SOVIET ANTI-SEMITISM

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200190035-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 2
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 4, 2005
• Sequence Number: 35
• Publication Date: April 7, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

1964
Approved For Relea'2005/01/27, CIA-RDP66BOO403R000S `190035-0
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 6873
The provisions of the original bill, al-
lowing jurisdiction to be ceded to State
agencies in appropriate cases, may need
clarification; but I am somewhat con-
cerned that the amendment proposed by
the distinguished Senator from Illinois
could invite evasion in States more ded-
icated to segregation than to equality
of opportunity.
Therefore, while the existing language
with regard to giving the State agencies
full authority in the fields where they
now operate is entirely satisfactory to
me, and I believe protects those State
agencies; yet if we are to make a change,
we must be very careful not to change
it in such a way that any State could
evade the salutary and essential pur-
poses of the act by simply setting up
some kind of a commission that did not
mean anything.
I can also understand the concern ex-
pressed by the Senator from Illinois about
middlemen, as he puts it, initiating com-
plaints, and about the requirement that
those complaints be originated only by
the person aggrieved. But I am more
concerned about the victims of discrim-.
ination who are unable to protect their
own interests because of intimidation or
reprisal or some other reasons, which is
a real threat in some communities.
I believe safeguards must be provided
for such situations. Nor do I see, off-
hand, any justification for a 2-year delay
in the timetable for the application of
the act, as is proposed by the distin-
guished minority leader.
The original bill already provides a
period for adjustment which, it would
seem to me, should be adequate in States
that are acting in good faith.
Some of the amendments suggested
are of a technical or minor nature, but
to the extent that they make the bill
more effective and more uniform in op-
eration, I would expect they would be
unobjectionable.
While no decisions have been made
with regard to the matter, certainly the
proposals, regardless of any differences
which we may have over particular
amendments, are a welcome confirma-
tion of the commitment of the distin-
guished minority leader to the principle
of equal opportunity in employment, and
I believe are to be commended in that
respect.
I thank the Senator from Mississippi
for allowing me to intervene tat this
crimination on religious grounds and to
restore the cultural and religious rights
of members of the Jewish faith behind
the Iron Curtain.
Mr. President, the United Nations
charter calls upon all nations to honor
the religious and cultural rights of
minorities. Not only as a leader of the
free nations of the world, but also as a
strong supporter of the principles of the .
United Nations, the United States has a
particular responsibility on this issue.
It is not enough for the U.S. State De-
partment, to reply, "No American cit-
izens are involved; we cannot inter-
fere."
This is an issue of worldwide human-
itarian concern and I strongly urge the
Government of the United States to give
its strong backing to these efforts to
promote human rights' and religious
toleration within the Soviet Union.
This conference was an important ef-
fort which deserves nationwide inter-
Ifaith backing. . ,J
GEN. DOUGLAS MACARTHUR
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, an
editorial, published in the April 6 issue
of the Evening Star, pays high tribute
to Gen. Douglas MacArthur. The edi-
torial is eloquent, and makes a valid
point about the General's recall from
Korea. I wish to read the editorial into
the RECORD, because I believe it would
be of interest to the people of the United
States. It is entitled "General Mac-
Arthur," and reads:
GENERAL MACARTHUR
A significant measure of the man is that'
he was graduated from West Point in 1903
with a scholastic average (98.14 percent)
that has yet. to be equalled there. But Doug-
las MacArthur, dead now at 84, was gifted
with something more than academic bril-
liance. He had a touch of wide-ranging
genius in him. He had a style, a presence,
a personality, an eloquence, a forcefulness
of mind,' a strength and grace of spirit, that
set him apart.
History will record, first of all, that he was
a truly great military leader-inspired and
inspiring. In the First World War, though
he was unprecedentedly young for such a
responsibility, he commanded the famous
Rainbow Division. And in the Second World
War, after having set other precedents as the
most youthful this and that (including
Army Chief of Staff), he became commander
of all our Armed Forces, land, sea, and air,
in the far Pacific. Then followed his mas-
terful island-hopping strategy that pushed
the Japanese back and back. Next came
Nippon's total surrender,. and his assump-
tion of the role of proconsul in charge of the
Mr. KEATING. Mr. President, yes occupation..
terday, 500 leaders of 2 dozen impor- In this role General MacArthur won the
taut American Jewish organizations affectionate and almost reverential regard of
the Japanese people. With a personality and
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f
t
for
combat Soviet religious persecution.
