AMENDMENT OF FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961
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Publication Date:
August 8, 1964
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18114 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
- Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I move
that the Senate insist upon its amend-
ments and request a conference with the
House of Representatives thereon and
that the Chair appoint the conferees on
the part of the Senate: -
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion of
the Senator from Florida.
? The motion was agreed to; and the
Chair appointed Mr. HOLLAND, Mr. Rus-
SELL, MT. ELLENDER, Mr. YOUNG Of North
Dakota, and Mr. MUNDT conferees on the
part of the Senate.
Mr. STENNIS. Mr. President, will the
Senator from Florida yield to me?'
Mr. HOLLAND. I yield.
Mr. STENNIS. I am familiar enough
with the bill and the work which the
Senator from Florida has done so thaf
I can testify to the work as outstanding.
The Senator is to be highly commended
as well as thanked by the Senate for his
very fine services.
- Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I ap-
preciate those gracious words. I accept
them on behalf of, the entire subcommit-
tee and the full committee, of which the
Senator from Mississippi is one of the
most useful members.
Mr. JORDAN of North Carolina. Mr.
President, will the Senator yield?
Mr. HOLLAND. I yield.
Mr. JORDAN of North Carolina. I
should like to add a word to what the
Senator from Mississippi has so ably
said. Not only the chairman of the sub-
committee and the members of the sub-
committee, but also the entire staff have
rendered distinguished service. This is
a tremendous job, requiring days and
nights of work. The chairman has
worked diligently at it, and has come
forth with a bill which the Senate has
passed.
? I have spent a great deal of time talk-
ing about tobacco. But I also .commend
the committee chairman on his-treat-
ment of all agriculture products. Cot-
ton received a great deal of attention by
the committee, as did peanuts and other
commodities. It was an excellent job.
I wish the Senator to know that we ap-
preciate it very much.
Mr. HOLLAND. I thank the Senator.
Mr. BARTLETT. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. HOLLAND. I yield.
Mr. BARTLETT. I desire to join in
the expressions which have just been
knade. Additionally, I wish to say that
when the full committee met to mark up
the bill, I marveled at the ability of the
Senator from Florida to handle the in-
tricate technical questions concerning
It?and it is a large and detailed bill?
without reference to a single note. He
did an excellent piece of work.
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, I
thank the Senator. I pass on much of
that compliment to my excellent staff
on both sides of the aisle.
Mr. President, I yield the floor.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE?EN-
ROLLED BILLS SIGNED
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
Speaker had affixed his signature to the
following 'enrolled bills, and they were
signed by the President pro tempore:
S. 1057. An act to promote the cause of
criminal Justice by providing for the repre-
sentation of defendants who are financially
unable to obtain an adequate defense in
criminal cases in the court of the United
States;
S. 1642. An act to amend the Securities
Act of 1933, as amended, and the Securities
Exchange Act of 1934, as amended, to extend
disclosure requirements to the issuers of
additional publicly traded securities, to pro-
vide for improved qualifications and disci-
plinary procedures for registered brokers and
dealers, and for other purposes; and
S. 1991. An act 'to charter by act of Con-
gress the Pacific Tropical Botanical. Garden.
TRUST STATUS OF CERTAIN LANDS
ON ROSEBUD SIOUX RESERVA-
TION, S. DAK.
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, I ask
that the Chair lay before the Senate a
message from the House of Representa-
tives on S. 136, a bill to place in trust
certain lands on the Rosebud Sioux
Reservation in South Dakota.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
BREWSTER in the chair) laid before the
Senate the amendment of the House of
Representatives to the bill (S. 136) to
place in trust status certain lands on the
Rosebud Sioux Reservation in South
Dakota, which was, on page 4, after line
2, ? strike out "1,075.01" and insert
!'1,375.01". ?
Mr. CHURCH. Mr. President, the
Senate passed this measure on October
22, 1963. At the time the bill was re-
printed, the figure in section 2 showing
the total acreage covered by that section
was misprinted. The House has amended
S. 136 to make the necessary correction.
It is simply a technical amendment that
does not change the bill at all. The
total acreage was printed as 1075.01,
whereas it should be 1375.01.
Therefore, Mr. President, I move that
the Senate concur in the amendment of
the House to S. 136.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion of
the Senator from Idaho.
The motion was agreed to.
? AMENDMENT OF ALASKA OMNIBUS
ACT?CONFERENCE REPORT
Mr. BIBLE. Mr. President, on behalf
of the distinguished junior Senator from
Washington [Mr. JACKSON], who is ab-
sent on official business, I submit a re-
port of the committee of conference on
the disagreeing votes of the two Houses
on the amendments of the House to the
bill (S. 2881) to amend the Alaska Om-
nibus Act to provide assistance to the
State of Alaska for the reconstruction
of areas damaged by the earthquake of
March 1964 and subsequent seismic
waves, and for other purposes. I ask
unanimous consent for the present con-
sideration of the report.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
report will be read for the information
of the Senate.
August 8
The legislative 'clerk read the report.
(For conference report, see House pro-
ceedings of August 6, 1964, pp. 17747-
17748) .
The PRESIDING 01"rICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the report?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the report.
Mr. BIBLE. Mr. President, the con-
ference report was unanimously agreed
to by the conferees on behalf of the Sen-
ate and the conferees on behalf of the
House of Representatives.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to include in the body of today's
RECORD an August 2, 1964, telegram from
Gov. William A. Egan to Senator JACKSON
expressing his support for the conference
version-of this, the major Alaska earth-
quake relief bill.
There being no objection, the telegram
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
JUNEAU, ALASKA,
August 2,1964.
Hon. HENRY M. JACKSON,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
bEAR HENRY: I fully support your Alaska
omnibus bill amendment as adopted by
House and Senate conferees providing for
joint Federal and Alaska State governments
financial support designed to alleviate effect
of mortgages that existed on homes destroyed
or severly damaged in Alaska as result of
,earthquake and seismic sea waves of March
27, 1964. Alaska Department of Law has
cleared State constitutionality, for State
participation. Please accept my apprecia-
tion.
Kindest regards.
WrizrArd A. EGAN,
Governor of Alaska.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the confeience
report.
The report was agreed to.
AMENDMENT OF FOREIGN ASS T-
ANCE ACT OF 1961
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
what is the pending business?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair lays before the Senate the un-
finished business.
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the bill (H.R. 11380) to amend further
the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as
amended, and for other purposes.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
what is the pending question?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on the amendment of the
Senator from South Carolina [Mr.
THURMOND].
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the role.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr, President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for a quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President
what is the pending question?
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?SENATE 18115
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to amendment
No. 1164, offered by the Senator from
South Carolina [Mr. THURMOND].
Mr. MANSFIELD. I suggest the ab-
sence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
fo; a quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With:hit
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
ask for the yeas and nays on my amend-
ment.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that I may speak
from the desk of the senior Senator from
Arkansas [Mr. MCCLELLAN].?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. Presi-
dent, will the Senator yield?
Mr. THURMOND. I am pleased to
yield to the distinguished Senator from
Iowa.
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. I wish to con-
gratulate the Senator from South Caro-
lina for strictly adhering to the rules of
the Senate, which are too often noted by
their avoidance than observance. I con-
gratulate the Senator on his meticulous
adherence to the rules.
Mr. THURMOND. I thank the able
Senator from Iowa.
The purpose of this amendment can
be very simply stated. The first sec-
tion of this. amendment insures that
there will be no discrimination on the
basis of race, color, religion, or national
origin in any U.S. aid program. The
second section of this amendment directs
the Agency for International Develop-
ment, and any other department or
agency providing foreign aid funds, to
issue rules, regulations, and orders
of general applicability assuring the
achievement of the objectives stated in
the first section of the amendment.
This amendment was drawn to con-
form, as nearly as practicable, to the
provisions of title VI of the recently en-
acted civil rights bill.
Mr. President, on July 10, 1963, Sec-
retary of State Dean Rusk testified be-
fore the Senate Commerce Committee
In support of S. 1732, the separately in-
troduced so-called public accommoda-
tions provision. In his statement to the
committee, Secretary Rusk laid partic-
ular stress upon the foreign policy im-
plications of discrimination on the basis
of race, color, religion, or national origin.
He emphasized with particularity the
position which such discrimination in
this country placed the United States
in the eyes of the entire world. How-
ever, he, at the same time, made note
of the fact that discrimination on the
basis of race, color, religion, or national
origin was not limited to the United
States when he said "discrimination on
account of race, color, religion, national
or tribal origin may be found in other
countries."
In this same prepared statement, Sec-
retary Rusk stated:
We must try to eliminate discrimination
due to race, color, religion, not to make oth-
ers think better of us, but because it is in-
compatible with the great ideals to which
our democratic society is dedicated.
In saying this, I assume that Secretary
Rusk meant that the United States
should exert its considerable influence,
through every means possible, with other
countries of the world toward the end of
abolishing such discrimination wherever
it may exist.
A majority' of the Congress of the
United ,States has now determined that
such a system of withholding Federal
funds from certain segments of their own
people is in our best interest. Will there
be anyone who will- say that even if it is
good for the United States, it is not good
for a foreign country which receives
money taken from a U.S. citizen?
At the conclusion of Mr. Rusk's testi-
mony, I questioned him concerning this
matter. Secretary Rusk expressed his
support for the entire package of so-
called civil rights proposals which were
then pending before the Congress, in-
cluding the fund withholding provision,
title VI, of the bill. I then asked him
the following question:
I suppose, then, since you support this pro-
vision as to areas of your own country, you
would support a similar provision in the
foreign aid legislation to withhold funds
from countries which practice discrimina-
tion?
Secretary Rusk's answer is at some
length, and I ask unanimous consent that
it be printed in the RECORD at this point
in my remarks.
There being no objection, the answer
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
Mr. Rusx. Not necessarily, Senator, because
here we are talking about a constitutional
system in which we have control over our
own affairs. When we are dealing with the
rest of the world we are dealing with a world
which we can influence, but cannot control
It is not our constitutional responsibility to
do so.
