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CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170059-6
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59
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May 27, 1964
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lett*elarM. M66B - -Z6 Approved For ?patients are employees of the in companies in the Tittaburgh area. ey are what heCnIlS:lits,!`pnying" patients. engueS irom neighboring _SY OROAlg_s medical, practice is his ?ewe/ s,to,444c.,as_a politician and that mere th#g bnlf, of the_services dispensed from his,elinip.V.0 gree." T11 iieverwillipg cut my links with medi- cine, he says. , gays that he Always wanted to be a 'doctor anti; that. heIlaj,41ways been "fa.sci- Zia:tea by snakes. He spent days walking the creek beds as a boy stick in hand flipping - the:things up on the bank to a chum carry- 4ng a.gunny sack. to optain ,nkedlc#1 ,degree was a ,wren_oJi?tOrL E.1/4144he._ ?entire_ f a31111 Y. clleX914Pes1 rh.k 1017 in .the ths,i,l2l94 ,beo?41.14e_of. hiLoutspoken _StiPpat Of the-United Mine Workers of Amer- lea. The elder Morgan took a job in Detroit _ but the family remained in pennsylvania-- , _ alkbut Tuolvo. - - - He was graduated from Va,ynesburg col- lege in 1930 And Wept on ;to _Detroit college - ge41011O AUsl?Pg?gery where he received a medical degree in 19S,3. He then special- ' ized` in surgery at Wayne University and 'Grace Hospital in Detroit. House Members were glad Doc MOAGAN WaS around._ that day in 1954 when pistol shots -rang out in the Nouse_ of 4epresentatives and several Congressman fell wounded at the hands of Puerto .4.can ai4ic.. - The, Hongrable CIP,r,CM Cannon SPEECH -Q7 HON. D. R. (BILLY) MATTHEWS PLORI0,1 IN THE HOUSE OF REP_RESEN'FATIVEH Thursday, May 21, 1964 MATTHEW'S. Mr. Speaker, we W,ee. all, saddened with_the_ recent pass- ing of the great chairirian of our House Conlmittee on Appropriations, the Hon- orable CLARENCE CANNON, Critics of the congressional committee aster!) would do well to ponder the out- Standing performance ,of the C,ommittee on Appropriations,, Of the HOuse of ERP- ros_cAta4tiNeS, kn9W of_ nO ,Man who COulg nave, served More diligently or effectivelY, more objectively or more patriotically, as chairman of this com- mittee than the Honorable CLARENCE 'CAN WON of Missouri, who was one of Ithe most, distinguished ,products 01 the Seniority system g opt committee pro- cedure. should _like to point out fur- ther tliM we are most fOrtunate to have sucOeeding the great CLARENCE CANNON, the _gentleman from Texas, the Hon- Orabl_e, CiXDRox H. _MAH ON, I should like also to observe that I know of no other system which we could devise that would ,,now place as chairman of our House CoiriznifeeP on Appropriations a more distinguished, consecrated, and able patriot than the gentleman from Texas NI,anopr,l I realize that we must in no way de- tract from the lAniciue contribution of the Honorable CLARENC,EXANNON in. Pay- ing our eulogy' to this great American, but I believe that one of the most effec- tive tributes that could be paid to him rtoUld be again to emphasize how effec- tively the House Committee on Appro- priations operated under Mr. CANNON'S leadership. I pay tribute to this gentle- man from Missouri because of his effec- tive and consecrated work as chairman of a powerful House committee. I did not have the pleasure of know- Mg the Honorable CLARENCE CANNON in the warm personal relationship that was enjoyed by so many of his colleagues. I do, however, remember with deep ap- preciation the tremendous service he rendered his Nation, the courtly attitude he always expressed in dealing with his colleagues, and I, too, shall miss him. The gentleman from Missouri, the Honorable CLARENCE CANNON, expressed to me more than any other man in the House the "Character of the Happy Warrior" so beautifully expressed by William Wordsworth when he said: - Who, if he rise to station of command Rises by open means, and there will stand On honorable terms, or else retire, And in himself possess his own desire; Who comprehends his trust, and to the same Keeps faithful with a singleness of aim; And therefore does not stoop, nor lie in wait For wealth or honors, or for worldly state, Whom they must follow; on whose head must fall, Like showers of manna, if they, come at all. express to 112r. Cmprow's widow, and to, the people of, Missouri, my profound sympathy because of the passing of this Illustrious and noble man. That Horrendous Supreme Court Decision EXTENSION OF REMARKS - OP HON. WILLIAM M. TUCK OF VIRGINIA IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr. TUCK. Mr. Speaker, I wish to bring to the attention of my