The conference which drew support from
the entire country and from religious,
labor, and humanitarian organizations,
is an important manifestation of the
growing concern in the United States
at the mounting degree of anti-Semi-
tism in the Soviet Union. The confer-
ence drew up an 18-point appeal to the
Soviet authorities to put an end to dis-
task, and with his sure knowledge of Asia's
problems and psychology, he switched from
the role of conqueror to the role of recon-
structor, setting in motion revolutionary
changes that have since transformed Japan-
much for the better. When he left that
country, after having been impetuously fired
by President Truman from his proconsul's
job and from his command of United Na-
tions forces in Korea, upward of 1 million
residents of Tokyo turned out to pay him a
fond and tumultuous farewell. Nothing
could have better proved the excellence of
the job he had done there for America.
There probably will be never-ending his-
torical speculation over what might have
happened to our world if General MacAr-
thur's counsel had been followed in the
Korean war. The counsel was simply this:
Deny the Chinese Reds the privileged sanctu-
ary beyond the Yalu River; bomb them; shat-
ter their centers of power; smash China
proper. President Truman, with the advice
of his chief military and political associates,
decided that such a course would involve the
grave risk of precipitating a global nuclear
war. Today, with the benefit of Dr. Hind-
sight's judgments, it seems probable that
Mr. Truman's decision-a fateful one-was
grievously wrong.
As for General MacArthur, in his address
to Congress after his dismissal in 1951, he
summed up his views in these words: "I
know war * * * and nothing to me is more
revolting. But once war is forced upon us,
there is no alternative than to apply every
available means to bring it to a swift end.
Wax's very object is victory, not prolonged
indecision."
And at another point he described himself
as a "soldier who tried to do his duty as God
gave him the light to see that duty." He
did it superbly well. It may be a long time
before another of his caliber comes our way.
Mr. McGOVERN. Mr. President, on
March 25, the chairman of the Commit-
tee on Foreign Relations, the distin-
guished Senator from Arkansas [Mr.
FULBRIGHT], delivered an address on the
floor of the Senate that may prove to be
the most important address of 1964. It
represents the kind of vigorous realism
that is urgently needed in today's world.
The great danger to the people of the
United States and to the peace of the
world is that our attitudes and policies
may become so rigid that we are unable
to modify our course to meet changing
conditions.
Senator FULBRIGHT, from his long years
of study and observation of internation-
al affairs, has put the spotlight on a
number of areas where our policies seem
not to coincide with the realities of the
world.
The Senator from Arkansas has now
delivered a second major speech which
builds on the earlier one. Speaking on
April 5 at the University of North Caro-
lina 1964 Symposium, "Arms and the
Man: National Security and the Aims of
a Free Society," Senator FULBRIGHT de-
voted his remarks to the theme, "The
Cold War in American Life." I strongly
urge every Member of Congress to read
and ponder this important address.
I ask unanimous consent that the ad-
dress be printed at this point in the
RECORD..
There being no objection, the speech
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE COLD WAR IN AMERICAN LIFE
(Speech by Senator J. W. FULDRIGHT, de-
livered at the University of North Carolina
1964 Symposium: "Arms and the Man:
National Security and the Aims of a Free
Society")
The Conetitutiori of the United States, in
the words of its preamble, was established,
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 Approved F fl GuSI+ON/AOI1,/2R RECORD - SENAOTE3R000200190035-0 April 7
among other reasons, in order to "provide
for the common defense, promote the general
welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty."
In the past generation the emphasis of our
public policy has been heavily weighted on
measures for the corunon defense to the
considerable neglect of programs for pro-
moting the liberty an3 welfare of our peo-
ple. The reason for this, of course, has been
the exacting demands of two World Wars and
an intractable cold wa', which have wrought
vast changes In the character of American
life.
Of all the chang'us In American life
wrought by the cold w:ar, the most Important
by far, in my opinion, has been the massive
diversion of energy and resources from the
creative pursuits of c.vilized society to the
conduct of a costly and Interminable strug-
gle for world power. We have been com-
pelled, or have felt o' rselves compelled, to
reverse the traditional order of our national
priorities, relegating Individual and com-
munity life to places on the scale below the
enormously expensive military and space
activities that constitute our program of
national security.
