
Question: (Partly inaudible) I am enthusi-
astic about our program today. I am enthusiastic
about the programs being suggested here. How-
ever, it seems to me that there has been too much
dissatisfaction expressed with the workings of the
Mutual Security Program. There is too much con-
cern, it seems to me, about how things may go
wrong in the future even if we do have the full
support of the American people and Congress does
appropriate the money. We have in today's Wash-
ington Post a letter from a little girl in Viet-Nam
PANEL DISCUSSIONS 87
asking a question which, in my opinion, should
not be asked if the total program were carried out
in the proper manner . . . I do not intend at this
time to raise basic issues. I would like to suggest
that we hold conferences similar to this, bi-partisan
conferences dealing with our American foreign
policy. Perhaps then our foreign aid or our Mutual
Security Program would be in proper prospective.
Mr. Cocke: Thank you very much for your
comments. The consensus of this group is cer-
tainly that there be a continuation of what was
started here today.
Question: Mr. Chairman, I think we should
take advantage of having a captive audience here
and ask them to take this issue to their home towns,
to the grass roots, and sell it to the people.
Mr. Cocke: I think that is an excellent sug-
gestion. But the idea of bringing the organiza-
tional people of the country together was not to
change anybody's mandates or resolutions but to
encourage them to take a long-range approach to
foreign affairs generally and particularly to follow
through on discussing the foreign aid program on
the basis of the kind of information we have re-
ceived here today.
Because of the lateness of the hour, may I sum-
marize at this point by saying that it seems to be
the consensus of this group that a national or-
ganization be formed?a central agency to dis-
seminate information, in liaison with the govern-
ment but completely independent.
Question: (A woman in the audience) Mr.
Chairman, may I make a formal motion to that
effect? I now make a motion that this body as-
sembled here recommend the establishment of a
permanent committee to carry on the work.
Mr. Cocke: You heard the motion. Is there
a second? The motion has been made and, seconded.
I do not wish to limit debate, but since the hour
is very late, will all those in favor so indicate by
standing. (The audience stood in unison.) We will
try our best to set up the kind of organization you
have proposed. Now we are going to have to close
this session. Thank you very much. We hope every-
one here will be back at the dinner tonight.
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Aci =It
PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
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89
THE WHITE HOUSE
WASHINGTON
January 10,1958
Dear Eric:
In recent weeks there have come to the White House many
inquiries with respect to the foreign aspects of our national
security. They indicate a natural and keen desire to re-
ceive fuller information in these particular fields.
In our free society the Government has a duty to keep the
people informed on what it proposes to do and why. Without
full public awareness it is difficult for the Nation to put for-
ward maximum effort and obtain maximum results. During
your service with the Government as Chairman of the Inter-
national Development Advisory Board and through your
travels abroad you have gained firsthand knowledge of our
economic development and security problems.
In the light of the numerous requests that I have received,
it would be highly gratifying to me and a great service to
the Nation if you would be willing to call in Washington a
conference of business and organization leaders, bipartisan
in character, to explore means of conveying to our citizens
a fuller flow of information on the foreign aspects of our
national security.
I do hope that you will feel that you can give the time to do
this.
Sincerely,
The Honorable Eric A. Johnston
1600 Eye Street, N. W.
Washington 6, D. C.
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90 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
Conference on Foreign Aspects of
United States National Security
CONFERENCE CHAIRMAN:
The Hon. Eric Johnston
8:00 REGISTRATION
9:30 MORNING SESSION
The National Anthem
Conference Invocation
Welcome
9:40 The Free World
And Mutual Security
10:00 Address
10:20 Military Assistance
10:40 Recess
10:55 The Soviet Economic
And Trade Offensive
11:15 The Moral Foundations of
U.S. Foreign Assistance
Hotel Stotler
Washington, D. C.
February 25, 1958
PROGRAM
CONFERENCE CO-CHAIRMEN:
Mrs. J. Ramsay Harris
Mr. Erie Cocke, Jr.
UNITED STATES ARMY BAND
DR. CHARLES W. LOWRY, PHD (OXON.)
Executive Director, Foundation for Religious Action
in the Social and Civil Order
THE HON. ERIC JOHNSTON
Conference Chairman
THE HON. JOHN FOSTER DULLES
Secretary of State
THE HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON
THE HON. NEIL H. MCELROY
Secretary of Defense
THE HON. ALLEN W. DULLES
Director, Central Intelligence Agency
REV. EDWIN T. DAHLBERG
President, National Council of Churches of Christ
in the U. S. A.
RABBI THEODORE L. ADAMS
President, Synagogue Council of America
BISHOP FULTON J. SHEEN
Auxiliary Bishop of New York
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12:00 Luncheon Recess
12:30 LUNCHEON SESSION
Invocation
Toastmaster
Address
2:30 AFTERNOON SESSION
The Proposed Mutual
Security Program
Question and Answer Panel
4:00 Science, Technology and
Free "World Development
4:15 Recess
4:30 Panel on Post-Conference
Education
8:00 DINNER SESSION
Invocation
Address
Conference Benediction
Music
PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 91
DR. ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN
Rabbi, Temple Beth Israel, Hartford, Conn.
THE HON. DEAN G. ACHESON
Former Secretary of State
THE HON. HARRY S. TRUMAN
Former President of the United States
THE HON. RICHARD M. NIXON
Vice President of the United States
THE HON. RICHARD M. NIXON
THE HON. C. DOUGLAS DILLON
Deputy Under Secretary of State
THE HON. JAMES H. SMITH, JR.
Director, International Cooperation Administration
THE HON. DEMPSTER MCINTOSH
Manager, Development Loan Fund
DR. JAMES R. KILLIAN, JR.
Special Assistant to the President
for Science and Technology
THE HON. ERIC JOHNSTON
Conference Chairman
MR. ERLE COCKE, JR.
Conference Co-Chairman
MRS. J. RAMSAY HARRIS
Conference Co-Chairman
THE HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN
Member, House of Representatives
THE HON. CHESTER E. MERROW
Member, House of Representatives
HIS EMINENCE SAMUEL CARDINAL STRITCH
Archbishop of Chicago
THE HON. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER
President of the United States
RT. REV. HENRY KNOX SHERRILL
The Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church
UNITED STATES MARINE BAND
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HONOR GUESTS AT LUNCHEON
HON. HARRY S. TRUMAN, former President of the United States
HON. DEAN G. ACHESON, former Secretary of State
MRS. DEAN G. ACHESON
RABBI THEODORE L. ADAMS, President, Synagogue Council of America
HON. CARL ALBERT, Majority Whip of the House of Representatives
HON. GEORGE V. ALLEN, Director, United States Information Agency
HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS, Minority whip of the House of Representatives
COLONEL JACOB M. ARVEY, Democratic National Committeeman from Illinois
HON. CLARENCE CANNON, Chairman, House Appropriations Committee
HON. A. S. J. CARNAHAN, Member, House of Representatives
HON. ROBERT B. CHIPERFIELD, Ranking Republican, House Foreign Affairs Committee
MR. ERLE COCKE, JR., Co-Chairman of the Conference
HON. C. DOUGLAS DILLON, Deputy Under Secretary of State
HON. EVERETT M. DIRKSEN, Minority Whip of the Senate
HON. ALLEN W. DULLES, Director, Central Intelligence Agency
DR. MILTON S. EISENHOWER, President, John Hopkins University
DR. ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN, Rabbi, Temple Beth Israel, Hartford, Connecticut
HON. WILLIAM C. FOSTER, Executive Vice President, Olin Mathieson Chemical Corp.
HON. ORVILLE L. FREEMAN, Governor of Minnesota
HON. THEODORE F. GREEN, Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
HON. CHARLES A. HALLECK, Member, House of Representatives
Mits. J. RAMSAY HARRIS, Co-Chairman of the Conference
HON. CARL HAYDEN, President pro tempore of the Senate
HON. THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Secretary, Democratic Policy Committee
HON. CHRISTIAN A. HERTER, Under Secretary of State
HON. PAUL G. HOFFMAN, Former Administrator, Economic Cooperation Administration
HON. LYNDON B. JOHNSON, Majority Leader of the Senate
DR. MORDECAI JOHNSON, President, Howard University
HON. ERIC JOHNSTON, Chairman of the Conference
DR. JAMES R. KILLIAN, Special Assistant to the President for Science & Technology
HON. WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND, Minority Leader of the Senate
DR. CHARLES W. LOWRY, Executive Director, Foundation for Religious Action
HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR., Minority Leader of the House of Representatives
HON. JOHN W. MCCORMACK, Majority Leader, House of Representatives
HON. DEMPSTER MCINTOSH, Manager, Development Loan Fund
HON. CHESTER E. MERROW, Member, House of Representatives
HON. THOMAS E. MORGAN, Chairman, House Foreign Affairs Committee
HON. CHARLES S. MURPHY, former Special Counsel to President Truman
MR. STAN MUSIAL, St. Louis Cardinals, St. Louis, Missouri
HON. MOREHEAD PATTERSON, President, American Machinery & Foundry, New York City
HON. EDWIN W. PAULEY, Oil Corporation Executive, Los Angeles, California
MRS. MERRIWEATHER POST, Board of Directors, General Foods Corporation
HON. SAM RAYBURN, Speaker of the House of Representatives
HON. LEVERETT SALTONSTALL, Chairman, Republican Conference
BISHOP FULTON J. SHEEN, Auxiliary Bishop of New York
MR. SPYROS P. SKOURAS, President of 20th Century Fox, Hollywood, California
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HON. JAMES H. SMITH, JR., Director, International Cooperation Administration
HON. JOHN J. SPARKMAN, United States Senator
HON. MANSFIELD D. SPRAGUE, Assistant Secretary of Defense
HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON, former Governor of Illinois
HON. ROBERT F. WAGNER, JR., Mayor of New York City
HON. ALEXANDER WILEY, Ranking Republican, Senate Foreign Relations Commit tee
HONOR GUESTS AT DINNER
HON. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, President of the United States
HON. RICHARD M. NIXON, Vice President of the United States
MRS. RICHARD M. NIXON
HON. SHERMAN ADAMS, The Assistant to the President
MRS. SHERMAN ADAMS
RABBI THEODORE L. ADAMS, President, Synagogue Council of America
HON. CARL ALBERT, Majority Whip of the House of Representatives
HON. LESLIE C. ARENDS, Minority Whip of the House of Representatives
HON. EUGENE R. BLACK, President, International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
DR. RALPH J. BUNCHE, Under Secretary of the United Nations
HON. CLARENCE CANNON, Chairman, House Appropriations Committee
HON. ROBERT B. CHIPERFIELD, Ranking Repub!ican, House Foreign Affairs Committee
MR. ERLE COCKE, JR., Co-Chairman of the Conference
MR. GARDNER COWLES, President, Cowles Magazines, Inc.
HON. THOMAS E. DEWEY, former Governor of New York
HON. C. DOUGLAS DILLON, Deputy Under Secretary of State
HON. EVERETT M. DIRKSEN, minority Whip of the Senate
HON. JOHN FOSTER DULLES, Secretary of State
MRS. JOHN FOSTER DULLES
MR. HENRY FORD II, President, Ford Motor Company
HON. JOSEPH J. Foss, Governor of South Dakota
HON. THEODORE F. GREEN, Chairman, Foreign Relations Committee
GENERAL ALFRED M. GRUENTHER, President of the American Red Cross
HON. CHARLES A. HALLECK, Member, House of Representatives
MRS. J. RAMSAY HARRIS, Co-Chairman of the Conference
HON. THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR., Secretary, Democratic Policy Committee
HON. LYNDON B. JOHNSON, Majority Leader of the Senate
HON. ERIC JOHNSTON, Chairman of the Conference
MR. DANNY KAYE, Goodwill Ambassador for UNICEF
HON. WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND, Minority Leader of the Senate
HON. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR., Minority Leader of the House of Representatives
MR. GEORGE MEANY, President, AFL-CIO
HON. PERLE MESTA, former Ambassador to Luxembourg
HON. THOMAS E. MORGAN, Chairman, House Foreign Affairs Committee
HON. SAM RAYBURN, Speaker of the House of Representatives
HON. ANNA ROSENBERG, former Assistant Secretary of Defense
GENERAL DAVID SARNOFF, Chairman of the Board, Radio Corporation of America
RT. REV. HENRY KNOX SHERRILL, Presiding Bishop of the Episcopal Church
MR. SPYROS P. SKOURAS, President of 20th Century Fox, Hollywood, California
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HON. JAMES H. SMITH, JR., Director, International Cooperation Administration
MR. JOSEPH P. SPANG, JR., Chairman of the Board, Gillette Company
DR. FRANK STANTON, President, Columbia Broadcasting System
HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON, former Governor of Illinois
His EMINENCE SAMUEL CARDINAL STRITCH, Archbishop of Chicago
HON. JOHN TABER, Ranking Republican, House Appropriations Committee
HON. JOHN VORYS, Member, House of Representatives
HON. ROBERT F. WAGNER, JR., Mayor of New York City
HON. EARL WARREN, Chief Justice of the United States
MRS. EARL WARREN
HON. SAM LEL C. WAUGH, President and Chairman, Export-Import Bank
1: ALEXANDER WILEY, Ranking Republican, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
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DIRECTORY OF PARTICIPANTS
A
MR. CHARLES AARON, President, National Jewish Welfare Board, N. Y. C.
MRS. JUNE ABENDSHEIN, President, AM VETS Auxiliary, Washington, D. C.
MR. AND MRS. DEAN G. ACHESON, Washington, D. C.
DR. ARTHUR S. ADAMS, President, American Council on Education, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOE H. ADAMS, Miami, Florida
MR. JOHN QUINCY ADAMS, The Manhattan Refrigerating Co., New York, N. V.
THE ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT AND MRS. SHERMAN ADAMS, Washington, D. C.
RABBI THEODORE L. ADAMS, Pres., Synagogue Council of America, New York, N. Y.
MR. OMER C. ADERHOLD, President, University of Georgia, Athens, Ga.
MISS BERTHA S. ADKINS, Republican National Committee, Wash., D. C.
MR. E. W. AITON, Director, Four H Clubs, USDA, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WILLIAM AKIN, Dallas, Texas
MR. MEADE ALCORN, Republican National Committee, Washington, D. C.
MRS. STEWART ALEXANDER, President, Women's Nat'l Republican Club, Inc., N. V. C.
MR. G. CARLIN ALLEN, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. GEORGE V. ALLEN, Director, United States Information Agency, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT S. ALLEN, Bell Syndicate, Washington, D. C.
MR. STANLEY ALLEN, Exec. Secy., American Council of World Veterans Fed., N. V. C.
MR. WILLIAM M. ALLEN, President, Boeing Airplane Company, Seattle, Washington.
DR. THOMAS ALPHIN, American Medical Association, Chicago, Illinois
MR. STEWART ALSOP, New York Herald Tribune Syndicate, Washington, D. C.
DR. WILLIAM ALSTADT, President, American Dental Association, Chicago, Ill.
MR. LEON AMES, President, Screen Actors Guild, Hollywood, California
MRS. ARTHUR FORREST ANDERSON, National Social Welfare Assembly, N. V. C.
MRS. EDWARD E. ANDERSON, New York, N. Y.
MRS. EUGENIE ANDERSON, Red Wing, Minn.
MR. SAMUEL W. ANDERSON, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH ANDREOLI, Vice President, General Tire & Rubber Co., Akron, Ohio
MR. STANLEY ANDREWS, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Michigan
MISS ELIZABETH ARDEN, New York, N. Y.
MR. HAMILTON FISH ARMSTRONG, Editor, Foreign Affairs, N. Y. C.
MR. EDWIN ARNOLD, Deputy Director for Tech. Services, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. H. PARK ARNOLD, President, Kiwanis International, Chicago, Illinois
COL. JACOB M. ARVEY, Chicago, Illinois.
DR. MAX ASCOLI, The Reporter, N. V. C.