In the rest of the world we are waging a
struggle for freedom, from which we cannot
withdraw by the type of abandonment which
is suggested to me in your question. We
must stay with that struggle, use our in-
fluence to the beSt of our ability to sustain
and strengthen the cause of freedom; and
that would mean we would work at it, use
our influence, even though we can't neces-
sarily control the result.
Our influence in these situations can be
very strong. I think there are differences
between situations where governmental laws
and constitutional practices are responsible
for the discrimination, and where you run
into discriminatory situations simply because
of the existence of religious or racial groups
next to each other, with the social problems
that have historically been associated with
those situations.
Our influenee has been in the direction of
removing these discriminations abroad as
well as at home.
think our advice in this respect would be
more powerful if we could move forward at
home more rapidly.
But I do not think we should abandon the
great struggle for freedom throughout the
world by such a restrictive interpretation of
our role abroad.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President,
briefly stated, he responded that he
would not necessarily support such a
provision, but he did not say that he
would oppose such a provision either. I
am sure that now, that such a provision
has been enacted into law as to our own
people and Secretary Rusk has had an
opportunity to think over this problem
at greater length, he would now support
my amendment. In further answer to
my question, Secretary Rusk said:
/ think there is a big difference in what
we can do within our limits of constitutional
ability here at home and what we cannot do,
through lack of authority and responsibility,
abroad.
Mr. President, I would agree that the
United States has no authority or re-
sponsibility to meddle into the internal
affairs of another country. However, I
do believe that the United States has
both the authority and responsibility to
dictate the terms under which our money
can be spent in any foreign country.
Since Congress has the responsibility
both to authorize and to -appropriate
money, the primary obligation in this
field falls upon the Members of Congress.
Simply stated, it is my belief that, while
the United States cannot control other
nations, we have both the authority and
obligation to control the money which
we are entrusted to spend.
Mr. President, I believe there is little
doubt of the fact that forms of discrim-
ination on the basis of race, color, re-
ligion, and national origin exist in all of
the countries of the world.
In this connection, one statement
made by Secretary Rusk to the Senate
Commerce Committee is significant. He
said:
I think there ? have been tensions where
different groups that are different in any im-
portant respect live side by side. I think
that has been a general experience of man-
kind.
One of the ' most comprehensive arti-
cles which I have seen on this subject
appeared in the July 1, 1963, edition of
U.S. News & World Report. I ask unani-
mous consent that this article in its en-
tirety be printed in the RECORD at the
conclusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 1.) ?
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, in
this article, it is pointed out that in
Britain, Negroes are discriminated
against; in Africa, whites are discrimi-
nated against; in Asia, the different na-
tionalities discriminate against one an-
other, depending upon which is in the
majority; in Peru and other Latin
American countries, Indians are dis-
criminated against; in British Guiana,
the Indians and Negroes discriminate
against each other. Perhaps the most
blatantly unjustified discrimination in
the world exists in India, where the infa-
mous caste system still thrives, dooming
millions of people to second and lower
class citizenship.
Mr. President, several newspapers
have published articles discussing world-
wide patterns of discrimination. TWO
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18110 CONGRESSIONAL. RECORD ?SENATE
which have come to, my attention ,are
from the Wall Street Journal of August
15, 1963, and the Washington Sunday
Star of June 23, 1963. I ask unanimous
consent that these two articles be printed
in the RECORD at the conclusion of my
remarks.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 2.)
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, the
Tulsa Tribune, of Tulsa, Okla., for Ally
11, 1963, contains a most perceptive edi-
torial entitled "The Blacker Pots." This
editorial discusses some of the more ob-
vious examples of worldwide discrimina-
tion. I ask unanimous consent that it
also be printed in the RECORD at the con-
clusion of my remarks.
The PRESIDING OrTICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
(See exhibit 3.)
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President,
there is little need to continue citing
proof of this worldwide discrimination,
for I know that every Member of the
Senate is well aware of and willing to
admit its existence. The question now
remains: What are we in the Senate?
what is Congress?going to do to correct
it on a worldwide basis now that a start
has been made in our own country?
The Congress and the executive
branch of the Government, in their in-
finite wisdom, have declared that one
way to prevent this form of discrimina-
tion which is said to be so detrimental
to the United States, is to provide a
system whereby Federal funds will be
withheld from any program in which
such discrimination is found. This way,
we are told, the United States of Amer-
ica will not be placed in the untenable
position of subsidizing -discriminatory
practices. This is said to be good and
beneficial for our own people, who, after
all, provide a part of the funds which
may subsequently be withheld from them
or from programs from which they are
entitled to benefit. These are the same
people whose tax money provides the
funds which we are now authorizing to be
spent in foreign countries. Unless the
Congress performs equal justice by
adopting an amendment such as I have
offered to this bill, it will seem to many
that we have set a double standard: One
for our own people, and another for peo-
ple of foreign countries.
If it is untenable for the United States
to subsidize discrimination in our own
country, it is equally untenable for the
United States to subsidize discrimina-
tion in any foreign country. Perhaps
there will be those who are sincerely
worried lest we appear to be seeking to
control the internal affairs of a foreign
country. I believe that they need have
no fear in this regard concerning my
amendment. By adopting this amend-
ment, we are not seeking to control the
foreign affairs of any country; we are
merely seeking to control the expendi-
ture of U.S. money. I want to empha-
size that Congress not only, has the au-
thority to do this, but it has the clear
responsibility to do so.
Exmarr 1
[From U.S. News & World Report, July 1,
1963]
RACE TROUBLE?IS IT THE SAME THE WORLD
OvErc?
(Race conflicts in the United States are
drawing a wave of criticism from abroad.
White treatment of Negroes is widely de-
nounced as a horrible example to mankind.)
(But is this primarily an American prob-
lem? A check around the world shows that
oppression, segregation, color bars are com-
mon in most countries. In many, racial
antagonism is far worse than anything in
America?and it's still growing.)
Look the world over and you quickly dis-
cover that race is a problem in almost every
place where color differences exist.
Africa's blacks have the? whites on the
run in the Congo and Kenya?at a time of
outcry against white rule in South Africa
and Portuguese Angola.
Chinese are seeking th rally colored races
of the world to their side in their battle with
Russia for leaderehip of the world Commu-
nist movement.
Russia, on her part, is holding down the
yellow races in her population. Negro stu-
dents from Africa have ? been attacked by
whites in the Soviet bloc.
Great Britain, after race riots, has cut
down drastically On' immigrationof black and
brown people.
Mulattoes, the propertied people of Haiti,
are being oppressed by a Negro-supported
dictatorship. In British Guiana, British
troops are trying to prevent civil war between
Negroes and persons whose ancestors came
from India.
India, itself, is deeply divided by caste in
which differing color often plays a role.
Many countries practice discrimination on
other grounds besides race.
Ceylon has denied citizenship to hundreds
of thousands of persons whose ancestors
came from India within the last century.
Christians, in Egypt, find themselves at a
disadvantage in getting jobs. Arabs, in
Israel, feel left out.
Yet the world, moralizing, tends whenever
possible to point the finger of blame at the
United States and its race problem.
To find whether other nations, too, have
trouble in integrating, U.S. News & World Re-
port asked its correspondents abroad for on-
the-ground reports.
BRITAIN : RACE FEELING RUNS HIGH
London
The British are using Commonwealth seg-
regation to avert explosive race problems.
Race riots in British cities caused Parlia-
ment to end free entry of people from other
Commonwealth countries.
What had become a flood of black peo-
ple from the Caribbean is reduced to a
trickle. Negroes who had been coming in
at the rate of 5,000 a month are permitted to
enter now at a rate below 500.
Only 50 Pakistanis are coming monthly,
compared with more than 4,000 before the
gates were closed. Immigration from India
is down from 3,000 a month to about 600.
In Britain, the ratio of colored to white is
about 1 in 100?compared with 1 in 9 in the
United States. In all of Britain there are
about 500,000 Negroes. Yet race feelings run
high.
Negroes are discriminated against in hous-
ing, jobs, restaurants, and in pubs. Upper
class Negroes making hotel reservations often
find no rooms available when they show up.
Newspaper advertisements offering apart-
ments frequently stipulate "Europeans only"
or "no coloreds."
Mixed manages are increasing, though.
White girls with black men are a fairly coin.
August 8
mon sight in London. Racial mixing, social-
- ly, is wideapread in universities and ?does not
seem to be frowned upon. There is no seg-
regation in state-run schools, where the Ne-
gro proportion usually is not large.
Segregation, however, is extensive in 'in-
dustry.
Government-operated employment ex-
changes frequently are instructed by employ-
ers to send "no coloreds, Irish or Jews." In
factories that do not ban colored workers,
there is usually an unofficial "quota" for
nonwhites. A majority_of colored persons
take the jobs that whites don't want.
Legislation to outlaw racial discrimina-
tion?similar to that President Kennedy is
submitting to .Congress?has been intro-
duced in Parliament in each of the past 5
years but has been defeated repeatedly.
AFRICA: INTENSE HATRED OF WHITES
Leopoldville
Rape feeling is strong here in the Congo
and elsewhere in black Africa where hatred
of whites is intense.
As a result, the white man's future on this
continent appears to be anything but promis-
ing.
Travel through many of the newly inde-
pendent countries of Africa and you find
that, where the African once was treated as
inferior to the white "colonialist," the situa-
tion to day is reversed. It is the black man
who is becoming entitled to jobs and prop-
erty, to the exclusion of the white man.
Furthermore, one tribe discriminates against
another?in fact, slavery is not unknown.
Kenya offers an example of the new twist'
to the race problem in Africa. -
Kenya is to achieve full independence at
the end of this year. Among the 7 million
Africans is a white minority of 60,000?large-
ly landowners?and an Indian minority of
165,000.
Kenya's black leaders say there will be no
- discrimination on the basis of race. Yet
discrimination actually has begun. A white
civil servant, who may have been born in
Kenya and spent his entire life there, is like-
ly as not to find his job taken over by an
African of black skin. Idea is to "Africanize"
the Government.
Thousands of white settlers, fearing what
lies ahead, already have left. Value of rich
farms, built up by whites, has been in 13._ r
drastic decline.
Indians in Kenya live completely apart -/
from both whites and blacks. There is little,
if any, social mixing..