colleagues an editorial that appeared in the May 26, 1964, edition of the Richmond News- Leader, a large and progressive news- paper in Virginia. The editor, Mr. J. J. Kilpatrick, is one of the ablest and most noted writers in America. The subject matter of this editorial is the recent Supreme Court ruling con- cerning the Prince Edward County schools, and I would like all to read it because it cites so pointedly the extent to which the court seems to have gone be- yond its legal prerogatives in reaching this decision. This decision must astonish all right- thinking Americans, whether they be from Virginia or any other State. The editorial follows: The Supreme Court of the United States, speaking through Mr. Justice Black, yester- day erected another of its milestone deci- sions?a milestone, that is, to the decay of the Constitution and to the arrogance of judges. This latest chapter in the Prince Edward County case put squarely before the Court one of the most profound questions of con- stitutional law ever brought before our highest Tribunal. In its simplest terms, the question was whether the Federal courts have power to compel a local legislative body to levy taxes in order to perform a discre- tionary act. This was a question that de- manded full and serious exposition, for the question was founded on bedrock principles of American government?the principle, among others, that taxation without repre- sentation is tyranny. The Court did not grapple with these prin- ciples at all. Mr. Justice Black's opinion amounts to no "More than a bland assertion that of course the Federal courts are pos- sessed of such power. "The district court may, if necessary to prevent further racial discrimination, require the supervisors to exercise the power that is theirs to levy taxes to raise funds adequate to reopen, operate, and maintain without racial discrimination a public school system in Prince Edward County like that operated in other counties in Virginia." That is the heart of the opinion, wrapped up in a single easy sentence. The Court's seven-man majority did not spell out pre- cisely how the district court is to accom- plish this unprecedented step. "An order of this kind is within the Court's power." That was all the Court had to say. The mind spins off in a dozen directions. The gist of the Court's opinion is that "the colored schoolchildren" of Prince Edward since 1959 have been denied the equal pro- tection of the laws. This is because "Prince Edward children must go to a private sohool or none at all," while "all other Virginia children can go to a public school." But our own Virginia Supreme Court of Ap- pears has "ruled that under the laws and constitution of Virginia, the State's system of public schools depends entirely upon local decisions. Within limits fixed by the State constitution, a county Is free .to operate no schools, some schools, or very elaborate schools. This is what our highest State court held in Prince Edward County v. Griffin, that in Virginia, the operation of local , schools is a local responsibility. The U.S. Supreme Court, to the layman's bewilder- ment, said yesterday that "We accept this case as a definitive and authoritative hold- ing of Virginia law, binding on us." But the Prince Edward case is "unique." It has been characterized by "entirely too much deliberation and not enough speed." Despite the fact that the "colored children" of Prince Edward have not been denied one single benefit, opportunity, or advantage made available by the county to white chil- dren, in some fashion perceived only by the Supreme Court the colored children have been denied "equal protection." This is be- cause they do not have public schools while all other counties do. But Prince Edward has no control over what all other counties do. That was the authoritative, definitive, and binding decision of the Virginia Supreme Court. One travels around in circles. So District Judge Oren Lewis, who failed wretchedly in drafting an order in the first ? place, must now try again. He may "re- quire the supervisors to exercise the power that is theirs to levy taxes." How much taxes? On what property or transactions? At what rate? If the supervisors refuse to levy taxes on their constituents against their will, are the supervisors to be imprisoned for contempt? If the supervisors resign, are new supervisors to be similarly jailed? Or sup- pose the supervisors, thus intimidated, levy appropriate taxes, and the resentful people of Prince Edward refuse to pay? To jail with them too? Other questions come to mind. The su- pervisors, under this judgment, may be com- pelled to levy taxes sufficient to maintain a public school system "like that operated