MR. ROBERT E. ASHER, Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C.
COL. MAYNARD R. ASHWORTH, SR. Columbus, Georgia
MR. JOHN ASKBROOK, Chairman, National Young Republicans Fed., Washington, D. C.
MISS ETHEL ASKEROOTH, Special Projects Staff, The White House
MR. WARREN H. ATHERTON, Atherton & Dozier, Stockton, California
MISS VERA ATKINS, Atlanta, Ga.
MR. ROLLIN S. ATWOOD, Reg. Dir., Latin America, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MISS H. ELSIE AUSTIN, Exec. Dir., National Council of Negro Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. W. B. AYCOCK, Chancellor, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C.
MRS. ROBERT Low BACON, Women's National Republican Club, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN S. BADEAU, Near East Foundation, New York, N. Y.
MRS. DAVID D. BAKER, United Church Women, N. Y. C.
MR. EDGAR R. BAKER, Managing Director, Time-Life International, N. Y. C.
MR. HARRY S. BAKER, President, National Cotton Council, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN C. BAKER, President, Ohio University, Athens, Ohio
MARY ALICE BALDINGER, Exec. Dir., National Civil Liberties Clearing House, Wash., D. C.
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96 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. ROBERT BALDWIN, Vice-Chairman, Committee on Foreign Trade Education, N.1'. C.
MR. WILLIAM H. BALDWIN, Public Relations Counsel, N. Y. C.
MISS ALICE BALL, United States Book Exchange, Washington, D. C.
MR. EDMUND F. BALL, President, Ball Brothers Co., Muncie, Indiana.
MR. ERWIN BALLUDER, Vice President, Pan American World Airways, N. Y. C.
MR. CHARLES A. BANE, Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, Chicago, Illinois
MR. GEORGE M. BARAKAT, Exec. Dir., American Middle East Relief, N. Y. C.
MR. WILLIAM E. BARLOW, President, Vision Incorporated, N. Y. C.
MR. AND MRS. GEORGE BARNES, Potomac, Maryland
MR. ROBERT G. BARNES, Spec. Asst. Mutual Security, Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. FRANK H. BARTHOLOMEW, President, United Press, N. Y. C.
MR. HENRY B. BASS, Enid, Oklahoma
MR. ROY BATTLES, Assistant to Master National Grange, Washington, D. C.
MR. EVERETT BAUMAN, Creole Petroleum Corp., N. Y. C.
MRS. JOHN S. BAUMAN, National Council of Women of U. S. A., N. Y. C.
MR. JAMES P. BAXTER, 3RD, President, Williams College, Williamstown, Mass.
MR. LEONARD B. BEACH, Dean, Graduate School, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.
MR. W. R. BEACH, Secretary, Gen. Conf. of Seventh Day Adventists, Takoma Park, Md.
MR. CHARLES E. BEARD, President, Braniff International Airways, Dallas, Texas
MR. GEORGE H. BECKER, JR., Spec. Asst. to Secy., Dept. of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
MR. RALPH BECKER, Washington, D. C.
MRS. OLIVE ANN BEECH, President, Beech Aircraft Corp., Wichita, Kansas
MRS. FREDERICK BEGGS, Washington, D. C.
DR. J. W. BEHNKEN, Pres., Missouri Synod of the Lutheran Church, St. Louis, Mo.
MRS. ALLISON BELL, American Association of University Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. DANIEL W. BELL, American Security and Trust Co., Washington, D. C.
MR. ELLIOTT V. BELL, Chairman, Exec. Comm. McGraw-Hill Publishing Co., N. Y. C.
MR. JOHN 0. BELL, Reg. Dir., Near East, ICA., Washington, D. C.
MISS LUCILLE BELL, American Association for U.N., Washington, D. C.
MRS. RACHEL BELL, Committee for National Foreign Trade Policy, Washington, D. C.
MRS. C. A. BENDER, Women's Division, Methodist Church, N. Y. C.
MR. ANDREW H. BERDING, Asst. Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
REAR ADMIRAL JOHN J. BERGEN, Navy League of the U. S., Washington, D. C.
MR. ELMER BERGER, Exec. Dir., American Council for Judaism, N. Y. C.
MISS BECKY BERGESEN, For America, Washington, D. C.
MR. VERNON E. BERGSTROM, Dir., Lutheran Refugee Service, New York, N. Y.
MR. HERBERT BERMAN, New York, N. Y.
MRS. L. H. BERNHEIM, Chairman, Women's Div., National Jewish Welfare Board, N. Y. C.
MR. SERVAAS BEURT, Indianapolis, Ind.
MR. ANDREW J. BIEMILLER, Director, AFL-CIO Legis. Dept., Washington, D. C.
MR. R. M. BINNEY, Vice President, For. Div., 1st National Bank of Boston, Boston, Mass.
DR. NORMA BIRD, Washington, D. C.
MR. KENNETH BIRKHEAD, American Veterans Committee, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM C. BIRTHRIGHT, AFL-CIO, Indianapolis, Indiana
MR. EUGENE W. BiscAiLuz, Sheriff, Los Angeles County, Los Angeles, California
MRS. MAURICE BISGYER, B'nai B'rith Women's Supreme Council, Washington, D. C.
MR. MAURICE BISGYER, Exec. Vice President, B'nai B'rith, Washington, D. C.
MRS. DONALD F. BISHOP, League of Women Voters, Philadelphia, Pa.
DR. DESMOND W. BITTINGER, Moderator, Brethren Service Commission, Elgin, Illinois
HON. EUGENE R. BLACK, Pres., Int'l Bank for Reconstruction & Develop., Wash., D. C.
PROF. JOHN D. BLACK, Economics of Agr., Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
MR. GILBERT E. BLACKFORD, Dir., Pub. Rel., Church World Service, N. Y. C.
MR. JUSTIN BLACKWELDER, Exec. Secy., Atlantic Union Committee, Washington, 1). C.
MR. WILLIAM MCC. BLAIR, Chicago, Ill.
MR. AND MRS. THOMAS D. BLAKE, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WERNER J. BLANCHARD, League of Women Voters, Dayton, Ohio
MR. RICHARD BLANDING, World Affairs Council of R. I., Providence, R. I.
MRS. SARAH G. BLANDING, President, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
MR. W. H. BLANDING, Exec. Secy., Toastmasters International, Santa Ana, California
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PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 97
MRS. PAUL BLANSHARD, Unitarian Fellowship for Social Justice, Washington, D. C.
MR. JACOB BLECHEISEN, Rosiclare Lead and Fluorspar Mining Co., Rosiclare, Illinois
MR. WILLIAM BLOCK, Publisher, Pittsburgh Post Gazette, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MISS MARGARET BLOCKER, Route 4, Hendersonville, North Carolina
DR. ROBERT BLUM, San Francisco, California
RABBI AARON H. BLUMENTHAL, Pres., Rabbinical Assembly of Amer., New York, N. Y.
MR. SAMUEL E. BOGLEY, Chevy Chase, Md.
MR. JESSE B. BOGUE, Exec. Secy., American Assn. of Junior Colleges, Washington, D. C.
MRS. RICHARD BOLLING, Washington, D. C.
MR. KENYON C. BOLTON, Cleveland Council on World Affairs, Cleveland, Ohio
MR. SANFORD H. BoLz, American Jewish Congress, Washington, D. C.
MR. HOWARD R. BOOZER, Acting Dir., Washington International Center, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH L. BORDA, Special Exec. Assistant, N.A.M., Washington, D. C.
REV. CHARLES F. Boss, JR., Gen. Secy., Methodist Church Bd. of World Peace, N. Y. C.
MR. RICHARD S. BOUTELLE, President, Fairchild Eng. & Airplane Corp., Hagerstown, Md.
MR. ROBERT G. BOWDLER, Salem-BrOS/US, Inc., Pittsburgh, Pa.
DR. JOHN G. BOWEN, Assistant Exec. Secy., National Council of Catholic Men, Wash., D. C.
MR. JAMES P. BRADLEY, Ware, Mass.
MR. RUSSELL L. BRADLEY, Exec. Dir. National Conf. of Christians & Jews, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH E. BRADY, AFL-CIO, Cincinnati, Ohio
DR. HELEN D. BRAGDON, Gen. Dir. American Assoc. of University Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. FREDERICK C. BRAMLAGE, Junction City, Kansas
HON. VANCE BRAND, Member, Board of Dir. of the Export-Import Bank, Washington, D. C.
COL. LYON W. BRANDON, Jackson, Mississippi
DR. HARVIE BRANSCOMB, Chancellor, Vanderbilt University, Nashville, Tenn.
MR. A. MARVIN BRAVERMAN, Washington, D. C.
MR. HOMER L. BRINKLEY, Exec. V. Pres., National Council of Farmer Co-op., Wash., D. C.
MR. ALBERT T. BROD, Washington, D. C.
DR. GEORGE BRODSCHI, Internat'l Center, University of Louisville, Louisville, Kentucky
MRS. -WRIGHT W. BROOKS, United Church Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. BENJAMIN H. BROWN, Council on World Affairs, Cleveland, Ohio
MR. CECIL BROWN, Pres., Overseas Press Club, New York, N. Y.
DR. FRANCIS J. BROWN, American Council on Education, Washington, D. C.
MR. GEORGE T. BROWN, Assistant to the President, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. LOUIS M. BROWN, President, Eberhard Faber Pencil Co., Wilkes-Barre, Pa.
MRS. ROLLIN BROWN, President, National Congress of Parents and Teachers, Chicago, ill.
MRS. RUDD BROWN, La Canada, California
MR. S. PERRY BROWN, Beaumont, Texas
MR. SEVELLON BROWN, III, Editor, Providence Journal, Providence, R. I.
HON. WILBUR M. BRUCKER, Secy. of the Army, Washington, D. C.
HON. C. FARRIS BRYANT, Ocala, Florida
MAJ. GEN. KENNETH BUCHANAN, Washington, D. C.
MISS PEARL S. BUCK, Perkasie, Pa.
MR. ROY J. BULLOCK, Arlington, Va.
HON. RALPH J. BUNCHE, United Nations, N. Y. C.
MR. EARL BUNTING, Dir., O'Sullivan Rubber Corp., Washington, D. C.
MR. BERNARD BURFORD, Secretary, Optimist International, St. Louis, Mo.
ADM. ARLEIGH BURKE, Chief of Naval Operations, Washington, D. C.
MR. WM. J. BURKE, Lake Katrine, Ulster County, New York
MR. FREDERICK BURKHARDT, President, American Council of Learned Societies, N. Y. C.
MRS. RUTH BURLESON, Washington, D. C.
DR. ARTHUR E. BURNS, George Washington University, Washington, D. C.
MR. ALLAN J. BURRY, International Affairs, National Council Churches of Christ, N. Y. C.
MR. HARMON BURNS, JR., Catholic Assn. for International Peace, Washington, D. C.
DR. FREDERICK S. BUSHMEYER, Nat'l Council of Churches of Christ of U. S. A., Wash., D. C.
MR. ROBERT H. BUSH, Des Moines, Iowa
MR. HERBERT BUSCHMAN, The LeTourneau Co., Longview, Texas
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MR. JULIUS N. CAHEN, Bethesda, Maryland
MRS. MOISE S. CAHN, President, National Council of Jewish Women, N. Y. C.
DR. GORDON M. CAIRNS, Dean of Agriculture, Maryland University, College Park, Md.
MR, HARRY B. CALDWELL, Greensboro, North Carolina
MR. JOHN T. CALDWELL, President, University of Arkansas, Fayetteville, Arkansas
DR. C. WILLARD CAMALIER, Assistant Secy., American Dental Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMESON G. CAMPAIGNE, Indianapolis Star, Indianapolis, Ind.
MR. A. BOYD CAMPBELL, Chairman of the Bd., Miss. School Supply Co., Jackson, Miss.
MR. CARL C. CAMPBELL, For. Trade Div., Nat'l. Cot. Council of America, Memphis, Tenn.
MR. KENNETH H. CAMPBELL, Manager, For. Commerce, C of C of the U. S., Wash., D. C.
MR. WALLACE J. CAMPBELL, Cooperative League of the U. S. A., Washington, D. C.
MR. CASS CANFIELD, Harper Bros., Mt. Kisco, New York
MR. ERWIN D. CANHAM, Editor, The Christian Science Monitor, Boston, Mass.
MR. FRANK CAPRA, Hollywood, California
MR. JAMES B. CAREY, Pres., Intern. Union of Elec. Radio & Mach. Workers, Wash., D. C.
MR. C. EMANUEL CARLSON, Exec. Secy., Baptist Joint Com. on Pub. Affairs, Wash., D. C.
COL. JoHN T. CARLTON, Reserve Officers Assoc. of the U.S.A., Washington, D. C.
MR. OLIVER CARMICHAEL, Fund for the Advancement of Edu., Asheville, N. C.
VERY REV. EDWARD J. CARNEY, 0.S.A., Lawrence, Mass.
MR. CLAUDE CARPENTER, JR., Adm. Asst. to the Governor, Little Rock, Ark.
MR. ROBERT K. CARR, American Assn. of University Professors, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM G. CARR, Exec. Secy., Nat'l Educ. Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. RAFAEL CARRION, JR., Pres., Banco Popular de Puerto Rico, San Juan, P. R.
MR. EDWARD W. CARTER, President, Broadway-Hale Stores, Los Angeles, California
DR. E. FINLEY CARTER, Director of Research, Stanford Research Center, Menlo Park, Cal.
MR. UGO CARUSI, Washington, D. C.
MR. RALPH E. CASEY, President, American Merchant Marine Institute, N. Y. C.
MR. JAY H. CERF, Foreign Policy Clearing House, Washington, D. C.
COMDR. A. W. CHAPIN, Pres., Naval Reserve Assn., Washington, D. C.
MR. DAVID B. CHARNAY, Allied Public Relations Associates, N. Y. C.
MR. FRANK M. CHARRETTE, Dir., Off. of Statistics & Reports, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. M. A. CHASE, Exec. Secy., American Ethical Union, N. Y. C.
MR. BENJAMIN H. CHASIN, National Commander, Jewish War Veterans, Washington, D. C.
MAJ. GEN. C. W. CHRISTENBERRY, U.S.A. (Ret.), Pres., Amer. Korean Fndn., N. Y. C.
MISS ESTHER CHRISTIANSEN, Altrusa International, Washington, D. C.
MR. YAROSLAV CHYZ, Assoc. Dir., Common Council for American Unity, N.Y.C.
MR. R. D. CHUMNEY, Richmond, Va.
MR. WARREN I. CIKINS, Washington, D. C.
DR. DALE D. CLARK, Farmington, Utah.
I\4R. G. RUSSELL CLARK, Executive Manager, American Bankers Assn., N. Y. C.
MR. KENNETH CLARK, Motion Picture Assn. of America, Washington, D. C.
DR. J. CALVITT CLARKE, Inel Dir., Christian Children's Fund, Richmond, Va.
MR. HENRY B. CLAY, Shreveport, La.
MR. PHILANDER P. CLAXTON, JR., Legis. Mgmt. Off., Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. PETER H. CLAYTON, Chicago, Illinois
MR. DONALD F. CLIFFORD, Exec. Vice President, U. S. Nat'l Student Assn., Wash., D. C.
MR. DAVID H. CLIFT, Exec. Secy., American Library Assoc., Chicago, Illinois
DR. EVERETT R. CLINCHY, President, Nat'l Conf. of Christians & Jews, N. Y. C.
MR. ROYAL CLOYD, Council of Liberal Churches, Boston, Mass.
MR. AND MRS. ERLE COCKE, JR., Atlanta, Ga.
MR. HARRY B. COFFEE, President, Union Stock Yards Co. of Omaha, Omaha, Neb.
MR. BERNARD J. COGAN, American Veterans Committee, Washington, D. C.
MR. BENJAMIN V. COHEN, Washington, D. C.
MR. DAVID L. COHN, Washington, D. C.