There is, moreover, little mixing among
Kenya's 50 or more black tribes. Many fear
domination by the Kikuyu tribe with its 1.5
million members. One tribe, the Masai, is of
Nilo-Hamitic origin rather than Negro. It
completely disdains association with other
tribes and believes races should be kept com-
pletely separate. The Somalis of northern
Kenya want to secede and join their brethren'
in Somalia.
The Sudan, biggest country in Africa,
practices both religious and racial segrega-
tion. The African tribes of the southern
Sudan, many of them Christian or pagan,
are regarded as inferior by Arabs, who are
Moslem. Few blacks, especially if they are
Christians, can get jobs in the civil service.
Intermarriage is infrequent.
In the Congo, the Lulua and Baluba Triben
wage continual war. Around Leopoldville,
the Bakongo Tribe dreams of setting up a
Bakongo nation. Many whites, since the
end of Belgian rule, have been subjected
to abuse, injury, and even death by armed
blacks.
The haughty desert tribe of Nigeria called
the Fulani 'will not mix with the Hausas,
who are of different stock. Fulanis consider
themselves a superior race who ought natu-
rally to be served by others.
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1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
Even in Liberia, discrimination is preva-
lent. "Americo-Liberians," descendants of
U.S. slaves, run the country and do.not mix
easily with backward tribesmen.
"Integration" is not something that gets
any real attention in black Africa.
ASIA: "GHETTOS" AND "UNTOUCHABLES"
Tokyo
Nowhere in the great arc of east Asia,
from Japan to India, is there a country free
of racial antagonism or of discrimination
against. minorities.
Segregation is not sanctioned by law in
any area. Yet "separateness" of minorities
is enforced by popular attitudes far more
severe than segregation in the United States.
In Japan, for instance, Koreans who have
spent all their lives in Japan live in "ghettos"
because of economic and social pressures.
They are scorned by the Japanese and are
"second-class citizens" by any definition.
Another skeleton in Japan's closet consists
of the Eta, the "untouchables" of Japan,
who number an estimated 3 million. They
are descendants of executioners, butchers,
leatherworkers, potters, undertakers, and
umbrella makers.
In fuedal times they could go outside
their own villages only between sundown
and sunrise. The class and segregated vil-
lages were abolished in 1871. Yet today
there are at least 6,000 Japanese communi-
ties that are almost exclusively Eta, among
the poorest in Japan.
Many firms unofficially discriminate
against workers of Eta birth. Even now it
is almost impossible for an Eta to marry out-
side the class. Each year, young couples
commit suicide because one is Eta and par-
ents refuse permission to marry. Vast in-
creases in spending by the Government to
upgrade the Eta have not changed popular
attitudes.
Discrimination confronts Chinese living in
practically every country of southeast Asia.
In Indonesia, a presidential decree in 1959
prohibited alien traders?almost exclusively
Chinese?from trading outside the main
towns. An estimated 300,000 village shops
closed their doors. Forty thousand Chinese,
"encouraged" by the Government and un-
willing to become Indonesian citizens, left
the country for Red China.
Indonesia's remaining Chinese are sub-
jected to periodic rioting by Indonesian stu-
'dents. Chinese homes and shops in many
towns have been burned and looted recently.
Thailand, in the 1940's, declared 10 prov-
inces and four urban areas "out of bounds"
to Chinese. Twenty-seven occupations pre-
viously dominated by Chinese were reserved
for Thai nationals. Chinese were forbidden
to own land. The nationality law was
amended in 1953 to provide that children
born of Chinese mothers should not become
Thai citizens.
South Vietnam, in 1956, ordered 500,000
locally born Chinese males to adopt Vietnam-
ese names, pay taxes and register for
mili-
tary service. All other Chinese males were
automatically classified as foreigners, barred
from 11 trades and lines of business in which
most were engaged at the time.
The Philippines, in 1954, forbade Chinese
to start new retail enterprises or to pass along
retail businesses to their heirs. Since then,
the number of Chinese trade outlets in the
Philippines has declined from 18,000 to 12,000.
Last year, Chinese were banned from rice
and corn processing industries. They can-
not own agricultural land.
Even in Malaya, where Chinese make up
43 percent of the population, they are heavily
discriminated against. State constitutions
make certain types and areas of land avail-
able only to Malayans. Quotas maintain a
4-to-1 ratio of Malayans in government serv-
ice and the armed forces. University scholar-
ships generally go to Malayans.
Red China, in its foreign propaganda, calls
upon' Africans and Asians to throw off "the
white man's yoke." Recently, in its quarrel
with the Soviet leadership over Red doctrine,
it has claimed to speak for the colored races?
and has identified Moscow, more and more,
with the white race.
At home, however, China's Reds are intent
on wiping out the identity of minorities in
the thinly populated plains of Mongolia and
the mountains of Tibet and southwest China.
Inner Mongolia was given "autonomy," but
the area was expanded to include large
chunks of territory inhabited by Chinese.
In Tibet and Sinkiang, Chinese settlers were
brought in from the outside. Chinese got
most of the government posts and Chinese
was made a compulsory second language in
the schools. Land reform and a succession
of purges stripped minorities of jobs, animals,
and land.
Racial, tribal, and religious hostilities
abound in Asia. Indonesia's Javanese ma-
jority has troubles with the Sumatrans, and
South Vietnam's Catholic-dominated Gov-
ernment takes time off from its war of sur-
vival against the Reds to crack down on
Buddhist priests representing the religious
views of a large majority of the people. In
Laos, as well as South Vietnam, discrimina-
tion is practiced against mountain tribesmen.
Yet everywhere in Asia, one hears bitting
criticism of racial discrimination in the
United States. Nowhere is that criticism
stronger than in India?itself plagued by
the world's most spectacular example of seg-
regation.
This segregation is based on caste, an in-
tegral part of orthodox Hinduism. It divides
Hindus into four main castes ranging down-
ward from Brahmans, who provide the core
of Indian cultural and political leader-
ship.
Each caste, in turn, has hundreds of sub-
castes based on clan, religion, or occupation.
Outside the caste system are perhaps 60
million untouchables.
From ancient times on, untouchables have
been condemned to menial tasks such as
cleaning latrines. They were forbidden use of
certain temples, and could use only a special
entrance of their own into the house of a
caste Hindu where they were employed. In
some extreme instances they could not let
their shadow fall across a Brahman.
Race plays a role in the caste system. His-
tory indicates that caste was imposed by
light-skinned Aryan invaders against dark-
skinned inhabitants of India thousands of
years ago. Color lines, since, have blurred.
Even today, however, a light-skinned Brah-
man from the north is considered socially
above a dark-skinned Brahman of southern
India.
Modern India has abolished untouchability
by law. Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru
and others decry segregation by caste. But
thousands of untouchable villages still exist
in India near villages reserved for caste.
Hindus. In the Gujarat area near Bombay,
a survey not long ago showed 1,732 villages
where untouchables still could not draw
water from public wells.
Despite some breakdown of caste barriers
among educated Hindus, marriage advertise-
ments still specify caste in most cases?and
often mention a fair complexion.
Even Christians and Moslems of "untouch-
able" ancestry still find themselves cleaning
latrines of caste Hindus. Some Christian
churches in south India seat persons ac-
cording to caste origins. It will be gen-
erations, informed Indians admit, before
the world's harshest segregation is abolished
in fact as well as law.
LATIN AMERICA: INDIANS ARE "CATTLE"
Mexico City
Latin America, in the past, often has been
pictured has having little racial trouble. But
Latin Americans, more and more, are becom-
ing aware of race.
18117
Bitter racial conflict is developing in Brit-
ish Guiana, On the northeast corner of
South America. Guiana shows that it doesn't
. take a white man to make a race prob-
lem.
There, whites account for only 13,000 out of
560,000, as the country approaches inde-
pendence. Negroes, and descendants of la-
borers brought from India, are almost equal
in numbers?and racial trouble centers on
them.
East Indians dominate the ruling party,
and an East Indian, Cheddi Jagan, is Prime
Minister. Since he came to power in 1961,
however, there have been two serious riots
involving Government and Negro-dominated
labor unions.
A general strike, which began in late April,
has heightened ill feeling between the two
races and the situation now is considered ex-
plosive.
Elsewhere, it is the American Indian who
often is discriminated against. In Peru, for
example, millions of Indians are almost serfs
and referred to by whites as "cattle."
Mexico and Brazil are held up as examples
of countries where racial tolerance is the
rule. Yet even in those countries, persons
of lighter skins tend to dominate the rul-
ing classes. In El Salvador, the social sec-
retary of the country's leading hotel was fired
when she allowed her skin to become too
suntanned. Costa Rica, where 85 to 90 per-
cent of the population is white, looks dubi-
ously on integration with other Central
American countries which are predominantly
Indian and of mixed blood.
In Haiti, the story is somewhat different.
There, mulatto aristocrats who once were
the country's coffee dealers and merchants
have been imprisoned and killed, and their
property has been stolen. President Francois
Duvalier bases his power on the country's 90-
percent Negro majority, and employs street
gangs and militia with a black-racist ideol-
ogy.
RUSSIA: NEGROES BEATEN UP
Vienna
In the Soviet Empire, segregation is not
officially practiced. Communist doctrine
preaches brotherhood of races and condemns
racism as a capitalist product.
The actual picture, however, is rather
different.
Largest nonwhite group in Russia is that
of yellow-skinned Moslems, constituting 10
percent of the total population. They are
found in Soviet central Asia and along the
Volga River. Large numbers of Russians
have been brought into those areas to reduce
the predominance of Moslems. Most im-
portant positions in government, business,
and the armed forces are held by Russians.
Since 1957, there has not been a Jew on the
Communist Party's ruling Presidium. Only
one Jew is found in a leading Government
post.
Friction between white and black now is
developing.
Negro students from Africa have com-
plained that they were beaten up by Russian
youths after dancing with Russian girls.
Africans also complain of harassment on
trolley cars, on streets and elsewhere.
Similar trouble is developing in satellite
nations.
Last February, most of the 350 African
students in Bulgaria decided to leave the
country when authorities banned the Pan-
African Sudents Union. Bulgarian students,
the Africans said, "were not even willing to
sit next to us, and they called us 'black
apes'."