in other counties in Virginia." What other counties? Arlington? Fairfax? Henrico? Or at the other end of the economic scale, Tazewell, Scott, Buchanan? Total per pupil costs range from $170 or $180 in some parts of the State to $400 or $500 in others. In one recent year. Arlington appropriated in Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170059-6 A2854 Appreelb For Release 2005/01/27 ? CIA-RDP6fi m ay 3R000200170059-6 27 CONGRESSIONAL RECOkD? APPENDIX local funds alone $383 per child; Nansemond County appropriated $57 per pupil only. The amount of taxes to be levied is a func- tion not only of the quality of school to be Maintained, but also of the number of pupils to be educated, the ratib of teachers to pu- pils, the salaries to be paid, the frills to be provtded. It would seem to us inescapable that Judge Lewis, explicitly or implicitly, must pass upon all of these things, thereby assuming the role not merely of Federal judge, but also of county supervlsor, school board, and school superintendent. Who elected him to these offices? With this decision. the American Republic glimpses what Jefferson feared?a dictator- ship imposed by judicial oligarchy. If the Supreme Court may order it tax imposed for One purpose, it may order a tax imposed for any purpose. The principles of the Court's 1954 decision, limited at the outset to public schools, swiftly were extended to parks. play- grounds, swimming pools, libraries, bus ter- minals, and hospitals. Many Southern com- munities are hanging back from public housing projects, lest they wind up with Integrated housing projects. Are we to understand that in such communities, Negro plan/life May now =lapel the levying at taxes to construct public housing facilities like, those of Boston or New 'fork? Only once before in the Court's history has the Court attempted anything approaching this grasp for power. That was in a bond case, Where certain constitutional principles of contract were involved in the payment of a nonrecurring axed sUm. Here the super- visors. are ordered to levy an Unspecified tax. for the indefinite future, to operate schools a undefined out; under threat of im- prisonment, they are ordered to perform a discretionary act contrary to the expressed wishes of their people. This was the mile- stone reached yetserday by the Court. It is a milestone that stands far down a darken- ing road. Johnson and the People EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. CHARLES L. WELTNER OP GEOliffle IN tHE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr. WELTNER. Mr. Speaker, a few days ago, residents of the Atlanta metro- politan area were honored by the visit of President Johnson. Our city extended to the President an almost overwhelm- ing welcome, with crowds estimated at one-half million people. Quite naturally, this event generated a great deal of public discussion. I offer for enclosure in the RECORD the comments of Ralph McGill and Eugene Patterson, publisher and editor, respec- tively, of the Atlanta Constitution: JOHNSON AND rttz Pltotax (By Ralph McGill) ? WASHINGTON, D.C.?It is quite possible that President Lyndon Johnson is ciceer to the American people than are the pundits and the voices of press and radto. There are thoee in the Capital City, used to the clean intellectual prose that was a part of the ele- gant, overall style of the late John Kennedy, who profess to lind a high corn content in commentaries of L.B.J. This makes them wince. But Mr. Johnson is not supposed to be another Nennedy. He is Lyndon Johneon. onetime schoolteacher, Whose mother had a total of 925 when her husband died. Be worked his way through the email, obscure, sun-baked Southwest State Teachers College. His accent "belongs to be" different. He Is a direct man. He knows how to speak concisely, clearly, and persuasively. His phrases are not honed on a whetstone of classical Greek. Latin, and a familiarity with the poets. But, he communicates as did John Kennedy. The President may be at his very best in small group., rather than in address- ing vast audiencea. But, he is by no means at a loss with either. TRIIMA WS TASTE There was objection, one may recall, to Mr. Truman's fiat Miesouri twang and, more es- pecially, to his taste in sport shirts. The louder they were, the better. In fact, once Mr. Truncrua learned that the loud patterns annoyed the more effete, the more he sought for garish, clashing colors. Odious compari- sons were made between bls style and that of ebullient and dramatic F.D.R. When Mr. Truman called feuding groups together to knock heads, it was said by some he "de- meaned" the office. A critic said exactly this of L.B.J. when he got the railway unions and