AMENDMENT OF FOREIGN ASSISTANCE ACT OF 1961

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August 10, 1964
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' ?-? Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE objectives of the Alliance for Progress are to be achieved. MAJOR PROBLEMS These are a few examples of the ac- complishments of development assist- ance to the less developed countries. Although it is too early to give a frill e-valuation of the effectiveness of such assiStance in producing self-sustaining economic growth, and in strengthening democratic institutions, there is general agreement that foreign aid has been a success and that it should continue. Since 1960, a num"ber of the more con- spicuous weaknesses in foreign aid have been colrected, and others are being cor- rected under the able leadership of David Bell?I might add, respectfully, under the continuous prodding of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee and cer- tain Senators who have spent a good deal of time seeking to improve the for- eign aid structure. MORE EMPHASIS ON EDUCATION Of the major remaining problems, one of the more vexing is what is sometimes referred to as the lack of "human re7 sources" or the "institutional frame- work" for development. Long a stum- bling block in our aid program to the less developed countries, this continues to be a basic weakness in our, whole aid effort. Three years ago, when the For- eign Assistance Act of 1961 was being considered by the Senate, I held some conferences with aid officials, in which I urged greater attention to educational assistance in the aid program. Although there have been some improvements in this respect, much more needs to be done. We should be considering, in co- operation with other donor nations and the World Bank, a much larger program of educational assistance, from grade school through the university. THE NEED FOR POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT Clearly, much more attention must also be given in fields related to political development. Progress has been made in these areas, especially in tax administra- tion, but considerably more work needs to be done. Assistance of this nature is usually referred to under the broad cate- gory of "public administration," which includes such occupational groups as tax experts, budget and fiscal specialists, auditors and accountants, personnel tand management specialists, procure- ment officers, and the like. Over 6,000 persons in these and other categories of public administration have been trained in the United States under the foreign aid program. We have also as- sisted with the establishment of public administration institutes in about 30 less developed countries. This is a signifi- cant record, but in view of the woeful lack of adequate administration in the less developed countries, I believe that a far larger effort needs to be made in this vital field. There has been some talk, largely in academic circles and among the policy planners in the State Department, about the need for more emphasis on "political development" in the foreign aid program. Besides increasing our public adminis- tration activities, which certainly are directly related to political development, I believe that we need to launch some new programs for the purpose of assist- ing With the political development of less developed countries. The aim of these would be to bring present and po- tential leaders into direct contact with democracy in action, as well as to enable them to study the history and principles of democracy. Many of our training programs do this indirectly. I believe that we need to design new programs whose direct aim will be to provide such training and experience, strengthening our present programs in this respect. One of the primary difficulties with our aid program to the less-developed coun- tries has been the lack of attention to political development. We have tended to assume that economic development was good per se. Some even seem to believe that democratic political develop- ment will automatically result from eco- nomic development. To a certain ex- tent this is probably true, but the one does not necessarily follow the other. Economic development can and often does have a disruptive effect politically. This can lead to political instability, which, in turn, can result in an authori- tarian political system. Political development and economic development must, therefore, be carried out jointly. In order for countries to develop along democratic lines political- ly, programs of democratc political training should become a vital part of our aid program. A related field of great importance is that of labor training and organization, and the development of cooperatives. The trade union movement and the co- operative movement have historically been basic forces in building a strong democratic society. Some progress has been made in providing assistance of this type, especially in the development of cooperatives in Latin America, but con- siderably more needs to be done. Related.to this is the need for increased attention to the development of entre- preneurship, or private business enter- prise, in the less-developed countries. Economic and political development re- quires an attitude of local enterprise, and the assumption of personal responsibility. People must want to get ahead in order for lasting progress to occur. Private initiative is the key to economic growth and to a healthy, competitive political system in less-developed countries just as it is in the United States. Trans- ferring these attitudes, of course, to other nations is difficult but not impossible. Again, some progress has been made, but much remains to be done. I am gratified by the work being done by American universities in this field under AID auspices. Such projects as Harvard's business administration pro- gram in Central America, and the work of the University of Minnesota in higher education in economics in Colombia are examples of one approach to the problem. These and other efforts for encouraging private enterprise and private initiative should be encouraged and expanded. Along with educational assistance, po- litical development programs, and labor and cooperative work, training in entre- 18213 preneurship should be a cardinal part of our aid effort. THE IMPORTANCE OF CONTINUED AMERICAN LEADERSHIP As the leader of the free world, the United States must continue to play the leading role in providing assistance to the less-developed countries. The need is greater than ever, but so are the oppor- tunities for achieving significant progress toward development. ? I believe that the time has come to rec- ognize we are in this game to stay and to win. To call it quits, or to shirk our re- sponsibilities would be to forfeit one of the most important chances a nation ever had to make a lasting contribution to mankind. All of our humanitarian in- stincts tell us that what we are doing is right, and must be continued. Our sense of history and our awareness of the in- terests of all freemen in the creation of a community of free nations tell us to press on. America is the most powerful democra- tic, nation in human history. What we do with our enormous power?how we use our vast resourves?will determine the course of history and the future of the human race. Whether by destiny or not, the responsibility of 'world leader- ship has brought us to use our power for maintaining international peace and sta- bility, and for helping less fortunate countries as they struggle to improve their lot. Now, having successfully revived Eu- rope, and prevented Communist aggres- sion, we are at the dawn of development. There is a great day ahead for those who, with our help, can marshal their own resources and work toward improving their conditions of life. Patience and determination will be re- quired. Change is slow and often pain- ful. Setbacks are to be expected. Mis- takes have been made, and will be made. But progress is seldom made along a straight line, and we must be as patient with others and their development as we are with ourselves and our own develop- ment. If we should be concerned about the time it takes countries to reform their tax systems, for example, we would do well to remember that only 50 years ago, after a bitter struggle, was the progres- sive income tax finally established in the United States. It is wrong to expect too much too soon. Funds are limited. Expectations must also be limited. We cannot be all things to all men. We can and must continue to help those who want to heli themselves, and to achieve for them- selves and their posterity the blessings of life, liberty, and the pursuit of hap- piness. The foreign aid program then is an effective instrument of American policy. But it is more than that and I hope the day will never come when Americans are reluctant to admit it. In a sense it is a manifestation of one of the most gen- erous and unique aspects of contempo- rary civilization?that well described by Arnold Toynbee when he said: My own guess is that our age will be re- membered chiefly neither for its horrifying crimes nor for its astonishing inventions, but for its having been the first age since Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18214 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE the dawn of civilization some 5,000 or 6,000 years back, in which people dared to think it -practicable to make the benefits of civil- ization available for the whole human race. That is a lofty goal. But it is one that ought to motivate us. As I conclude these remarks, I once again encourage the AID administra- tion to concentrate its resources and its attention upon the development of hu- man resources, upon the development of agricultural programs in the less devel- oped areas, and upon the improvement of the political structure in those areas so that the administration of the pro- gram may be more sound and more ef- fective. It seems to me that unless we -do this much, our military assistance and our economic assistance will be wasted -and will be anything but help- ful and effective. It is in this spirit of encouraging the improvement of the administration that I support the extension of foreign aid assistance. It is my intention to sup- port the bill befdre the Senate in the hope that it may contribute toward a more peaceful and progressive world. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I was very glad to hear the speech of the Sena- tor from Minnesota [Mr. HUMPHREY]. I thought that his speech in favor of the administration's point of view was en- titled to a larger audience than the two Senators and the Presiding Officer who listened to the speech. I do not expect to read in the news- papers from the kept press, whose repre- sentatives sit above the clock, any nega- tive criticism of the Senator from Minne- sota [Mr. HUMPHREY] that because he had such a small audience, he did not have any influence in the Senate. We all know that the Senator from Minnesota is a man of great influence. But this is not the first time that I have heard the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. HUM- PHREY], the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. FuLsRiorrl, the majority leader [Mr. MANSFIELD], and many other Senators speak at various times of the day with only two or three other Senators present in-the Chamber. But the AP and the UP, one can be sure?as is typical of their journalistic tactics?will make sure that if any Senator speaks against the ad- ministration's point of view, it becomes known that only two or three Sen- ators were present in the Chamber at the time. That is true of most of the news- paper representatives who sit above the clock. Mr. President, the senior Senat-or from Oregon does not give one whit or care whether closed minds sit in the Senate Chamber and listen to him or not. I shall continue to speak to the American people, which is my trust at this desk. I shall speak to the American people about the ,unsoundness of the foreign aid bill, which was just defended by the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. HUMPHREY]. We heard not one word from the Senator from Minnesota about specific criticism of foreign aid. I join the Senator from Minnesota in supporting a continuance of foreign aid. We merely disagree as to how it should be continued. Approximately $105 billion- is a great deal of money. We have not received re- turns for the $105 billion expended for foreign? aid since 1946. The time has come to put some checks on the extrav- agance of this program. The senior Senator from Oregon has been trying to put some checks on this extravagant and unsound program. We have available to us?and I have quoted from them in my individual views?a stack of reports from the Comptroller General of the United States, setting forth criticism after criti- cism, and his findings in spot surveys of the administration of foreign aid since 1946. The,senior Senator from Oregon will continue to plead for some reform in the foreign aid program. I shall plead for the adoption of an amendment?which I shall offer before the week is over?seeking to bring to an end the foreign aid program at the close of fiscal 1966, and start it over again. I want to continue foreign aid, but a new type of foreign aid. I want to con- tinue foreign aid on the basis of estab- lishing terms and conditions that apply- ing countries will agree to accept before they receive their money. What is wrong with that? Of course, that means that we shall stop the kind of foreign aid, un- der the program that I suggest, by means of which we ram it down the economic gullets of countries that in many in- stances have not asked for the specific aid that we have given. We have done much persuading since 1946 to induce countries to take foreign aid. I 'believe that is wrong. We ought to have a for- eign aid program that seeks to do exactly what the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. Humpmay] approved of?namely, to be of assistance to people. Unless foreign aid is of assistance to people, and to the mass of people in the underdeveloped countries of the world, it will not stop communism. It will be an aid to com- munism. Foreign aid that has aided the con- tinuation of dictatorship governments in various parts of the world since 1946 has been expended on the part of American taxpayers, through their Government, to strengthen communism and totalitarian- ism around the world. There is a basic principle of policy in- volved in foreign aid. The senior Sen- ator from Oregor is seeking only to try to reform the policies, not to destroy for- eign aid. But a continuation of the present foreign aid policies in man re- spects would continue to defeat the very purpose of foreign aid. The Senator from Minnesota, as has always been done by a spokesman for the administration, talked about the malaria program, the health program, the farm- ers' cooperative, and so on. I am all for it. But those are only minor features of American foreign aid. The Senator from Minnesota has not addressed him- self at all to the bulk of the aid program. Take into account the billions of dol- lars of American taxpayers' money that we have sent down the ratholes around the world under the illusion that we were supporting and building up military de- fense against communism. We then get some idea of what waste there has been. We are getting a little taste of it in the Mediterranean today. August 10 We made the military power strong In Turkey. Before the week is over, I shall give Senators an opportunity?I know what the vote will be?to vote to bring to an end the terrific building up of military war machines of both Greece and Turkey. It started on the assumption that it would be of help to the United States, and would be directed against Russia. As I said on Saturday, in Greece, Tur- key, Pakistan, India, South Korea, For- -mosa, and other areas people continue to live under the canopy of American nu- clear power. That is Where their security is to be found and not in the terrific military aid program that we have been handing out to them all these years. I wish to help - the people of Turkey. I wish to help the people of Greece. I wish to help the people of India. I wish to.help the peo- ple of Pakistan. I wish to help -the peo- ple in all underdeveloped areas. But pouring that kind of aid by the hundreds of millions of dollars into their govern- ments has not helped the people. In many instances it has weakened the cause of freedom. Mr. President, I yield to no other Sen- ator in my desire to make the Alliance for Progress program work. The Sen- ator from Minnesota need yield to no other Senator for the great contribu- tions which has has made to the Alliance for Progress program. I do not find my- self happy in a disagreement with the Senator from Minnesota over many as- pects of the foreign aid program. I _ would rather be with him than against him. But so long as he is with the ad- ministration's foreign aid program with no more modifications of it than I have heard enunciated in his speech today or at any other time, I cannot be with him on certain features of the foreign aid program. I hope that eventually we shall be back together on foreign aid, but we must reform foreign aid to have a sound foreign aid program. I wish to help develop loan programs. I wish to repeat a statement I have made. I am sure it has probably reached the point of boredom in the Senate, but it is not at the point of boredom in the coun- try, because more and more people are only beginning to understand the facts about foreign aid and the need for re- form of foreign aid. I say again that the major premise of foreign aid ought to be devoted to individual projects, economic in nature, if we are to help raise the standard of living of the mass of people, in that given area who will live within the economic environment of those projects. That ought to be our objective. My first amendment, which is* now pending, and on which the Senate will vote shortly, is an amendment in which I have asked to write into the foreign aid bill-that principle of policy, a prin- ciple which in effect