In Czechoslovakia, reports told of a spring-
time brawl in Prague during which a crowd
of 300 young Czechs beat an African student
for 15 minutes. That evening, two African
students were beaten up, and an African
diplomat found all four of the tires slashed
on his automobile.
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18118 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
These and similar stories are disillusioning
to Africans who once saw the promise Of
racial equality under communism.
CANADA: "INTOLERANCE IS WIDESPREAD"
0.ttalsa
In Canada, the "wrong" color. race or re-
ligion can be a severe handicap. By law
there is no discrimination based upon either
race or color. But a leading newspaper in
Toronto recently noted that "intolerance is
already widespread in Canada?directed not
only at the Jews but at many other racial
and religious groups."
French Canadians complain bitterly that
they are "second-class citizens" dominated
by Canadians of English background.
In Quebec Province, French Canadians have
unleashed a campaign of terror to back up
demands for secession from the other nine
provinces.
Rigid quotas limit immigration of col-
ored races from the West Indies and Asia.
Canada's 32,000 Negroes often encounter dis-
crimination in seeking jobs, meals in restau-
rants, or living accommodations.
A Negro couple in Halifax answered 60 ad-
vertisements of apartments without success.
Negro tourists from the United States are
sometimes turned away from resorts despite
advance reservations and deposits.
Officially. Canada's 210,000 Indians are
equal in every respect to other Canadians.
Unofficially, they are often treated as
pariahs, avoided whenever possible, and
stereotyped as "dirty, drunken, shiftless In-
dians."
For example, an attempt to establish an
Indian hostel in Winnipeg sparked emo-
tional protests?even though the site was in
a slum area.
In another Manitoba city, a survey re-
vealed almost two-thirds of the residents
were prejudiced against Indians and half-
breeds.
Three out of four Canadian Indians still
live on reservations?unable or unwilling to
overcome prejudice and compete for jobs,
housing and social acceptance on the "out-
side." One angry chief complained his band
was suffering from lack of education, drastic
unemployment, no medical care, unfair
labor practices and indifferent federal offi-
cials. Here, as in the United States, the
problem of Indians?who once owned the
country?tends to be overshadowed by that
of Negroes and other minority groups.
Eskimos, numbering only a few thousand
and seldom seen in urban centers, stir more
curiosity than hostility. Even so, a Cana-
dian white recently lost his job because he
married an airline stewardess who is an
Eskimo.
What turns up in Canada is just another
version of the same story to be found in any
part of the world which has differing races.
Mass murder on the scale practiced by
Adolf Hitler in Germany against the Jews
in the 1930's and 1940's is not counte-
nanced by any government in the world to-
day. But segregation or discrimination on
a wide variety of grounds is being practiced
wherever large minorities exist.
Even in countries where racial minorities
are relatively small, you learn, there is racial
antagonism. Often that antagonism is most
violent in those countries which now pro-
fess horror at America's handling of its ra-
cial problem.
EXHIBIT 2
[From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 15, 1693]
PREJUDICE ABROAD: DISCRIMINATION GROWS IN
A EUROPE CRITICAL OF U.S. RACE RELA.?
TIONS?"No COLORED" ADS ABOUND IN BRIT-
ASN: FRENCH BOYS CALL NEGRO PLAYMATE
"CHOCOLAT"?BIAS IN ANOTHER BIRMING-
HAM
(By Robert E. Dallos)
BIRMINGHAM, England.?Dr. C. J. K. Pilisio
of this city took care to book a room before
he set out on a recent jaunt to the seaside
resort of Bournemouth. Nevertheless he
spent the first night of his vacation sleeping
in-his car. The inn at which he planned to
stay refused to honor his reservation because
he is a Negro.
Now Dr. Pilisio fumes: "I'd rather live in
the Deep South of the United States than
here in Britain. At least an American Negro
knows exactly where he can go and
where he won't be admitted. In this coun-
try there is constant color discrimination,
but the Negro never knows where or when
he'll meet humiliation and rejection."
The doctor's experience points up a strong
international irony. Americans have often
been stung by loud European criticism of
race discrimination in the United States, and
this summer's American race crisis is giving
the critics much new ammunition. But at
the same time, a growing number of non-
whites living in Europe complain they're
being discriminated against, too.
In some ways this discrimination is milder
than in the United States. Unlike many
American Negroes, colored Europeans usually
attend school with whites. Proportionately
more of them have white neighbors, too.
BRITAIN'S BIRMINGHAM
But in other ways discrimination in
Britain gets quite blatant at times. Readers
of the London Weekly Advertiser see dozens
of ads like this: "Manor Road, two unfur-
nished flats, ground floor, three rooms and
kitchen. No colored." In Birmingham, Eng-
land, as in Birmingham, Ala., several large
manufacturing firms maintain separate toilet
facilities for white and colored employees.
Indeed a recent survey of companies which
employ about 30 percent of the labor force
in Britain's Birmingham?England's second
largest city and center of the auto industry?
turned up only 318 companies that will hire
colored help at all, againt 365 that won't.
On the continent, discrimination rarely
takes such an overt form?perhaps because
the nonwhite percentage of the population is
much smaller than in England. But in vari-
ous subtle ways bias exists there, too.
In France a reputation for tolerance has
drawn some American Negro intellectuals,
such as the late novelist-Richard Wright, to
seek bias-free homes in Paris. But Ezekiel
Mphalele, an African now living in the
French metropolis, says his 10-year-old son
recently lost a white playmate when the
white boy's father ordered him "not to play
with black boys." Other white children, says
Mr. Mphalele, call his own "chocolat." Even
In West Germany, where nonwhites make up
an extremely smal proportion of the popu-
lation, the national government admits
African students have trouble renting rooms.
LESSON FOR 'UNITED STATES?
To some sociologists, all this suggests a
melancholy lesson for the United States:
Overcoming race prejudice may be much
harder than some integration leaders now
anticipate. In no European country, these
students point out, does the nonwhite pro-
portion of the population come anywhere
near America's 10 percent; even in Britain
It's only about 1 percent. So, these sociolo-
gists say, the existence of discrimination in
places where there are so few nonwhites to
discriminate against indicates the tendency
to bias among whites is extremely deep
seated.
But bias does seem to rise with the number
of nonwhites around. In Britain, non-
whites and discrimination alike were rare 10
years ago. But then immigrants?mostly
nonwhites?dissatisfied with economic con-
ditions in other British Commonwealth
countries began to pour in; the annual in-
migration rose from 42,700 in 1955 to 136,400
in 1961, and the cumulative total from 1955
through the first half of 1962 reached 450,000.
These immigrants, who included West Indian
Negroes and dark-skinned Indians and Pakis-
August 8
tants, make up the bulk of Britain's current
nonwhite population of about 500,000.
The bias the immigrants encountered is
not a legal problem. Britain has no laws
compelling segregation. But its laws don't
forbid discrimination either, so whites can
subject colored Britons to a variety of pri-
vate pressures.
FACTORY BIAS
One such pressure is described by L. G.
Wilson, a Jamaican who supervises 30 white
and 10 colored linotype operators in a Lon-
don print shop. "Recently my company has
been receiving complaints from white work-
ers who sai they don't want to work for a
Negro," he claims. "Their complaints have
turned to resignations, and now my bosses
are trying to push me out by making me work
all sorts of unfair and odd hours. I'm going
back to Jamaica soon." In other factories,
white unionists have struck to prevent the
hiring of nonwhites who would work along-
side them.
Social barriers are common, too. In the
Birmingham Suburb of Smethwick, a white
barber cries "no colored hair cut here" as
an Indian worker approaches his shop. And
a white touring Smethwick pubs with three
well-dressed colored friends finds his party
admitted only to the shirt-sleeved working-
men's section and banned from the more
formal lounge of the Soho Tavern. "I hate
to do this," said the bartender "but I'm only
the vacation employee and the owner left
steict orders not to admit colored folk in the
lounge."
These restrictions now are inspiring the
beginnings of a U.S.-style protest movement
among colored Britons. Last month a group
of Indians began staging sit-downs on the
sidewalk before the Bermuda Tavern in
Wolhampton, an industrial town near Bir-
mingham. Leaders of the demonstration vow
to sit on the pavement every Saturday night
until the pub owner agrees to serve them,
and colored spokesmen promise similar dem-
onstrations elsewhere soon.
Bias is also causing political controversy
in Britain as in the United States. Last
year the Conservative Party government
pushed through legislation restricting immi-
gration from the Commonwealth. In the 10
months through April 30, the new law cut
the flow of immigrants to about 20,000, from
94,900 in the last 6 months before it went ,
Into effect. ?
Though the law does not mention race as
such, Conservatives say it was necessary be-
cause "uncontrolled immigration" was con-
tributing to racial tension. But Shirley Fos-
sick, campaign secretary of the Coordinating
Committee Against Racial Discrimination in
Birmingham, says the law has "increased dis-
crimination in Britain." She says it "in-
fluenced the person who had no feelings one
way or the other (to think) that colored
people are not suitable citizens of this coun-
try."
? LABORITES' VIEWS
Some Labor Party leaders now are prom-
ising to repeal- the immigration law if their
party wins the next general election. And
Laborite Fenner Brockway has eight times
introduced legislation in Parliament to ban
some acts of bias; it has been defeated each
time by legislators who cherish the tradition
that British laws do not recognize that race
exists. The Brockway bill is somewhat simi-
lar to the civil rights bill now before the U.S.
Congress; it would outlaw discrimination in
ads, such as those for apartments, and in
public places such as dancehalls, movie
houses, and pubs.
Finally, Patrick Gordon Walker, Labor's
chief spokesman on foreign affairs, charged
in a recent speech that some local Conser-
vative parties in recent local elections "at-
tempted, with deliberate calculation, to stir
up racial strife in an effort to obtain votes."
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_ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
In some districts, he says, children were or-
ganized to parade round the streets, singing:
"If you want a nigger neighbor, vote Labor."