This of course is not the only change In
American life brought about by the cold
war. There have been many others, some
most welcome and constructive. Directly or
Indirectly, the world struggle with com-
munism has stimulated economic and Indus-
trial expansion, accelerated the pace of In-
tellectual inquiry and scientific discovery,
broken the shell of American isolation and
greatly increased public knowledge and
awareness of the world outside the United
States. At the same time, the continuing
world conflict has cast a shadow on the tone
of American life by irtroducing a strang of
apprehension and tersion into a national
style which has traditionally been one of
buoyant optimism. The continuing and In-
conclusive struggle, new In American ex-
perience, has in Walt Rostow's words, "im-
posed a sense of limitation on the Nation's
old image of itself, a limitation which has
been accepted with greater or less maturity
and which has touche3 the Nation's domes-
tic life at many points with elements of es-
capism, with a tendency to search for scape-
goats, with simple worry, and with much
thoughtful, responsive effort as well,-'
Overriding all these changes, however,
good aid bad, has been the massive diversion
of wealth and talent from Individual and
community life to the increasingly complex
and costly effort to maintain a minimum
level of national security in a world in
which no nation can be Immune from the
threat of sudden cataf trophe. We have had
to turn away from our hopes in order to
concentrate on our fears and the result has
been accumulating neglect of those things
which bring happinetr and beauty and ful-
fillment Into our lives. The "public happi-
ness," in August Hec>?.scher's term, has be-
come a luxury to be postponed to some
distan, day when the dangers that now beset
us will have disappeared.
This. I think, is the, real meaning of the
cold war in American life. It has consumed
money and time and talent that could other-
wise be used to build schools and homes and
hospitals, to remove .be blight of ugliness
that Is spreading over the cities and high-
ways of America, and to overcome the pov-
erty and hopelessness that afflict the lives
of one-fifth of the people in an otherwise
affluent society. It has put a high premium
on avoiding innovation at home because new
programs involve controversy as well as ex-
pense and it is felt (hat we cannot afford
domestic divisions at a time when external
challenges require us to maintain the high-
est possible degree of national unity. Far_
I W. W: Rostow, "The United States In
the World Arena" (New York: Harper &
Bros., 1960), p. 451.
more pervasively than the United Nations or
the "Atlantic community" could ever do, the
cold war has encroached upon our sov-
ereignty; it has given the Russians the ma-
jor voice in determining what proportion of
our Federal budget must be allocated to the
military and what proportion, therefore, can-
not be made available for domestic social
and economic projects. This is the price
that we have been paying for the cold war
and it has been a high price Indeed.
At least as striking as the inversion of
priorities which the cold war has enforced
upon American life is the readiness with
which the American people have consented
to defer programs for their welfare and hap-
piness in favor of costly military and space
programs. Indeed. If the Congress accu-
rately reflects the temper of the country,
then the American people are not only will-
ing. they are eager, to sacrifice education and
urban renewal and public health programs-
to say nothing of foreign aid-to the re-
quirements of the Armed Forces and the
space agency. There Is indeed a most strik-
ing paradox in the fact that military budgets
of over $50 billion are adopted by the Con-
gress. after only perfunctory debate, while
domestic education and welfare programs
involving sums which are mere fractions of
the military budget are painstakingly exam-
ined and then either considerably reduced
or rejected outright. I sometimes suspect
that In its zeal for armaments at the expense
of education and welfare the Congress tends
to overrepresent those of our citizens who
are extraordinarily agitated about national
security and extraordinarily vigorous about
making their agitation known.
It may be that the people and their repre-
sentatives are making a carefully reasoned
sacrifice of welfare to security. It may be,
but I doubt it. The sacrifice is made so
eagerly as to cause one to suspect that it is
fairly painless, that indeed the American
people prefer military rockets to public
schols and flights to the moon to urban re-
newal. In a perverse way, we have grown
rather attached to the cold war. It occu-
pies us with a stirring and seemingly clear
and simple challenge from outside and di-
vert,. us from problems here at home which
many Americans would rather not try to
solve, some because they find domestic prob-
lems tedious and pedestrian, others because
they genuinely believe these problems to be
personal rather than public, others because
they are unwilling to be drawn Into an abra-
sive national debate as to whether poverty,
unemployvient. and Inadequate education
are in fact national rather than local or in-
dividual concerns.