operators together in a last-ditch effort to avoid a strike and to save the processes of negotiation. What we also have before us is an expla- nation of why there is quite a difference be- tween the two parties?the Democratic and the Republican. There is, admittecUy, no tie that binds Governor Rockefeller and Senator GOLDWATER. Harold Stassen and Richard M. Nixon have little in common. The Arizona redeemer has no philosophy to share with Henry Cabot Lodge. There is, however, a very strong tie between the late John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson as there was between Harry S. Tru- man and Pranklin D. Roosevelt, There Is a thread of political principle, or philosophy, that reaches all the way up from Jefferson to Johnson. The President is carrying out principles expressed and delineated by Mr. Kennedy. They are principles that have evolved with the Nation itself. It is these principles that continue to hold the party of many minorities and differences together. A men from Hyannis Port and Harvard may believe in them u well as a man from South- west Teachers College and Johnson City. cern. RIGHTS So, we find Mr_ Johnson going along very well. The civil rights light will hurt him sotne?but how could it be otherwise? Those who fight the bill aren't going anywhere. The Nation must treat all its citizens alike. It hasn't done so. Either American citizen- ship is commonly and equally held or it isn't. A President can't get really hurt standing for that principle. Some say they And it hard to "identify with him." This has been true of all Presidenta ? ? ? there alwaye were those who didn't warm to them. It is difficult to follow a man like John F. Kennedy. But. if we look back in history, we find that it was a country lawyer and soldier, An- drew Jackson, who reformed the bank, who brought Texas into the Union. who broke the theory of interposition and established the essential principles that the eloquent philosopher. Jefferson, had written into the Declaration of Independence. Performance counts most. Hr SETTLED RAILS?S0 WHAT? (By Eugene Patterson) Lyndon Johnson is emphatically south- ern. He understates what he is, instead of posing as something more than he 1. He retains his prairie talk in the presence of pro- fessors. He gloves his claws in courteay but wears his feelings on his sleeve. Closing a talk to editors in the White House rose garden, he waved his hand and said, "Come in the house." The scene wag Jacksonian. Marine mu- sicians, who used to sit massed in the en- trance hall playing chamber music, were dispersed in combos playing dance rhythms. The President was quickly on the east room floor, dancing first with one editors lady, then another. The Marines had to play "Good Night, Ladies" half a dozen times before the overstaying guests made for the door. During the dancing some women wept, re- membering John F. Kennedy and his austere entertainments. They were stiff functions, and crowds representing cross sections of America were made a little uneasy by the formality, but they also were impressive by their majesty, and besides, many loved Mr. Kennedy fiercely. Mr. Johnson'a old-shoe use of the White House made a clashing contrast and some criticized him. But the thoughtful ones gave Mr. Johnson credit due. He, more than anyone else, knew unfavor- able comparisons might be drawn. But he was honest enough to be himself anyway. He knew that any effort by him to pretend to the elegance of Mr. Kennedy would be hol- low. As he said on the night he became President, he will do the best he can for that is all he can do. He has the honesty to be himself. Until the value of this fact regis- ters on many otherwise sophisticated Ameri- cans, he is going to be resented and hooted at. Lyndon Johnson is a President southern- ers can understand instinctively. They know the power and the judgment that can reside behind the homely front. But other Americans are having to work at it to under- stand this man and his unfamiliar ways. Theirs is not entirely a prejudice against the southern manner, but some of that is pres- ent, even if unintentionally_ The Presi- dent must have the help of his fellow southerners if he 18 to succeed in reestab- lishing national faith in southern leader- ship that existed in the founding days of the Republic. If his native region is the very one to undercut or lowrate his alms and intentions, he will be crippled in his historic efforts to regain understandlng of the South's leader- ship worth, and of his own. Eventually results will speak for them- selves. The President engineered a rail strike settlement by leadership methods without modern parallel. This remarkable success, and others that may come, can