In France, where 100,000 Negroes make up
two-tenths of 1 percent of the population,
open bias is rare. Indeed many voters want
a Negro to succeed General de Gaulle as
President. In a recent poll to see whom
Frenchmen would favor if the general does
not run for reelection Gaston Monnerville,
Negro head of the French Senate; led all
others, being the choice of 28 percent of those
polled.
Still French Negroes complain that taxi
drivers often ignore them, and clerks in small
shops wait on them only after whites are
served. Jean-Pierre N'Diaye, a Senegalese
sociologist, says some French professors are
reluctant to give good grades to African uni-
versity students. And 13 percent of the
Frenchmen queried in a recent poll were op-
posed to having daily professional relation-
ships with Negroes.
BLUNTER BIAS
Blunter bias pops up sometimes, too. Last
month police were called when a Negro from
Martinque objected to his expulsion from the
New York City Bar in Lyon; they beat the
Negro so severely that he required hospital-
ization. The Paris newspaper Le Monde then
surveyed the bars in Lyon and found that 11
refused to serve Negroes.
Unhappily and perhaps unjustly, some
French bias is blamed on the influence of
visiting Americans. Albert Levy, secretary of
an antidiscrimination group, says his organ-
ization has investigated several complaints
that Negroes were refused rooms in Paris
hotels. "The hotel owners told us they were
forced to bar Negroes because they had a
large American clientele which objected to
them," Mr. Levy reports.
Negroes charge a somewhat similar situa-
tion exists in Germany. The Negro magazine
Flamingo, published in London, recently de-
scribed the city of Mainz as "Germany's
Little Rock"; it said American Negro and
white GI's frequent different off-base bars
there and African students might have
trouble being served in the white's favorite
bars. This "prejudice did not come from
the burghers of Mainz," the magazine claims.
"Most of the blame can be put at the feet of
American servicemen in the town."
[From the Washington (D.C.) Sunday Star,
June 23, 1963]
DISCRIMINATION IN SOME FORM IS
WORLDWIDE
With the exception of Antarctica, where
there are no people, few large areas of the
world have been immune to the virus of prej-
udice.
Thus, discrimination, racial or religious,
ethnic or economic, leaves little room for
self-righteousness in most of the globe's
heavily populated regions. It varies in kind
and degree around the earth. But one
striking fact that emerges from an Associ-
ated Press survey is that neither the age nor
the type nor the background nor the inten-
tion of a given government makes it neces-
sarily immune.
As far as can be determined, only one
country practices internal segregation as a
matter of national policy or law. That is
the Union of South Africa. Few countries
enforce or justify it by law on any level and
one of the few, of course, is the United.
States, where segregation is 'still a matter
of State statute in parts- of the South.
WRAPPED IN IRONY
But it occurs in many other places around
the world even where it is forbidden by law
and wrapped in irony.
Thus, India found that the mere process
of independence from the white man did not
cleanse it of discrimination by Indians.
No. 154-11
Thus, England, whose intellectuals used to
criticize Alnerican race relations while the
British had no minority problem of their
own at Thnm.e, now finds its own people not
immune to the ugly sores of racial stress.
The emerging black man in Equatorial
Africa and, the emerging Arab in North Africa
begin to rule themselves under constitutions
proclaiming racial freedom for all. Mean-
while, they practice some discrimination
against whites and Asians in an effort to re-
dress old imbalances in government and
trade. And only time will prove once the
imbalance is balanced, whether such dis-
crimination can be ended.
None of this is to say that discrimination,
as Americans understand it, occurs every-
where or in major proportions in most places.
It is relatively rare, for example, in Scan-
dinavia, New Zealand, Australia and, from
most points of view, France.
AS A STATE OF MIND
But discrimination is also a state of mind,
sometimes lost in semantics, frequently dif-
ficult to label as such. In France, for ex-
ample, the President of the Senate is a Negro.
Negroes and persons of North African origin
who can afford it circulate freely in hotels,
restaurants and night clubs. But most of
the 500,000 Algerians in France are unedu-
cated and unskilled and hold the lowest
paying jobs.
Is this discrimination or a simple fact of
economic life? The free and easy Austra-
lians, who show an enlightened attitude
toward their one small minority, the aborig-
ines, enforce an immigration policy which
keeps colored races out. This is done in the
hope of building a homogeneous, frictionless
society. Is this effort to avert racial strife
discriminatory? In many places in South
America, Indians make up the most depressed
classes, poor and uneducated. Is this dis-
crimination or another raw fact of eco-
nomics?
In India and other parts of Asia, where
America has often been concerned about Its
own image, neither semantics nor rationaliza-
tion can hide the fact of discrimination.
In a total population of 461 million, nearly
100 million in India are listed by the census
as untouchables. The untouchables rank
below the Hindu caste system, which has
four main castes and more than 3,000 local
subcastes. Many Indians who are now Mos-
lems and Christians are descendants of
untouchables who were converted to escape
the Hindu caste system. But even among
the Moslems and Christians distinctions fre-
quently remain between high and low castes.
CONDITIONS IN CEYLON
In Ceylon it is the Hindu who complains
of discrimination although here, too, there
are constitutional provisions against it. The
ruling majority group are the Buddhists
whose tongue, singhalese, is now the official
state language. The 1 million Tamil speak-
ing Hindus complain the language barrier
and their difficulty in getting government
jobs has forced them into second-class
citizenship.
The Catholics, too, say they are targets of
discrimination in public service appoint-
ments. Thus, a situation is reversed. Under
British rule, which ended in 1956, the singh-
alese complained the Christians and Tamils
were favored.
In 1958 an estimated 1,000 Tamils were
killed in widespread rioting led by the
singhalese.
While they complain of discrimination at
the hands of the majority, the Tamils them-
selves discriminate against each other. The
Vellala or high class Tamils do not allow
low caste people to drink at public wells ex-
cept in segregated areas. Low caste women
are not permitted to cover their upper body
or sit on chairs in the presence of the higher
caste.
to.
18119
MOSLEM PAKISTAN
In Moslem Pakistan, where the Hindus are
a 12-percent minority, no non-Moslem could
ever become president, according to the con-
stitution. Otherwise, there are no legal bars
but in fact no Hindu occupies any high gov- '
ernment job, none get into the military serv- -
ices, few get governmental jobs of any kind.
and many have difficulty getting private jobs.
In southeast Asia, where many Chinese
have migrated over the years and won com-
manding positions in trade and finance, an-
tagonism toward them is common. It is
particularly strong in Indonesia, where Presi-
dent Sukarno's government has tried to limit
Chinese activity in business.
Still, the 3 million people of Chinese de-
scent in a total population of 100 million
control a great deal of Indonesia's economic
life. Indonesia recognizes the Peiping gov-
ernment but that did not stop recent rioting
and destruction of Chinese property in the
wake of a visit by the President of Commu-
nist China.
RUSSIAN DISCRIMINATION
On the other side of the world, in Moscow,
where Russian propaganda factories rarely
miss a chance to exploit America's racial
troubles, the picture is difficult to delinate.
The Russian constitution espouses protec-
tion for all classes and forbids discrimina-
tion. The Government denies -there is any
discrimination against Russian Jews or visit-
ing African students.
But the Jews claim they Suffer unequal
difficulty in getting important jobs or get-
ting into universities. A disproportionate
number of Jews have been executed for
economic crimes, which the Soviets say in-
dicates no discrimination.
But Western observers point out that the
presence of so many Jews in illegal business
may be explained by their difficulty in get-
ting jobs in normal areas. And the Jews
themselves point out that of all national or ,
racial groups in the Soviet Union they alone'
are required to have the word "Jew" printed
on their passports.
There is, of course, active discrimination
against Christians, whose belief in God
makes them ideologically unacceptable for
posts of importance in the Soviet Union.
Elsewhere behind the Iron Curtain, there
are legal prohibitions against discrimination-
but visiting correspondents hear murmurs.
In Hungary, for example, they hear tradi-
tional anti-Semitic and anti-Gypsy senti-
ments.
PREJUDICE AGAINST STUDENTS
In Czechoslovakia and Bulgaria there is
clearly a growing popular feeling against
visiting colored students. In Czecho-
slovakia, many people blamed the depressed
economy on large-scale exports to Africa and
Asia during the Communist political offen-
sive there.
In Poland, where Hitler left fewer than
50,000 Jews out of a prewar population off
VA million, discrimination is illegal. Jews
appear to have no problem in housing,
education, or employment except that there
is an undercurrent of resentment over the
number of posts they occupy in government,
party, publishing, news media, literature,
and finance.
In turbulent Africa, where the complexion
of power is changing rapidly, it is still too
early to tell whether the black man or the
dusky-skinned man will prove less dis-
criminatory than the white man who ruled
before him.
The new rulers endorse laws which seek
to outlaw prejudicial treatment of any one
group. But they also, understandably, seek
to increase the affluence and influence
denied many of their people under former
white masters.
In Kenya, where the African has begun to
rule himself, the government openly gives
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wide preference to African applicants for
civil service jobs. European -and Asian civil
servants are being prematurely retired. Most
Europeans forced out this way receive gen-
erous financial :allowances. The Asians do
less well and are complaining.
NEGRO MILLIONS IN KENYA
Africans or Negroes total 8 million in
Kenya as compared to 180,000 Asians, 66,000
Europeans, and 39,000 Arabs. Small though
their group is, most of the country's com-
merce is still controlled by Asians. This may
prove temporary.
While they have not suffered as badly as
their compatriots in Uganda from trade boy-
cotts imposed by African nationalists many
Asian shopkeepers in Kenya fear the future.
They say they will return to India if, after
complete independence, their shops are boy-
cotted or the government imposes high dis-
criminatory taxes on them and Europeans.
The three independent Moslem states in
formerly French north Africa?Tunisia, Al-
geria, and Morocco?officially do not sanction
discrimination. Yet it occurs in some forms.
mainly against the remaining European
settlers and Jews.
ARABS IN ISRAEL
Ten percent of Israel's 21/2 million people
are Arabs., Are they targets of discrimina-
tion? The tangible evidence indicates they
are not, but still many Arabs feel an unease,
a psychological disadvantage. Probably this
feeling will never be erased while Israel is
surrounded by hostile Arab nations.