states that we shall lay major emphasis on economic devel- opment. When we have a country which is maintaining a military machine greater than its own economy should support or could support, we should take away from that country foreign aid until it is willing to adjust its military estab- Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 1964 CONGRESSIONAL CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE lishment to a size which its economic ability can support; then I am for aiding the economic development of that coun- try. In the amendmgnt I am saying, as I shall say in other forums and in other amendments before the week is over, that we ought to cut down and cut back on military aid, because it has been puffed up into a balloon of gross overemphasis and misrepresentation as to its effective- ness. Too much American military aid is more likely to be causative of war than peace around the world. As various little dictatorships or large dictatorships or military oligarchies in various coun- tries come into power, they will not use it for peaceful purposes. We could not have a better example of that than _ Turkey. We have poured hundreds of millions of dollars of aid into Turkey since 1946. We have built up there a ? terrific military oligarchy. There is no freedom in Turkey. When the American people have listened to speeches for the administration, they would be led to think that we are supporting freedom by foreign aid. In many parts of the world -our foreign aid program is sup- porting the continuation of dictator- ships. There is no better example of it than South Vietnam, which is a com- plete military dictatorship by an Ameri- can military puppet. Mr. President, let 'us have a foreign aid program, but let us have a reformed foreign aid program. Let us have a for- eign aid program that is primarily ad- justed to meet the needs of people. That means that we should develop a foreign aid program that would deal with indi- vidual projects primarily. That does not mean the elimination of all grant money for great humanitarian purposes, such as malaria control, which the administra- tion always trots out in support of a for- eign aid program which includes billions of dollars for entirely different purposes. Malaria control is but a small and in- significant part of the foreign aid pro- gram, but an important part, and one of the lustifiable parts of the foreign aid program. Let us continue with the humanitarian grant money programs in connection with our health programs and baby-care programs. Let us continue those grant programs about which there will be no dispute on clear and justifiable moral grounds. I am pleading for morality in the administration of our foreign aid program. But le us stop using our for- eign aid program, or misusing it, as we are in many particulars, in building up military dynasties . and dictatorships. Let us recognize that the American tax- payer at long last has the right to be pro- tected so far as his interests are con- cerned in the foreign aid program. Why does the administration continu- ously claim?and it was cited by the Sen- ator from Minnesota today?that the foreign aid program has increasing sup- port among American businessmen? At least it is so alleged. Let us-grant it. I doubt it, but let us grant the correctness of the statement. It is not the small businessmen on the main streets of this country who support it. They are be- coming increasingly skeptical about the foreign aid program. Powerful American business interests are very much interested in the argu- ment of bribery which has been involved in the foreign aid program for years, for the administration continues to point out that about 80 percent of foreign aid is really spent in the United States, and that therefore it is in our national eco- nomic interest to continue the foreign aid program. Mr. President, is this a make-work pro- gram? Is this some kind of indirect dole system that we are advocating? if this administration wants some make-work programs, I will give them one, but I will give it a make-work program that will meet some of the crying needs of our domestic problems. It will be a program to do something to bring about the end of slums which have brought so many to discontent in this critical domestic hour in the history of our country. If the ad- ministration wants a make-work pro- gram, I will advocate one to do some- thing about the impoverished condition of American education and the crying need for new classrooms. If it wants a make-work program, I call attention to the unattended needs of public works programs about which we can do some- thing, rather than the kind of dole sys- tem involved in the foreign aid program. I am speaking about the need for bringing about long-needed reforms in the foreign aid program. The first batch of amendments which I shall offer today and tomorrow will deal primarily with policy reforms in foreign aid. After they are disposed of, I shall move to the money amendments, in which I seek to reduce the amounts at various points in the program. Before I take my seat, I want to com- ment once more, as I have over and over again, about the argument that some other countries are doing something by way of foreign aid on their own part. They have been long delayed. We have had to push them into it by diplomatic representation after diplomatic repre- sentation. We have been representing to them, through American diplomats, that they will have more and more trouble in for- eign aid with the Government of the United States and with the people of the United States unless a better showing of participation is made on the part of countries that we have aided, such as France, West Germany, Italy, Portugal, the low countries, and the Scandinavian countries. They are participating somewhat in foreign aid. Very little grant money is provided, for the most part, with few exceptions. Their loan programs are a far cry from the U.S. loan programs. They are a far cry from the alleged loan programs we make, which consist of the bulk of our loan programs; namely, in- terest of three-quarters of 1 percent, with a period of 10 years to pay nothing, and a repayment period of 40 to 50 years, if they ever do pay back. In my judgment, most of them never will. A large percentage of the amount to be paid back is to be paid not in American dollars, but in soft currency. Do not talk to me about a comparison of the foreign aid that Great Britain, France, Germany, and the other coun- 18215 tries make. They have more sense than to treat their own taxpayers as we do, by and large. One of the most disturb- ing things about the foreign aid pro- gram is that sometimes we make a loan at an interest rate of three-quarters of 1 percent, with a 10-year grace period, in which nothing is to be paid, and 40 to 50 years to pay the loan back, to be paid in soft currency, only to find that after getting a loan the government has thereafter paid back a British or a Russian or a French loan, on which it had been paying interest of 5 or 6 per- cent. My colleagues may not wish to hear me say it, but I do not think that is fair treatment of the American taxpayers. There is talk about programs of aid by other countries. It is interesting to find to what extent this aid is going to former colonies.- That is ,typical of the French and Great Britain foreign aid, as well as that of Belgium and the Netherlands. They still exercise economic dominance over the recipient countries. Their still exercise economic control over countries which, to all intents and purposes, are closely tied economically to the former mother country. It is to their economic advantage to make the kind of economic loans that they are making to their former colonies. All -of Portugal's aid goes to countries that she claims are really her "provinces." It is quite different from the type of loan we make, because we have no colo- nies?thank God. We do not operate on that principle, and we must not come to operate on it, even indirectly. The undeniable fact is that no country in the world has come anywhere near supporting a foreign aid program such as the United States has, and never will. The people of no country in the world would let their government leaders foist upon them a foreign aid program that is so wrong, in so many respects, in con- nection with matters of policy. I seek a change. But, say the gentle- men of the press, and others, "Now, you really do not hope, do you, in this elec- tion year, to have very many of your amendments, if any, adopted?" I have said, "No; I do not"; but that does not justify my not making the effort to give Senators the opportunity to reform for- eign aid. It is just as important to reform for- eign aid in an election year as it is in any nonelection year, because I see no connection between our responsibilities and an election. We have the duty of voting on the question on the basis of the merits, independent of politics and politi- cal considerations. There are many things we could do to reform foreign aid, rather than rubberstamping it, for it is not a "barebones" program. It is a pro- gram that calls for more in money than the administration received last year. The request of this administration is not for what it received last year, but for an amount in excess of it by $500 million. It has been represented for years that the administration is going to taper off in foreign aid and let the recipient countries do more for themselves; that we are go- ing to urge greater foreign investments. A substantial portion of foreign aid now paid for out of the American taxpayers' Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18216 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -- SENATE dollars ought to be paid for by way of in- vestments by American investors in Latin America. But, of course, they could not get loans at three-fourths of 1 percent interest, with 10 years in which to pay nothing, and 40 to 50 years to pay back with soft currencies. So long as we follow that policy, we shall continue to do great damage to the development of economic freedom in large areas of the world. I believe that economic freedom, as represented by the private enterprise system, as represented by our private economy, determines whether political freedom will remain for us, and whether political freedom will be implanted in any of the underdeveloped areas of the world. No one seems to wish to meet me on that truism. It is unanswerable. Unless we build up the economic system in.Tur- key, Greece, South Vietnam, Peru, or anywhere else in the world, and bottom it upon a foundation of economic free- dom, as represented by a private enter- prise system, there is no hope of those people becoming politically free. - The senior Senator from Oregon is not a radical on this issue. The advocates of perpetuating the present foreign aid sys- tem are the radicals. They are the ones who are keeping us from strengthening and developing economic freedom in the foreign aid recipient countries. I wish to bring American business into the scene as partners and cooperators abroad, not as subsidized businesses here in the United States, reaping profits from foreign aid and expenditures in the Unit- ed States. As chairman of the Subcommittee on Latin American Affairs, in respect to the Alliance for Progress programti, I have pleaded, and will continue to plead, for the development of industries in the countries wherethey are needed in all of Latin America. If we establish a pattern of economic freedom through private enterprise throughout Latin America, we shall not only make the Alliance for Progress work, but in the long term we shall sell in Latin America several times the amount of goods now exported to Latin America, be- cause we shall, by this establishment of economic freedom, build up purchasing power on the part of the masses of Latin America. That is the hope for political freedom in Latin America. We cannot do it by giving support to a foreign aid program which amounts, in fact, to general purpose loans and grants. That whole program should be directed to specific projects on which we are will- ing to come in and help, and in respect to which a good many American private enterprisers would be willing to help. That is why, in the Foreign Relations Committee, Senators have found me a strong supporter of various proposals for reasonable and equitable loan guar- antees or investment guarantees on the part of American companies in under- developed areas of the world. One of the hottest sp6ts is in Haiti. People are astounded to find that the senior Senator from Oregon is advocat- ing and perfectly willing to support a program in which several American cora- panies have interested themselves for development of some economic projects in Haiti. All they need is a little en- couragement from the Government and a fair and equitable loan and develop- ment guarantee program. Why not? I would be in favor of taking the risk. It would be much bet- ter than to try to accomplish anything on a government-to-government basis. I close by saying that I km glad we have had the presentation of the ad- ministration's position by the Senator from Minnesota [Mr. HUMPHREY] , even though only two Senators were present most of the time. He ought to have had a much larger attendance. I reject the presentation as to most of the points, as I have been rejecting that presentation in the Foreign Relations Committee. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amend- ment offered by the Senator from Ore- gon [Mr. MORSE]. Mr. PULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I overlooked making this request. I ask unanimous consent that the committee amendments be agreed to en bloc, and that the bill be considered as original text for purpose of amendment. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there objection? The Chair hears none, and it is so ordered. The question is on agreeing to the amendment 'offered by the Senator from Oregon [Mr. MORSE]. On this question the yeas and nays have been ordered, and the clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll. Mr. MANSFIELD (after having voted in the negative) . On this vote, I have a live pair with the senior Senator from Indiana [Mr. HARTKE]. If he were pres- ent, he would vote "nay"; if I were at liberty to vote, I would vote "yea." I withdraw my vote. Mr. HUMPHREY. I announce that the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. Burtmcx], the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. GORE], the Senator from Michigan [Mr. HART], the Senator from Washing- ton [Mr. JACKSON], the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. Loris], the Senator from Washington [Mr. MAGNUSON] , the Sena- tor from New Hampshire [Mr. McIN- TYRE] , the Senator from Utah [Mr. Moss], and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG], are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON], and the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. KEN- NEDY] , are absent because of illness. ' I further announce that the Senator from Nevada [Mr. CANNON] , the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK], the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMOND- soN] , the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS], and the Senator from Indi- ana [Mr. HARTKE] , are necessarily ab- sent. On this vote, the Senator from Louisi- ana [Mr. LoaCis] is paired with the Sena- ,tor from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS]. If present and voting, the Senator from New Jersey would vote "nay" and the Senator from Louisiana would vote "yea." I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator,from New Mex- August 10 leo [Mr. ANDERSON], the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG] , the Sena- tor from North Dakota [Mr. Buruncx], the Senator from Washington [Mr. JACKSON] , and the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. MCINTYRE] would each vote "nay." Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON], the Senator from Texas [Mr. TOWER], and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Scorr] are necessarily absent. The Senator from New York [Mr. JAV- ITS] is absent on official business. The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. COOPER], the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER], and the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr. COTTON] are detained on official business. If present and voting, the Senator from KansaS [Mr. PEARSON], the Sena- tor from New Hampshire [Mr. COTTON] , the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLD- WATER], the Senator from New York [Mr. JAms], and the Senator from Texas [Mr. TOWER] would each vote "nay." On this vote, the Senator from Ken- tucky [Mr. COOPER] is paired with the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT]. If present and voting, the Senator from Kentucky would vote "yea" and the Sen- ator from Pennsylvania would vote "nay." The result was announced?yeas 17, nays 59, as follows: [No. 525 Leg.] YEAS-17 Bayh Gruening Pell Bible Johnston Proxmire Byrd, Va. McGovern Randolph Church Metcalf Robertson Douglas Morse Russell Ellender Nelson NAYS-59 Aiken Hill Muskie Allott Holland Neuberger Bartlett Hruska Pastore Beall Humphrey Prouty Bennett Inouye Ribicoff Boggs Jordan, N.C. Salinger Brewster Jordan, Idaho Saltonstall Byrd, W. Va. Keating Simpson Carlson Kuchel Smathers Case Lausche Smith Curtis Long, Mo. Sparkman Dirksen McCarthy Stennis Dodd McClellan Symington Dominick McGee Talmadge Eastland McNamara Thurmond Ervin Mechem Walters Fong Miller Williams, Del. Fulbright Monroney Yarborough Hayden Morton Young, N. Dak. Hickenlooper. Mundt NOT VOTING-24 Anderson Burdick Cannon Clark Cooper Cotton Edmondson Goldwater Gore Hart Hartke Jackson Javits Kennedy Long, La. Magnuson Mansfield McIntyre Moss Pearson Scott Tower Williams, N.J.' Young, Ohio So Mr. MORSE'S amendment (No. 1180) was rejected. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I call up- my amendment No. 1179 and ask that it be stated. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. INOUYE in the chair). The amendment of the Senator from Oregon will be stated. The CHIEF CLERK. The Senator from Oregon proposes that: Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 f1 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 OWN. 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE "TITLE I?DEVELOPMENT LOAN FUND "SEC. 101. Title I of chapter 2 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, is hereby amended by striking out section 205 thereof, which relates to the use of the facilities of the International De- velopment Association." Renumber the succeeding sections of part I, accordingly. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will the Senator from Oregon yield before he does that? Mr. MORSE. I am glad to yield. Mr. FULBRIGHT. The Appropria- tion Act carries a similar prohibition against the lending of any money from the Development Loan Fund to the IDA; therefore, the adoption of the Senator's amendment would not change what is now the restriction in the appropriation act. It would remove the possibility in the future of authority to do this but, in the interest of saving time, I am quite pre- pared to accept the amendment. I am quite sure that there will be no problem. EXPLANATION OF AMENDMENT REPEALING SECTION 205 Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, this amendment is a simple one which needs little explanation. It would repeal sec- tion 205 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, which authorizes the President to lend up to 10 percent of the Development Loan Fund money avail- able under title I to the International Developmbnt Association, commonly known as the IDA. We understand that no use has as yet been made of this authority, and there doubtless will be those who will say that this is an inof- fensive provision which might well be left untouched. My position, on the other hand, is that this authority is a potentially dangerous one?no more to be ignored than the so-called "lonesome end" on a football field. I warn my col- leagues that this section is a real "sleeper" which could come to life with startling rapidity. Just on the face of it, this authority to transfer money to the IDA seems wholly unnecessary. At the very begin- ning of this Congress a 'new replenish- ment of IDA funds was approved by the narrowest of margins. My colleagues surely will remember that only about half a dozen votes spelled the difference between approval and defeat in the Sen- ate. Even more significantly they should remember with some chagrin that the proposal to make an additional $312 million available to the IDA was first rejected by the House of Represen- tatives and then passed by a very slim margin after one of the most vigorous exercises in arm twisting and blandish- ment ever performed by the executive , branch of our Government. And so the IDA is amply furnished with American taxpayers' money for the next 3 years of its existence. ? But this is not all. The World Bank, which has accumulated reserves amount- ing to almost a $900 million figure by making loans on a sound business basis, has recently decided to make some of its future surplus available to its affiliate, the IDA. It is understood that some- thing on the order of $50 million a year may well be transferred to the so-called lending association to support activities which may best be described as barely disguised grants. In this connection, it might be noted that, while the IDA theo- retically assists all the less developed countries, the great majority of the funds made available to the Association have gone to India and Pakistan. By normal standards, it would thus seem that the available funds are spilling out of this overstuffed cornucopia. However, we must never underestimate the peculiar appeal of the "South Asia Aid Society," especially to those sup- posedly sophisticated geopoliticians who have woven an elaborate theoretical ar- gument designed to prove that the battle against communism will be won or lost south of the Himalayas. It seems to make little or no difference to these theoreticians that the actual behavior of Pakistan and India over the last sev- eral years does nothing but refute the validity of this elaborate doctrine. I for one see no end to the process of pouring hard money into this extremely soft area. Now we will 'have the argument that, since so much money is readily available to the IDA over the next several years, section 205 of the Foreign Assistance Act surely will not be used and can there- fore do no damage if left in the legisla- tion. I would accept half this argu- ment?for it is quite true that more than adequate funds are available to the IDA. The second part of the argument I re- ject as nothing more than a Trojan horse. In my opinion, there is a very real danger that this supposedly mori- bund authority could spring to life in the context of our efforts to place our own development lending on a sounder basis. To the degree that we succeed in tightening the lending terms to govern operations under title I of the act, we are likely to find the AID people seek- ing to circumvent the harder terms by making some of the loan money avail- able to the IDA, which operates on the softest basis of all international lend- ing agencies. Of course, it will be stated with great emphasis and sincerity on the part of the executive branch that they would not dream of seeking to try an end run around the will of Congress. But the only valid argument that can be made in support of this assurance is that sec- tion 205 is basically meaningless and will not be invoked. If this is so, then it can do no harm whatsoever to our aid program if the authority in question is repealed. Frankly, all our experience with the aid program supports my con- tention that there is great danger in ex- posing the executive branch to tempta- tion and to expect it not to succumb. Mr. President, I believe that we will be doing our constituents and the na- tional interest a great favor by removing this temptation through deletion of sec- tion 205 from the Foreign Assistance Act. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amend- ment of the Senator from Oregon. 18217 The amendment was agreed to. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill is open to further amendment. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I call up my next amendment, No. 1182, and ask that it be stated. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment of the Senator from Oregon will be stated. The CHIEF CLERK. On page 9, between lines 8 and 9, it is proposed to insert the following new subsection: (g) Add the following new section at the end thereof: "SEC. 513. CERTIFICATION OF RECIPIENT'S CAPABILITY.?(a) Except as provided in sub- section (b) of this section, no defense arti- cles shall hereafter be furnished to any coun- try or international organization under the authority of this Act (except under the au- thority of section 507) unless the chief of the appropriate military assistance advisory group representing the United States with respect to defense articles used by such country or international organization or the head of any other group representing the United States with respect to defense articles used by such country or interna- tional organization has certified in writing within six months prior to delivery that the country or international organization has the capability to utilize effectively such articles in carrying out the purposes of this part. "(b) Defense articles included in approved military assistance programs may be fur- nished to any country or international or- ganization for which the certification re- quired by subsection (a) of this section can- not be made when determined necessary and specifically approved in advance by the Sec- retary of State (or, upon appropriate dele- gation of authority by an Under Secretary or Assistant Secretary of State) and the Sec- retary of Defense (or, upon appropriate dele- gation of authority by the Deputy Secretary or an Assistant Secretary of Defense). The Secretary of State, or his delegate, shall make - a complete report to the Speaker of the House Of Representatives and to the Com- mittee on Foreign Relations and the Com- mittee on Appropriations of the Senate of each such determination and approval and the reasons therefor." Mr. MORSE. Mr. Presidentj ask for the yeas and nays. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will the Senator from Oregon yield before he does that? Mr. MORSE. I am glad to yield. Mr. FULBRIGHT. I believe that this Is a good amendment. In the adminis- tration of the military assistance pro- gram, it requires certification of the capability of a country to utilize effec- tively the assistance to be furnished. I believe that it is a good amendment. Personally, I am in favor of it. The ad- ministration objected to it mainly be- cause it was felt to be in derogation of the dignity and rights of the Secretary of De- fense. But this is one area in--which there has been substantial maladminis- tration under the military program, and I am willing to accept the amendment, of which I approve. Mr. MORSE. I appreciate that 'very much, but I should like to explain the amendment. EXPLANATION OF AMENDMENT REQUIRING CERTIFICATION BY MAAG CHIEF Mr. President, the source of this amendment is the General Accounting Office. I have already read 'excerpts from the GAO report on "Unnecessary Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18218 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE or Premature Procurement of Sidewinder Missile Training Systems and Their Delivery to Foreign Countries Under the Military Assistance Program." . It concluded: We have recommended to the Secretary of Defense that these regulations be strength- ened by requiring that future deliveries of major end items included in approved mili- tary assistance programs be made only upon a written certification by the chief of the Military Assistance Advisory Group based on a specific determination that the recipient country has the necessary capability to effec- tively absorb, maintain, and 'utilize the item to be delivered. We believe that such a certification re- quirement would encourage a current reap- praisal of the need for the equipment and the country's capability to maintain and utilize it before it is delivered and would help to prevent future deliveries of military assist- ance program material in excess of the coun- try's capability to effectively absorb, main- tain, and utilize the items delivered. Mili- tary assistance program material has con- tinued to be delivered for a number of years to countries which cannot effectively absorb, maintain, or utilize the equipment and has been the subject of numerous reports to .3he Congress and the Secretary of Defense, even though during that time the Military Assistance Advisory. Groups have been charged with the responsibility of preventing this from occurring. We therefore believe that affirmative action by the Military As- sistance Advisory Group chief before delivery should be required. In view of the position of the Department of Defense with respect to this matter, the Congress may wish to consider the enactment of legislation requir- ing additional safeguards before delivery of military assistance program material. We shall be pleased to assist in drafting such legislation if desired. The General Accounting Offibe not only volunteered its help in preparing this legislative requirement, but last fall it sent a further memorandum on the subject to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee. This memorandum is the only speech I shall need to support the case. It reads as follows: INEFFECTIVE MAINTENANCE AND UTILIZATION OF EQUIPMPNT FURNISHED TO FOREIGN COUNTRIES UNDER THE MILITARY ASSISTANCE PROGRAM ? Our reviews have disclosed numerous in- stances where material amounts of military equipment have been provided to foreign countries which is not being effectively main- tained and utilized. We have identified the major contributing factors to this deficiency to be (1) programing and delivery of equip- ment by the United States primarily for political considerations, to recipient coun- tries which did not have the capabilities to effectively maintain and utilize it, and (2) delivery of equipment without adequate consideration of the recipient countries' capabilities to effectively maintain and utilize it. Following are a few examples of these deficiencies which have been included in our reports. , PROGRAMING AND DELIVERY OF EQUIPMENT PRI- MARILY FOR POLITICAL CONSIDERATIONS 1. A recent review in a European country disclosed that aircraft, aircraft missiles and related equipment valued at over $8 million had been programed and substantially de- . livered although the necessary capability to maintain and utilize the equipment did not exist. At the time of our review, two-thirds of the F-86F aircraft delivered were inop- erable due to the absence of proper main- tenance and trained pilots were available for only half of the aircraft delivered. In this case the Department of Defense told us that political considerations involving base rights became the overriding consideration leading to the programing and delivery actions. 2. In one Far East country, our reviews disclosed that the annual military assistance programs did not appear always to have motivated by military considerations and had been developed without adequate knowledge of the forces being supported, the needs of these forces, or the military supplies already delivered. Substantial amounts of equip- ment were delivered to this country which could not be utilized by the country forces. The Department of Defense informed us that, so long as the country remained basically non-Communist, military aid should be con- tinued in spite of the numerous difficulties involved and that, while the underlying basis for all aid to this country was admittedly political, the maintenance of internal secur- ity, which was the primary mission of the army, is fundamentally a military task and the justification of the military assistance program in this instance was made on that basis. 3. Equipment valued in excess of $400 mil- lion has been delivered to a European coun- try although there are no agreed roles or mis- sions for the country forces. Our reviews of the military assistance program in this coun- try have continually disclosed ineffective maintenance and utilization of substantial quantities of military items. Following are a few of the examples disclosed in our re- ports. (a) Aircraft values at $9 million were de- livered, although the country was unable to effectively utilize the aircraft previously delivered. (b) Tactical air navigation (TACAN) equipment valued at about $2 million was delivered, although the country could not use the equipment, because, first, the neces- sary ground-based equipment for its opera- tion was not available; second, the country lacked funds for installing the equipment; and third, airborne installation kits essen- tial to the use of TACAN were not available from U.S. Air Force stock. (c) Equipment for a low-frequency trans- mitter system, valued at about $180,000, was delivered, although the country air force had not decided how or where it would use the system. (d) Equipment valued at about $12 mil- lion had been programed or recommended for programing for army schools although similar equipment had been programed for units of the military forces. The programing and delivery of equipment to this country under the military assistance program was directly related to base rights commitments, and military items were deliv- ered at the request of the country, although the capability of the country to effectively maintain and utilize the equipment did not exist. DELIVERY OF EQUIPMENT IN EXCESS OF COUN- TRIES' CAPABILITIES TO EFFECTIVELY MAIN.; TAIN AND UTILIZE rr 1. Missile system equipment valued at ap- proximately $25 million was delivered to Eu- ropean countries and was not in use or was in use but had a limited readiness. The equipment had been on hand as much as 13 months more than the period of time nor- mally required for emplacement and check- out after delivery. Our review disclosed that the ineffective utilization of the equipment resulted because at the time the United States delivered this equipment (a) perma- nent launching sites were not available, (b) related equipment at NATO installations re- quired to attain the full operational capa- bilities of the equipment delivered by the United States was lacking, and (c) a suf- ficient number of support personnel had not been provided by the recipient country. 2. Our reviews of the maintenance and supply support of Army equipment fur- ????? August 10 fished to Far East countries disclosed that in one country almost one-fifth of the tanks delivered under MAP were unserviceable or deadlined, one-third of the 1,100 vehicles in two divisions were considered to be un- serviceable and in no condition for a planned field maneuver, and that 38 percent of the radio communication equipment in one country had an effective range of only one- third to two-thirds of that for which it was designed. 3. In one Near East country, we found that at the time of our review more than 2,000 of about 6,900 combat and combat-support ve- hicles were inoperable, about 50 percent of the jet aircraft in one of the two Air Force fighter wings were out of commission for lack of parts and had been grounded over an 8-month period, and shortages of gasoline had precluded full utilization of equipment. 4. In one country our review disclosed that Air Force radio sets valued at about $3.3 million had been programed and that a large portion of this equipment which had been delivered was not being used because the necessary installation and ancillary equip- ment had not been delivered. In this same country, we found that $2.2 million worth of ammunition had been on hand for over 18 months although the related weapon had been deleted from the program and never delivered. 5. In four Western European countries-we found that about $4.4 million worth of mis- sile system mobility equipment had been delivered which could not be used because related equipment required to achieve a mobile capability for the missile systems had not been furnished. In these same coun- tries we identified about $900,000 worth of airborne electronic equipment on hand which could not be installed because related modification kits and other equipment was not available. 