MR. LESTER L. COLBERT, President, Chrysler Corporation, Detroit, Mich.
MR. ALBERT L. COLE, President, Boys Clubs of America, N. Y. C.
MR. CLARENCE L. COLEMAN, JR., President, American Council for Judaism, N. Y. C.
MR. THOMAS P. COLLIER, Vice Pres., Bruce Payne dr Assoc., Chicago, Ill.
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MR. SEABORN P. COLLINS, Las Cruces, New Mexico
MR. GERHARD COLM, Nat'l Planning Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. HENRY STEELE COMMAGER, Amherst College & Columbia Univ., N. Y. C.
MR. BERNARD CONFER, New York, N. Y.
MRS. EmmA L. CONLON, President, Zonta International, Chicago, Illinois
MR. ARTHUR J. CONNELL, Middletown, Conn.
MR. EDGAR H. COOK, National President, Fleet Reserve Assoc., Washington, D. C.
GENERAL ORVAL R. COOK, President, Aircraft Industries Assoc. of America, Wash., D. C.
MR. ALISTAIR COOKE, Manchester Guardian, Long Island, N. Y.
MR. ROBERT T. CORBIN, Regular Veterans Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. PHILIP CORTNEY, President, Coty International Corp., N. Y. C.
MR. GLENN M. COULTER, American Bar Association, Detroit, Michigan
MR. NORMAN COUSINS, Editor, Saturday Review of Literature, Norwalk, Conn.
MRS. J. CHEEVER COWDIN, New York, N. Y.
MR. MYRON M. COWEN, Washington, D. C.
MRS. MYRON COWEN, Washington, D. C.
MR. GARDNER COWLES, President, Cowles Magazines, N. Y. C.
LT. COL. HOWARD E. Cox, Military Order of the World Wars, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WAYNE COY, Committee for a Nat'l Foreign Trade Policy, Washington, D. C.
Gov. GEORGE N. CRAIG, Washington, D. C.
MR. BOYD CRAWFORD, Falls Church, Va.
MR. A. LUKE CRISPE, Brattleboro, Vermont
MR. JAMES M. CROWE, American Chemical Society, Washington, D. C.
MRS. HARRIETT S. CROWLEY, Washington, D. C.
COL. PAUL H. CULLEN, Secy., Council on Foreign Ec. Pol., The White House
MR. CLAUD CURLIN, United World Federalists, Washington, D. C.
COL. ROBERT CUSHMAN, Office of the Vice President of the United States, Wash., D. C.
REV. EDWIN T. DAHLBERG, Pres., Nat'l Council of Churches of Christ, St. Louis, Mo.
MR. WILLIAM B. DALE, Stanford Research Institute, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM DALTON, Vice President, American Society of Assoc. Exec., Chicago, Ill.
MR. JOHN DALY, Vice President, ABC, N. Y. C.
DR. ROBERT P. DANIEL, President, Virginia State College, Petersburg, Va.
MR. W. C. DANIEL, Dan River Mills, Danville, Va.
MR. RUDOLPH T. DANSTEDT, Nat'l Assoc., of Social Workers, Washington, D. C.
MR. VAN B. DARBY, Atlanta Chamber of Commerce, Atlanta, Ga.
MR. CARTER L. DAVIDSON, Dir., Chicago Council on Foreign Rel., Chicago, Illinois
RABBI MAX D. DAVIDSON, Vice Pres., Synagogue Council of America, N. Y. C.
MRS. CAMILLE DAVIED, Executive Editor, McCall's Magazine, N. Y. C.
MR. BERTRAM G. DAVIS, American Legion, Washington, D. C.
MRS. CLIFFORD DAVIS, Washington, D. C.
DR. JOSEPH S. DAVIS, Member, Council of Economic Advisers, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WILL B. DAVIS, Church of Christ Scientist, Boston, Mass.
MR. DONALD S. DAWSON, Trenton, N. J.
MR. JAMES V. DAY, Dir. of Public Relations, The American Legion, Washington, D. C.
MR. PETER DAY, President, Associated Church Press, N. Y. C.
MR. JOSEPH B. DE COLA, Young Republican Nat'l Federation, Washington, D. C.
MR. H. ARMAND DEMASI, Journal American, N. Y. C.
MR. ROBERT E. DERIGHT, E. I. Dupont de Nemours, Wilmington, Del.
MR. GEORGE C. DENNEY, JR., Washington, D. C.
MISS FAUSTINE DENNIS, Treasurer, D.A.R., Washington, D. C.
MR. WAYNE DENNY, Colo. State Chamber of Commerce, Cortex Colorado
MR. JOHN DENSON, Newsweek, N. Y. C.
MR. THOMAS E. DEWEY, New York, N. Y.
MRS. EDISON DICK, Lake Forest, Illinois
MRS. FRANCES W. DIEHL, San Francisco, Cal.
MR. GEORGE J. DIETZ, American Farm Bureau Federation, Washington, D. C.
HON. C. DOUGLAS DILLON, Deputy Under Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
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100 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. GEORGE DIXON, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH M. DODGE, Chairman of the Board, Detroit Bank and Trust, Detroit, Mich.
MR. WILLIAM C. DOHERTY, President, Nat'l Assoc. of Letter Carriers, Washington, 1). C.
MR. JOHN F. DONNELLY, Holland, Michigan
MR. C. LEROY DOTY, JR., Exec. Secy., Bethren Service Commission, Washington, D. C.
MISS BARBARA DOUGLAS, Washington, D. C.
MRS. BETTY J. DOUGLAS, League of Women Voters, Washington, D. C.
MR. INMAN H. DOUGLASS, Manager, Wash. Comm. on Pub. Church of Christ Scientist, D. C.
MR. DAN B. DOWLING, President, American Assoc. of Editorial Cartoonists, N. Y. C.
MR. ROBERT W. DOWLING, President, City Investing Company, N. Y. C.
MR. MoRnmER D. DOYLE, Exec. Vice President, Nat'l Lumber Mfg. Assn., Wash., I). C.
MISS DIXIE DRAKE, League of Women Voters, Bloomington, Indiana
MR. ROSCOE DRUMMOND, New York Herald Tribune, Washington, D. C.
MRS. RICHARD DUDMAN, Washington, D. C.
Mits. VioLETT P. DUFFIE, WAC-VETS Association, Silver Spring, Maryland
COL. JOHN J. DUFFY, National War College, Washington, D. C.
MR. IVY W. DUGGAN, Atlanta, Ga.
MR. JEROME F. DUGGAN, Saint Louis, Mo.
HON. ALLEN W. DULLES, Dir., Central Intelligence Agency, Washington, D. C.
THE SECRETARY OF STATE AND MRS. JOHN FOSTER DULLES, Washington, D. C.
MRS. MILTON DUNN, League of Women Voters, Washington, D. C.
MR. READ P. DUNN, JR., Nat'l Cotton Council of America, Memphis, Tenn.
MR. STEPHEN F. DUNN, Nat'l Assoc. of Manufacturers, Washington, D. C.
MRS. PATRICIA DURNING, Panorama Heights, Longmont, Colo.
MRS. ROY S. DURSTINE, New York, N. Y.
MR. WILLIAM DWIGHT, President, American Newspaper Pub. Assoc., Holyoke, Mass.
MRS. HAROLD D. DYKE, League of Women Voters, Syracuse, N. Y.
DR. CLIFFORD EARLE, Bd. of Christian Edu. Presbyterian Church in U. S., Phila., Pa.
MR. JOHN EDELMAN, Textile Workers of America, Washington, D. C.
MR. PETER EDSON, Newspaper Enterprise Association, Washington, D. C.
MRS. INDIA EDWARDS, Washington, D. C.
MR. CLARK M. EICHELBERGER, Exec. Dir. An2ericart Assoc. for the UN, N. Y. C.
HON. DWIGHT D. EISENHOWER, President of the United States, Washington, D. C.
DR. MILTON S. EISENHOWER, President, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
MR. C. BURKE ELBRICK, Assistant Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
DR. PAUL E. ELICKER, Exec. Secy., Nat'l Assn. Secondary School Principals, Wash., D. C.
MR. JOHN ELLIS, Editor, Fort Worth Star Telegram, Fort Worth, Texas
MR. GEORGE M. ELSEY, American Nat'l Red Cross, Washington, D. C.
DR. JOHN F. ENDERS, Harvard University, Brookline, Mass.
MR. IRVING M. ENGEL, President, American Jewish Committee, N. Y. C.
MR. SAMUEL G. ENGEL, President, Screen Producers Guild, Beverly Hills, California
MR. GROVER W. ENSLEY, Exec. Dir. National Assoc. of Mutual Savings Banks, N. Y. C.
MRS. E. ARTHUR EVANS, Miami, Florida
MR. L. M. EVANS, President, Nat'l Small Businessmen's Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MISS MARY EVANS, Washington, D. C.
DR. RICHARD M. FAGLEY, Comm. of the Churches on International Affairs, N. Y. C.
MR. KENNETH RAY FARABEE, President, U. S. Nat'l Student Association, Austin, Texas
MR. WILLIAM T. FARICY, President, Assoc. of American Railroads, Wash., D. C.
MRS. JOSEPH R. FARRINGTON, Honolulu Star Bulletin, Honolulu, T. H.
MRS. ALBERT E. FARWELL, Nat'l Congress of Parents and Teachers, Washington, D. C.
MR. B. P. FAUBION, National Council of YMCAs, New York, N. Y.
MR. ABRAHAM FEINBERG, Chm. of the Board, Julius Kayser Co., New York, N. Y.
DR. ABRAHAM J. FELDMAN, Temple Beth Israel, Hartford, Conn.
MAJ. GEN. HERMAN FELDMAN, Exec. Vice President, Quartermaster Assoc., Wash., D. C.
MR. HAROLD E. FELLOWS, President, Nat'l Assoc. Radio & TV Broadcasters, Wash., D. C.
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DR. DOROTHY B. FEREBEE, Nat'l Council of Negro Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. C. M. FERGUSON, Dir. of Extension Work, Four H Club, Washington, D. C.
JUDGE HOMER FERGUSON, Washington, D. C.
MR. FRANK FERREE, Pres., Volunteer Border Relief, Harlingen, Texas
Miss MuRiEL FERRIS, League of Women Voters, McLean, Va.
DR. LEON I. FEUER, Rabbi, Chmn., Central Conf. of American Rabbis, Toledo, Ohio
MR. MOSES I. FEUERSTEIN, Pres., Union of Orth. Jewish Congr. of Amer., N. Y. C.
MR. TED FIEDLER, Nat'l Assn. of Wheat Growers, Dodge City, Kans.
DR. R. R. FIGUHR, President, Gen. Conf. of Seventh Day Adventists, Takoma Pk., Md.
MISS ELEANOR H. FINCH, Exec. Dir. American Society of Intern. Law, Washington, D. C.
DR. D. A. FITZGERALD, Deputy Dir. Operations, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM FITZGERALD, Spec. Asst. to Director, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. HARRY W. FLANNERY, Catholic Assn. for Int'l Peace, Washington, D. C.
MISS DORIS FLEESON, United Features Syndicate, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN T. FLEETWOOD, Tribune Publishing Company, Cartersville, Ga.
MR. CHARLES FOLTZ, JR., U. S. News and World Report, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT C. FOLIVELL, III, Friends' Peace Committee, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. EVON FORD, Tay/OFR/Hie, Miss.
MR. HENRY FORD, II, President, Ford Motor Company, Dearborn, Mich.
MR. W. W. FORSTER, Editor, Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MISS MARGARET E. FORSYTH, Y.W.C.A. World Emergency Fund, New York, N. Y.
MR. ABE FORTAS, Washington, D. C.
MR. PETER Fosco, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
GOVERNOR JOE Foss, Pierre, South Dakota
MR. WILLIAM C. FOSTER, Exec. Vice President, Olin Mathieson Chem. Corp., Wash., D. C.
REV. GORDON H. FOURNIER, Society for the Propagation of the Faith, Washington, D. C.
MR. CODY FOWLER, Tampa, Florida
DR. EDGAR FOWLER, Chevy Chase, Md.
MR. FRED C. FOY, President, Koppers Company, Inc., Pittsburgh, Pa.
MR. ARTHUR B. FOYE, Pres., Far East Am. Council Commerce & Industry, N. Y. C.
HON. CLARENCE FRANCIS, New York, N. Y.
MR. GEORGE S. FRANKLIN, JR., Council on Foreign Relations, N. Y. C.
MR. ROBERT W. FRASE, Amer. Book Publishers Council, Washington, D. C.
MR. Lows E. FRECHTLING, Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. GEORGE FREDERICK, Brighton, Mass.
MR. ALLEN I. FREEHLING, Miami, Fla.
GOVERNOR AND MRS. ORVILLE FREEMAN, St. Paul, Minnesota
MR. RICHARD W. FREEMAN, New Orleans, La.
MRS. ELEANOR CLARK FRENCH, New York, N. Y.
DR. MIRIAM FREUND, President, Hadassah, Women's Zionist Org. of America, N. Y. C.
MR. LEOPOLD FRIEDMAN, Loews' Theatres, Inc., N. Y. C.
MRS. ALFRED FRIENDLY, Washington, D. C.
MR. CLAYTON FRITCHEY, Northern Virginia Sun, Washington, D. C.
MR. NOLEN J. FUQUA, President, Nat'l Assoc. of Soil Conservation Dist., Duncan, Okla.
MR. ROBERT P. FUREY, Vice President, Foreign Division, The Hanover Bank, N. Y. C.
MRS. IRENE McCoy GAINES, Pres., Nat'l Assoc. of Col. Women's Clubs, Chicago, Ill.
MR. H. ROWAN GAITHER, New York, N. Y.
DR. WALTER GALLAN, Pres., United Ukrainian Amer. Relief Comm., Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. FREDERIC R. GAMBLE, Pres., Amer. Assoc. of Advertising Agencies, N. Y. C.
MISS ELIZABETH M. GARBER, League of Women Voters, Washington, D. C.
MR. PHILIP GAREY, Vice Pres., Council Internat'l Progress in Management, N. Y. C.
MR. ROBERT L. GARNER, President, International Finance Corp., Washington, D. C.
MR. B. A. GARSIDE, Exec. Dir., Aid Refugee Chinese Intellectuals, Inc., N. Y. C.
MRS. MARGARET GARY, Exec. Editor, Woman's Day, N. Y. C.
HON. THOMAS S. GATES, JR., Secy. of the Navy, Washington, D. C.
MR. BOB GEERDES, The L'eTourneau Co., Longview, Texas
MISS OLGA B. GECHAS, U. S. Comm. for the United Nations, Washington, D. C.
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102 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. GEORGE S. GEFFS, Janesville, Wisconsin
MR. THEODORE GEIGER, Natl. Planning Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. STANLEY GERWITZ, Vice Pres., Air Transport Co., Washington, D. C.
MR. RICHARD G. GETTELL, President, Mt. Holyoke College, South Hadley, Mass.
MR. STANLEY GEWIRTZ, Vice Pres., Air Transport Assn., Washington, D. C.
DR. RAY GIBBONS, Cong. Christian Church Council for Social Action, N. Y. C.
MR. WILLIAM CONRAD GIBBONS, Am. Pol. Science Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MRS. PETER GIBSON, President, National Fed. of Republican Women, Washington, D. C.
DR. WELDON B. GIBSON, Stanford Research Institute, Menlo Park, Cal.
MISS CHLOE GIFFORD, First Vice President, General Fed. of Women's Clubs, Wash., D. C.
MR. DONALD H. GILL, Asst. Sec. of Pub. Affairs, Natl. Assoc. of Evangelicals, Wash., D. C.
MR. MICHAEL D. GILL, Republican National Committee, Washington, D. C.
DR. BEULAH GILLASPIE, President, American Home Economics Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MRS. ELSIE GILMORE, Lavonia, Mich.
MR. JOHN S. GLEASON, jk., Natl. Commander, American Legion, Indianapolis, Ind.