But within the country, the Israeli Arabs
arc protected by laws against unequal treat-
ment of any group. They get equal pay for
equal work in industry, most of their farm-
ers own their own land, they enjoy the same
benefits of government road building and
irrigation projects, they can and do enter
any public place, and they vote. The parlia-
ment has seven Arab deputies.
The one legal difference between Arabs
and Jews is that the Arabs are not subject
to compulsory military training.
Elsewhere in the Middle East, in Lebanon,
Syria, and Iraq, for example, the Moslems
predominate Vat the remaining Jews appear
to have few complaints. Hatred of Jews is
confined to Israelis or Zionists. Jews there
who engage in no pro-Israel activity, are free
to worship and work peacefully. The Jewish
community in Lebanon retains considerable
financial influence.
The Sudan, however, has its racial and reli-
gious troubles. Negro pagan and Christian
tribes in the south are kept under strict
controls by the Arab Moslems of the north.
Rioting was reported in 1962 to protest the
enforced "Arabization" of the Negro south.
South Africa, of course, remains the world's
clearest example of racial separation and dis-
crimination, the only country where it is
national policy imposed by law and enforced
rigorously in everyday life.
ENVISIONS SEPARATE CAREER
The government, in pursuing its policy of
apartheid, speaks of the day when whites and
blacks will live in separate areas, each gov-
erning themselves, in some kind of national
federation.
Meanwhile, though, the 3 million whites
rule themselves and the 11 million blacks,
and there is no doubt in anyone's mind
which complexion runs the country. The
black man has no vote, no political rights,
little freedom of movement, and is segregated
In virtually every phase of his life?living
quarters, transportation, churches, post of-
fices, movies, libraries, restaurants, and sepa-
rate counters in all government offices.
Much of Western Europe appears free of
discrimination. Overt anti-Semitism is now
rare in West Germany and Austria, where
Hitler's massacres probably left those coun-
tries acutely self-conscious about the subject
for years to come.
HIDDEN ANTI-SEMITISM
Some observers, however, feel that hid-
den anti-Semitism is still very strong in
Germany, particularly among middle-aged
and older people. But. authorities treat the
surviving German Jews (20,000 out of 500,-
000) with such consideration that some see
the danger of a new anti-Semitism resulting
from the _current self-conscious pro-Semi-
tism.
Italy has no legal discrimination. How-
ever, the German-speaking residents of the
south Tyrol and the Slav groups in Trieste
complain of unequal treatment in jobs and
housing. The feeling has erupted into
bombings and other violence which Italian
authorities attribute to nationalist groups.
England has about 500,000 nonwhites,
roughly 1 percent of the population. Most
of these are West Indians who came looking
for work. The rest are Indians, Pakistanis,
and Africans. .
So far in 1963, the country has escaped
major race conflict for the first time in 10
years. The penalties for street rioting, such
as the violence which lasted a week in Lon-
don's Notting Hill district in 1958, are now
more severe. Immigration of nonwhites has
been sharply curtailed. Still, -police and so-
cial workers believe more eruptions are in-
evitable.
The conclusions one can draw from this
word survey of discrimination are few. For
a broad variety of reasons, economic, social,
political, religious' or physical, historic or
new, real or imagined, men feel and exhibit
mutual hate, which may be the other side
of mutual fear. Discrimination occurs in
many places, the mere fact of which justifies
it no place.
EXHIBIT 3
[From the Tulsa (Okla.) Tribune, July 11,
1963]
THE BLACKER POTS
Secretary of State Dean Rusk told Con-
gress Wednesday that unless it promptly
enacts legislation that would permit a Wash-
ington bureau to supervise the renting of
Mrs. Murphy's spare bedroom and the hiring
of a fry cook in a hamburger stand the world
will "question the real convictions of the
American people."
The argument that we must vastly extend
the power of the Federal Government in
order to piove to foreigners that we are fair-
minded is a favorite of the "liberals." Maybe
it's time we looked at some of the foreigners.
Last fall the Government of Saudi Arabia
finally got around to freeing the slaves.
That is, it agreed to pay a compensation of
$700 for every male slave set free and $1,000
for every female. But the deadline for claim-
ing the compensations ended last week with
few takers. Slaves, it seems, are worth twice
as much as the government offered for their
freedom.
So let's not worry too much about what
Saudi Arabians think of the situation in
Mississippi.
President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt has
said a lot of scornful things about America's
race problems. The average Egyptian rural
laborer makes about $10 a month. He works
and sleeps in the same nightshirt. He is no
longer legally bound to the land, but if he
leaves his landlord there is no work for him.
Must we keep cocking an ear for Mr. Naiser's
latest lecture on the "submerged masses of
America?"
In northern Japan there live the Ainus, a
hairy race more akin to Eskimos than Japa-
nese. An Ainu on the streets of Tokyo is
followed by small boys, jeering and shouting
"Dog." Ainus are not considered the equal
of even the lowest true Japanese. What was
the latest in "Asahi" or "Mainichi" about
American race prejudice?
The Russian Government has made much
of the slow pace of the school integration
August 8
drive in America. In Asiatic Russia separate
schools continue to be maintained for chil-
dren of White Russian and Ukranian officials,
while the native Kazakhs, Kirghiz, and
Tadvhiks go to their own schools, such as
they are.
In India, long the loudest critic of America
on race matters, dark-skinned Dravidians
from the south have a terrible time getting
jobs in India's northern Caucasian cities. ,
No Australian hires a Bushman for any-
thing except sheepherding. The hill
Igorotes of the Philippines are not socially
acceptable in Manila. London, which con-
tains fewer Negroes than any large American
city, has recently had serious race disturb-
ances. And down in Kenya whites are fleeing
their neat farmsteads by the thousands as
young Kikuyus grin and talk openly of a
"night of the long knives" after Kenya gains
its independence this fall when they hope to
solve Kenya's race problem once and for-
ever.
Now it is proposed that we rush into Fed-
eral legislation that would set up autocratic
or unenforcible fair employment practices
and that would put every American business,
however small and local, under Federal regu-
lation in order to stop the world's criticism of
America.
Why don't we ask ourselves what is fair,
practical and attainable, and let the rest of
the world explain itself to us?
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield for a question?
Mr. THURMOND. I am glad to yield
to the able Senator from Alaska.
Mr. GRUENING. Does the distin-
guished Senator ,from South Carolina
know of any example in which there has
been discrimination under the foreign as-
sistance program on the ground of- race,
religion, color, or national origin?
Mr. THURMOND. I was speaking
about discrimination in the countries to
which we furnish foreign aid. I have
just cited various countries, including
India and Great Britain.
Mr. GRUENING. Do I correctly un-
derstand that the Senator does not pro-
pose to alter the policies of those coun-
tries, but merely to make certain that
our foreign aid and its administration
do not succumb to discrimination against
individuals on the ground of race, color,
religion, or national origin?
Mr. THURMOND. The amendment
on that point is fairly clear. Section
501 provides:
No person in any recipient country shall,
on the ground of race, color, religion, or na-
tional origin, be excluded from partidipa-
tion in, be denied the benefits of, or be
subjected to discrimination under any pro-
gram or activity receiving any form of the
United States financial assistance.
Section 502 reads, in part:
SEC. 502. The Agency for International De-
velopment and any other department or
agency or which is empowered, or may in the
future be empowered, to extend United States
financial assistance to any program or activity
in any country, by way of grant, loan, con-
tract, or other, is directed to effectuate the
provisions of section 501 with respect to such
program or activity by issuing rules, regu-
lations, or orders of general applicability
which shall be consistent with achievement
of the objectives of the statute authorizing
the financial assistance in connection with
which the action is taken. No such rule,
regulation,, or order shall become effective
unless and until approved by the President.
As I have pointed out, and in reply to
the distinguished Senator, we are not
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trying toci control the policy of an coun-
try; but if we have a national policy of
no discrimination and have given this
Government the power to withhold funds
in our own country in cases where alleged
discrimination exists, it would seem to
be in order not to subsidize discrimina-
tion in foreign countries.
Mr. GRUENING. I believe that the
objective of this amendment is laudable,
but I wonder whether it is necessary, and
whether such discrimination has, in the
past, taken place?and if so, where?
Mr. THURMOND. If it is not neces-
sary, there could be /in harm in adopt-
ing the amendment.
Mr. GRUENING. The Senator would
not interpret the amendment as going
so far as to deny aid to a; country which
as a matter of policy discriminated
against American citizens on the ground
of race or religion? I believe the Sen-
ator knows of certain Arab countries
where American citizens of the Jewish
race are not permitted to enter. Would
he apply his amendment to those coun-
tries?.
Mr. THURMOND. Again, of course,
we would come down to the construction
of the amendment. In. the civil rights
bill, that Is left up to the heads of the
administering agencies concerned as to
its construction. The same would be the
case with this amendment. As the able
Senator well remembers, the civil rights
bill did not define "discrimination," but
left it to the head of the agency or de-
partment concerned.
Mr. GRUENING. As I read the
amendment, I believe that it is highly
desirable, but I wonder whether we could
not hear from the distinguished chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, as to whether he believes that the
amendment is essential to prevent the
kind of abuses the distinguished Senator
from South Carolina is seeking to pre-
vent?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does
the Senator" from South Carolina yield
the floor?
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
yield the floor.
I believe that the Senator from Alaska
wishes to put a question to the chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee, the Senator from Arkansas [Mr.
FULBRIGHT].
Mr. GRUENING. As I read the
amendment, its objective seems to me
to be .desirable and praiseworthy; but I
wonder whether the chairman of the
Foreign Relations Committee would an-
swer my question as to whether there is
any need for the amendment, whether.
the abuses which the amendment aims
to prevent have taken place, and wheth-
er they are really taking place.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. A simple answer
to the Senator's question is that I am
opposed to the amendment of the Sen-
ator from South Carolina. Merely be-
cause we have a similar objective in the
United States, I am not going to turn
around and vote for the same kind of
measure to be imposed on other people.
We have enough of a burden trying to
put the foreign aid program into effect
without including this amendment.