create an appreciation and a trust after awhile. But right now President Johnson especi- ally needs, beyond all party argument, the hand of his own region's people. He is deeply troubled by the misunderstandings he is encountering. He needs the South's help because he?a southerner?is em- barked on nothing less than a missionary effort to reunite the land in all its parts and peoples. He is better equipped for it than Tennessee's Andrew Johnson was in his day. The question facing the southern people is whether we are. Allies' Cuban Sales May Be Expensive EXTENSION OF REMARKS Or HON. EDWARD J. DERWINSKI OV ILLIN OIS M THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr, DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, we all recognize the continuing problems that beset us in our relationship with Approved For Release 2005/01/27: CIA-RDP66600403R000200170059-6 Approved For 1964 -Cuba, and daily recognize the "head in 'the ip:ila*1 attitude Of the administration On'this uesti?n.' - iteeen 'evident that the -adininistration is making moves, seemingly to hilt-the flew of our allies' support of the Castro government and the ineffectiveness of these moves is evident. featured in this ern-Pha.:. .sizes, the: economic probrein lading the Castro Ma-Chine in ai?I -article which dramatizes the potential for lemdval of Communist control of Cuba, if we had a foreign policy that was determined to _ produce this. The -Ortiele lellewS ? - ? .:TANE WAY' 1S' VIEW: bijGAN SALES MAr E35.e.g,N Bliot Janeway) , , , W _ YORK, 14a7 .26.?The "price "Sugar - luts dropped again. With tile world economy - booing, and With other-conifnedity prices "rising in response to strengthened demand, 'the_ sugar marketis nevertheless a shambles. Thia.fe of interest to others than housewives 'and 'inan'ilfactuteri-Of Candy' liara and- soft drinks.' conipa-on prildenee-dietates that it 'Should be of .iiiterefit` to our various allies who have been-asserting do idgorously their Tight to do business with 'Castfers- IVor Cuba -is a ona-crop, economy, and her Oredit. is tied to the price of anger. What Cuba needs to :0.4 are manufactured prod- ' ticta, particularly expensive heavy equipment 'like the big buses' 'the British have just sold her.: The -Only way they and our other allies can Crack whatever -Market Cuba of- f era is by Shipping on -Credit?long"-term 'credit ' ' As a tTitttical: `Matter; this Means that ,the countries selling to Cuba are paying out cash for the raw materials they must import, for the labor they "musthire to fabricate ? pods; aricf for the shipping and Insurance they must buy each time they deliver a prod - 'act - ACCEPT NOTES IN RETURN In return, they are accepting IOU's: That IS, they are paying out their own cash for the privilege of buying a raffle ticket on Cuba's future stability?a raffle ticket, more- over, that may c-ost them -Millions of dollars. Each time the price of sugar wobbles or sinks, this looks like a chancier bet. Cuba, of course, all along has had some 'cash, and still has. Trouble is, she isn't using it to pay for the hard industrial goods which her economy needs so desperately (and which the p..s. Governrrialit arid U.S. business *era Installing there before Castro took over). ' The iraport of the wherdivithal for indus- trial deVelopinent does not claim a priority ?,On-,011's_ cash:Wit" the- expOrt of political ' trouble- does. ijne million-dollars a month - to buy the Chilean election "for' 'the Com- pitis WhateVer it took to bring Brazil to the rekibliition and Pan- ama to mob rule In the Streets:?Or -even to send- a bearded military 'adviser or two to far-Off E nvibar?for this Cuba can pay cash. And so She Will continue 'to spend her cash on the export of violence as long as our allies bank her. ' NOf KM/ World politics being ld pOiities a foreign politician' hi eVen the friendliest countrieS CSH get-gOod Mileage. out of tell- ing the 'United States to mind its own busi- ness. This is the story, of the argument over the right Of 'Europe Etna Canada to sell. to Cuba, The fact of the matter,is #.at we haven't put any muscle info an effOrt to stop this. - ase 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP666300_403ROD 9-D20017005 6 GRESSIONAL RECORD -- APPENDIX A2855 All that we've done has been to advise our good friends that they may be throwing good money after bad. They may begin to figure this out for them- selves as the price of sugar drops; as Italy is forced to reborrow dollars after she's dug herself into a hole by just such self-defeat- ing finance; and as the West Germans warn the British to stop doing it while there's Still time to avoid trouble. A Cuba at war with her natural U.S. market and with