MR. EDMUND J. GLEAZER, JR., President, Amer. Assoc. of Junior Colleges, Wash., D. C.
MR. PHILIP M. GLICK, Washington, D. C.
MRS. JESSIE GNESHIN, Natl. Ladies Aux., Jewish War Veterans, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHAS. H. GODSOE, Nat'l Sec. Propeller Club of the United States, N. Y. C.
MR. JOHN H. GOFF, Chairman, World Trade Council, Atlanta Chamber, Atlanta, Ga.
DR. ROBERT F. GOHEEN, President, Princeton University, Princeton, N. J.
MR. ROBT. L. GOLDBERG, N. Cen. Assn. of Colleges & Sec. Schools, Chicago, Ill.
MR. RICHARD P. GOL1CK, Nat'l Com., Military Order of the Purple Heart, Wash., D. C.
MRS. MAURICE S. GOODMAN, Carrie Chapman Catt Memorial Fund, N. Y. C.
MR. NATHANIEL H. GoomuctL American Jewish Committee, Washington, D. C.
MISS DOROTHY GORDON, New York Times Youth Forum, N. Y. C.
MR. BERNARD Y. GOTO, Univ. of Hawaii, Honoitlit, T. H.
MR. BRUCE GOULD, Ladies Home Journal, New York, N. Y.
MRS. BEATRICE BLACK-MAR GOULD, Editor, Ladies Home Journal, Philadelphia, Pa.
MISS MARTHA GRAHAM, New York, N. Y.
MR. WILLIAM L. GRAHAM, Wichita, Kansas
MR. LESTER B. GRANGER, President, The Urban League, N. Y. C.
MR. THEODORE GRANIK, Director, American Forum of the Air, Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMES F. GREEN, Omaha, Nebr.
MISS PHYLLIS GREENE, Assoc. Editor, Inter. Review Service, United Nations, N. Y. C.
MRS. VINCENT L. GREENE, Dorchester, Mass.
MRS. ALBERT M. GREENFIELD, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. PAUL H. GRIFFITH, Washington, D. C.
MR. MELVILLE BELL GROSVENOR, Pres. and Editor, National Geographic, Wash., D. C.
MR. WALTER GRUBER, Lakenburg Thalmann & Co., N. Y. C.
GEN. ALFRED M. GRUENTHER, President, American National Red Cross, Wash., D. C.
MRS. BARBARA GUNDERSON, Rapid City, S. Dak.
MRS. OSCAR GUNDERSON, Waukegan, Ill.
MRS. WILLIAM S. GUTWILLIG, New York, N. Y.
MR. H. W. HAI.GHT, President, Creole Petroleum Corp., Caracas, Venezuela
RIGHT REV. HENRY M. HALD, Pres., Nat'l Catholic Educ. Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. RADFORD HALL, Exec. Sec., Nat'l Cattlemen's Assn., Denver, CO/0.
MR. ROBERT S. HALL, McKinsey & Company, Inc., Washington, D. C.
DR. WILTON L. HALVERSON, Glendale, Cal.
MR. GOVE HAMBIDGE, Exec. Secy., Soc. for Internat'l Development, Kensington, Md.
MR. CLAUDE A. HAMILTON, Sioux Falls, S. D.
LADY MALCOLM DOUGLAS-HAMILTON, Western World Magazine, N. Y. C.
MR. E. A. HAMMESFAHR, National Industrial Conference Board, N. Y. C.
MR. JAMES HAND, Rolling Ford, Miss.
DR. EMERSON G. HANGEN, First Congregational Church, Long Beach, Cal.
MR. THOMAS HANLON, Washington, D. C.
MRS. FRANK S. HANNA, President, Assoc. of Junior Leagues of America, N. Y. C.
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MR. JOHN A. HANNAH, President, Michigan State University, East Lansing, Mich.
MR. ELLIOTT S. HANSON, Peola Mills, Va.
DR. CHARLES M. HARDIN, Univ. of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.
MR. MURRAY GLENN HARDING, Exec. Dir., Koinonia Foundation, Pikesville, Md.
MR. HENRY HARNISCHFEGER, Exec. Vice-Pres., Harnischfeger Corp., Milwaukee, Wisc.
DR. M. T. HARRINGTON, Pres., Texas A. & M., College Station, Texas
MR. AND MRS. J. RAMSAY HARRIS, Denver, Colo.
DR. RUFUS C. HARRIS, President, Tulane University, New Orleans, La.
MR. WHITNEY R. HARRIS, Southwestern Bell Telephone Co., Dallas, Texas
DR. EDWIN D. HARRISON, President, Georgia Institute of Technology, Atlanta, Ga.
MRS. FLORENCE L. HARRISON, Washington, D. C.
MR. GEORGE M. HARRISON, Pres., Brotherhood of Railway Clerks, Cincinnati, Ohio
MR. AND MRS. GILBERT A. HARRISON, Washington, D. C.
HON. R. D. HARRISON, Norfolk, Nebraska
MR. SELIG S. HARRISON, New Republic Magazine, Washington, D. C.
MAJ. GEN. WILLIAM H. HARRISON, JR., Nat'l Guard Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. LUKE E. HART, Supreme Knight, Knights of Columbus, New Haven, Conn.
MR. ROBERT W. HARTLEY, Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C.
MR. EDMUND HARTMANN, Pres., Writers Guild of America, West, Hollywood, Cal.
MR. A. F. HARTUNG, Pres., Int'l Woodworkers of America, Portland, Ore.
MR. CURTIS HATCH, Pres., Wisconsin Farm Bureau Fed., Madison, Wis.
MR. WILLIAM F. HAUCK, Asst. Nat'l Adjutant,,American Legion, Washington, D. C.
MR. H. FIELD HAVILAND, JR., Brookings Institution, Washington, D. C.
MR. DAVID P. HAXTON, Sec. Gen., Junior Chamber International, Miami Beach, Fla.
MR. A. J. HAYES, President, Int'l Assoc. of Machinists, Washington, D. C.
MR. SAMUEL P. HAYES, JR., Fndn. for Research on Human Behavior, Ann Arbor, Mich.
MR. KIT H. HAYNES, Dir. of Information, Nat'l Council of Farmer Coop., Wash., D. C.
MR. PATRICK HEALEY, JR., Exec. Director, American Municipal Assoc., Wash., D. C.
MR. AUGUST HECKSCHER, Director, The Twentieth Century Fund, New York, N. Y.
MISS DOROTHY HEIGHT, Pres., National Council of Negro Women, Washington, D. C.
HON. Lo Y W. HENDERSON, Deputy Under Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROY F. HENDRICKSON, Exec. Sec., Nat'l Fed. of Grain Cooperatives, Wash., D. C.
MR. RAY HENLE, Three Star Extra, Washington, D. C.
MR. LAURIN L. HENRY, BrOOkinTh Institution, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WILLIAM HENRY, Dir., Nat'l Cong. of Col. Parents & Teachers, Dover, Del.
MR. ALFRED 0. HERO, Exec. Sec., World Peace Foundation, Boston, Mass.
MR. W. R. HEROD, Pres., International General Electric Company, N. Y. C.
MR. JOHN HERSEY, Southport, Conn.
MR. ARTHUR HERTZBERG, Temple Emanuel, Englewood, N. J.
LT. GEN. LEWIS B. HERSHEY, Director, Selective Service, Bethesda, Md.
HON. CHRISTIAN A. HERTER, Under Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. DUMOND PECK HILL, Alexandria, Va.
MRS. EDWIN I. HILSON, New York., N. V.
MR. THOMAS D. HINTON, Marsh & McLennan, Inc., Boston, Mass.
RT. REV. MGSR. FREDERICK G. HOCHWALT, Sec. Nat'l Cath. Edu. Assn., Washington, D. C.
MRS. CLARE GIANNINI HOFFMAN, San Mateo, Cal.
MR. MICHAEL L. HOFFMAN, Int'l Bank for Reconstruction & Development, Wash., D. C.
MR. PAUL G. HOFFMAN, Pasadena, California
MR. BRYCE P. HOLCOMBE, AFL-CIO, Lafayette, Ind.
MR. JOHN R. HOLDEN, National Commander, AMVETS, Washington, D. C.
MR. HENRY F. HOLLAND, New York, N. Y.
MR. EDWARD D. HOLLANDER, ADA, Washington, D. C.
MR. PAT M. HOLT, Bethesda, Md.
DR. H. C. HONNEGER, President, Pestalozzi Foundation, N. V. C.
MISS VADA HORSCH, Nat'l Assoc. of Manufacturers, N. Y. C.
MISS MILDRED HORTON, Exec. Secy., American Home Econ. Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. LEWIS M. HOSKINS, Exec. Secy. Friends Service Committee, Philadelphia, Pa.
MISS ALMA A. HOSTETLER, Washington, D. C.
MR. PARIS HOUSTON, Falls Church, Va.
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104 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. GENE HOWARD, National Executive Director, AM VETS, Washington, D. C.
MRS. I. RAY HOWARD, Exec. Secy., Maryland Council on World Affairs, Baltimore, Md.
GENERAL RAYMOND F. HUFFT, New Orleans, La.
MR. JOHN D. HUGHES, Indianapolis, Ind.
MRS. MILDRED HUGHES, Vice Pres., Far East-America Coun. of Com. & Ind., N. Y. C.
MR. THOMAS R. HUGHES, Minneapolis, Minn.
MR. RICHARD A. HUMPHREY, Amer. Council on Education, Washington, D. C.
MR. REED 0. HUNT, Exec. Vice President, Crown Zellerbach Corp., San Francisco, Cal.
MR. JAMES H. HUNTER, President, Amer. Textile Machinery Co., North Adams, Mass.
MR. RICHARD A. HUNTER, Amer. Textile Machinery Assn., North Adams, Mass.
DR. ROBERT M. HUTCHINS, Fund for the Republic, New York, N. Y.
MR. JOHN B. HUTSON, Washington, D. C.
MR. GLENN A. HUTT, President, Armed Forces Chemical Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. ARTHUR C. HYDE, Rockville, Md.
MRS. MCCALL IMES, Pres., Federation of Women's Clubs of D. C., Wash., D. C.
MRS. JAMES W. IRWIN, YWCA, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN N. IRWIN 11, Dep. Asst. Secy. of Defense, Washington, D. C.
MR. ERNEST IVES, Chicago, Ill.
DR. HOMER A. JACK, Unitarian Church, Evanston, Ill.
DR. ORRIS E. JACKSON, United Spanish War Veterans, Washington, D. C.
MRS. BETTY M. JACOB, Swarthmore, Pa.
MR. BERNATH L. JACOBS, President United Synagogue of America, N. Y. C.
MR. GUILFORD S. JAMESON, Dep. Dir., Congressional Relations, ICA, Wash., D. C.
MR. CHRISTOPHER G. JANus, Bache and Company, Chicago, Ill.
REV. LONGINAS JANKUS, Exec. Dir., United Lithuanian Relief Fund, Brooklyn, N. Y
MR. BENJAMIN A. JAVITS, New York, N. Y.
MR. W. RICHARD JEEVES, Vice President, Parke, Davis and Co., Detroit, Mich.
MR. JACK T. JENNINGS, Cooperative League of the U. S. A., Chicago, Ill.
MR. W. CROFT JENNINGS, Columbia, S. C.
MR. FINN B. JENSEN, Prof. of Economics, Lehigh University, Bethelhen2, Pa.
MISS FLORENCE H. JENSEN, National President, Woodmen Circle, Omaha, Neb.
MR. SAUL E. JovrEs, B'nai B'rith, Washington, D. C.
MRS. LOUISE M. JOHN, West Chester, Pa.
MR. HOWARD C. JOHNSON, Asst. to Chairman, U. S. Steel Corp., New York, N. Y.
BISHOP JAS. T. JOHNSON, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Wash., D. C.
MR. JOHN H. JOHNSON, President & Editor, Johnson Publishing. Co., Inc., Chicago, Ill.
DR. JOSEPH E. JOHNSON, President Carnegie Endowment for Int'l Peace, New York, N. V.
COLONEL LOUIS JOHNSON, Council of National Organizations, Washington, D. C.
DR. MORDECAI W. JOHNSON, President, Howard University, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLARD JOHNSON, National Student Assn., UCLA, Los Angeles, Calif.
HON. AND MRS. ERIC JOHNSTON, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM H. JOHNSTONE, Bethlehem Steel Co., Bethlehem, Pa.
MR. LEWIS -WEBSTER JONES, President, Rutgers University, New Brunswick, N. J.
MR. BRYCE M. JORDAN, Maine Potato Growers, Inc., Presque Isle, Maine
MISS BERTHA C. JOSEPH, Washington, D. C.
MR. E. A. JYRONG, Napa, Calif.
DR. ELIZABETH S. KAHLER, President, Amer. Medical Women's Assn., New York, N. Y.
MR. EDGAR F. KAISER, President, Kaiser Motors Corp., Toledo, Ohio
MR. GARFIELD I. KASS, Washington, D. C.
RABBI JAY KAUFMAN, Union of Amer. Hebrew Congregations, New York, N. Y.
MR. DANNY KAYE, Beverly Hills, California
MR. IRA D. KAYE, San Pedro, Calif.
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HON. HENRY KEARNS, Asst. Secy. of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
MR. J. WARD KEENER, President B. F. Goodrich Co., Akron, Ohio
DR. WARD KEESECKER, Berkley Springs, West Virginia
MR. HAROLD B. KEIR, Conn. Council of Churches, Hartford, Conn.
MRS. AVONNE EYRE KELLER, Nat'l Cartoonists Soc., N. Y. C.
SENATOR ROGERS KELLEY, Edinburg, Texas
MR. GEORGE J. KELLY, American Bankers Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. HARRY X. KELLY, President Mississippi Shipping Company, New Orleans, La.
MRS. J. PAT KELLY, President American Legion Auxiliary, Indianapolis, Indiana
JUDGE RAYMOND J. KELLY, Federal Court, Juneau, Alaska
MR. ROBERT F. KELLY, Washington, D. C.
MRS. RUBY M. KENDRICK, National Assn. of Colored Women's Clubs, Wash., D. C.
MR. I. L. KENEN, Ex. Dir. American Zionist Council, Washington, D. C.
MRS. GOLDIE KENNEDY, Ventura, California
MR. ROGER G. KENNEDY, Ex. Dir., Dallas Council on World Affairs, Dallas, Texas
MR. MEYER KESTNBAUM, Pres., Hart Schaffner & Marx, Chicago, Illinois
MR. FRANK S. K.ETCHAM, Washington, D. C.
MR. OMAR B. KETCHUM, Veterans of Foreign Wars, Washington, D. C.
MR. LEON KEYSERLING, Washington, D. C.
DR. J. R. KILLIAN, JR., Spec. Asst. to President for Science & Technology, Wash., D. C.
MR. GEORGE KILLION, American President Lines, San Francisco, Calif.
DR. HAROLD C. KILPATRICK, Exec. Secy., Texas Council of Churches, Austin, Texas
MR. MONROE KIMBRELL, American Bankers Association, Thomson, Ga.
MR. G. KINDERMAN, Assemblies of God, New York, N. Y.
MR. HOWARD C. KINGDOM, Conneaut, Ohio
REVEREND BYON W. K1NLAW, Third Street Baptists Church, Dayton, Ohio
MR. WILLIAM T. KIRK, Internat. Social Service, New York, N. Y.
DR. GRAYSON KIRK, President Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
MRS. LYNN KIRK, Amer. Assn. for the UN, Washington, D. C.
MR. E. M. KIRKPATRICK, American Political Science Ass'n, Washington, D. C.
MR. W. J. K1RN, V.P., First National Bank, Colorado Springs, Colo.
MR. WILMER J. KITCHEN, Exec. Secy., World University Service, New York, N. Y.
REV. A. KLAUPIKS, American Baptist Relief, Washington, D. C.