? As to an answer on the subject of dis-
crimination in other countries, gener-
ally speaking, as stated by the Senator
from South Carolina, there is discrimi-
nation. As it directly affects this pro-
gram, I am not aware of any complaints
or instances in which it has been prac-
ticed.
I point to the Export-Import Bank as
being one of the most effective and effi-
cient organizations in this field we have
ever developed, but I believe it would be
a great burden upon that institution if
we tried to inject this kind of require-
ment into its administration. I believe
that applying the objective of this
amendment would be extremely difficult.
Does that answer the Senator's
question?
Mr. GRUENING. Yes. I thank the
Senator.
Mr: FULBRIGHT. There are already
statements of principle in the act regard-
ing discrimination, but not in this form,
as a condition.
Mr. GRUENING. I assume that the
administration, which has just supported
legislation, which I supported, and which
the distinguished Senator from Arkansas
feels is not the right way to do it, would
try to carry out those policies to the ex-
tent practicable in foreign affairs. My
question is whether this was really a
necessary amendment, and whether it
adds anything except a declaration of
principle.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not believe it
is necessary. I am opposed to it.
Mr. GRUENING. I assume that the
objective of the amendment is in sym-
pathy with the views expressed by the
chairman, who objected to proposing
these methods in this country. I take it
that the junior Senator from South
Carolina is likewise opposed to them.
Mr.. THURMOND. The Senator is
correct.
Mr. GRUENING. He proposes, there-
fore, to impose on the foreign aid pro-
gram a similar procedure to the objec-
tive at home?
Mr. THURMOND. I objected to im-
posing that procedure on our own people,
but if the United States is going to im-
pose it on its own people, I see no reason
why we cannot provide for the control of
these funds to foreign countries to which
we give aid in one form or another.
Mr. GRUENING. I thank the Senator
from South Carolina.
Mr. THURMOND. In other words, the
foreign aid program now, under the na-
tional policy of this country, would vio-
late the national policy of this country
and would subsidize discrimination. I
do not see how any Senator who voted
for the civil rights bill can now take
another position on the pending amend-
ment and be consistent.
Mr. GRUENING. I thank the Senator
from South Carolina.
Mr. MORSE. Mr, President, I shall
support the amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the amend-
ment of the Senator from South Caro-
lina.
On this question the yeas and nays
have been ordered; and the clerk will
call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I announce that
the Senator from Indiana [Mr. BAYH],
the Senator from Michigan [Mr. HART],
the Senator from Arizona [Mr. HAYDEN],
the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. HUM-
PHREY], the Senator from Washington
[Mr. JAcKsoN], the Senator from South
Carolina [Mr. JOHNSTON], the Senator
from Ohio [Mr. LAUSCHE], the Senator
from Missouri [Mr. Lows], and the Sen-
ator from Washington [Mr. MAGNUSON]
are absent on official business.
I also announce that the Senator from
Maine [Mr. Musxm], the Senator from
Rhode Island [Mr. PASTORE], the Senator
from Rhode Island [Mr. PELL], the Sen-
ator. from Georgia [Mr. RUSSELL], and
the Senator from Florida [Mr. SMATH-
ERS] are absent on official business.
I further announce that the Senator
from New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON]., and
the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr.
KENNEDY] are absent because of illness.
I further announce that the Senator
from West Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the
Senator from Nevada [Mr. CANNON], the
Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK],
the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. ED-
IVIONDSON], the Senator from Tennessee
[Mr. 0?11E], the Senator from Louisiana
[Mr. LONG], the Senator from Minnesota
[Mr. McCAErny], the Senator from Utah
[Mr. Moss], and the Senator from Mis-
souri [Mr. SYmiNcroN], are absent on of-
ficial business.
I also announce that the Senator from
Georgia [Mr. TALMADGE], the Senator
from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS], the
Senator from Texas [Mr. YARBOROUGH],
land the Senator from West Virginia
[Mr. RANDOLPH], are necessarily .absent.
I further announce that the Senator
from Virginia [Mr. BYRD] is absent be-
cause of illness in the -family.
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from Virginia
[Mr. BYRD], the-Senator from Oklahoma
[Mr. EDIVIONDSON], the Senator from
Rhode Island [Mr. PASTORE], the Senator
from Rhode Island [Mr. FELL], and the-
Senator from New Jersey [Mr. Wm-
LiAms] would each vote "nay." ,
On this vote, the Senator from Ohio
[Mr. LAuscHE] is paired with the Sen-
ator from Washington [Mr. JACKSON].
If present and voting, the Senator
from Washington would vote "nay" and
the Senator from Ohio would vote "yea."
On this vote, the Senator from West
Virginia [Mr. RANDOLPH] is paired with
the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG].
If present and voting, the Senator from
Louisiana would vote "yea" and the Sen-
ator from West Virginia Would vote
"nay."
Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the
Senator from Nebraska [Mr. CuaTis] ,
the Senator from Illinois [Mr. DIRKSEN],
the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLD-
WATER], the Senator from Idaho [Mr.
JORDAN], the Senator from Kansas [Mr.
PEARSON], the Senator from Pennsylvania
[Mr. Scorr], the Senator from Wyoming
[Mr. Simpson], and the Senator from
Texas [Mr. TOWER], are necessarily ab-
sent.
The Senator from Maryland [Mr.
BEALL], the Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. SALTONSTALL], and the Senator from-
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North Dakota [Mr. YOUNG], are detained
on official business.
On this vote, the Senator from Ne-
braska [Mr. Cuaris] is paired with the
Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEAasoN]. If
_present and voting, the Senator from
Nebraska would vote "yea" and the Sen-
ator from Kansas would vote "nay."
On this vote, the Senator from Wy-
oming [Mr. SimPsoN] is paired with the
Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. SAL-
TONSTALL] . If present and voting, the
Senator from Wyoming would vote "yea"
and the Senator from Massachusetts
would vote "nay."
On this vote, the Senator from Texas
[Mr. Towsa] is paired with the Senator
from Pennsylvania [Mr. Sam]. If
present and voting, the Senator from
Texas would vote "yea" and the Senator
from Pennsylvania would vote "nay."
The result was announced?yeas 25,
nays 34, as follows:
[No. 524 Leg.]
YEAS-25
Bartlett Hickenlooper Neuberger
Bennett Hruska ,Proxmire
Boggs McClellan Ribicoff
Burdick Mechem Salinger
Douglas Metcalf Thurmond
Ellender Miller Walters
Fong Morse Williams, Del.
Gruening Mundt
Hartke Nelson
? NAYS-34
Aiken Ervin McIntyre
Allott Fulbright McNamara
Bible Hill Monroney
Brewster Holland Morton
Carlson Inouye Prouty
Case Javits Robertson
Church Jordan, NC. Smith
Cooper Keating Sparkman
Cotton Kuchel Stennis
Dodd Mansfield Young, Ohio
Dominick McGee
Eastland McGovern
NOT VOTING-41
Anderson
Bayh
Bea11
Byrd, Va.
Byrd, W. Va.
Cannon
Humphrey
Jackson
Johnston
Jordan, Idaho
Kennedy
Lausche
Clark Long, Mo.
Curtis Long, La.
Dfrksen ? Magnuson
Edmondson . McCarthy
Goldwater Moss
Gore Muskie
Hart Pastore
Hayden Pearson
Pell
Randolph
Russell
Saltonstall
Scott
Simpson
Smathers
Symington
Talmadge
Tower
Williams, N.J.
Yarborough
Young, N. Dak.
So Mr. THURMOND'S amendment was
rejected.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr: President, I
move to reconsider the vote by which
the amendment was rejected.
Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, I move
to lay that motion on the table.
The motion to lay on the table was
agreed to.
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President,
during the fight on the civil rights bill
the point was made time and again that
the image of the United States was be-
ing hurt because of discrimination in
this country. As I pointed out in my talk
a few moments ago on the amendment,
Britain discriminates against Negroes;
Africa discriminates against whites; in
Asia one nationality discriminates
against another, depending upon which
is in the majority.
In Peru, and other Latin American
countries, there is discrimination against
Indians. In British New Guinea there
is discrimination; Indians and Negroes
discriminate against each other, which-
ever, is in the majority. In India?and
a great deal of our aid goes to India?
the infamous caste system still thrives,
and discrimination is practiced.
I merely wished to show the futility of
the argument that America's image is
being hurt, because it was left to each
State to determine whether there would
be integration or segregation, which
some call discrimination. In practically
every country there is what some people
call discrimination, and yet we must
change our whole pattern of life. We
must conform to a certain ideal in order
not to be castigated by the other nations
of the world, all of which discriminate
under one standard or another.
Mr. President, I really did not expect
the amendment to be adopted.
I have in my hand a statement taken
from the Associated Press ticker. It
states?
Administration leaders said they would
fight THURMOND'S proposal, contending it
might jeopardize the AID program, which the
South Carolinian opposes.
I knew that since the administration
was opposed to the amendment it would
not be adopted. But I wished to show
the hypocrisy that exists. I wished to
show that although other countries of
, the world practice 'discrimination, yet we
are required to change our pattern in
this country, in order to eliminate so-
called discrimination, by passing the
greatest grab for power?which we did
when we passed the so-called civil rights
bill?that this country has ever seen.
There is no question that the so-called
civil rights bill did more to centralize
power in the Central Government in
Washington than any other piece of pro-
posed legislation that has ever been
passed. Yet we are being forced to
change our form of government, so to
speak, the delicate system of checks and
balances between the States and the Na-
tional Government, on the pretense that
we are being held up to the world as dis-
criminating, when we are not discrimi-
nating any more than are other coun-
tries throughout the world. So I hope
that the American people will wake up
and take note of the propaganda that
has been used in respect to the so-called
civil rights legislation, and which will be
used in forwarding other pieces of pro-
posed legislation which will be offered in
the future on one pretense or another to
bring about a greater centralization of
power in the Government of the United
States.
Of course, those who subject to the so-
called discrimination in foreign nations
cannot vote in our elections, and there-
fore a legislative bar to discrimination
against them has less appeal.
It is conceivable, also, that were my
amendment to have been adopted, it
would have prevented the expenditure of
millions, and possibly billions of dollars
of tax funds for foreign aid.