the democratic ideal of the hemisphere cannot be a good credit risk. The Mythical Civil Rights Bill EXTENSION OF REMARKS OF HON. MORRIS, K. UDALL oS' sa,izeism IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr. UDALL. Mr. Speaker, the time has come for the American people to take note of the reason why the debate is extending so long on the civil rights bill. It is not that reasonable men can- not agree on a reasonable course of ac- tion to correct known injustices. It is simply that we are debating two differ- ent bills at the same time?the actual civil rights bill, passed by the House by a very substantial margin of Democrats and Republicans, and the mythical civil rights bill, conjured up by elements in our society wishing to preserve the status vie, however unjust. Recently the St. Louis Post-Dispatch published an editorial distinguishing how the actual and mythical bills differ in 12 important respects. The editorial was read by William R. Mathews, editor and publisher of the Arizona Daily Star in 'Tucson Ariz and he in turn published an editorial on 1VIay '2/, 4964, agreeing in all respects with the Post's points but expressing some concern over one par- ticular provision of the bill as it passed the House. I found this analysis illuminating and wish to call it to the attention of my colleagues. The Arizona Daily Star edi- torial follows: CORRECTING THE Sr. LOUIS POST-DISPATCH Under the title of "The Mythical Rights Bill," the St. Louis Post-Dispatch published an illuminating editorial on the civil rights bill now before the Senate. It is Illumi- nating, because it not only explodes numer- ous myths about what is in the bill, and is not in the bill, but astonishingly condones a provision in it that forbids American citi- zens from "threatening or coercing others to disobey the law." It makes little of this provision In the following words, "which is a far cry from the denial of free speech and press." The Star thinks differently, although it approves of all of the points as explained by the Post-Dispatch, from No. 1 to, but not in- cluding, No. 12. This Offending Provision would forbid the very civil rights demonstra- tions that are being carried on today by Ne- groes all over the country. The purpose of civil rights demonstrations is to threaten and coerce. Lndeed,Athe free- dom to threaten and coerce are civil rights that have been practiced by Americans since the Boston Tea Party" down to the time of the Volstead Act and much other legislation. Those forms of criticism go on constantly in a wide variety of ways. If such a prohibition Is legal in the civil rights bill, it can be made legal in all other legislation. It is a denial of free speech, and the right "peacefully to assemble" which the Consti- tution guarantees every American. It makes no sense to grant Negroes and others the same civil rights that all Americans should enjoy, and then in such legislation forbid the right to "threaten and coerce." This pres- ent bill would not be before Congress. It would not have passed the House, unless Negroes; in their programs of civil disobe- dience, had threatened and coerced. Indeed, it will take some more of their threats and coercion to get the present bill through the Senate. . The Post-Dispatch's editorial follows: "As the Senate's civil rights debate goes into its 10th week, it is obvious that sup- porters and opponents of the rights bill are not talking about the same kind of bill at all. - "Proponents are discussing the bill actually "before the Senate. The opponents, for pur- poses of fright propaganda, have in effect drafted a mythical bill that they oppose. It has the following provisions: "1. The Federal Government and not the States will now fix voting qualifications. (The real bill only says States cannot enforce racial discrimination against voters.) "2. Public schools must be brought into a racial balance. (The real bill specifically rejects that idea.) ? "3. Employers must hire from minority groups by quotas. (The real bill only says an employer cannot refuse to hire an ap- plicant solely because of his race or re- ligion.) "4. The Federal Government can deny all aid to any State that affronts the purpose of the bill. (The actual bill permits denial of aid to projects?not to States?that create racial discrimination.) "5. Hotel, restaurant, and entertainment operators must admit any ill-behaved, ill- dressed citizen who seeks entrance. (Non- sense; the bill only says the operators can- not refuse entrance solely because of race or religion.) "6. The Government is authorized to tell homeowners to whom they must sell their homes. (The bill does not even discuss such housing matters.) "7. Private clubs must admit