RABBI ISRAEL KLAVAN, Ex. Secy., Rabbinical Council of America, New York, N. Y.
MAJ. GEN. JULIUS KLEIN, Chicago, Illinois
MRS. HIBBARD KLINE, JR., Syracuse, N. Y.
MR. MARSHALL KNAPPEN, COMM. on Foreign Policy Legislation, Washington, D. C.
MISS ELIZABETH L. KNOX, Hartford, Conn.
MR. WILLIAM E. KNOX, President, Westinghouse Electric Int'l Co., New York, N. Y.
DR. HARRY C. KocH, Evangelical and Reformed Church, Washington, D. C.
COL. F. H. KoHLoss, USA (RET.), Soc. of Amer. Military Engineers, Wash., D. C.
MR. WILLIAM B. KOLB, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. ARNOLD KOTZ, Amer. Soc. for Public Adm., Chicago, Ill.
MR. SAM KRAKOW, American National Red Cross, Woodlawn, Md.
MRS. BESSIE S. KRANZ, B'nai B'rith Women's Supreme Council, Washington, D. C.
MR. RALPH A. KRAUSE, Stanford Research Institute, Palo Alto, Calif.
DR. WALTER KRAUSE, State University of Iowa, Iowa City, Iowa
MR. AND MRS. LOUIS C. KRAUTHOFF, COM. for a Nat'l Trade Policy, Washington, D. C.
MISS GERMAINE KRETTEK, American Library Association, Washington, D. C.
REV. WALTER D. KRING, American Unitarian Assn., New York, N. Y.
MR. HARRY J. KROULD, Department of Defense, Washington, D. C.
MR. MARTIN KRUSKOPF, The Birmingham News, Birmingham, Alabama
MRS. CATHERINE G. KUHNE, Nat'l Fed. of Bus. and Prof. Women's Clubs, Wash., D. C.
MR. MATTHEW J. KUST, Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMES LAMBIE, The White House, Washington, D. C.
MR. PAGE LAMOREAUX, Napa, Calif.
DR. BERNARD LANDER, Dean, Graduate School, Yeshiva University, New York City.
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106 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. BURTON A. LANDY, Miami, Florida
MR. JAMES A. LANE, Huntsville, Alabama
MR. WILLIAM A. LANG, The Lang Company, Inc., Salt Lake City, Utah
MR. MARSHALL J. LANGER, Miami, Florida
MAJOR GENERAL C. T. LANHAM, Chevy Chase, Md.
MRS. JOHN F. LATIMER, League of Women Voters, Washington, D. C.
MR. SAM L. LATIMER, Columbia, S. C.
DR. FRANK C. LAUBACH, New York, N. Y.
PROFESSOR WALTER H. C. LAVES, Unversity of Indiana, Bloomington, Ind.
MR. RALPH LAZARUS, President Federated Department Stores, Cincinnati, Ohio
MR. BENJAMIN LAZRUS, The Synagogue Council of America, New York City
MAJ. GEN. EDMOND H. LEAVEY, President Int'l Telephone and Telegraph Corp., N. Y. C.
MR. IRWIN LECHLITER, Washington, D. C.
MRS. JoHN G. LEE, President, League of Women Voters of the U. S., Wash., D. C.
MR. LAURENCE F. LEE, President, Peninsular Life Insurance Co., Jacksonville, Fla.
MR. PENDLETON E. LEHDE, Foreign Policy Assn. of New Orleans, New Orleans, La.
MISS ROSE LEIBBRAND, Nat'l. Fed. of Bus. and Prof. Women's Clubs, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT F. LENHART, Secy., Committee for Economic Development, N. Y. C.
MR. R. G. LETOURNEAU, President R. G. LeTourneau, Inc., Longview, Texas
MR. RICHARD H. LETOURNEAU, Longview, Texas
MR. ROY S. LETOURNEAU, LeTourneau of Peru, Inc., Lima, Peru
MRS. I. LEE LEVY, Nat'l Council of Jewish Women, New York City
MR. READ LEWIS, Exec. Dir. Common Council for American Unity, New York City
MR. RICHMOND LEWIS, President, Charles C. Lewis Co., Springfield, Mass.
MRS. RICHMOND LEWIS, Suffield, Conn.
MISS MARY LIGHTLE, AmericanWational Red Cross, Washington, D. C.
MR. MILTON C. LIGHTNER, President Nat'l Ass'n. of Manufacturers, New York City
REV. THEODORE G. LILLEY, First Presbyterian Church, Cedar Rapids, Iowa
MR. G. GouLD LINCOLN, Washington Evening Star, Washington, D. C.
MR. HAROLD F. UNDER, New York, N. Y.
MISS MALVINA LINDSAY, Washington Post and Times Herald, Washington, D. C.
MISS H. LINEWEAVER, Dept. of Soc. Educ. & Action, Presbyterian Church, Wash., D. C.
DR. WILLIAM B. LIPPHARD, Ex. Sec. Associated Church Press, New York City
MR. JENKIN LLOYD-JONES, Editor, The Tulsa Tribune, Tulsa, Okla.
MR. DAVID D. LLOYD, Washington, D. C.
MR. AND MRS. J. NORMAN LODGE, Chevy Chase, Md.
DR. A. WILLIAM Loos, Exec. Dir. Church Peace Union, New York City
MRS. KATIE LOUCHHEIM, Democratic Nationai Committee, Washington, D. C.
MRS. J. SPENCER LOVE, Greensboro, N. C.
MRS. MARTHA ESKRIDGE LOVE, Palm Beach, Florida
MR. MELVIN GORDON LOWENSTEIN, New York,. N. 1'.
DR. C. W. LOWRY, Fndn for Relig. Action in the Social and Civil Order, Washington, D. C.
MISS MYRNA Loy, New York, N. Y.
DR. RICARDS L. LOYBER, institute EC071017LiC0 Inter America, N. Y. C.
MRS. CAROL R. LUBIN, New York, N. Y.
MR. GEORGE W. LUCAS, Exec. Sec. Nat'l Fraternal Council of Churches, Dayton, Ohio
MR. HERMAN F. LUHRS, Birmingham, Michigan
MISS VERA M. LUNDQUIST, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN C. LYNN, American Farm Bureau Fed., Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMES MACCRACKEN, Tolstoy Foundation, Inc., New York City
COL. JOHN R. MACFADEN, Hermosa Beach, Calif.
MR. L. D. MACINTYRE, President American Ethical Union, New York, N. Y.
DR. DOUGLAS MACLAURY, Harrogate, Tenn.
GENERAL A. C. McAuLIFFE, American Chemical Co., New York City
MR. JOHN L. MCCAFFREY, President, lnt'l. Harvester Co., Chicago, Ill.
MR. C. WALTER MCCARTY, Editor, Indianapolis News, Indianapolis, Ind.
MR. JOHN C. McCLINTocK, Ass't Vice Pres., United Fruit Co., Boston, Mass.
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PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 107
MRS. IDA MCCOLLOCH, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHARLES P. McCoRmicE, McCormick Tea Company, Baltimore, Md.
MR. CHAS. P. MCCURDY, JR., Exec. Secy., Nat'l Univ. Extension Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT M. MCCURDY, Pasadena, California
MR. VINCENT P. McDEyrcr, American Bar Assn., Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. E. C. MCDONALD, Metropolitan Life Ins. Co., Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN W. MCDONALD, JR., Exec. Secy., ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMES S. MCDONNELL, McDonnell Aircraft Co., St. Louis, Mo.
MR. GEORGE C. MCGHEE, McGhee Production Company, Dallas, Texas
MR. N. FLOYD MCGOWAN, Pres., Nat'l Lumber Mfgrs. Assn., Washington, D. C.
HON. NEIL H. MCELROY, Secretary of Defense
HON. DEMPSTER MCINTOSH, Manager, Development Loan Fund, Washington, D. C.
MR. STANLEY MCINTOSH, Motion Picture Assn., Washington, D. C.
MR. DOUGLAS MCKAY, American Bar Assn., Columbia, S. C.
MR. FREDERICK C. MCKEE, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MR. LYMAN D. McKEE, Pres., Amer. Dairy Assn., Chicago, Ill.
MR. PORTER MCKEEVER, Committee for Economic Development, New York City
MRS. H. E. McKmrsTRy, League of Women Voters, Boston, Mass.
MR. N. McKITTERicK, Int'l Bank for Reconstruction and Development, Wash., D. C.
MISS LEILA MCKNIGHT, Young Democratic Clubs of America, Washington, D. C.
DEAN ERNEST E. MCMAHON, New Brunswick, N. J.
MRS. MARIAN H. MCVITTY, United World Federalists, Hartford, Conn.
MISS EVA M. MACK, Nat'l Assn.. of Women Lawyers, Chicago, Ill.
MR. WILLIAM B. MACOMBER, JR., Asst. Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. BELA C. MADAY, Exec. Sec., Coordinated Hungarian Relief, Wash., D. C.
MR. PATRICK MURPHY MALIN, Exec. Dir., Amer. Civil Liberties Union, New York City
MR. N. H. MALLON, Dallas Council on World Affairs, Dallas, Texas
MRS. CORA P. MALONEY, Buffalo, New York
MR. THOMAS C. MANN, Asst. Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. AND MRS. CARL MARCY, Arlington, Virginia
MISS STELLA MARGOLD, Boston, Mass.
MRS. OLGA MARGOLIN, National Council of Jewish Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. LESTER MARKEL, The New York Times, New York, N. Y.
MRS. NAOMI MARSHALL, Comm. on Foreign Trade Educ., New Orleans, La.
COMMISSIONER NORMAN S. MARSHALL, The Salvation Army, New York City
MR...EACKSON MARTINDELL, President, American Institute of Management, N. Y. C.
MR. LLOYD A. MAsHBuRN, AFL-CIO, Takoma Park, Md.
DR. KENNRTH T,. MAXWELL, F,Xer. Dir., Nat'l CO'InCil Of Churches of Christ, N. Y. C.
MR. JOHN P. MEAGHER, DeN. Of State. Wgshington, D. C.
MISS MARGARET MEALEY, Exec. SeCV., Council of C-tholic Women, Wash., D. C.
MR. GEORGE MEANY, President. AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT C. MEISSNER, Chicago. Ill.
MR. WARD MELODY, Acting Dir., Off. of Public Reports, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MRS. MAURICE MENDLE, St. Louis, MO.
MR. ALLEN W. MERRELL, Ford Motor Com.bany, Dearborn, Mich.
MR. ANTHONY F. MERRILL, DePt. of State, Washington, D. C.
HONORABLE PERLE MESTA. Wialli77,91077. D. C.
MRS. KAY CLANCY METZ, Quaker Oats Co.. Chicago, Ill.
MR. THURL METZGER, Exec. Secy., Heifer Project, Inc., North Manchester, Ind.
DR. A. J. MEYER, Harvard Center for Middle Eastern Studies, Cambridge, Mass.
MR. CHARLES A. MEYER, Sears Roebuck. and Co., Chicago, Ill.
MR. TROY H. MIDDLETON, President, Louisiana State Univ., Baton Rouge, La.
MR. BENJAMIN MILK, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT C. MILLER, Nat'l Assoc. of TV & R,dio Farm Directors, Shreveport, La.
MR. JOHN MILLER, Exec. Secy., National Planning Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. ORIE MILLER, Asst. Exec. Secy., Mennonite Central Committee, Akron, Ohio
MR. LAWRENCE MCK. MILLER, JR., Friends General Conf., Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. MERLIN G. MILLER, Cooperative League of the U.S.A., Chicago, Ill.
MR. RAYMOND W. MILLER, Public Relations Research Associates, Washington, D. C.
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108 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. ROBERT W. MILLER, Public Relations Research Associates, Washington, D. C.
MRS. RUTH WEIR MILLER, Exec. Dir., World A Hairs Council of Phila.. Philadelphia, l'a.
MISS RUTH MILLETT, NEA Service, New York, N. Y.
MR. W. D. MILSOP, Gen. Mgr., Eastern States Farmers Exch., W. Springfield, Mass.
HONORABLE HAROLD MINOR, New York, N. Y.
MR. CLARENCE M. MITCHELL, Nat'l Assn. for Advancement of Colored People, Wash., I). C.
DR. M. D. MOBLEY, American Vocational Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH W. MONTGOMERY, Vice President, United Fruit Co., New Orleans, La.
MR. JOHN D. J. MooRE, Vice President, W. R. Grace & Company, New York City
MR. PRESTON J. MOORE, Stillwater, Oklahoma
MR. JOSE A. MORA, Secy. General, Organization of Amer. States, Washington, D. C.
MRS. ZELMA REEVES MORRISON, Spokane, Wash.
Miss LUCILE MORSCH, President, American Library Association, Washington, D. C.
DR. MARSTON MORSE, Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N. J.
MR. PETER MORSE, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT H. MORSE, JR., President, Fairbanks Morse Co., Chicago, Ill.
MR. EDGAR ANSEL MOWRER, General Features, Washington, D. C.
DR. RAYMOND T. MOYER, Reg. Dir., Far East, ICA, Washington, D. C.
HON. FREDERICK H. MUELLER, Asst. Secy. of 'Commerce, Washington, D. C.
MR. FORREST D. MuRDEN, Spec. Asst. to Henry Ford II, Dearborn, Mich.
MRS. ALBERT MURPHY, Ex. Secy., Amer. Immigration Conference, N. Y.
MR. CHARLES S. MURPHY, Washington, D. C.
DR. G. D. MURPHY, JR., El Dorado, Ark.
MR. JOHN E. MURPHY, Controller, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN J. MURPHY, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. RAY MURPHY, Manhasset, New York
MR. RICHARD J. MURPHY, Exec. Dir. Young Democratic Clubs of Amer., Wash., D. C.
HON. ROBERT MURPHY, Deputy Under Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
DR. WALTER MURPHY, President, Soc. of Business Magazine Editors, Washington, I). C.
MR. STAN MUSIAL, St. Louis Cardinals, St. Louis, Mo.
MRS. LEEDY (BELLE) MYERS, Ladies Auxiliary to Vet. of For. Wars, Kansas City, Mo.
MR. BENJAMIN H. NAMM, New York, N. Y.
DR. ELWOOD C. NANCE, University of Tampa, Tampa, Fla.
MR. FREDERICK C. NAsx, General Counsel, Dept. of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN W. NASON, President, Foreign Policy Association., New York City
MR. ALFRED C. NEAL, President, Comm. for Economic Development, New York City
MR. LLOYD K. NEIDLINGER, Exec. Dir., U. S. Council of the Iraq Cham. of Comm., N. 1'. C.
MRS. EDITH W. NELSON, President, Altrusa International, Chicago, Ill.
DR. ALLAN NEVINS, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
MR. HERSCHEL D. NEWSOM, National Grange, Washington, D. C.
MRs. GRACE NICHOLAS, Exec. Dir., General Fed. of Women's Clubs, Washington, D. C.
MR. RAYMOND H. IslicHoLs, Publisher, The Vernon Daily Record, Vernon, Texas
MR. PAUL H. NITZE, President, Foreign Serv. Educ. Fdn., Washington, D. C.
THE VICE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES AND MRS. RICHARD M. NIXON, Wash., D. C.
MR. CHARLES R. NORBERG, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROY M. NORTH, Washington, D. C.
Miss Lois C. NORTHCOTT, Nat'l Fed. of Bus. and Prof. Women's Clubs, Wash., D. C.
MR. BARNET NOVER, Denver Post, Washington, D. C.
DR. J. WARREN NYSTROM, Chamber of Commerce of the U. S., Washington, D. C.
0
MR. CARL F. OECHSLE, Deputy Asst. Secy., Dept. of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
MISS AGNES OHLSON, President, American Nurses Association, New York City
MR. JOHN OHLY, Deputy Dir. Prog. & Planning, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. 'ARNOLD T. OHRN, Baptist World Alliance, Washington, D. C.