The cold war, it seems clear, is an excuse
as well as a genuine cause for the diversion
of our energies from domestic well-being to
external security, We have been preoccupied
with foreign affairs for 25 years, and while
striking progress has been made in certain
areas of our national life, the agenda of
neglect has grown steadily longer. We can
no longer afford to defer problems of slums
and crime and poverty and inadequate edu-
cation until some more tranquil time to the
future. These problems halve become urgent
if not intolerable in an affluent society. It
is entirely reasonable to defer domestic pro-
grams in time of an all-out national effort
such as World War II, but in the present
cold war It is not reasonable to defer our
domestic needs until more tranquil times, for
the simple reason that there may be no more
tranquil times in this generation or in this
century.
in the long run, the solution of our do-
mestic problems has as vital a bearing on
the success of our foreign policies as on the
public happiness at home. We must there-
fore reaa=ess the priorities of our public
policy, with a view to redressing the dis-
proportion between our military and space
efforts on the one hand and our education
and human welfare programs on the other.
We must distinguish between necessity and
preference in our preoccupation with na-
tional security, judging our military needs
by a standard which takes due account of
the fact that armaments are only one aspect
of national security, that military power, as
Kenneth Thompson has written, "is like the
flat whose force depends on the health and
vitality of the body politic and the whole
society." z
The single-minded dedication with which
we Americans have committed ourselves to
the struggle with comnqunism is a mani-
festation of a national tendency to inter-
pret problems in moral and absolutist terms.
We are, as Louis Hartz has pointed out, a
Nation which was "born free." s Having ex-
perienced almost none of the anguished con-
Met between radicalism and reaction that
has characterized European politics, we have
been virtually unanimous in our adherence
to the basic values of liberal democracy.
We have come to identify these values with
the Institutional to ms which they take in
American society and have regarded both
as having moral validity not only for our-
selves but for the entire world. We have
therefore been greatly shocked since our
emergence as a world power to find ourselves
confronted with evolutionary idealogies
which reject the faith in individual liberty
and limited government that has served our
own society so well.
Because of these predilections, the cold
war has seemed to rep esent a profound chal-
lenge to our moral principles as well as to
our security and other national interests.
We have responded by treating Communist
ideology itself, as distinguished from the
physical power and expansionist policies of
Communist states, as a grave threat to the
free world. The cold war, as a result, has
been a more dangerous, costly, and irrec-
oncilable conflict than it would be if we
and the Communist states, confined it to
those issues that involve the security and
vital interests of the rival power blocs.
The ideological element in the cold war,
reinforced by the moralist tendencies of the
American people, has also had the effect of
making the world conflict a much more dis-
ruptive element In American life than it
would be if it were regarded primarily In
terms of its effect on our national se-
curity. To an extent, the issue between
the Communist and the free worlds is moral
and ideological, but ideas and principles in
themselves threaten no nation's vital in-
terests except Insofar as they are implement-
ed In national policies. It is the latter.
therefore, that are our proper concern. To
the extent that we are able to remove tee
crusading spirit and the passions of Ideology
from the cold war, we can reduce its danger
and intensity and relax its powerful hold on
the minds and hearts of our people.
The fears and passions of ideological con-
flict have diverted the minds and energies
of our people from the constructive tasks of a
free society to a morbid preoccupation with
the dangers of Communist aggression
abroad and subversion and disloyalty at
home. The problem did not end with the
McCarthy era of a decade ago nor Is it con-
fined to the neurotic fantasies of today's
radical right. The cold war malady affects
a much broader spectrum of American so-
ciety. It affects millions of sensible and
Intelligent citizens whose genuine concern
with national security has persuaded them
that the prosecution of the cold war is our
only truly essential national responsibility,
s Kenneth W. Thompson, "Christian Ethics
and the Dilemmas of Foreign Policy" (Dur-
ham, N.C.: Duke University Press, 1959),
p. 70.
"Louis Hartz, "The Liberal Tradition in
America" (New York: Harcourt Brace &
World, Inc.) , 1955. '
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