Negroes (or Mexicans, Catholics Protestants, Indians, Jews, etc.). (The actual bill exempts private clubs.) "8. The Attorney General will be a dic- tator. (The bill allows him to go to court to seek enforcement of the law.) "9. Well, then, Federal judges will be dic- tators. (They are empowered to issue in- junctions to enforce the law, which is hardly unusual.) "10. Jury trial will be denied in rights cases. (The issue does not come up in the present bill, since it provides only for civil actions. Jury trial is not today required even for criminal contempt cases, but the bill may be amended to permit it.) "11. Enforcement of the rights bill requires Federal police everywhere. (The bill re- quires no police anywhere; largely, it leaves enforcement up to court action by those ag- grieved.) "12. It shall be illegal to discuss segre- gation, or to express discriminatory thoughts. (The bill prohibits anyone from threatening or coercing others to disobey the law, which is a far cry from denial of free speech and press.) "In short, the whole picture of the rights bill drawn by southern propagandists is one of a terrible tyranny being forced upon a majority of Americans in the name of a mi- nority. We are asked to believe that this is the sort of horrendous plot for which the House voted by an overwhelming 290 to 130. How silly can propagandists get? Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP661300403R000200170059-6 esk Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66600403R000200170059-6--.? ? A2856 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX May 27 "The answer to that question seems to be that they will be as silly as necessary to avoid any honest discussion of the facts of the civil rights case. Fearing facts, they insist upon constant repetition of hokum. That is the content Of their mythical bill." Stage-Managed Poverty EXTENSION OF REMARKS OP HON. BRUCE ALGER OP Texas IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, an Asso- ciated Press story which appeared in the Chicago Tribune of May 26 should arouse more than casual interest from the American people. It appears the ad- ministration is carefully staging the visits of the President and the First Lady to so-called poverty areas. The Asso- ciated Press story reveals the William David Marlow family of Rocky Mount, N.C., are a little put out at the whole business. They did not even know they were poverty stricken until the Presi- dent told them. It. would seem to me, Mi. Speaker, that there should be some limit to the extent the campaign to win votes is carried. At the very least, responsible politicians should respect the dignity and intelli- gence of the people. Holding some of our citizens up to ridicule, causing ill ? feeling among their neighbors, and us- ing stage tricks to improve the story is not worthy of the office of President of the United States. Surely, if such per- formances are required to sell the John- son poverty program, the whole project Is open to suspicion. The Associated Press story on the Marlow framily follows: MADE TO LOOK POOR, FARM FAMILY SAYS? INSTRITCTIONS FOR JOILNSON VISIT TOLD BY Wire Roczy Mourn, N.C., May 25.?The William David Marlow family has had hardly a min- ute to itself since President Johnson dropped in by helicopter for a visit May 7. "We've been talked at. talked to, talked about, and throwed off on (criticized)," said Mrs. Marlow, 40, a sharecropper's wife with sun-bleached hair and strong features. "There's_ been about as much excitement Since he left as while he was here," she added, recalling what has happened since Johnson's visit. DwiNns ON CROPS Hundreds of persons have driven past their door, she said, and many have come at night to shine their lights on the house to see what It looks like. Mrs. Marlow said some of the neighbors have appeared jealous of the attention re- ceived by the family, which lives 2 miles south of Rocky Mount and depends on to- bacco and cotton for a living. "But we didn't invite the President," she said. "Be invited hini.seltd Cars came, by all afternoon and night after the President left, she said The next day, the children counted 118 carloads of people. Some stopped-to talk. A S4,000 INCOME EXPECTED "We've missed Several days' work and don't expect to get one thing out of it," Mrs. Mar- low said "I've burned my husband's lunch three times while / was answering questions," she added. "He's getting pretty ill about It, Marlow said he expecte to gross about 44,000 from his 9 acres of tobacco and Ii% acres of cotton this year and perhaps have 91.800 clear with which to start the next year. This would be much more than the 91.500 the President suggested during their con- versation. Johnson