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PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 109
MR. JAMES F. O'NEIL, Publisher, The American Legion Magazine, New York City
MR. PATRICK H. O'NEILL, South American Gold & Platinum Co., New York City
DR. DWAYNE ORTON, Pres., Council for Int' l Progress in Mgmt., N.1'. C.
MISS GENEVIEVE H. OSLUND, General Fed. of Women's Clubs, Washington, D. C.
MR. J. ALLEN OVERTON, JR., Deputy Gen. Counsel, Dept. of Commerce, Wash., D. C.
MISS DEBORAH OWEN, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
MISS CHARLOTTE E. OWEN, Exec. Council of Vol. Agencies, for For. Serv., N. Y. C.
MRS. DUDLEY OWEN, Washington, D. C.
MR. HENRY D. OWEN, Policy Planning Staff, Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. VAUX OWEN, National Fed. of Federal Employees, Washington, D. C.
MR. LEVINUS K. PAINTER, Five Years Meeting of Friends, Collins, N. 1'.
MISS HAZEL PALMER, Pres., Nat'l Fed. Business and Prof. Women's Clubs, Wash., D. C.
RABBI DAVID H. PANITZ, Synagogue Council of America, Washington, D. C.
MRS. HELENKA PANTALEONI, UNICEF-United Nations, New York, N. Y.
DR. IAN PAPANEK, President, Amer. Fund for Czechoslovak Refugees, New York City
MR. 'THOMAS E. PARADINE, New York, N. Y.
MRS. ALEXANDER SHIPMAN PARR, Ass'n of Jr. Leagues of America, New York City
MR. LEONARD H. PASQUALICCHIO, Washington, D. C.
GEN. RANDOLPH MCC. PATE, Commandant, U. S. Marine Corps, Washington, D. C.
MR. F. C. W. PATON, Vice President, Gulf Oil Corporation, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MISS ALICIA PATTERSON, Publisher, Newsday, Garden City, Long Island, N. Y.
MR. MOREHEAD PATTERSON, President, American Machine & Foundry Co., N.1'. C.
MRS. NORMAN F. PATTON, League of Women Voters, Wilkes-Barre, Pa.
LT. GEN. WILLARD S. PAUL, Retired Officers Association, Washington, D. C.
HON. EDWIN PAULEY, Oil Corp., Exec., Los Angeles, California
MR. DREW PEARSON, Bell Syndicate, Washington, D. C.
MRS. DAVID PECK, New York, IV. Y.
MR. CLAIBORNE PELL, Vice Pres., lnt'l Rescue Committee, Washington, D. C.
MRS. C. H. L. PENNOCK, Dir. of Field Work, Vassar College, Poughkeepsie, N. Y.
DR. ALMON R. PEPPER, Nat'l Council of the Protestant Episcopal Church, N. Y. C.
MR. JOHN A. PERKINS, Amer. Soc. for Public Administration, Chicago, Ill.
DR. JOHN L. PETERS, World Neighbors, Inc., Washington, D. C.
MR. HOWARD C. PETERSEN, Pres., Fidelity-Phila. Trust Co., Phila., Pa.
MR. 0. E. PETERSON, Exec. Secy., Kizvanis International, Chicago, Ill.
MRS. ALONZO PETTES, Sterling Advocate, Sterling, Colo.
MR. RAFAEL PICO, Pres., Government Devel. Bank, San Juan, P. R.
MRs. W. F. PFEIFFER, League of Women Voters, Alexandria, Virginia
HON. PHELPS PHELPS, Washington, D. C.
MR. EUGENE PHILLIPS, Atlanta, Ga.
MR. PAUL L. PHILLIPS, AFL-CIO, Albany, New York
MRS. ROBERT J. PHILLIPS, League of Women Voters, St. Charles, Ill.
MR. WILLIAM E. PHILLIPS, Seventh-Day Adventist Welfare Service, Washington, D. C.
Miss IRMA PIEPHO, National Council of Catholic Women, Washington, D. C.
MR. WARREN LEE PIERSON, Trans World Airlines, New York City
MRS. CHARLOTTE WILLKIE PIHL, V.P., Music Research Foundation, Washington, D. C.
MR. C. I. PONTIUS, President, University of Tulsa, Tulsa, Okla.
MR. FRANK M. PORTER, President, American Petroleum Institute, New York City
MISS SYLVIA PORTER, New York, N. Y.
REV. WILLIS HUBERT PORTER, Assoc. Gen. Secy., Amer. Baptist Convention, N. Y. C.
MRS. MERRIWEATHER POST, Washington, D. C.
MR. JACKOB S. POTOFSKY, AFL-CIO, New York City
MR. NELSON POYNTER, St. Petersburg Times, St. Petersburg, Fla.
M. EDWARD S. PRENTICE, Stanford Research Institute, Menlo Park, Calif.
DR. JOACHIM PRINZ, American Jewish Congress, New York City.
DR. NATHAN M. PUSEY, President, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass.
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HON. DONALD A. QUARLES, Deputy Secy. of Defense, Washington, D. C.
DR. IsmoR I. RABI, Columbia University, New York, N. Y.
MR. GEORGE W. RABINOFF, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York City
ADMIRAL ARTHUR W. RADFORD, U.S.N., (RET.) Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH RAND, Staff-Council on Foreign Economic Policy, The White House
MR. WILLIAM M. RAND, South Lincoln, Mass.
DR. DARRELL RANDALL, Cleveland Heights, Ohio
MR. WARREN A. RANNEY, Grange League, Ithaca, N. Y.
MRS. PERCY RAPPAPORT, American Women's Voluntary Services, New York City
MR. STEPHEN RAUSHENBUSH, Public Affairs Institute, Washington, D. C.
MR. MALCOLM W. REED, Exec. Vice President, United States Steel, Pittsburgh, Pa.
DR. SIDNEY L. REGNER, Exec. V. P. Cent. Conference of American Rabbis, N. Y. C.
MRS. OGDEN REID, N. Y. Herald Tribune, New York, N. Y.
MR. OGDEN R. REID, N. Y. Herald Tribune, New York, N. Y.
MR. RICHARD REID, Catholic News, New York, N. Y.
MR. ROBERT H. REID, Nat'l Educ. Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. WHITELAW REID, Purchase, N. Y.
D. HERMAN F. REISSIG, United Church of Christ, New York, N. Y.
DR. CHARLES E. RENN, Johns Hopkins University, Baltimore, Md.
MR.THEODORE REPPLIER, President, The Advertising Council, New York City
DR. CARL REUSS, American Lutheran Church, Columbus, Ohio
MR. VICTOR REUTHER, Industrial Union Dept., AFL-CIO, Wash., D. C.
MR. WALTER P. REUTHER, AFL-CIO, Detroit, Mich.
MR. RICHARD W. REUTER, CARE, Inc., New York, N. Y.
M. R. J. REYNOLDS, SaPal0 Island, Georgia
MR. R. S. REYNOLDS, JR., President, Reynolds Metals Company, Richmond, Va..
MR. CHARLES S. RHYNE, President, American Bar Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. ANDREW E. RICE, American Veterans Committee, Washington, D. C.
MR. JAMES P. RICE, Exec. Dir., United HIAS Service, New York City
MR. LYNN D. RICHARDSON, Vice President, Military Sales, Washington, D. C.
MISS WILDA RICHARDSON, Exec. Dir., Pilot Club International, Macon, Georgia
MR. GRANVILLE RIDLEY, Murfreesboro, Tenn.
MR. EMIL RIEVE, AFL-CIO, New York, N. Y.
MR. JAMES H. RIGHTER, Publisher, Buffalo Evening News, Buffalo, N. Y.
MR. WALTER M. RINGER, Chairman of the Board, Foley Mfg. Co., Minneapolis, Minn.
MR. PAUL RINGLER, Milwaukee Journal, Milwaukee, Wisconsin
HON. JAMES P. RINGLEY, Chicago, Ill.
MRS. JANE G. RISHWORTH, Exec. Secy., Americm Legion Auxiliary, Indianapolis, Ind.
MR. L. W. ROBERT, JR.. Robert & Company Associates, Atlanta, Georgia
MR. FRANK ROBERTS, chi-01er Corp., Washington, D. C.
HONORABLE WALTER S. ROBERTSON, Asst. Secy. of State, Wash., D. C.
MRS. WILLIAM F. ROBIE, Country Women's Council of U. S. A., Wash., D. C.
MISS DOROTHY ROBINS, American Association Uqiversity W ()Men , Washington, D. C.
MISS ALICE E. ROBINSON, Democratic National Committee, Washington, D. C.
MRs. DOROTHY ROBINSON, Women's Int'l League for Peace and Freedom., Wash., D. C.
MR. GILBERT ROBINSON, SPec. Asst. Trade Agreements, Dept. of Commerce, Wash., D. C.
MISS JUNE M. ROBINSON, Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
M. WILLIAM E. ROBINSON, President, The Coca-Cola Co., New York City
M. WENTWLL L. ROCKEY, Ex. Dir., World Relief Comm., NEA, Long Island City, N. Y.
MR. CLYDE N. ROGERS, Ohio Council of Churches, Columbus, 0.
MISS HELEN JEAN ROGERS, U. S. National Student Assn., Cambridge, Mass.
MR. AND MRS. H. CHAPMAN ROSE, Cleveland, Ohio
MRS. ANNA M. ROSENBERG, New York, N. Y.
MR. LESSING J. ROSENWALD, Jenkintown, Pennsylvania
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PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 1 1 1
MR. MICHAEL Ross, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
DR. WALTER W. RosTow, Center for Int'l Studies, M. I. T., Cambridge, Mass.
MRS. GEORGE ROUDEBUSCH, St. Louis, Mo.
MR. RICHARD L. ROUDEBUSH, Commander-in-Chief, V. F. W., Kansas City, Mo.
MISS MARTHA ROUNTREE, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM M. ROUNTREE, Asst. Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WILLARD G. ROUSE, Baltimore, Md.
DR. PORTER ROUTH, Exec. Sec., Southern Baptist Convention, Nashville, Tenn.
DR. W. HAROLD Row, Brethren Service Commission, Elgin, Illinois
MR. SEYMOUR J. RUBIN, American Jewish Committee, Washington, D. C.
HONORABLE ROY R. RUBOTTOM, JR., Asst. Secy. of State, Wash., D. C.
MRS. OSCAR RUEBHAUSEN, League of Women Voters, New York City
MR. WILLIAM B. RUGGLES, Editor, Dallas News, Dallas, Texas
MR. DEAN RUSK, President, The Rockefeller Foundation, New York City
MISS BILLYE N. RUSSELL, Nat'l President, Pilot Club Int'l, Macon, Ga.
MR. HAROLD RUSSELL, American Council of World Veterans Federation, New York City
MR. T. RANDOLPH RUSSELL, Washington, D. C.
MR. SKULI RUTFORD, Institute of Agriculture, Univ. of Minn., St. Paul, Minn.
MR. STANLEY H. RUTTENBERG, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. LEONARD J. SACCIO, General Counsel, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MISS CHRISTINE SADLER, MCCO/PS Magazine, Washington, D. C.
MR. MCGRUDER E. SADLER, President Texas Christian University, Ft. Worth, Texas
MRS. EDITH S. SAMPSON, Chicago, Illinois
MR. GLENN B. SANBERG, Amer. Soc. of Association Executives, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM SANDS, Editor, M. E. Journal, Washington, D. C.
GEN. DAVID SARNOFF, Chairman, Radio Corporation of America, New York City
MRS. DAVID E. SATTERFIELD, JR., Richmond, Va.
DR. RICHARD P. SAUNDERS, Save the Children Federation, Norwalk, Conn.
MR. WALTER SCHAEFER, Asst. to Dir. for Finance, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. WALTER M. SCHAPIRO, Pres., Lawson International Company, New York, N. Y.
MR. J. PAUL SCHEETZ, Foreign Policy Assoc. of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa.
MISS CATHERINE SCHELLENS, Washington, D. C.
MR. HARRY SCHERMAN, Chairman of the Board, Book-of-the-Month Club, N. Y. C.
MISS DOROTHY SCHIFF, Publisher, New York Post, New York City
DEAN HELEN SCHLEMAN, Nat'l Assoc. of Women Deans and Counselors, Berkeley, Cal.
DR. FREDRICK SCHIOTZ, Evangelical Lutheran Church, Minneapolis, Minn.
MR. JOSEPH SCHLANG, The Synagogue Council of America, New York City
MR. WILLIAM C. SCHMEISSER, TR., Special Projects Staff, The White House
MR. ROBERT W. F. SCHMIDT, Tucson Airport Authority, Tucson, Ariz.
MR. THEODORE W. SCHULTZ, University Of Chicago, Chicago, Ill.
MR. SOL A. SCHWARTZ, President, RKO Theatres, New York City
MR. EARL B. SCHWULST, Chairman, The Bowery Savings Bank, New York, N. Y.
MR. ROSARIO SCIBILIA, Exec. Dir., Catholic War Veterans, Washington, D. C.
MR. THOMAS J. ScoTT, Washington, D. C.
MR. W. K. SCOTT, Deputy Dir. for Mgmt., ICA, Washington, D. C.
MR. RICHARD B. SCUDDER, Publisher, Newark News, Newark, N. ,T.
MRS. EVA SCULLY, President, American Vocational Assoc., Washington, D. C.
DR. GLENN T. SEABORG, University of California, Berkeley, Calif.
MR. HARRY W. SEAMANS, Dept. Of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. BEURT SERVAAS, Indianapolis, Indiana
MRS. EVELYN M. SEUFERT, Englewood, N. J.
MR. ERIC SEVEREID, Alexandria, Va.
DR. BOYD C. SHAFER, Exec. Secy., American Historical Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. ALEX SHAKOW, Swarthmore College, Swarthmore, Pa.
MR. DONALD J. SHANK, Institute of International Education, New York City
DR. GEORGE POPE SHANNON, Amer. Assoc. of University Professors, Washington, D. C.
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MR. JOSEPH G. SHAPIRO, Synagogue Council of America, Bridgeport, Conn.
RABBI SOLOMON J. SHAREMAN, Pres., Rabbinical Council of Amer., New York, N. Y.
MR. EDWARD J. SHAUGHNESSY, Peola Mills, Virginia
MRS. GEORGE H. SHAW, New York, N. Y.
MR. ANDREW B. SHEA, President, Pan American-Grace Airways, New York City
MR. CHARLES E. SHEARER, JR., Junior Chamber of Commerce of the U. S., Tulsa, Okla.
BISHOP FULTON J. SHEEN, Auxiliary Bishop of New York, N.1'. C.
MR. ROBERT L. SHELBY, Denver, Colo.
MRS. HALE G. SHENEFIELD, Washington, D. C.
MR. ETHAN A. H. SHEPLEY, Chancellor, Washington University, St. Louis, Mo.
MRS. JOHN W. SHEPPARD, American National Red Cross, Greenwich, Conn.
RT. REV.EV. HENRY KNOX SHERRILL, New York, N. Y.
MRS. AVERY SHERRY, Thiensville, Wisconsin
MR. R. KELVIN SHIVERS, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHAS. H. SHUFF, Deputy Asst. Secy. of Defense, Washington, D. C.
DR. GEORGE N. SHUSTER, President, Hunter College, New York City
MR. JOHN A. SIBLEY, Atlanta, Georgia
MR. MARVIN J. SILBERMAN, Synagogue Council of America, New York, N.1'.
MR. DUDLEY L. Simms, Lions international, Charleston, West Virginia
MRS. SEVILLA SIMONS, Exec. Secy., Nat'l Board of the Y.W.C.A., New York City
MR. JOHN S. SINCLAIR, President, Nat'l Industrial Conference Bd., New York City
MR. RUSSELL SINGER, Exec. Vice Pres., American Automobile Assn., Wash., D. C.
MISS HELEN J. SIOUSSAT, Columbia Broadcasting System, New York City
MR. A. G. SKINA, Commonwealth Services, New York City
MRS. JAMES M. SKINNER, JR., Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. SPYROS P. SKOURAS, Mamaroneck, New York
MR. WALTER C. SKUCE, Owens-Corning Fiberglass Corp., Washington, D. C.