6. Our review of delivery and utilization of tactical air navigation?TACAN?equipment disclosed that $12 million worth of this equipment had been delivered to foreign countries although the equipment cold not be used by the recipient countries because the related installation kits were not pro- vided. '7. Millions of dollars worth of equipment and spare parts had been unnecessarily de- livered to foreign countries under the mili- tary assistance program. The major causes of this inefficient and uneconomical use of funds available for the military assistance program are the failure of the Department of Defense to (a) establish the validity of re- quirements, and (b) take timely action to cancel or suspend delivery of equipment or spare parts which become excess due to changes in requirements. Following are a few of the numerous examples contained in our reports which have been issued to the Congress. Excess equipment and supplies, valued at over $5.5 million, delivered because out- standing orders which were either excess to revised requirements or likely to be excess due to anticipated changes in requirements were not canceled or suspended. About $60 million worth of Air Force sup- port equipment programed or delivered al- though a firm and reliable basis for determ- ining the country needs for such equipment had not been established. United States committed as much as $9 million in excess of amounts necessary to furnish spare parts and modification kits for advanced weapons for the mutually agreed- upon period of time. ? Mr. President, I am ready for the vote. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amend- ment of the Senator from Oregon. The amendment was agreed to. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The bill is open to further amendment. Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 .10 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I call up my amendment No. 1181 and ask that it be stated. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment of the Senator from Oregon will be stated. The CHIEF CLERK. It is proposed by Mr. MORSE on page 1, between lines 6 and 7, to insert the following: TITLE I?DEVELOPMENT LOAN FUND SEC. 101. Section 201 of the Foreign Assist- ance Act of 1961, as amended, which relates to the Development Loan Fund, is amended by adding at the end thereof the following new subsection: "(g) Not to exceed 25 per centum of the funds available for any fiscal year for mak- ing loans under this title may be used dur- ing any such fiscal year for loans for any 'purpose other than for specific develop- mental projects." Renumber the succeeding sections under part I, accordingly. On page 4, lines 5, 6, and 7, strike out "Section 252 of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, which relates to the Alliance for Progress, is amended" and insert in lieu thereof the following: "Title VI of chapter 2 of part I of the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, which relates to the Alliance for Progress, is amended as follows: "(a) Amend section 251, which relates to general authority, by adding at the end thereof the following new subsection: "(h) Not to exceed 10 per centum of the funds available for any fiscal year for making loans under this title may be used during any such fiscal year for loans for any pur- pose other than for specific developmental projects. "(b) Amend section 252, which relates to authorization,". Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask for the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. EXPLANATION OF AMENDMENT RESTRICTING NON-PROJECT LOANS Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, last year I offered an amendment that sought to curb the use of Alliance for Progress funds for balance-of-payment loans and- budget support in Latin America. That amendment failed to pass, but it did re- ceive 31 votes. Since this was the first time that a vote was taken in the Senate on the practice of making general-pur- pose loans as opposed to specific project loans, I would have thought that so large a number as 31 Senators voting for the restriction would have been a warning signal to the Agency for International Development. But it seems to have made no impres- sion whatsoever. This year, the House Foreign Affairs Committee, in. both the majority and minority reports on the foreign aid bill, again warned AID against the use of loan funds for unspecified purposes. The majority report states: In general, the committee recognizes that whenever the administrators of the aid pro- gram are convinced that the financing of commodity imports is essential, it is better to finance such imports with loans rather than grants. Nevertheless, the committee believes that countries which progress to the point where they qualify for large development loans should be encouraged to assume increasing responsibility for financing their imports, No. 155 8 except imports related to projects for which loans are made. There is a danger that dependence on the United States for such financing could re- sult in levels of consumption higher than the recipient could normally sustain and could encourage unsound financial and monetary practices. Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. AIKEN. Is this amendment what is popularly known as the antijuggling amendment? Mr. MORSE. Some call it antijug- gling. I call it anticorruption. Mr. AIKEN. Antimonkey business, perhaps? Mr. MORSE. That would be a good description. It is a little softer than mine. Mr. AIKEN. It seems to be a rea- sonable amendment, unless someone can explain why it would not be so. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, That is the language of the majority of the House Foreign Affairs Committee. The minority had much more to say on the matter. It listed "program" loans as having been made to Tanganyika in the amount of $1 million, Tunisia $10 mil- lion, India $275 million, Pakistan $100 million, Turkey $70 million, Chile $40 million, and Colombia $15 million up to the date of the report. That is a total of $511 million. Since the report was published, at least one more large "pro- gram" loan has been made to Brazil in the amount of $50 million. The minority views continue: These loans do not require the same de- gree of study for feasibility?technical, fi- nancial, or economic?that are required for a project loan to get the necessary approval under section 611 of the act. This section requires cost estimates, engineering surveys, and financial and other plans before loan funds can be obligated. Further, the United States does not re- ceive credit or become identified with assist- ance under program loans because they are made to the government which, in turn, al- locates the dollar exchange to importers for commodity import requirements. In summary, every effort should be made to curtail program loans because (a) they require less detailed justification than proj- ect loans and, therefore, can be used to ab- sorb loan funds when carefully worked out projects are not forthcoming; (b) there is no visible way to identify the United States with assistance provided through program loans; (c) a country receiving a program loan can divert similar amounts of its for- eign exchange to luxury-type import items or for lower priority needs; and (d) al- though imports with these loans are re- quired to be from the United States, the level of American imports do not increase comparatively, which indicates that some of the countries merely divert imports with equal amounts of foreign exchange of other sources. At the time of this report, $456 million had been lent out of the Development Loan Fund for program loans, and $55 million out of Alliance for Progress loan funds, plus $50 million out of the con- tingency fund, which went to Brazil. Two-thirds of all money appropriated last year for development loans had been lent for unspecified, general commodity 18219 financing. . About 15 percent of Alliance for Progress loan funds went for the same purpose. But in the case of Latin America, budget support and balance of payment help comes more from non- Alliance funds, primarily the contin- gency fund and supporting assistance. As I stated, in the past several years, all supporting assistance is, after all is said and done, really indirect military aid. As the House committee minority makes so clear, this assistance in no way is identified with the United States; this assistance cannot be related to any proj- ect or program by the people of the re- ceiving country. How much good have we done the United States among the people of Brazil with our $50 million loan to its Government? None. The money will never show up in the way of life of the ordinary Brazilian. What we did with that $50 million was to buy a little political favor from its current political leaders. That is what these program loans are for. It bails them out a while longer. It postpones the day when critical and sometimes painful decisions have to be taken on their home front. It delays the time when they must go before their own vot- ers and lay down the facts of life. No politician likes to do that. So they come to the U.S. Treasury instead. That way we hope to create a little obligation on their part to favor the United States in international matters. That is why in my individual views I said that program loans do no more than patch over and perpetuate the lack of economic development. Brazil and Turkey have already de- faulted, in effect, on loans by obtain- ing moratoriums even as we extend them new soft loans. There is every prospect that debt renegotiation with Argentina will begin soon, if it has not already be- gun. Yet we go on and on making new easy credit available to them. The prevalence of this kind of loan makes a mockery of the advertisements AID and the State Department make about foreign aid helping farmers to grow better crops and laborers to build better homes. At the time the recent Brazilian loan was announced, it was also announced that the $50 million was in addition to; "understandings now being reached for the financing of various specfic projects designed to promote the economic devel- opment and social progress of the Bra- zilian people." This $50 million loan is at 2 percent interest for 40 years. We have been encouraging Brazil for years and years. We have been urging upon Brazil to do something about its inflation. We have ,.been urging Brazil to come forward with a plan, which she is obliged to do under the action at Punta del Este, as to what she will do with respect to internal re- forms and internal programs. Alliance for Progress funds are supposed to con- tribute to the fulfillment of the country plan. Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18220 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE Mr. President, Brazil still has not sub- mitted a satisfactory plan. She has made gestures, but she has submitted no all-encompassing plan. We ought to stop this type of loan. We ought to say, "Come forward now with an economic project that is sound, one that will be of help to your people, and we shall help you with that and release your own money for use in connection with your own fis- cal problems at a governmental level." So I say that this loan was made not as a result of the steps Brazil had taken to curb inflation and to live within her means, but to encourage Brazil to take those steps. A month later, on July 26, the New York Times reported that the Brazilian Central Government's statis- tics showed the cost of living rose more than 40 percent in the first 6 months of this year, and that the Branco regime had an operating deficit in its national budget of nearly $600 million. I ask unanimous consent to have these two ar- ticles from the New York Times dated June 25, 1964, and July 26, 1964, printed at this point in the RECORD. There being no objection, the articles were ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: [From the New York Times, June 25, 1964] U.S. GRANTS $50 lks _riiioisr LOAN WASHINGTON, June 24.?The United States granted Brazil a $50 million loan today to support the reform programs of the new government. This was the first major loan given to the regime of President Castelo Branco. It dem- onstrates the faith of President Johnson's administration in Brazil's determination and capacity to combat inflation, rebuild her shattered finances, and institute rational eco- nomic policies. In announcing the loan, concluded under the Alliance for Progress program, the ad- ministration noted that "the Brazilian Gov- ernment is formulating a comprehensive pro- gram of development, stabilization, and re- form which can serve as a basis for later discussions with international institutions and the Government of the United States and other friendly countries of Brazilian needs for external assistance." The announcement emphasized that the loan, for a 40-year period at the unusually low interest of 2 percent, is in addition to "understandings now being reached for the financing of various specific projects designed to promote the economic development and social progress of the Brazilian people." The loan marked the resumption of gen- eral 'U.S. lending to Brazil after a pause of almost a year. Around the middle of 1963 the United States became convinced that the regime of President Goulart could not properly utilize financial assistance be- cause of its refusal to take adequate anti- inflationary and other stabilization measures. Today's loan was announced as Carlos La- cerda, Governor of Guanabare, State and one of the principal leaders of the April revolu- tion, appealed for U.S. understanding of the revolutionary situation in his country. Speaking at the National Press Club here, he said the new government had been try- ing to find competent, honest people to ad-, minister its affairs after the chaos of the Goulart regime. [From the New York Times, July 26, 1964] REGIME IN BRAZIL SCORED ON PRICES?LAcERDA SAYS CONFIDENCE Is UNDERMINED By INFLA- TION (By Juan de Onis) RIO DE JANEIRO, July 25.?President Hum- berto Castel() Branco embarked today On his newly extended term of office under heavy political fire because of rising prices. The main criticism of the Government came from Gov. Carlos Lacerda of Guanabara State, one of the leaders of the April 1 revo- lution that overthrew President Joao Goulart and brought Gen. Castelo Branco, then the army chief of staff, to the Presidency. Mr. Lacerda said a survey of prices in his state showed that they had shot upward since the revolt. "As a consequence, confi- dence in the revolution has been profoundly eroded in 3 months," he said., Rising unemployment in Belo Horizonte, capital of Minas Gerais State, and in Sao Paulo was also reported. The iron and steel industry was showing signs of a recession, with cutbacks in production. Automobile output also was down and household appli- ance manufacturers reported large unsold stocks. The Central Government's statistics show that the cost of living rose more than 40 per- cent in the first 6 months of this year on the momentum of an inflation that raised prices more than 80 percent last year. Halting inflation is the principal preoccu- pation of the Castelo Branco regime and efforts are being made to reduce the Govern- ment's operating deficit, regarded as the main cause of the inflation. This year's deficit is estimated at nearly $600 million. Partly to give the Government more time to cope with the Problem, the congress this week added 14 months to Mr. Castelo Branco's original period in office. Originally it was to have completed Mr. Goulart's term ending January 31, 1966. Mr. Castelo Branco will now remain in power until March 15, 1967, and the election originally scheduled for October 1965 will be postponed to December 1966. This decision was taken by the congress over Mr. Castelo Branco's opposition, but with the support of Brazil's military leaders. Mr. Lacerda, noted for his opposition to Mr. Goulart's leftist government, was bitterly disappointed by Congress' decision. He had hoped to run for President in the election scheduled for next year, and he lashed out at the Congress. It is widely accepted that Mr. Lacerda is trying to bring down the present cabinet and, install a government alined with his views. Prices constitute the most vulnerable area for this cabinet, whose economic and financial policies are largely determined by the Planning Minister, Roberto Campos. Steel executives advised the Labor Minis- try this week that they would not fulfill a contract signed with 50,000 workers in Minas Gerais and Sao Paulo during the Goulart regime. This provided for quarterly adjust- ments that would now require the industries to pay a minimum wage of 70,000 cruzeiros ($55) a month. The regional minimum wage is 40,000 cruzeiros ($32). The executives said the contract could be met only through increases in iron and steel prices. Roman Catholic priests active in union organization in Pernambuco, the sugar region of Brazil's northeast, warned sugar- mill operators that there would be a strike unless a minimum wage set by the former government was respected. On another front, respresentatives of Brazilian university students elected new officers today for the National Union of Stu- dents, which the Education Minister had threatened to dissovle. The delegates also resolved to reconstruct the union, which had been controlled by militant leftists. This indicated limited support of the uprising that ousted Mr. Goulart. The students met in defiance of the Educa- tion Minister, Suplicy de Lacerda, who had proposed that the autonomous student orga- nization be replaced by a student council under control of the ministry. AIM August 10 Virtually all the delegates, who came from 12 States, were opposed to the former leader- ship of the national union, which they co4- tend was antidemocratic and alienated from the mass of students. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, at the present time we are using two-thirds of the development loan money for inter- governmental loans to finance com- modity imports of a general nature. I wish to repeat that sentence, because I want to show Senators that in my judg- ment this is one of the most serious prob- lems in the whole AID program calling for policy reform. I ask Senators to lis- ten to the sentence again: At the present time we are using two- thirds of the development loan money for intergovernmental loans to finance commodity imports of a general nature. They do not provide people-to-people aid. They do not coincide with what Sena- tors have heard me plead for for several years--a project-to-project approach to foreign aid instead of a government-to- government approach. I wish to see the American taxpayers' dollars invested in dams, refineries, plants, and other economic projects that will help to create jobs in parts of the world that are characterized by unem- ployment, or employment at wages that cannot maintain a family in health and decency. I wish to do something for people. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator from Oregon has made a startling statement. As I understand, he said that last year approximately $560 million was loaned by us to foreign governments for unspec- ified purposes. Mr. MORSE. That is correct. Mr. DOUGLAS. About $50 million of that was to meet the deficit of the Bra- zilian Government. Can the Senator from Oregon throw any light on , the question of the purposes for which the other $510 million was loaned? Mr. MORSE. No. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator from Oregon is a member of the Committee on Foreign Relations, is he not? Mr. MORSE. Yes. Mr. DOUGLAS. Did the administra- tor of AID, or any of his assistants, item- ize how the $510 million was distributed and for what purposes? Mr. MORSE. There may be some itemization in the three thick books that were presented to us for study. But I gave the Senator an honest answer. I do not know what the itemization might be. If it is available, perhaps the chair- man of the committee might respond. Mr. DOUGLAS. I wonder if the chair- man of the Committee on Foreign Rela- tions could answer the question. For what purposes were the $510 million loaned to the governments of foreign countries? Is my impression correct that this is primarily related to Latins Amer- ica? Mr. MORSE. No; most of it was lent elsewhere. India received $275 million, Pakistan $100 million, and Turkey $70 million in fiscal year 1964. Tunisia and Tanganyika also received smaller pro- Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE gram loans. In Latin America, Chile re- ceived $40 million, Colombia $15 million, and Brazil $50 million this last fiscal year. The presentation for fiscal year 1965 tells very little about the purposes of these loans that will be made in fiscal 1965. Mr. FULBRIGHT. The major pur- pose of the Alliance for Progress pro- gram was to support overall plans for the economic development of the countries of Latin America. It was intended that those countries should bring about cer- tain reforms within their economies. It was called a self-help program. We make the program loans available only when there is a commitment by the re- spective countries to engage in certain kinds of reforms within their countries. ' As the Senator has heard, in some cases those reforms are in the nature of tax reforms, in some cases they are in the nature of land reforms, and so on. Pro- gram loans were the major tool that we had for encouraging the respective coun- tries to bring about reforms. The agency does not make the program loans with- out any conditions as to how the money shall be used. When a loan is negoti- ated, the purpose for which it is to be used is well Understood. Mr. DOUGLAS. Has that purpose been stated to the Committee on Foreign Relations? Mr. F1TLBRIGHT. Certainly. Mr. DOUGLAS. What are the pur- poses? Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not have in mind the particular purpose of all loans, if that is what the Senator means. But that is obtainable in full. We have at hand the general statements about the nature of the loans. Some are often in- formally called balance-of-payments loans. In a sense that is what they are. They provide the basis for the develop- ment of private industry in most of the countries involved. They are intended to finance the purchase of spare Parts, machinery, equipment, and so on, from this country through private enterprise. The project loans which were men- tioned by the Senator from Oregon are usually provided for a dam, a railroad, a dock, or something of that kind, and they usually are of a governmental na- ture. Year after year the committee and the Congress have urged private enter- prise to come into the picture. That is accomplished primarily through program loans, which make available to private enterprises in each of the countries the resources to enable them to purchase needed commodities. There is agreement as to which areas of the economy the loans are to be used for, but they are not Intended to be used for the building of a dam or any specific tangible project. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will the Senator from Oregon permit me to comment on that statement? Mr. MORSE. Certainly. Mr. DOUGLAS. I have always thought that the Alliance for Progress included primarily, amongst the reforms, the de- velopment of education, the building of schools, the building of houses, the car- rying on. of health work, and the pur- chase of large estates for distribution into small holdings. It seems to me that projects of that nature could be made very specific, and that it would not be necessary to make a general loan for such purposes. The loan could specify the purposes for which it was to be made. The Government could act as the inter- mediary, but we would know for what purpose the money was being spent. But the facts seem to be that of the loan funds devoted to Latin America in fiscal year 1964?a total of approximately $425 million, of which $50 million came from contingency funds?$105 million, or about one-quarter, was assigned to gen- eral Government loans with no specific conditions attached that the money must be spent for better schools and the. other fundamental reforms. Mr. MORSE. That is what I am ask- ing for. I see one of my teachers on the Foreign Relations Committee, the Sena- tor from Vermont [Mr. AIKEN], smiling as he listens to the present debate. The Senator from Vermont has exercised a great deal of influence on me, whether he knows it or not, with regard to the position he has taken from time to time in respect to the Alliance for Progress program. I am endeavoring merely to carry out a percentage restriction which I believe would reduce the amount of money available for general loans gov- ernment-to-government. I would pro- vide a better opportunity for obtaining money the expenditure of which would be specified for specific projects. As the Senator from Illinois knows, the problem that we have as Senators is that when we seek to obtain loans and grants for public works developments in our own States?and I am all for the procedure? we must show a benefit-cost ratio?and we should have to show it. We have to show that the project is desirable, be- / cause we are dealing, we say, with tax- payers' money. We certainly are. But AID is dealing with taxpayers' money. By this policy amendment?and I am of- fering my policy amendments today in order to have some votes on policy first before coming to specific money amend- ments?I am seeking to place some checks on AID as well as on Brazil, Ar- gentina, and some of the other countries. Mr. AMEN. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MORSE. I yield to the Senator from Vermont. Mr. AIKEN. If the Senator could get the details of the situation accurately, he would find that the borrowing nation will use the money borrowed from the United States for purposes for which it would ordinarily use its own money, and that, in turn, releases its own money to pay off creditors, some of which may be in the United States, some in Europe, some here, there, and everywhere. That is what I meant when I asked the Sena- tor if this was the "antijuggling amend- ment." Mr. MORSE. There is no question about it. Mr. AIKEN. I am sure, if the Senator would get to the bottom of this, he would find that that is what happens. Mr. MORSE. The Senator will recall that in the past few years we had a dis- cussion about this type of loan that was made to Argentina. When we dug into 18221 the matter, I very well remember some of the comments of the Senator from Vermont. When we dug into it we found that the money of U.S. taxpayers that went into Argentina, under an unchecked procedure for a loan, was used to pay, off American creditors. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, if I may interject, what is that? Mr. MORSE. Just what I said. Mr. DOUGLAS. Does the Senator mean that we loaned money to Argen- tina which was not used for the benefit of the people of Argentina? Mr. MORSE. It might be said that it was for their benefit. It enabled them to pay American creditors for goods im- ported in the past. I am talking now about a policy that does not provide for adequate checks. I do not believe there should be allowed the use of money out of the President's contingency fund or some other source to make this kind of loan to a government, with which the government in turn uses the money tb pay off creditors. In that case, it was America creditors. Sometimes it is to pay European creditors. Mr. AIKEN. Mr. President, if the Senator will yield further, I have great hopes for Brazil. It is a coming nation. It is a friendly nation. It is making progress. The value of its currency has improved inthe past 6 months. But the Government of Brazil has done some- thing else. It has abandoned the sub- sidy which it paid previously for the use of petroleum products. It subsidized the use of gasoline. It has eliminated that. A few years ago Bolivia subsidized the use of petroleum products. It, too, has stopped it. Nevertheless, Brazil still has to buy great amounts of petroleum and it has to be paid for. Mr. MORSE. I have great hopes for Brazil: too. My amendment would afford her more hope. The amendment would provide that the government must ask for loans for specific projects. If they are sound, the committee, on which the Senator from Vermont also serves, will support it. I do not like unchecked power anywhere. I do not like the mak- ing of loans in a pig-in-a-poke manner, when we do not know what the purposes of the loans are, when we are expected to offer the money to them and let them spend it as they desire. Mr. AIKEN. The Senator knows pretty well what it is used for. When we lend money for the purpose of im- proving the lot of the people, we are entitled to know that it is used for that purpose, and not used to pay off Ameri- can or European creditors. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, the Senators from Oregon and Vermont ex- cite the curiosity of those of us who are not members of the Foreign Relations Committee. They speak of mysterious information that one or the other knows about the purposes for which the $500 million has been loaned to foreign gov- ernments for undetermined, unspecified purposes. The Senator from Vermont implies that a major portion of this amount has been used not to improve the condition of the people, but to improve the credit standing of the country with foreign or external creditors. Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18222 - CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE I have always supported the Alliance for Progress, but I thought the money went specifically to help the people of Latin America. I suppose, since the Senator from Oregon states?and the Senator from Vermont does not contra- dict?that a major portion of the money goes for general purposes, it is difficult to know where it goes, but it is generally believed that large parts of the money go to pay off debts previously incurred. Mr. MORSE. We are talking about the evil system with respect to a part of that money. This is not the total part of the Alliance for Progress money. I plead for the Senator from Illinois to continue to have faith, as the Senator from Vermont and I have overall faith, in the Alliance for Progress. This amendment would eliminate a policy that is unwise. I criticize the use of the President's contingency fund for this purpose. That is why I am advocating a cut of $50 million in the President's contin- gency fund. The contingency fund should be used only to meet an immedi- ate, overnight emergency affecting the United States. It should not be used by the President to engage in interna- tional relations on his part. This - money should not be used for balance of payments, credit payments, and what not, because the head of some other gov- ernment says he is in an emergency, be- cause the President of the Argentine or Brazil is in an emergency, for example. Let them come before us in the open and ask for a loan for a specific purpose, and let us pass judgment on the soundness of the loan for that purpose. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will the Senator forgive me for another ques- tion? Mr. MORSE. I am glad to yield. Mr. DOUGLAS. I understand that a loan of $50 million was made to Brazil primarily to meet a deficit in the govern- ment budget, or possibly to redress an unfavorable balance of payments. Mr. MORSE. Yes. That came from the President's emergency fund. Mr. DOUGLAS. Not from the specific Latin American fund, but from the Presi- dent's emergency fund. Mr. MORSE. The President's, emer- gency fund. Mr. DOUGLAS. What about the loan to the Argentine? Mr. MORSE. That was to pay off American creditors who had put the "heat" on the President of Argentina. Mr. DOUGLAS. What kind of credi- tors? Mr. MORSE. Oil creditors, shipping creditors. There is a long list of them. I do not recall all of them at the present time. There was quite a "hassle" about it at the time. Those of us protesting it were left in the minority. Mr. DOUGLAS. Could the Senator insert in the RECORD the group which ob- tained the subsidy? Mr. MORSE. I shall try to obtain it for the RECORD before we are finished with the bill. The member of the staff from the Foreign Relations Committee assisting me will proceed to obtain it. Mr. DOUGLAS. Chile has been op- erating both under inflation and big government deficits, I believe. Have such loans been made to Chile? Mr. MORSE. Chile received a $40 program loan a few months ago. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator from Illinois has visited two Central American republics and two of the northern South American republics, and he thought the Alliance for Progress was working very well in all four of those countries. Like the Senator from Oregon, I am a sup- porter of the general program, but I was somewhat startled by the state- ment of the Senator from Oregon, which does not seem to be controverted in any way, that $105 million, one-quarter of the loan funds devoted to AID last year, has been loaned for purposes which none of us thought were originally in included in the program of the Alliance for Progress. Mr. MORSE. That happens to be ,a fact. I have been urging my proposals. I have made them in the committee, too. Mr. DOUGLAS. What was the deci- sion in the committee? Mr. MORSE. There was not very much discussion of them. I made my statement, and they were voted down. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator from Oregon has made a grave statement. Mr. TALMADGE and Mr. LAUSCHE ad- dressed the Chair. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Does the Senator from Oregon yield, and, if so, to whom? Mr. MORSE. I yield first to the Sena- tor from Georgia. Mr. TALMADGE. Is it the purpose of the Senator's amendment to the Devel- opment Loan Fund that the project for which the money is to be used must be specified and, that the money may be used for that particular project, and no other? Mr. MORSE. That is the purpose of the amendment. It requires that 75 per- cent of the money be used for specific projects. I believe that is where the bad Policy develops. It discourages them from re- forming their own economy, so long as they, can think they can go along and call on Uncle Sam for help. It is pretty hard for politicians to put the economic screws on, instead of letting inflation continue, and not applying drastic limitations, es- pecially limitations that are necessary to stop inflation, so long as they have a good hunch that Uncle Sam will bail them out. We are discouraging them from adopting procedures to bring about their own reforms. I wish to stop the general import loans. I wish to see our taxpayer money spent for projects that we know have at least some chance of helping the people them- selves. Mr. TALMADGE. Does the Senator's amendment provide that the country re- ceiving the money must put up a portion of its own funds for each particular proj- ect? Mr. MORSE. No; this amendment does not provide for that specifically. Such a provision is not necessary to what I am trying to accomplish in this amend- ment. Mr. TALMADGE. I thank the Sen- ator. I think his amendment is a good amendment. August 10 - ? Mr. MORSE. I thank the Senator from Georgia. Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MORSE. I yield. Mr. LAUSCHE. Without trying to pass on the merits of the amendment of the Senator from Oregon, I am obliged to say that the testimony shows that when a program is approved, it is done only after there is provided a complete description of what the program involves. Also required is supervision of what is being done under the program. I do not wish to remain silent and by doing ap- prove the statement that loans are made without any previous knowledge of the purpose for which they are to be used. Mr. MORSE. Will the Senator from Ohio tell the Senate what supervision there was of the $50 million program loan from the President's contingency fund? - Mr. LAUSCHE. There may be greater strength to the Senator's argument with respect to the contingency fund. How- ever, the fact is that with respect to pro- gram loans, a plan must be submitted. The plan is analyzed. Before any pay- ments are made under it, It must be ap- proved. After it is approved the AID supervises and watches the program to see that it proceeds as contemplated. Moreover, the Alliance for Progress watches what is being done in the eco- nomic development of each of the na- tions. Mr. MORSE. The Senator from Ohio may have that point of view about the checks. I believe that the checks are not effective, and that they have not been protecting our interests. The loan should be made, in the first instance, for a specific project. That is what I am pleading for. We should prevent so much of the money going for general loans. All I am doing is cutting down a provision percentagewise. Mr. LAUSCHE. If the Senator states that he wishes to correct the spedifics, that is one thing. Stating that there is a complete absence of specifics as to what is being done, is something else. Mr. MORSE. I am saying that the specifics that are called for are not suffi- ciently restrictive to protect the Ameri- can taxpayer. I hope the Senator will note what I am advocating: (g) Not to exceed 25 per centum of the funds available for any fiscal year for making ' loans under this title may be used during any such fiscal year for loans for any pur- pose other than for specific developmental projects. What is wrong with that? They can go up to 25 percent. What is wrong with limiting them to 25 percent? - On page 2 of my amendment I pro- vide: (h) Not to exceed 10 per centum of the funds available for any fiscal year for making loans under this title may be used during any such fiscal year for loans for any purpose other than for specific developmental projects. What is wrong with that? Will the Senator tell me what is wrong with that kind of check? We must put that kind of check in the bill, so that the countries will know that the sky is not the limit when coming to the United States and asking for additional loans. They must Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 1964. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 18223 do something for themselves. If they do not bring about inflation control, if they do not bring about fiscal improvement, they will continue to go along thinking that all they need to do is to come to Uncle Sam. If we place a ceiling in effect, we will help them. We must be much more stringent on the AID people and on the State Department than we have been in the past. I know there will be some negative connotations from what I am about to say. We must be more insistent upon policing them so far as the inter- ests of the American taxpayers are con- cerned. The precise description of expected aid to each country comes marked "Confi- dential" and hence-it cannot be inserted directly into the RECORD. ? But I can give Senators an idea of the kind of information we have about these program loans, as compared with project loans. In one country, for example, which re- ceives large amounts of U.S. aid we are told: It is likely that AID project loans will be made in fiscal year 1965 for power installa- tions, mineral processing, and manufactur- ing industries: Program loans will finance imports of raw materials and semifinished commodities to help maintain production and the pace of investment. In . another country we find that? U.S. loans will again be made to help finance the raw materials, equipment and spare parts which are an integral part of the development plan. Moreover, the bulk of U.S. nonproject imports goes to the private sector and is an important element in main- taining the pace of private investment ac- tivity. With an acceleration of the develop- ment program, and completion of feasibility studies for roads,-power, and water resources, an increasing number of project loan re- quests are expected for fiscal 1965. Senators may say that AID officials know what part the U.S. loan will play in a country's general economy; but the point I am making is that these program loans are not and cannot be identified with any given project. They simply go to finance general imports. Mr. President, at the present time we are using two-thirds of the development loan money for general intergovern- mental loans They do not provide peo- ple-to-people aid. They are purely gov- ernment-to-government, and they seek to influence and improve the well-being not of the people of the recipient coun- try, but of its ruling class. My amendment is both a refinement and an expansion of the amendment which last year gained the support of 31 Senators. This time it is not confined to the Alliance for Progress. For the De- velopment Loan Fund it sets a ceiling of 25 percent on loan funds that can be used for nonproject aid. It sets a ceiling of 10 percent on Alliance for Progress loans for nonproject aid. Even that is very generous. It is more than I would like to see lent for general balancing of accounts. But it would make a start. It would tighten the legislative guidelines. It would restrict -the amount of "lobby- ing" that foreign governments could' do among American aid and diplomatic of- ficials for untied loans. Senators will recall that when we passed the Hickenlooper amendments cutting off aid to any country that ex- propriated American investments with- out compensation that we were accused of "tying the hands of the administra- tion." But we did tie them. And the next year the AID and State Department peo- ple found themselves quite pleased with the result. It was interesting and pleasing to find the State Department officials, includ- ing the Secretary of State, and Mr. Bell, Director of AID, visiting with us in the Committee on Foreign Relations and ex- pressing their pleasure with the way the program had worked. The year before, however, they had fought it. I be- lieve that my amendment would perform a great service for Mr. Rusk and Mr. Bell. I believe that a year from now Mr. Rusk and Mr. Bell? will be thanking us again. Someone must make the fight. We should give the proposal a trial. If after a year it can be shown that what I say did not work, the present provision can be restored. Certainly things have been going well the way we have been operat- ing. This proposal ought to be tried. The congressional directive on expro- priation left no room for quibbling with foreign governments. It removed from the yealin of administration discretion the decision whether to reduce or to end aid to such countries. It simply said, "This is it." My amendment pro- vides that 25 percent and 10 percent are to be the ceiling limitations, just as in the Hickenlooper amendment we had a rule of finality. Foreign countries could go to the ambassador or to the AID officials or come to Washington to see the Secretary of State, but they can always say, "There is nothing we can do about it. It is the law." I wish to put the Secretary of State in that posi- tion with respect to this problem. The main foreign aid failures have re- sulted from the failure of Congress to make more legislative directives of the same nature. Here is an area where they are sorely needed, and my amend- ment would be a start toward correcting one of the worst abuses of foreign aid. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, will the Senator from Oregon yield. Mr. MORSE. I yield to the Senator from Illinois. Mr DOUGLAS. It is sometimes said that these are loans -which will ultimately be repaid and that, therefore, there will be no wasting of any money, assuming the amounts will be repaid. Is it true that the current interest terms are three- quarters of 1 percent interest during the first 10 years and 2 percent thereafter? I notice the compilation in a table on pages 42 and 43 of the report. Mr. MORSE. Will the Senator please restate his question? Mr. DOUGLAS. Is it true that the rate of interest on the Alliance for Progress loans is three-quarters of 1 percent during the first 10 years and 2 percent thereafter? Mr. MORSE. That is the rule. Mr. DOUGLAS. And that the aver- age rate of interest on development and Alliance for Progress loans is 1.7 percent? ' Mr. MORSE. It is about 2 percent. Mr. DOUGLAS. A little under 2 percent? Mr. MORSE. Yes. ? Mr. DOUGLAS. Is it true that the average rate of interest charged by other members of the free world alliance is 5.1 percent? Mr. MORSE. Not completely, but in most instances. Some countries are now beginning to negotiate lower interest rates. ? Mr. DOUGLAS. So, on the whole, their interest rates are? Mr. MORSE. Much higher. Mr. DOUGLAS. About three times what the average rate is for Alliance for Progress loans? Mr. MORSE. Mich higher. That is why I am supporting the amendment of the Senator from Ohio [Mr. LAII5CHE] and the Senator from South Dakota [Mr. MuNer 1 to bring interest rates up. I thing they are too low. Mr. DOUGLAS. Is it true that our loans run for 40 years? Mr. MORSE. That is correct; in some instances, 50 years. Mr. DOUGLAS. Is it true that the weighted average of Belgian loans is 7 years, and French loans 17 years? Mr. MORSE. On the average, they are for a shorter period than ours. Mr. DOUGLAS. So we are making very favorable terms? Mr. MORSE. Oh, yes. Mr. DOUGLAS. Frankly, I. do not object to favorable terms. I am how- ever concerned about the purposes for which the loans are spent. I am shaken, to tell the truth, by the material which the Senator from Oregon has cited, and which has not been contradicted: Mr. MORSE. As the Senator knows, I also want fair terms to be imposed, but terms that are fair to the American tax- payers, too. In my opinion, the interest rate of three-quarters of 1 percent really does not cover the cost of administering the loans. Mr. DOUGLAS. The Senator from Oregon would like to have the rate made 2 percent for the initial period of 10- years? Mr. MORSE. At least that much. Mr. DOUGLAS. Similar to the rate of interest on REA loans? Mr. MORSE. At least that much. Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, I sim- ply say that the Senator from Oregon has thrown down a startling and con- vincing challenge on this subject. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I yield the floor. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I hope the Senate will not accept the amendment. I may say, partly by way of background, that my comments have nothing to do with the merits of the amendment. To the best of my recol- lection, the amendment was not offered in the committee. However, the sub- ject with which it deals was discussed at length in the committee with the ad- ministrator, Mr. Bell. Mr. Bell stated, and I think most per- suasively, that such program loans are highly essential to the development of a country, particularly loans under the Alliance for Progress, and for countries like India. A big part of the aid to India Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18224 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE has been in the form of program loans. That does not mean that specific uses were not provided; but the loans are made to the country to be used by it largely in the private Sector. One of the major parts of the lending program is the lending of money to a government which will agree to relend it and make it available to private industry to im- port raw materials, machinery, and sup- plies for the industries of the country. That is in accordance with the overall development plan. It has been success- ful, according to the administration. The administration believes that this pending amendment would result in a degree of inflexibility which would greatly hamper the effectiveness of the overall program. In my opinion, the administration makes a good case. The distinction between a loan to be used to pay a debt and a loan to build a bridge or a school is a slippery con- cept. For example, if a school is built directly with loan money, it relieves the Government directly from using its ,own money. If it uses the loan to pay off a debt, what is the difference as compared with paying it directly, assuming it is a recognized, legitimate need of the country under the specific conditions of that time? If a program of development is under- taken in one of the countries, it is then up to the judgment of our people, work- ing with the country concerned, as to where to put the emphasis. If a factory or a refinery is needed?let us suppose a fertilizer factory is needed?the ef- ficient way to proceed is to make the money available to the government, which in turn can relend the money, under conditions- specified by our AID program for that purpose; for example, the importation of a fertilizer plant or any other kind of equipment. Inci- dentally, time after time, the committee and Congress have included policy dec- larations to encourage the development of the private industrial sectors of the underdeveloped countries. The loan to Brazil, which has been under discussion, did not come under this part of the program. In no way would it have been affected by the amendment. That money came out of a different category. Even if the amend- ment of the Senator from Oregon had been in effect, that loan would not have been affected by the amendment. It was a loan made, we all admit, under special circumstances, for the benefit of a new regime, a loan which we hoped would help to enable the new government to survive a difficult period. It would be used for the essentials of government. Mr. President, I ask unanimous con- sent to have printed at this point in the RECORD a statement entitled "Program and Project Loans Under the Develop- ment Loan Fund and the Alliance for Progress." There being no objection, the state- ment was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, as follows: PROGRAM AND PROJECT LOANS 'CINDER THE DE- VELOPMENT LOAN FUND AND THE ALLIANCE POR PROGRESS The amendment provides that no more than 25 percent of the funds available in any fiscal year for DIP loans and no more than 10 percent of the funds available in any ' fiscal year for the Alliance for Progress loans may be used for any purpose other than for specific developmental projects, which is to say, they can not be used for general coun- try program loans. In addition to injecting a general require- ment of extreme inflexibility into the aid program, the amendment would be detri- mental to the encouragement of self-help programs and internal reform. A project loan inVolves the donor only in a specific enterprise without permitting him to exert leverage for related projects, however vital they may be to the success of the enterprise for which the loan has been made. It is far easier to exect leverage for tax or land reform, for example, if aid is being provided for a unified program consisting of a num- ber of specific projects than if the aid is being provided only for one project. The purpose of our aid program is far more to encourage economic development by re- cipient countries themselves than to achieve it for them. Project assistance tends far more toward the latter. However useful the project may be, it is unlikely to serve the legitimate interests of both the recipient and the donor unless it stimulates related projects. Program as- sistance, on the other hand, seeks to en- courage unified growth and to encourage those measures of internal reform and self- help which will have an economic multiplier effect. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I hope. the Senate will not accept the amendment. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amend- ment of the Senator from Oregon. The yeas and nays have been ordered, and the Clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll. Mr. HUMPHREY. I announce that the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. Buimicxl , the Senator from Virginia [Mr. BYRD], the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. GoRE], the Senator from Washing- ton [Mr. JAcKsoN] , the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG], the Senator from Utah [Mr. Moss], and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG] are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON] and the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY] are absent because of illness. I further announce that the Senator from Nevada [Mr. CANNON] , the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK], the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMOND- SON], and the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLiAms] are necessarily absent. I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YoursiG] and the Senator from Pennsyl- vania [Mr. CLARK] would each vote "nay." On this vote, the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS] is paired with the Senator from Virginia [Mr. BYRD]. If present and voting, the Senator from Virginia would vote "yea" and the Sen- ator from New Jersey would vote "nay." On this vote, the Senator from Wash- ington [Mr. JACKSON] is paired with the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LowG]. If present and voting, the Senator from Louisiana would vote "yea" and the Senator from Washington would. vote "nay." Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON] and August 10 the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Scowl are necessarily absent. The Senator from New York [Mr. JAviT5] is absent on official business. The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. COOPER] and the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER] are detained on official business. On this vote, the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER] is paired with the Sen- ator from New York [Mr. JAviis]. If present and voting, the Senator from Arizona would vote "yea," and the Sen- ator from New York would vote "nay." On this vote, the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON] is paired with the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT]. If pres- ent and voting, the Senator from Kansas would vote "yea," and the Senator from Pennsylvania would vote "nay." If present and voting, the Senator from Kentucky would vote "nay." The result was announced?yeas 40, nays 42, as follows: ' [No. 526 Leg.] YEAS-40 Aiken Allott Bayh Beall Bennett Bible Boggs Carlson Cotton Curtis Dominick Douglas Eastland Ellender Bartlett Brewster Byrd, W. Va. Case Church Dirksen Dodd Fong Fulbright Hart Hartke Hayden Hickenlooper Hill Ervin Gruening Holland Hruska Johnston Jordan, N.C. Jordan, Idaho Lausche McClellan Mechem Morse Mundt Nelson Prouty NAYS-42 Humphrey Inouye Keating Kuchel Long, Mo. Magnuson Mansfield McCarthy McGee McGovern McIntyre McNamara Metcalf Miller Proxmire Randolph Robertson Russell Simpson Talmadge Thurmond Tower Walters Williams, Del. Yarborough Young, N. Dak. Monroney Morton Muskie Neuberger Pastore Pell Ribicoff Salinger Saltonstall Smathers Smith Sparkman Stennis Symington NOT VOTING-18 Anderson Edmondson Long, La. Burdick Goldwater Moss Byrd, Va. Gore Pearson Cannon Jackson Scott Clark Javits Williams, N.J. Cooper Kennedy Young, Ohio So Mr. MORSE'S amendment was re- jected. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I move that the vote by which the_amend- ment was rejected be reconsidered. Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, I move that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the motion of the Senator from Minnesota to lay on the table the motion of the Senator from Arkansas to reconsider the vote by which the amendment was rejected. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, on this question, I ask for the yeas and nays. _ The yeas and nays were ordered. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The legislative clerk called the roll. Mr. HUMPHREY. I announce that the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. BURDICK], the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. GORE], the Senator from Washing Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 IAN 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE ton [Mr. JAcxsoN] , the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG] , the Senator from Utah [Mr. Moss], and the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YouNc] are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON] and the Senator Massachusetts [Mr. KENNEDY] are absent because of illness. I further announce that the Senator from Nevada [Mr. CANNON] , the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] , the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMOND- SON] , and the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS] are necessary absent. I further announce that, if present and voting, the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG], the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS], and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK] would each vote "yea." On this vote, the Senator from Wash- ington [Mr. JACKSON] is paired with the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG]. If present and voting, the Senator from Washington would vote "yea," and the Senator from Louisiana would vote "nay." Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON] and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT] are necesarily absent. The Senator from New York [Mr. JAvas] is absent on official business. The Senator from Kentucky [Mr. COOPER] and the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER] are detained on official business. If present and voting, the Senator from Kentucky [Mr. COOPER] would vote "yea." On this vote, the Senator from New York [Mr. JAvirs] is paired with the Sen- ator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER]. If present and voting, the Senator from New York would vote "yea," and the Sen- ator from Arizona would vote "nay." On this vote, the Senator from Penn- sylvania [Mr. SCOTT] is paired with the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON] . If present and voting, the Senator from Pennsylvania would vote "yea," and the Senator from Kansas would vote "nay." The result was announced?yeas 42, nays 41, as follows: [No. 527 Leg.] YEAS-42 Bartlett Bayh Brewster Byrd, W. Va. Case Church Dirksen Dodd Fong Fulbright Hart Hartke Hayden Hickenlooper Aiken Allott Beall Bennett Bible Boggs Byrd, Va. Carlson Cotton Curtis Dominick Douglas Eastland Ellender Hill Humphrey Inouye Keating Kuchel Long, Mo. Magnuson Mansfield McCarthy McGee McGovern McIntyre McNamara Metcalf NAYS-41 Ervin Gruening Holland Hruska Johnston Jordan, N.C. Jordan, Idaho Lausche McClellan Mechem Morse Mundt Neuberger Prouty Miller Monroney Morton Muskie Nelson :nastore Pell Ribicoff Salinger Saltonstall Smathers Smith Sparkman Symington Proxmire Randolph Robertson Russell Simpson Stennis Talmadge Thurmond Tower Walters Williams, Del. Yarborough Young, N. Dak. NOT VOTING-17 Anderson Goldwater Burdick Gore Cannon Jackson Clark Javits Cooper Kennedy Edmondson Long, La. Moss Pearson Scott Williams, N.J. Young, Ohio So the motion to lay on the table was agreed to. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I call up my amendment No. 1190. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The amendment of the Senator from Michi- gan will be stated. The Chief Clerk proceed to read the ? amendment. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask unanimous consent that the reading of the amendment be waived. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. The amendment will be printed in the RECORD. The amendment is as follows: On page 16, between lines 1'7 and 18, insert the following: "CHAPTER 3?MISCELLANEOUS PROVISIONS "SEC. 303. Chapter 3 of part III of the For- eign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, which relates to miscellaneous provisions, is amended by adding at the end thereof the following new section: "'SEC. 648. SPECIAL AUTHORIZATION FOR USE OF FOREIGN CURRENCIES.?Subject to the pro- visions of section 1415 of the Supplemental Appropriation Act, 1953, the President is au- thorized, as a demonstration of good will on the part of the people of the United States for the Polish and Italian people, to use for- eign currencies accruing to the United States Government under this or any other Act, for assistance on such terms and conditions as he may specify, in the repair, rehabilitation, improvement, and maintenance of cemeteries in Italy serving as the burial place of mem- bers of the armed forces of Poland who died in combat in Italy during World War II.' " Mr. HART. Mr. President, before proceeding, I ask unanimous consent that the names of the distinguished Sen- ator from Nebraska [Mr. HausicA] and the distinguished Senator from Minne- sota [Mr. McCArmnr] be added as co- sponsors of the amendment. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. HART. Mr. President, the amendment would authorize the Presi- dent to use foreign currencies accruing to this Government to rehabilitate and to maintain the cemeteries in Italy which contain the graves of Poles who fell in the allied offensive at Monte Cassino in 1944. The language which I suggest by the amendment we should add to the bill was contained in the bill as it came to us from the other body. I am advised that the Director of AID would not object to the amendment. I do not state, and it would be improper to state, that he supports the amend- ment. The facts, briefly, are as follows: Be- tween 4,000 and 4,100 Poles fought and fell in the 2d Polish Army. These men very largely had escaped through the Mediterranean basin to the west after the Germans moved into Russia. History records many dramatic engage- ments in World War II, but I submit that history will always underscore the action in front of Monte Cassino at the 18225 Rapido River as one of the very key days in the allied offensive. Those men were fighting with us and for the cause which we held dear. The Polish Gov- ernment in Warsaw today is completely indifferent to the graves of these men. The Polish Government in exile in Lon- don in those days no longer exists. It would seem to those of us who offer the amendment that we could very dra- matically portray to the people of Po- land our continuing concern and re- spect for Polish men who fell in defense of freedom's cause. I very much hope that the Senate will return to the bill the language that came to us from the House. That would be the effect of the amendment. For those who are interested in a brief sketch of the history of the cemeteries, I suggest that they reread an article which was contained in the CONGRES- SIONAL RECORD of August 5, 1964, at page 17484. It is a description by a GI who returned to the great battle scene, and it is a heartbreaking story of the dis- repair of the cemetery in Italy which contains the places of honored rest of brave men, the maintenance of which places America very prudently could au- thorize the President to undertake. Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, will the Senator from Michigan yield? Mr. HART. I yield. Mr. HRUSKA. I thank the distin- guished Senator from Michigan for ex- tending to me the privilege of being a cosponsor of his amendment. I subsdribe to the thoughts which he has expressed and the reasons that he thinks the amendment should be adopted. The world thrilled to the very bitter and strategic battle which occurred in Monte Cassino, approximately 20 years ago. But it was tragic in many of its aspects. There has been the task of rebuilding the village. There has been a job of rehabilitating and, in fact, reconstruc- ting the abbey itself. But the cemetery which is the last resting place of 4,085 members of the Polish contigency that fought on the side of the allies on that occasion lies quite abandoned and neg- lected A memorial has been constructed at the site, but it is in a sad state of disrepair. It does not reflect any great credit upon the feeling of appreciation for the sacrificial acts that were per- formed there. Obviously the present Government of Poland will have no part of it and will do nothing in the circumstances. There is no longer a Polish Government in exile in London; and if anything is to be done, it will have to be done by a method some- thing like that which has been proposed by the Senator from Michigan in the amendment, and which the Senator from Nebraska supports. As I understand, the amendment would merely authorize the appropriation of funds. It would employ the use of counterpart funds wherever they are available and any such unex- pended balance that there may be for this purpose. I urge Senators to adopt the amendment. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I appre- ciate the support of the Senator from Nebraska. Mr. COOPER. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18226 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE Mr. HART. I yield. Mr. COOPER. I did not hear the ex- planation of the Senator from Mich- igan. Will he repeat his explanation? Mr. HART. Very briefly, the amend- ment would authorize the President, when counterpart funds are available? and it would require a specific further appropriation action?to rehabilitate and thereafter maintain the cemetery in Italy in which ?are buried about 4,000 Polish soldiers who fought with the 2d Polish Army at Monte Cassino. Today, tragically, the cemetery is in terrible dis- repair. It affronts anyone sensitive to the values that persuaded those men to make that sacrifice. We in America could here make a significant gesture to the people of Po- land and elsewhere in Eastern Europe, demonstrating our continuing realiza- tion that the aspirations which were theirs then and which we shared then continue to be shared. We think this is a tangible method to demonstrate that concern. Mr. COOPER. I thought the Senator might have also been referring to the cemetery at Arnhiem, where lie a num- ber of Polish paratroopers who also gave their lives in their devotion to the allied cause. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I yield to the Senator from Maine [Mr. Musxml, but first I ask unanimous consent that his name be added as a cosponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- out objection, it is so ordered. Mr. MUSKIE. Mr. President, I thought it might be appropriate at this point to give the Senate some descrip- tion of the Polish graves in Italy as con- tained in Mr. Deutschman's article. I quote as follows: A few hundreds yards below the abbey is a small sign saying: Polish Cemetery." The Free Poles were the ones who finally stormed and captured the remains of the abbey, and you walk for about a half mile past a jangly-belled donkey, two cows feeding in the bushes, and two gypsylike peasant women who hardly glance at you, to what is un- doubtedly the most heartbreaking sight of your trip. A graveled path leads up to a simple stone pillar with a cross on top. A growth of mimosa trees forms an impressive cross of greenery beside an altar, flanked by two Polish eagles, with 10 coats of arms on its front. Below is a plot of perhaps 500 graves. But there is no caretaker here, and the altar has sightseers' names scratched on it (happily, no American ones). The graves are literally falling away into the earth. The crosses and flat stones are of inferior marble, and some in half; others have been eaten away by the weather so that you can barely make out the names engraved on them. Most of the men, you notice, died on May 12, 1944. Two of the crosses have faded bits of colored ribbon hanging from them, undoubtedly sig- nifying medals. The gate has a pair of brave stone eagles on either flank, but they are corroded with holes. Underneath, there is a flame?like the Eternal Flame at Arlington or under the Arch of Triumph in Paris?but It is unlit, and there are three weatherworn wreaths alongside. You cannot help but contrast this Polish memorial with all others you have seen?and realize that there is in- equality even in death. I should like to point out, as the Sena- tor from Michigan has so well pointed out, that these are graves of - men who fought for freedom in World War II, the men we cheered from the sidelines in America, for long months and years. They did not achieve their goal, but they died for it, and it seems to me we owe an obligation to honor them at the place where they fought and where they lie dead on Italian soil. Mr. HART. I echo the eloquent plea. made by the Senator from Maine. Mr. President, I also ask unanimous consent to add as an additional cospon- sor the name of the Senator from Wis- consin [Mr. PROXMIRE]. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I am also delighted to ask unanimous consent that the Senator presiding in the chair at the moment, the Senator from Hawaii [Mr. INOUYE], may be added as a co- sponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. PELL. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. HART. I yield to the Senator from Rhode Island. Mr. PELL. It is my recollection that the Poles who were fighting at Monte Casino were under British command. Have the British, under whose command the Poles were fighting, been contacted with respect to the responsibility of look- ing after the graves? Mr. MUSKIE. It is true, as the Sena- tor has said, that the British Army was In command and that the Poles took their general field direction from them. As to the specific question addressed to me, I must confess I have no knowl- edge of it. I do not know whether the British Government would care to co- operate in the undertaking or not. I would feel that we clearly could reha- bilitate these graves, and not condition our action upon the participation by any other people, although it would be surely welcome if the British Government ex- pressed a similar desire. Mr. PELL. Mr. President, will the Senator yield further? Mr. MUSKIE. I yield. Mr. PELL. Does the Senator have knowledge of any other graves honoring allies or co-belligerents of ours that we currently take care of now? Mr. MUSKIE.' I do not know whether there is a comparable cemetery or not. Mr. PELL. Otherwise, would it not be establishing a precedent as to future wars and in connection with past wars? Mr. MUSKIE. If this is indeed a pre- cedent, I think the compelling reasons for doing this as a first step are sufficient unto themselves and would indeed per- suade us to act similarly in the future? pray God we shall not have another war?for those who ,fought and died for us and who were dishonored in that place of rest. I would pray that in the future there will be no similar need. We all hope there will be no such necessity. In- deed, we are told, if there is a war on a massive scale there will not be enough people left to dig graves for the dead. Mr. PELL. I think it will be found that in the Far East and Eastern Europe August 10 there are many graves of those who fought for our cause or our side of the war which are in bad condition indeed. Mr. MUSKIE. If that is the case, I would suggest that our own Battle Monu- ments Commission inventory and report on them. I for one would feel very un- comfortable if this situation were found to exist, and would indeed urge that it be corrected. Mr. BEALL. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. MUSKIE. I yield. Mr. BEALL. Is it the Senator's in- tention to ask for the yeas and nays on this amendment? Mr. MUSKIE. No; we are content to accept the sound judgment of Senators present on the floor. Mr. BEALL. Mr. President, I wonder if the Senator would allow me to become a cosponsor? Mr. MUSKIE. I would be delighted. Mr. BEALL. I ask to join the amend- ment as a cosponsor, and I also ask that same permission in behalf of the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT]. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I ask unan- imous consent that the names of the Senator from Maryland [Mr. BEALL] and Pennsylvania [Mr. ScoTTl be added as cosponsors. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. LATJSCHE. Mr. President, I de- sire to offer my support of the amend- ment offred by the Senator from Michi- gan, and I ask unanimous consent to have my name added as a cosponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. LAUSCHE. Mr. President, I can- not help recalling that when Poland fell 200,000 Poles left Poland as the re- manents of the government of that na- tion. Most of them went to England and there awaited assignment to the various battlefields of the world. As the war continued we found the Poles fight- ing not only in Africa, Italy, and France, but everywhere where the cause of free- dom was being defended. The Poles were friends of the West. They were not Communists. They, in a measure, sub- sequently became the victims of the per- fidy of Red Russia when, through the air waves, Red Russia called upon the Poles to revolt under Nazi domination in the belief that Red Russia would come to its aid. Today, Poland is ruled by Communists. The friends of the West are not loved by the Communist government. The Polish people, however, are on our side. I ven- ture to say that in behalf of the 4,000 Poles who lie asleep at the cemetery near Monte Cassino the bells of Poland do not toll in memory. Prayer in public cannot be said in their behalf. , Wreaths of flowers cannot be placed upon the graves of those patriots by the Polish people. Prayers and the ritual of mass cannot be said in their memory in Poland. If there is to be an honoring of these patriots of the West, it will not come through the words of the Communist government. It may come some day when freedom is restored in Poland. Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE While we await that day, knowing what these volunteers of Poland did, it is only proper that our government honor these graves. Those heroes did not run. They stood fast, ready to be assigned wherever the West would send them. The conse- quence is that the lives of the Poles were given in? practically every important battle in which we were engaged. It is nothing more than a tender token of the sympathy of the American people to honor those graves and to let the Polish people know that while the Communist government of Poland will not do the job, we of the United States will. I commend the Senator from Michi- gan. Mr. HART. I appreciate what the Senator has said. I hope the Senate will adopt the amendment. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, the provision was contained in the House version. The Senate committee struck It out, because in our opinion, there was no testimony to justify such a provision. These Poles were not members of the United States Armed Forces. They were primarily members of the British forces. They Were not American soldiers; in other words. , I also point out that no excess lire are available. It would be necessary to appropriate the money from the Treas- ury to implement this provision. As much sympathy as I have for the Poles, soldiers of many nationalities fought in our armies, in the British Army, and in other foreign armies of the West in vari- ous wars, for whom we could do the same thing that is suggested we do for the Poles. This would be an unprecedented ac- tion. I can think of no case in which we have made an appropriation of Fed- eral funds to care for cemeteries of na- tionals of other countries who have been engaged in battles in which we had an interest. I presume we could find, if we looked over the world, many instances in which nationals of other countries have fallen in battles in which we were interested; but in no case, to my knowledge, would we find our Government undertaking either to build or care for or maintain cemeteries for nationals of other coun- tries. - Finally, the question will be in con- ference with the House, and it could be more amply discussed and perhaps re- solved at that time. For the moment, the committee voted to eliminate the provision. I hope the Senate will support the committee in this respect. Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I wish to express my commendation for our colleague from Michigan [Mr. HART] for raising this important issue, and to tell him that I support the amendment com- pletely. With his permission, I should be delighted to be a cosponsor of the amendment. Mr. HART. I ask unanimous consent that the Senator's name may be added' to -the amendment as a cosponsor. The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without objection, it is so ordered. Mr. KEATING. While I realize that the matter will be in conference even if No. 155-9 we do not take action here, my exper- ience with this kind of proposal for con- ference committee consideration has not been a happy one. I remember several instances when amendments were ac- cepted and taken to conference, and that was the last we ever heard of them. Without in any way challenging the good faith of the distinguished chair- man of the Foreign Relations Commit- tee, or his statement that the question would be considered in conference, as I understand, all that is involved is the use of foreign currencies that accrue to our Government. While the currencies may not be available in Italy, they are available in a number of other countries and possibly could be transferred. Mr. - FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. KEATING. I yield. Mr. FULBRIGHT. That is not rele- vant. It is not possible to use rupees in Italy for example. Mr. KEATING. But it is possible to use rupees if the authorization to use rupees is there. Mr. FULBRIGHT. In Italy? Mr. KEATING. Members of Con- gress traveling abroad are given coun- terpart funds. Through an arrange- ment with the State Department, the Department makes available counter- part funds for use by Members of Con- gress in countries that do not have counterpart funds. I believe that the Polish soldiers who fought side by side with us are just as worthy of considera- tion in the use of these counterpart funds as is any Member of Congress. Mr. FULBRIGHT. I do not argue against the Senator's feeling in the matter. He may be right. However, the so-called counterpart funds are not counterpart in the sense that they were originally intended to be. When the Senator goes to Italy and is given lire that is exactly the same as giving him dollars. It costs the same amount. The Government has to buy lire. It is not possible to use rupees. Mr. KEATING. The amendment would only authorize the use of foreign currencies for assistance in Italy. Mr. FULBRIGHT. But it must be lire. Mr. KEATING. Of course, it must be lires that are spent. My point is that if it is a worthy purpose, it should be done. It may be that lire will develop in the future before we need to use this fund, through sales of surplus foods, for instance. I recognize they are not there today. In the case of traveling Members of Congress, an arrangement is ,made whereby the currency of a country which has no counterpart funds is made avail- able to a traveling Member of Congress through an arrangement made with some country which has counterpart funds. This is as worthy a case as that of any Member of Congress traveling in Europe. Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will the Senator yield? Mr. KEATING. I yield. Mr. FULBRIGHT. The administra- tion does not do what the Senator says it does out of the goodness of its heart. 18227 Congress requires it to do so. If the Senator wishes to sponsor an amend- ment to the effect that no Member of Congress may have the use of these coun- terpart funds, I might support him. The administration does it because Congress says it must do it, because Congress re- quires the administration to do it. Mr. KEATING. I recognize that it is authorized to be done, just as this action would be authorized to be done, if the amendment were adopted. My point is that this is as worthy a cause as that of a traveling Member of Congress. Mr. FULBRIGHT. That might be. Mr. KEATING. The amendment is in line with a legislative, prop6sal which I have made, for veterans benefits to be paid to veterans of the Free Polish Army and other armies which fought side by side with us during World War II for the same objective. They, too, deserve vet- erans benefits to help them and their families pay for medical bills or other expenses which derive directly or in- directly from their years of fighting for the cause of freedom. The amount involved is not large. It would serve as a tribute to the heroes of Polish ancestry who died, as our boys died, in Italy during World War II. The relatives of many of them now live in this country. The very least we can do is to provide a suitable burial place for members of the Polish Army who died in the battles of Monte Cassino and the Allied landings In Italy. If our own soldiers were here to speak today, they would welcome this meritorious amendment. Again, I commend the distinguished Senator from Michigan for bringing it to our attention. I believe it should have overwhelming support. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The question is on agreeing to the amend- ment of the Senator from Michigan [Mr. HART]. Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, on this amendment, I ask for the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will call the roll. The Chief Clerk called the roll. Mr. HUMPHREY. I announce that the Senator from North Dakota [Mr. BURDICK], the Senator from Tennessee [Mr. GORE], the Senator from Washing- ton [Mr. JACKSON], the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG], the Senator from Utah [Mr. Moss], the Senator from Ohio [Mr. YOUNG], the Senator from Virginia [Mr. BYRD], and the Senator from Vir- ginia [Mr. ROBERTSON] are absent on official business. I also announce that the Senator from New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON] and the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. KEN- NEDY] are absent because of illness. ? I further announce that the Senator from Nevada [Mr. CANNON], the Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMONDSON], the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK], and the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAms] are necessarily absent. I further announce that, is present and voting, the Senator from New Jersey [Mr. WILLIAMS], the Senator from Ohio [Mr. Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9 18228 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE YouNcl , and the Senator from Pennsyl- vania [Mr. CLARK] would each vote "yea." On this vote, the Senator from Wash- ington" [Mr. JAcKsoN] is paired with the the Senator from Louisiana [Mr. LONG]. If present and voting, the Senator from Louisiana would vote "nay" and the Senator from Washington would vote "yea." Mr. CARLSON. I announce that the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARSON] and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT] are necessarily absent. 4 The Senator from New York [Mr. JAvITsl is absent on official business. The Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLD- WATER] is detained on official business. If present and voting, the Senator from Arizona [Mr. GOLDWATER], the Sen- ator from New York [Mr. JAviTs], the Senator from Kansas [Mr. PEARsoN], and the Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. Scon] would each vote "yea." The Senator from Illinois [Mr. DIRK- sEN], the Senator from Iowa [Mr. HicxEmoopEre], the Senator from Cali- fornia [Mr. KITCHEL], and the Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. SALTONSTALL] are detained on official business at the White House. The result was announced?yeas 60, nays 18, as follows: [No. 528 Leg.] YEAS-60 Allott Gruening Morton Bartlett Hart Mundt Bayh Hartke Muskie Beall Holland Nelson Bennett Hruska Neuberger Bible Humphrey Pastore Boggs Inouye Prouty Brewster Jordan, Idaho Proxmire Byrd, W. Va. Keating Randolph Carlson Lausche Ribicoff Case Long, Mo. Salinger Church McCarthy Stennis Cooper McGee Symington Cotton McGovern Talmadge Curtis McIntyre Thurmond Dodd McNamara Tower Dominick Mechem Walters Douglas Metcalf Williams, Del. Eastland Miller Yarborough Fong Monroney Young, N. Dak. Aiken Eliender - Ervin Fulbright Hayden Hill NAYS-18 Johnston Jordan, N.C. Magnuson Mansfield McClellan Morse Pell Russell Simpson Smathers Smith Sparkman NOT VOTING-22 Anderson Gore Pearson Burdick Hickenlooper Robertson Byrd, Va. Jackson Saltonstall Cannon, Javits Clark Kennedy Dirksen Kuchel Edmondson Long La. Goldwater Moss So Mr. HART'S amendment was agreed to. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I move that the vote by which the amendment was agreed to be reconsidered. Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, I move that the motion to reconsider be laid on the table. The motion to lay on the table was agreed to. Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish to make a statement in explanation of my "vote against the Hart amendment, Scott Williams, N.J. MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE Young, Ohio A message from the House of Repre- which amendment was just adopted by the Senate. I was called from the Chamber when the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee [Mr. FuL- BRIGHT] made his statement in regard to this particular amendment. I had planned to vote for the amend- ment. I believe that we should do what we can to provide appropriate care for the graves of Polish veterans of World War II in Italy. Inasmuch as I was absent from the Chamber, and did not get back until the vote had started, I therefore could not ask any questions. I was advised that the chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee had said that there are no excess funds in Italy. I hold his statement in my hand, in which he states, in part: First, no testimony was presented during the hearing phase which would have clarified the arguments for this proposal and its further implications; second, the foreign currencies referred to obviously would be Italian lire, which are not in "excess" supply. In connection with the second point, a suc- cessful effort to implement this authority could take place only if dollars were ap- propriated with which to buy lire. While the vote was being taken, I asked certain questions of my colleagues on the Committee on Foreign Relations. They said there are not any excess Ital- ian funds, that we do not have a storage supply of Italian so-called counterpart funds, as we have with so many other countries of the world. Therefore I de- cided that I could not vote for what I considered to be an empty gesture. It is my own personal opinion that my constituents are entitled to know my reasons for the vote. I could not vote for an amendment, although I am for the purpose of the amendment, when at the time of the vote I was voting funds which were nonexistent. I believe that raises false hopes. If they state in the bill that they wish to make an appropriation to pay for per- petual care for Polish graves in a ceme- tery in Italy, I believe I would support that bill. I voted against this because in my judgment I thought it was asking me to vote for something when, in fact, the funds that are supposed to be used to accomplish the purpose are nonexistent. The Senator from Oregon does not hold for that kind of legislation. sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its reading clerks, communicated to the Senate the intelligence of the death of Hon. JOHN B. BENNETT, late a Represent- ative from the State of Michigan, and transmitted the resolutions of the House thereon. DEATH OF JOHN B. BENNETT, A REP- RESENTATIVE FROM THE STATE OF MICHIGAN Mr. HART. ? Mr. President, we have just been advised of the death of the senior member of the Michigan delega- August 10 tion, Representative JOHN B. BENNETT. I am sure that there will be time for those of us who knew him well to express more fully and adequately our deep re- gret at his passing. While I am in the Chamber, I assure the family of Representative BENNETT of the great sense of loss that each Sen- ator feels. Whatever political differences there may have been, in everything that Representative BENNETT did, he always sought to do that which would advance the best interests of his country. ? The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair lays before the Senate a resolution from the House of Representatives, which the clerk will read. The Chief Clerk read as follows: Resolved, That the House has heard with profound sorrow of the death of the Honor- able JOHN B. BENNETT, a Representative from the State of Michigan. Resolved, That a committee of fifty-four Members of the House, with such Members of the Senate as may be joined, be appointed to attend the funeral. Resolved, That the Sergeant at Arms of the House be authorized and directed to take such steps as may be necessary for carrying out the provisions of these resolutions and that the necessary expenses in connection therewith be paid out of the contingent fund of the House. Resolved, That the Clerk communicate these resolutions to the Senate and transmit a copy thereof to the family of the deceased. -Resolved, That as a further mark of re- spect, the House do now adjourn. Mr. HART. Mr. President, I send to the desk a resolution and ask that it be stated. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The clerk will state the resolution submitted by the Senator from Michigan. The Chief Clerk read the resolution (S. Res. 349) submitted for himself and -Mr. MCNAMARA, as follows: Resolved, That the Senate has heard with profound sorrow the announcement of the death of Hon. JOHN B. BENNETT, late a Repre- sentative from the State of Michigan. Resolved, That a committee of two Sena- tors be appointed by the Presiding Officer to join the committee appointed on the part of the House of Representatives to attend the funeral of the deceased Representative. Resolved, That the Secretary communi- cate these resolutions to the House of Rep- resentatives and transmit an enrolled copy thereof to the family of the deceased. The resolution was considered by unanimous consent, and unanimously agreed to. The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Chair appoints the two Senators from Michigan [Mr. MCNAIVIARA and Mr. HART] to accompany the committee from the House to attend the funeral of the late Representative BENNETT. AMENDMENT OF FOREIGN ASSIST- ANCE ACT OF 1961 The Senate resumed the considera- tion of the bill (H.R. 11380) to amend further the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, as amended, and for other pur- poses. Mr. PROXMIRE. Mr. President, I call up my. amendment No. 120'1 and ask unanimous consent that the amendment Declassified and Approved For Release 2014/02/21: CIA-RDP66B00403R000300090002-9