Mr. President, the history of mankind
has been a history of the suffering of peo-
ple. People have suffered where there
has been too much power at any one level
of the government. Those who wrote the
Constitution tried to bring about a dif-
ATE August 8
fusion of power. They tried not to put
too much power at any one level of the
government or at any one place in gov-
ernment. But now we are allowing some
people in America to change our struc-
ture of government on the pretense that
we must do so in order not' to be
criticized by other countries of the world.
I predict that next year and in years
to come we shall be confronted with
other proposed legislation by those whose
main purpose it is to socialize this coun-
try and to centralize more power in
Washington. They will use the same
form of propaganda and the same pre-
tense, that we must enact a certain piece
of proposed legislation from human-
itarian standpoints so that we shall not
be criticized by other countries of the
world.
I hope that the American people will
study the amendment which the Senate
has just rejected. I hope that they will
look back and recall the vote on the so-
called civil rights bill, and see how the
American people and the Congress, be-
cause of public opinion, are forced to pass
such proposed legislation that centralizes
great power in our Government, and in
the end will result in taking away the
rights and privileges of individual citi-
zens.
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I should
like to have the- attention of the Senator -
from Arkansas, if I may. I should like
to propound a question to him.
I would like to ask the chairman of
the committee a question regarding sec-
tion 301(a) of the bill, H.R. 11380. I note
that the bill proposes to extend through
June 30, 1965, the life of the Advisory
Committee on Private Enterprise. Es-
tablishment of the Advisory Committee
was required by an amendment to last
year's foreign aid bill which I was pleased
to introduce. While it took some months
to form the Advisory Committee, this,
has now been done under the chairman71
ship of Mr. Thomas J. Watson, Jr. It is
a. very distinguished committee and.
should make a major contribution toward
more effective use of our great private
enterprise community in the foreign aid
program. For this reason I whole-
heartedly endorse the proposal of the
Foreign Relations Committee to extend
the life of the Advisory Committee on
Private Enterprise. At the same time,
however, I notice that the Committee on
Foreign Relations proposes to strike out
the provision in the House bill which
would increase from $50,000 to $100,000
the amount of funds which may be used
to meet the expenses of the committee.
As a lawyer I would not read the action
of the Foreign Relations Committee as
in any way curtailing the ability of the
Advisory Committee to effectively carry
out its mandate, but I would request
confirmation of my view from the chair-
man of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee. The language which the Foreign
Relations Committee struck from the
House bill is, and I quote:
$100,000 for all costs necessary to the com-
mittee's operations.
At present the statute refers only to
the "expenses of the committee."
This difference in the language indi-
cates to me that under the present law
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1964.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 18123
not every item of expense incurred by
the Agency for International Develop-
ment in backstopping the operations of
the Advisory Committee must be charged
to the ceiling. Rather, it is only the di-
rect costs of the Committee' that must
be so charged. - In my judgment, this
analysis of the language could not be
questioned if it was also clear that the
Foreign Relations Committee had no in-
tention of inhibiting the Advisory Com-
mittee in carrying out its mandate. So
I ask the chairman of the Foreign Rela-
tions Committee whether it was the in-
tention of the committee in striking out
the language in the House bill to curtail
the operations of the Advisory Commit-
tee in any respect.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. It was not the in-
tent of the committee to curtail the op-
erations of the Advisory Committee on
Private Enterprise. Rather, it was the
view of the Foreign Relations Commit-
tee that only certain items of cost were
to be charged to the ceiling and that on
this basis the $50,000 was wholly ade-
quate. That is why it was stricken out.
Mr. JAVITS. I thank the Senator very
much. That reply will be very helpful,
so that that important committee may
do its work.
I should like to address one additional
question to the Senator which perhaps
he or one of his associates will answer.
I call attention to the amendment
adopted by the committee at page 3, lines
12 to 15, of the bill, which provides:
Strike out "fraud or misconduct" in the
second proviso and insert in lieu thereof
"fraud, misconduct, or action not meeting
the standard of reasonable business pru-
dence."
That language relates to the guaran-
tees of private investment in underde-
veloped countries and would insert a new
basis, "the standard of reasonable busi-
ness prudence," for not honoring claims
based upon such guarantees.
I am advised by representative mem-
bers of the banking community in New
York that the inclusion of this vague
new standard will very materially cut
down the amount of investments under
the so-called all-risk guarantees, which
are primarily in housing. Some of the
largest banks and leading brokerage
firms in New York, which have already
made housing loans in Latin America,
particularly in Colombia and Peru, and
are making further investment plans
there, including Venezuela and Argen-
tina, advise me that the guarantee in
this form would be unacceptable, and
that they would not take the risk under
such a guarantee because it could be
avoided by the Government if it wanted
to.
Since the words "not meeting a stan-
dard of reasonable business prudence"
are as wide open as anybody could make
them, I ask the chairman of the com-
mittee to tell us why that language was
inserted and whether he would consider
accepting an amendment to strike it out.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. This amendment
was a result of an amendment by the
Senator from Ohio to insert the word
"negligence." The members of the corn-
mitte, including myself, were opposed to
it. After extended debate about the
word "negligence," this particular lan-
guage was offered as a compromise in the
belief it would not prejudice the guaran-
tees in the same way the word "negli-
gence" would.
It may well be the Senator is cor-
rect. I was not in favor of the inser-
tion of either. This particular language
was the result of a compromise in the
committee over the word "negligence,"
which it was sought to impose, and which
I opposed. I did not feel strongly about
it. I did not think, speaking for myself,
this language would make it easier to
satisfy private participants than the
word "negligence" would.
Mr. JAVITS. The word "negligence"
was placed in this section by amend-
ment once before, and it was stricken
out in conference for this very rea-
son. After all, what is the use of hav-
ing a guarantee provision in the legisla-
tion if the very people we wish to induce
to invest will not do so under such lan-
guage? These are multimillion-dollar
projects.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. If the Senator feels
strongly about it, I suggest he offer an
amendment relative to the point.
Mr. JAVITS. In this instance, I would
not wish to prejudice the case by offer-
ing an amendment which would be
turned down.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Personally, I did
not think that language was necessary.
However, as have stated, after extend-
ed debate on the matter, this was the
best we could do. I did not think it was
necessary to have either the language
"negligence" or this language, but the
committee felt otherwise. I went along
with the compromise in order to bring the
bill out of committee, which we often
have to do. Since that time, I have had
letters, as the Senator has, that raise a
question as to whether it is a work-
able phrase.
Mr. JAVITS. What troubles me is
that the objections come not from peo-
ple who merely do not like the idea; they
come from the very people who are put-
ting up millions and millions of dollars
for the very projects we wish to encour-
age.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I may remind the
Senator that this matter will be in con-
ference, because it was not contained
in the bill as it came from the House.
Mr. JAVITS. I place on the record
a strong condemnation of its acceptabil-
ity. I would not want to prejudice what
might happen in conference. I would
rather leave the record at this point by
stating categorically that those we ex-
pect to encourage to invest money in
this way, and who have already invested
very substantially, object to the lan-
guage. I have reference particularly to
the Chase Manhattan Bank, which has
already signed a first investment guar-
antee contract for Peru and has several
other projects pending in an advanced
stage of negotiation.
When those we are trying to encour-
age tell us themselves that this language
is discouraging and inadvisable, and
that it has a real tendency to cause then1
not to enter into such transactions, I
think we had better take heed. Such
language would surely cause a lawyer,
to advise his client not to underwrite a
project under such terms, if he was-
worthy of any fee at all. We had better
take heed of the result, and I hope the
mmittee will take heed.
MAINTENANCE OF INTERNATIONAL
PEACE AND 'SECURITY IN SOUTH-.
EAST ASIA
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask -
unanimous consent that there be printed -
in the RECORD an article appearing in
last night's Washington Star by Richard
Fryklund entitled "Minor Incident Led
to Reds' PT Attack." ? -
I also ask unanimous consent to insert
in the RECORD an article on the same
subject printed in this morning's Wash-
ington Post written by Murrey Marder.
There being no objection, the articles
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star]
TINY SPARK, BIG FIRE: MINOR INCIDENT LED
TO Rs'. PT tArrAcx
? (By Richard Fryklund)
The whole Tonkin Gulf incident which
precipitated the crisis in southeast Asia,
might never have occurred except for con-
fusion?on both the American and Commu-
nist sides?over a little-noted incident last
Saturday.
The story centers on a South Vietnamese
raid on a North Vietnamese island.
Here's what happened, according to Penta-
gon sources:
Units of the South Vietnamese Navy took
a raiding party to the island of Hon Me,
about 10 miles off the coast of North Viet-
nam on Saturday. Guerrilla forces were put
ashore for dynamiting raids.
FLEET PATROLS
The American 7th Fleet was not told about
the operation, even though American advisers
in Saigon were kept informed.
South Vietnam has a fair little navy of its
own?some destroyer escorts and patrol
craft?and does not need American Navy
help. It coordinates its raids (on what it
considers to be the Communist-occupied part
of its homeland) with American advisers in
Saigon.
The 7th Fleet conducts regular patrols by
sea and air close to the entire sea rim of
the Communist world.
Specifically, American destroyers, with air-
craft nearby, cruised up into the Gulf of
Tonkin looking for signs of Red Chinese and
North Vietnamese activity?surface ship-
ping, military ships, aircraft, etc.
The destroyed Maddox was on such a mis-
sion.
She had left Formosa July 28 specifically
,to see if the new talk in North and South
Vietnam about expanding the war had re-
sulted in increased Communist operations.
She sailed north past the Red Chinese is-
land of Hainan, looped up no closer than 12
miles from the Red Chinese mainland and
then started southward, well out from the
North Vietnamese coast, on Sunday.
As she sailed post Hon Me Island-which
Is about 30 miles south of the PT boat base
of Loc Chao, which was destroyed by U.S.
planes on Tuesday?she detected on her radar
a concentration of junks, which the North
Vietnamese Navy uSee for coastal patrol craft,
and four PT boats.
SHIP TITANS TO AVOID THEM
Maddox officers did not know it, but these
ships were picking up the pieces after the
South Vietnamese raid.
The Maddox turned slightly aside to avoid
them, and sailed on unconcerned.
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