MRS. AL SLAUGHTER, Dallas, Texas
MRS. MYRA P. SLEICHER, General Fed. of Women's Clubs, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHARLES R. SLIGH, JR., Exec. Vice Pres., Nat'l Assn. of Mfgrs., New York City
MR. ROBERT B. SMALLWOOD, Chairman of Bd., Lipton Tea Co., Hoboken, N. J.
MISS ALICE SMITH, Denver, Colo.
MR. CHARLES M. SMITH, Nat'l Council of Churches of Christ, Washington, D. C.
MR. J. KINGSBURY SMITH, International News Service, New York City
HON. JAMES H. SMITH, JR., Dir., Int'l Cooperation Admin., Washington, D. C.
MRS. HAVEN SMITH, Ch'rman, Amer. Farm Bureau Women's Comm., Chicago, Ill.
DR. KERRY SMITH, Exec. Secy., Association for Higher Educ., Washington, D. C.
MR. MILAN D. SMITH, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter Day Saints, Wash., D. C.
MR. PAUL E. SMITH, National Education Assn., Washington, D. C.
MR. SHIRLEY D. SMITH, Public Relations Society of America, New York City
MR. THEODORE SMITH, Exec. Dir., U. S. Committee for the U. N., Wash., D. C.
MR. EDWARD F. SNYDER, Friends Committee on Nat'l Legislation, Wash., D. C.
DR. HAROLD E. SNYDER, Dir., Wash. Seminar on Int'l Affairs, Washington, D. C.
MR. RAUB SNYDER, International Development Services, New York City
MR. WILLIAM T. SNYDER, Mennonite Central Committee, Akron, Pa.
MRS. HELEN P. SOLON, Trenton, New Jersey
MR. LAUREN K. SOTH, Des Moines Register and Tribune, Des Moines, Iowa
MR. HOBART A. SPALDING, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH P. SPANG, JR., Chm. of the Board, Gillette Company, Boston, Mass.
MRS. EVERETT SPANGLER, Chm., Country Women's Council, USA, Omaha, Neb.
MR. ANTHONY B. SPARBOE, Vice Pres., Pillsbury Mills, Inc., Minneapolis, Minn.
MR. JEROME H. SPINGARN, National Planning Association, Washington, D. C.
MRS. NATALIE SPINGARN, Washington, D. C.
HON. MANSFIELD D. SPRAGUE, Asst. Secy. of Defense, Washington, D. C.
MR. FLOYD SPRINGER, JR., S. C. Johnson and Son, Racine, Wis.
HON. LYNN U. STAMBAUGH, Vice Pres., Export-Import Bank, Wash., D. C.
MR. MYLES STANDISH, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. C. MAXWELL STANLEY, Muscatine, Iowa
MR. FRANK W. STANTON, Pres., Columbia Broadcasting Co., New York, N. Y.
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PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 113
MRS. BENJAMIN STAPLETON, JR., Englewood, Colorado
MR. A. K. STEINER, Arlington, Va.
MRS. FAY A. STEINER, Special Projects Staff, The White House
MR. ERNEST G. STELLINGS, President, Theatre Owners of America, New York City
MR. JOHN STEPHENSON, Arthur Little, Inc., Cambridge, Mass.
MR. GUSTAVE STERN, New York, N. Y.
MR. WILLIAM STERN, Fargo, N. D.
MR. WILLIAM P. STEVEN, Editor, Minneapolis Star Tribune, Minneapolis, Minn.
MR. ROGER L. STEVENS, New York, N. Y.
MISS THELMA STEVENS, Methodist Church, Women's Div., of Christian Service, N. 1'. C.
HON. ADLAI E. STEVENSON, Libertyville, Ill.
MRS. GRACE STEVENSON, Adult Educ. Assoc. of the USA, Chicago, Ill.
MR. WILLIAM E. STEVENSON, Pres., Oberlin College, Oberlin, Ohio
MRS. ANNALEE STEWART, Women's Int'l League For Peace and Freedom, Wash., D. C.
MRS. ANNE G. STILLINGS, Quota Club International, Washington, D. C.
MR. HARRY STIMSON, Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. COLLIS STOCKING, Council of Economic Advisors, Washington, D. C.
MR. WILLIAM I. STODDARD, Secy., American Shipowners, N. Y. C.
MR. WILLIAM C. STOLK, President, American Can Company, New York City
MR. E. T. STONE, Editor, Seattle Post Intelligencer, Seattle, Wash.
MR. GEORGE STRATIS, Nat'l Council of American Importers, New York City
MISS ANNA LORD STRAUSS, Carrie Chapman Catt Memorial Fund, New York City
MR. PETER STRAUSS, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass.
MR. & MRS. WALLACE N. STREETER, Nat'l Council of Churches of Christ, Wash., D. C.
MR. CLARENCE K. STREIT, President, Federal Union, Inc., Washington, D. C.
MR. CLIFFORD S. STRIKE, President, F. H. McGraw & Co., Hartford, Conn.
SAMUEL CARDINAL STRITCH, Chicago, Ill.
MR. EPHRAIM H. STURM, Pres., National Council of Young Israel, N. Y. C.
MR. JAMES A. SUFFRIDGE Pres., Retail Clerks Int'l Assn., Washington, D. C.
MR. ROBERT 0. SWAIN, Exec. Dir., Int'l Road Federation, Washington, D. C.
MR. MILO K. SWANTON, Wis. Council of Agr. Cooperatives, Madison, Wis.
DR. FRANCIS X. SWIETLIK, President, American Relief for Poland, Chicago, Ill.
MR. WILLIAM S. SWINGLE, President, Nat'l Foreign Trade Council, New York City
MR. J. D. SYKES, Vice President, Ralston Purina Mills, St. Louis, Mo.
RABBI MARC H. TANENBAUM, Exec. Dir., Synagogue Council of Amer., N. Y. C.
MSGR. PAUL TANNER, National Catholic Welfare Conference, Washington, D. C.
MR. JESSE W. TAPP, Bank of America, Los Angeles, Calif.
MR. WILLIS M. TATE, President, Southern Methodist Univ., Dallas, Texas
MR. JAY TAYLOR, Nat'l Livestock and Meat Board, Amarillo, Texas
MR. BRADLEY R. TAYLOR, Rhinelander, Wis.
DR. CLYDE W. TAYLOR, Nat'l Assoc. of Evangelicals, Washington, D. C.
MISS ELIZABETH P. TAYLOR, Little Rock, Ark.
GEN. MAXWELL D. TAYLOR, Chief of Staff, U. S. Army, Washington, D. C.
MISS RUTH H. TEGTMEYER, Vice Pres., Transp. Assoc. of Amer., Wash. D. C.
MR. MA URICE TEMPELSMAN, President, American Coldset Corp., Teterboro, N. J.
MR. BENMONT TENCH, JR., Gainesville, Fla.
MR. A. "W. TENNEY, Future Farmers of America, Washington, D. C.
MR. RU;SELL I. THACKREY, Exec. Secy., Am. Assn. of Land-Grant Colleges, Wash., D. C.
MR. P. W. THAYER, Dean, School of Adv. Int'l Studies, Johns Hopkins U., Wash., D. C.
MR. CHARLES ALLEN THOMAS, Monsanto Chemical Company, St. Louis, Mo.
MR. EDWIN J. THOMAS, President, Goodyear Tire & Rubber Co., Akron, Ohio
MR. A. C. THOMPSON, National Retail Merchants Assn., Richmond, Va.
MR. ARTHUR T. THOMPSON, National Farmer's Union, Washington, D. C.
MISS JULIA C. THOMPSON, Director, American Nurses Assoc., Washington, D. C.
MR. MATT H. THOMSON, Dayton, Ohio
MR. ROIAND TIBBETTS, Exec. V. P., Junior Chamber of Commerce, Tulsa, Okla.
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114 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
MR. STUART G. TIPTON, President, Air Transport Association, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN H. ToBLER, Asst. to Dir., Nat'l Security Council, ICA, Wash., D. C.
MR. ELMORE R. TORN, Taylor, Texas
MRS. RAPHAEL TOUROVER, Hadassah, The Women's Zionist Org. of Amer., Wash., D. C.
MR. EDWARD TOWNSEND, The First Boston Corporation, New York City
MR. GEORGE TRENCHARD, Firestone Tire and Rubber Co., Akron, Ohio
MR. ROBERT L. TRESCHER, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. MArr TRIGG, American Farm Bureau Federation, Washington, D. C.
HON. HARRY S. TRUMAN, Independence, Mo.
MR. CHESTER J. TRUMBO, Minneapolis, Minn.
MRS. BERTHA TUMA, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROUL TUNLEY, Woman's Day, New York, N. Y.
GEN. NATHAN F. TWINING, Chairman, Joint Chiefs of Staff, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHARLES G. TWYMAN, The Loomis School, Windsor, Conn.
MRS. MARGARET G. TWYMAN, Special Projects Staff, The White House
MRS. MILLARD E. TYDINGS, Havre de Grace, Maryland
MR. CHARLES TYROLLER, Washington, D. C.
MR. T. GRAYDON UPTON, Pres., Bankers' Assoc. for For'n Trade, Philadelphia, Pa.
V
MR. WILLIAM ROY VALLANCE, Interamerican Bar Association, Washington, D. C.
REV. ROBERT E. VAN DEUSEN, National Lutheran Council, Washington, D. C.
MR. STUART H. VANDYKE, Reg. Dir., Africa & Europe, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MRS. DEFOREST VAN SLYCK, Washington, D. C.
MR. RICHARD C. VIERBUCHEN, Pres., Junior Chamber of Commerce of Wash., D. C.
REV. JAMES L. VIZZARD, S.J., Washington, D. C.
DR. WERNHER VON BRAUN, Huntsville, Alabama
MRS. MARJORIE VINAL, Director, World Affairs Council of R. I., Providence, R. I.
MRS. DOROTHY WADDINGTON, Exec. Dir., Fashion Group, Inc., New York City
Com. J. ADDINGTON WAGNER, Battle Creek, Michigan
DR. GERHARD WAGNER, President, Mannesmann Tube Co., New York, N. Y.
MAYOR ROBERT F. WAGNER, JR., Mayor of New York City
MR. WALTER W. WALB, Vice Pres., American Hoist & Derrick Co., Ft. Wayne, Ind.
MR. HAROLD A. WALLACE, Pres., Amer. Society of Assn. Executives, Wash., D. C.
MRS. A. H. WALKER, National Women's Party, Washington, D. C.
MR. C. C. WALTHER, Pres., New Orleans Foreign Policy, Assn., New Orleans, La.
DR. JUDSON C. WARD, JR., Emory University, Atlanta, Ga.
MRS. BOWDEN D. WARD, Kingwood, West Virginia
MR. LOUIS WARE, President, Int'l Minerals and Chemicals Co., Chicago, Ill.
MR. ROANE WARING, Memphis, Tenn.
MR. MILO JOSEPH WARNER, Toledo, Ohio
THE HONORABLE AND MRS. EARL WARREN, Washington, D. C.
MR. ALAN T. WATERMAN, Director, National Science Fndn., Washington, D. C.
MISS ELEANOR WATERS, Catholic Assn. for International Peace, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN C. A. WATKINS, Publisher, Providence Journal, Providence, R. I.
MR. JOHN WATSON, New York, N. Y.
HON. SAMUEL C. Wiwori, Pres., Export-Import Bank, Washington, D. C.
LT. GEN. WALTER L. WEIBLE, Exec. V. P., Assn. of the US Army, Wash., D. C.
MR. EDWARD WEEKS, The Atlantic Monthly, Boston, Mass.
MR. LEO WEISFIELD, Weisfield & Goldberg, Inc., Seattle, Wash.
DR. SAMSON R. WEISS, Ex. V. P., Union of Orthodox Jewish Congs. of Amer., N. Y. C.
MR. FRED S. WEISSMAN, Exec. Secy., Selfhelp of Emigres from Cent. Europe, N. Y. C.
MR. C. MAURICE WEITING, Ohio Farm Bureau, Columbus, Ohio
MR. BERNARD WEITZER, Jewish War Veterans, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOSEPH C. WELMAN, President, American Bankers Assn., Washington, D. C.
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MR. WM. B. WELSH, Young Democratic Clubs of America, Washington, D. C.
MR. HOWARD WENZEL, Harvard Business School, Cambridge, Mass.
MR. ALBERT C. F. WESTPHAL, Washington, D. C.
MRS. FRED WEYERHAEUSER, St. Paul, Minn.
MR. JOHN P. WHITE, Legis. Mgrnt. Off., Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. MORTON B. WHITE, Exec. Dir., American Council on NATO, New York City
MRS. SARGENT WHITE, Treas., Nat'l Council of Catholic Women, Wash., D. C.
GEN. THOMAS D. WHITE, Chief of Staff, U. S. Air Force, Washington, D. C.
DR. WILLIAM R. WHITE, President, Baylor University, Waco, Texas
MR. ALBERT WHITEHOUSE, AFL-CIO, Washington, D. C.
MR. CHARLES S. WHITEHOUSE, Special Asst., Dept. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. H. HAROLD WHITMAN, The First Nat'l City Bank of N. Y., New York City
MR. L. F. WHITTEMORE, Chairman, Brown Company, Boston, Mass.
MRS. JAMIE WHITTEN, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN J. WICKER, JR., Richmond, Virginia
MR. JOHN WICKWIRE, Salem Brosius, Inc., Pittsburgh, Pa.
MISS CLAUDIA WIENERT, Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass.
MR. C. MAURICE WIETING, Ohio i7cirm Bureau, Columbus, Ohio
MR. J. R. WIGGINS, Secy., American Soc. of Newspaper Editors, Washington, D. C.
MR. ROY IATILKINS, Ex. Secy., Nat'l Assn. for Adv. of Colored People, N. Y. C.
MR. FRANCIS 0. WILCOX, Asst. Secy. of State, Washington, D. C.
MR. ALANSON WILLCOX, American Hospital Association, Washington, D. C.
DR. HENRY I. WILLET, Amer. Assn. of School Administrators, Washington, D. C.
MR. DAVID C. WILLIAMS, Americans for Democratic Action, Washington, D. C.
MR. J. HARVIE WILLIAMS, American Good Gov't Society, Washington, D. C.
MR. JOHN D. WILLIAMS, Chancellor, University of Mississippi, Oxford, Miss.
MR. TACK WILLIAMS, Fargo, N. D.
MR. LANGBOURNE M. WILLIAMS, President, Freeport Sulphur Co., New York City
MR. PAUL D. WILLIAMS, Richmond, Virginia
REV. RICHARD WILLIAMS, Nat'l Council of the Protestant Episcopal Church, N. Y. C.
MRS. WENDELL WILLKIE, New York, N. Y.
MR. PAUL S. WILLIS, Pres., Grocery Mfrs. of America, Inc., N. Y. C.
MR. DONALD R. WILSON, Albany Times-Union, Albany, N. Y.
MR. EDWARD FOSS WILSON, Chicago, Ill.
MR. E. RAYMOND WILSON, Exec. Secy., Friends Comm. on National Legis., Wash., D. C.
MR. GILL ROBB WILSON, Editor & Publisher. FLYING, New York City
MR. JAMES R. WILSON, TR., The American Legion, Washington, D. C.
MR. LOGAN WILSON, President, University of Texas, Austin, Texas
MR. ROBERT R. WILSON, President, American Soc. of Inel Law, Washington, D. C.
MR. THOMAS WILSON, New York, N. Y.
MRS. ROBERT WHITELAW WILSON, Washington, D. C.
MRS. FREDERICK WITT, SteVertSbUrg, Virginia
MRS. M. F. WITTICHEN, Pres. Gen., United Daughters of the Con fed., Coral Gables, Fla.
MR. SAMUEL W. WITWER, Chicago, Ill.
MR. WILLIAM J. WoEsTENDIEK, Editorial Dir., Newsday, Hampstead, L. I., N. Y.
DR. HELMUTH WOHLTHAT, Chambers Chemical Corp., New York, N. Y.
MRS. ROBERT B. WOLF, Philadelphia, Pa.
MR. C. TYLER WOOD, Asst. to Dir. for Evaluation, ICA, Washington, D. C.
MRS. WILLIAM H. WOOD, League of Women Voters, Bladensburg, Md.
MRS. CHASE G. WOODHOUSE, Dir., Serv. Bur. for Women's Organizations, Hartford, Conn.
MR. DONALD B. WOODWARD, Vick Chemical Co., New York, N. Y.
MR. C. E. A/VooLmAN, Pres., Delta Airlines, Atlanta, Ga.
MR. PAUL WOOTON, Editor, New Orleans Times Picayune, New Orleans, La.
MR. MARTIN H. WORK, Exec. Dir., Nat'l Council of Catholic Men, Washington, D. C.
REV. DAVID A. WORKS, President, North Conway Foundation, North Conway, N. H.
MR. F. L. WORMALD, Association of American Colleges, Washington, D. C.
DR. RUTH WRIGHT, New York, N. Y.
MR. GEORGE A. WYETH, SR., Dept. Of Commerce, Washington, D. C.
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MR. HOWARD N. YATES, Exec. V. P., Colo. State Chamber of Commerce, Denver, Colo.
MR. J. BANKS YOUNG, National Cotton Council of America, Washington, D. C.
MRS. ROBERT W. YOUNG, JR., Fashion Group, Inc., N. Y. C.
MR. W. B. YOUNG, Dean, College of Agriculture, Univ. of Conn., Storm, Conn.
MRS. MILDRED YOUNGER, Los Angeles, Calif.
MRS. EMILY N. ZIEGLER, President, American Fed. of Soroptimist Clubs, Phila., Pa.
MR. JEROME M. ZIEGLER, Exec. Dir., Amer. Foundation for Pol. Educ., Chicago, Ill.
MR. RAYMOND R. ZIMMERMAN, American Council on Education, Washington, D. C.
MR. E. J. ZOBLE, Casper, Wyoming
REV. SPIROS ZODHIATES, New York, N. Y.
MR. EUGENE ZORN, JR., American Bankers Association, New York, N. Y.
CONGRESSIONAL GUESTS
REP. CARL ALBERT
Oklahoma
REP. HUGH ALEXANDER
North Carolina
REP. BRUCE ALGER
Texas
REP. JOHN J. ALLEN, JR.
California
REP. LEROY ANDERSON
Montana
REP. VICTOR L. ANFUSO
New York
REP. LESLIE C. ARENDS
Illinois
REP. THOMAS L. ASHLEY
Ohio
REP. ROBERT T. ASHMORE
South Carolina
REP. WILLIAM H. AYRES
Ohio
REP. HOWARD H. BAKER
Tennessee
REP. WILLIAM A. BARRETT
Pennsylvania
REP. PERKINS BASS
New Hampshire
REP. WILLIAM H. BATES
Massachusetts
REP. A. D. BAUMHART, JR.
Ohio
REP. JOHN V. BEAMER
Indiana
REP. LINDLEY BECKWORTH
Texas
REP. E. Y. BERRY
South Dakota
REP. HALE BOGGS
Louisiana
REP. FRANK W. BOYKIN
Alabama
REP. CHARLES A. BOYLE
Illinois
REP. WILLIAM G. BRAY
Indiana
REP. J. FLOYD BREEDING
Kansas
REP. JACK BROOKS
Texas
REP. WILLIAM S. BROOMFIELD
Michigan
REP. CHARLES B. BROWNSON
Indiana
DELEGATE JOHN A. BURNS
Hawaii
SENATOR PRESCOTT BUSH
Connecticut
REP. ROBERT C. BYRD
West Virginia
REP. EMMET F. BYRNE
Illinois
REP. CLARENCE CANNON
Missouri
REP. A. S. J. CARNAHAN
Missouri
REP. JOSEPH L. CARRIGG
Pennsylvania
SENATOR CLIFFORD P. CASE
New Jersey
SENATOR FRANCIS CASE
South Dakota
REP. EMANUEL CELLER
New York
REP. FRANK CHELF
Kentucky
REP. J. EDGAR CHENOWETFI
Colorado
REP. ROBERT B. CHIPERFIELD
Illinois
SENATOR FRANK CHURCFI
Idaho
REP. FRANK M. CLARK
Pennsylvania
SENATOR JOSEPH S. CLARK
Pennsylvania
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REP. FRANK M. COFFIN
Maine
REP. HAROLD R. COLLIER
Illinois
REP. HAROLD D. COOLEY
North Carolina
SENATOR JOHN SHERMAN COOPER
Kentucky
REP. ROBERT J. CORBETT
Pennsylvania
REP. FREDERIC R. COUDERT, JR.
New York
REP. ALBERT W. CRETELLA
Connecticut
REP. LAURENCE CURTIS
Massachusetts
REP. THOMAS B. CURTIS
Missouri
REP. WILLIAM A. DAWSON
Utah
REP. VINCENT J. DELLAY
New Jersey
REP. JOHN H. DENT
Pennsylvania
REP. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
New York
REP. CHARLES C. DIGGS, JR.
Michigan
SENATOR EVERETT M. DIRKSEN
Illinois
REP. HENRY ALDOUS DIXON
Utah
REP. EDWIN B. DOOLEY
New York
REP. FRANCIS E. DORN
New York
SENATOR PAUL H. DOUGLAS
Illinois
REP. CLYDE DOYLE
California
REP. JOE L. EV1NS
Tennessee
REP. LEONARD FARBSTEIN
New York
RES. COMM. ANTONIO FERNOS-ISERN
Puerto Rico
REP. L. H. FOUNTAIN
North Carolina
REP. PETER FRELINGHUYSEN, JR.
New Jersey
REP. SAMUEL N. FRIEDEL
Maryland
REP. JAMES G. FULTON
Pennsylvania
REP. J. VAUGHAN GARY
Virginia
REP. KATHRYN E. GRANAIIAN
Pennsylvania
PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
REP. KENNETH J. GRAY
Illinois
REP. EDITH GREEN
Oregon
SENATOR THEODORE FRANCIS GREEN
Rhode Island
REP. WILLIAM J. GREEN, JR.
Pennsylvania
REP. ROBERT P. GRIFFIN
Michigan
REP. RALPH W. GWINN
New York
REP. CHARLES A. HALLECK
Indiana
REP. BURR P. HARRISON
Virginia
SENATOR CARL HAYDEN
Arizona
REP. F. EDWARD HEBERT
Louisiana
REP. ROBERT W. HEMPHILL
South Carolina
SENATOR THOMAS C. HENNINGS, JR.
Missouri
SENATOR BOURKE B. HICKENLOOPER
Iowa
REP. PATRICK J. HILLINGS
California
SENATOR JOHN D. HOBLITZELL
West Virginia
REP. ELMER J. HOLLAND
Pennsylvania
REP. HAL HOLMES
Washington
REP. W. R. HULL, JR.
Missouri
REP. FRANK IKARD
Texas
SENATOR HENRY M. JACKSON
Washington
REP. W. PAT JENNINGS
Virginia
REP. LESTER R. JOHNSON
Wisconsin
SENATOR LYNDON B. JOHNSON
Texas
REP. WALTER H. Juni)
Minnesota
SENATOR ESTES KEFAUVER
Tennessee
REP. EUGENE J. KEOGH
New York
REP. CLARENCE E. KILBURN
New York
REP. A. PAUL KITCHIN
North Carolina
REP. JOHN C. KLUCZYNSK
Illinois
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118 PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS
SENATOR WILLIAM F. KNOWLAND
California
REP. VICTOR A. KNOX
Michigan
REP. COYA KNUTSON
Minnesota
SENATOR THOMAS H. KUCHEL
California
REP. MELVIN R. LAIRD
Wisconsin
REP. THOMAS J. LANE
Massachusetts
REP. KARL M. LECOMPTE
Iowa
REP. ROLAND V. LIBONATI
Illinois
REP. GEORGE S. LONG
Louisiana
SENATOR RUSSELL B. LONG
Louisiana
REP. JOHN W. MCCORMACK
Massachusetts
REP. GEORGE MCGOVERN
South Dakota
REP. ROBERT J. MCINTOSH
Michigan
REP. TORBERT H. MACDONALD
Massachusetts
REP. RAY J. MADDEN
Indiana
REP. GEORGE H. MAHoN
Texas
REP. JOSEPH W. MARTIN, JR.
Massachusetts
SENATOR THOMAS E. MARTIN
Iowa
REP. NOAH M. MASON
Illinois
REP. EDWIN H. MAY, JR.
Connecticut
REP. GEORGE MEADER
Michigan
REP. CHESTER E. MERROW
New Hampshire
REP. ROBERT H. MIcHEL
Illinois
REP. A. L. MILLER
Nebraska
REP. GEORGE P. MILLER
California
REP. WILLIAM E. MILLER
New York
REP. WILLIAM E. MINSHALL
Ohio
REP. ERWIN MITCHELL
Georgia
REP. JOSEPH M. MONTOYA
New Mexico
REP. ARCH A. MooRE, JR.
West Virginia
REP. ALBERT P. MoRANo
Connecticut
REP. THOMAS E. MORGAN
Pennsylvania
SENATOR THURSTON B. MORTON
Kentucky
REP. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
New York
SENATOR KARL E. MUNDT
South Dakota
REP. F. JAY NIMTZ
Indiana
REP. W. F. NORRELL
Arkansas
SENATOR JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY
Wyoming
REP. THOMAS P. O'NEILL, JR.
Massachusetts
REP. THOMAS M. PELLY
Washington
REP. GRACIE PFOST
Idaho
REP. PHILIP J. PHILBIN
Massachusetts
REP. JOHN L. PILCHER
Georgia
REP. W. R. POAGE
Texas
REP. CHARLES 0. PORTER
Oregon
REP. ADAM CLAYTON POWELL, JR.
New York
REP. MELVIN PRICE
Illinois
REP. WINSTON L. PROUTY
Vermont
REP. LOUIS C. RABAUT
Michigan
REP. SAM RAYBURN
Texas
SENATOR CHAPMAN REVERCOMB
West Virginia
REP. R. WALTER RIEHLMAN
New York
REP. JOHN M. ROBSION, JR.
Kentucky
REP. PETER W. RODINO, JR.
New Jersey
REP. BYRON G. ROGERS
Colorado
REP. EDITH NOURSE ROGERS
Massachusetts
REP. PAUL G. ROGERS
Florida
REP. WALTER ROGERS
Texas
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REP. JAMES ROOSEVELT
California
SENATOR LEVERETT SALTONSTALL
Massachusetts
REP. D. S. SAUND
California
REP. JOHN P. SAYLOR
Pennsylvania
REP. PAUL F. SCHENCK
Ohio
REP. FRED SCHWENGEL
Iowa
REP. HUGH SCOTT
Pennsylvania
REP. ERRETT P. SCRIVNER
Kansas
REP. ARMISTEAD I. SELDEN, JR.
Alabama
REP. TIMOTHY P. SHEEHAN
Illinois
REP. JOHN F. SHELLEY
California
REP. ALFRED D. SIEMINSKI
New Jersey
REP. ROBERT L. F. SIKES
Florida
SENATOR H. ALEXANDER SMITH
New Jersey
SENATOR JOHN J. SPARKMAN
Alabama
REP. HARLEY 0. STAGGERS
West Virginia
REP. JOHN TABER
New York
REP. CHARLES M. TEAGUE
California
PROGRAM AND PARTICIPANTS 119
REP. OLIN E. TEAGUE
Texas
REP. DONALD E. TEWES
Wisconsin
REP. CLARK W. THOMPSON
Texas
REP. FRANK THOMPSON, JR.
New Jersey
REP. KEITH THOMSON
Wyoming
SENATOR EDWARD J. THYE
Minnesota
REP. AL ULLMAN
Oregon
REP. JOHN M. VORYS
Ohio
REP. CHARLES W. VURSELL
Illinois
SENATOR ARTHUR WATKINS
Utah
REP. PHIL WEAVER
Nebraska
SENATOR ALEXANDER WILEY
Wisconsin
REP. EARL WILSON
Indiana
REP. CHARLES WOLVERTON
New Jersey
REP. JAMES C. WRIGHT, JR.
Texas
REP. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
California
REP. HERBERT ZELENKO
New York
CONFERENCE STAFF
White House Staff
Mr. William C. Schmeisser, Jr., Executive A
Mrs. Margaret G. Twyman, Consultant
Miss Ethel A. Askerooth
Mrs. Fay A. Steiner
Miss Mary Evans
Non-Governmental Staff
Mr. George Barnes
Mrs. Harriett S. Crowley
Mr. Thomas Hanlon
Mr. Irwin Lechliter
Miss Judy Louchheim
Non-Governmental Staff on Conference
Mr. Gove Hambidge
ssistant
Mr. Benjamin Milk
Mr. Andrew Rice
Miss Alice Smith
Mr. Thomas Wilson
Report
Miss Maria Josephy
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120 PROGRAM AND -.PARTICIPANTS
Conference Hostesses
Mrs. Fred G. Aahndahl
Mrs. Ross Adair
Mrs. Joseph Adams
Mrs. Leslie Arends
Mrs. Dorothy W. Atkinson
Mrs. Parke M. Banta
Mrs. Hale Boggs
Mrs. Richard Bolling
Mrs. Edward Bernstein
Mrs. Omar Burleson
Mrs. William Carpenter
Mrs. Joseph Casey
Mrs. Clifford Davis
Mrs. R. Dudman
Mrs. Todd Duncan
Miss Nancy Fisher
Mrs. Gerald Ford
Mrs. Jean Friendley
Mrs. Marion Galland
Mrs. Whitney Gillilland
Miss Anne Carter Greene
Mrs. Mary Cook Hackman
Miss Adelaide Harris
Mrs. Nancy Harrison
Miss Barbara Haviland
Mrs. Edwin I. Hilson
Mrs. Pat Holt
Mrs. Walter Judd
Mrs. Robert Kerr
Mrs. Malcolm A. MacIntyre
Mrs. Nan Tucker McEvoy
Mrs. Perkins McGuire
Mrs. Wilfred J. McNeil
Miss Atherton Macondray
Mrs. Leonard Marks
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Miss
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Miss
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Mrs.
Lee Metcalf
Dorothy Moore
Fred Morrison
True D. Morse
Frederick H. Mueller
George Oakes
Deborah Owen
Dudley Owen
Joseph Pechman
Darius Phillips
Bernice Pierce
W. R. Poage
J. Lee Rankin
Steven Raushenbush
Laurence Robbins
Mrs. Frank Rogers
Mrs. Richard Ross
Mrs. Stuart Rothman
Mrs. William Rountree
Mrs. Frank Smith
Mrs. Natalie Spingarn
Mrs. Kenneth Tuggle
Mrs. Lois Van Valkenburgli
Auxiliary Staff on February 25, 1958
Volunteers from the Staff and Students of the School of Advanced International Studies,
Johns Hopkins University
Mrs. H. S. Richmond, Staff
Miss Priscilla Mason, Staff
Miss Vivian Lyle, Staff
Mr. Howard Bliss
Mr. Richard Butler
Miss Carol Flamm
Miss Francine Goldberg
Miss Mary Huntington
Miss Sarah Jane Kaufman
Mrs. Elizabeth Knauff
Miss Ellen Kristensen
Miss Bhinda MaIla
Mr. George Rangazas
Miss Vera Schnitzer
Mr. Donald Shepard
Mr. Lawrence Singer
Miss Marion Taylor
Mr. Charles Thomsen
Mr. James Trinnaman
Mr. Manfred Wenner
Mr. Jared Wood
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