apparently thought that would be the total for the year before living expenses were subtracted. Mrs. Marlow said: "We didn't even feel like we were in poverty. We thought we were on our feet for the first time in 4 years. And along come the word that were the poorest folks in the country." PLENTY or LOVING Mrs. Marlow said her five children "have always had plenty to eat and plenty of lov- ing. We're a close-knit group." Pointing to a newspaper picture of Dr. George Smith. associate director of the North Carolina Extension Service. Mrs. Marlow said. "The Governor's man tried to make us look poorer than we are." She said Smith "told me to be sure and have a washing on the line when the Presi- dent came and also be sure the children were barefoot when the President arrived." In Raleigh, Smith said he did not intend to Make the Marlowe look any better or any worse but to make them appear homey. He said the President wanted the Marlows "to act natural." Mrs. Davis Grant EXTENSION OF REMARKS OP HON. OLIN E. TFAGUE OF TEXAS IN THE HOUSE OP REPRESENTATIVES Wednesday, May 27, 1964 Mr. TEAGUE of Texas. Mr. Speaker, the Friday, May 15, issue of the Austin Statesman. Austin, Tex., carried an arti- cle which was of personal interest to me in view of the fact of my close personal relationship with the entire family. The article which I will include at the close of these remarks deals with the gradua- tion of Mrs. Davis Grant, the daughter of Mr. and Mrs. Bassett J. Orr, of Bryan, Tex. Mr. Davis Grant is the General Counsel for the Texas Bar Association, and was formerly employed on a spe- cial subcommittee here in the U.S. Con- gress engaged in investigative work. I take pleasure in saluting Mrs. Grant and extending my congratulations to her. "MRS. AUSTIN" Due DEGREE?KEEP/NG Paosnaz (By Anita Brewer) Ann Grant was "Mrs. Austin" in 1958 be- cause she could cook liver and onions so well, iron a man's shirt to perfection, and looked like a million dollars. When she won the title, someone asked her what were her plans for the future. "I'd like to go back to the University of Texas and earn my derive." she answered. On May 30 before the President of the 'United States and her husband and five children, the degree will be awarded to Mrs. Grant. It will represent many nights of burning midnight oil, many suppers cooked -by her husband?Davis Grant. general coun- sel for the State bar of Texas, and many dresses and blue jeans ironed by her daughters. Her degree Is in elementary education with emphasis on speech therapy, and she has some more plans now for the future: She will teach next fall in the Austin public schools, at Highland Park School around the corner from the Grant home at 3311 Big Bend. While Mrs. Grant has been going to school, the children have learned to be independ- ent?and even to handle emergencies. Just last week. 8-year-old Richard and 10- year-old John were home alone one after- noon after school. Richard fell, cut his chin and chipped a tooth. John said, "Now lie still and bleed quietly. rn get help." And he did?good help. He got M. K. Rage, Jr., principal of Highland Park School. Everything was all right in no time. ? Both 14-year-old Kathy and 12-year-old Melissa know how to sew, iron, and cook? because they have had to help their mother. As a result, they always are well groomed and they will be even when their mother isn't there to check up on their hair and fingernails. Davis. the 16-year-old, is an independent self-starter also. He is in the 10th grade at McCallum High School and works 3 af- ternoons a week at Handy Andy. All year?in fact for the 3 years Mrs. Grant has been going to school?things around 3311 Big Bend become mighty quiet about 8:30 p.m. That's when everybody starts studying. While Mrs. Grant has enjoyed her class- work and the inspiration of going to school, she warns her daughters that she did it the wrong way. "I'm all for a girl getting her education before marriage and five children," she says. "But it can be done either way." She looks forward to teaching. "I've always wanted to be a teacher," she says, "and for 15 years I operated a kinder- garten and first grade. But I'm really look- ing forward to the future." Another happy event Is due soon for the Grants. Mrs. Grant's parents, Mr. and Mrs. Bassett Orr, will be returning in El few weeks from Ugandi where Orr has been stationed with the Agency for International Develop- ment?but not soon enough to see their daughter graduate. Negro Leader Warns of Demonstration Costs EXTENSION OF REMARKS or HON. JOHN BELL WILLIAMS or MISSISSIPPI IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES Thursday, May 21, 1964 Mr. WILLIAMS. Mr. Speaker, a prominent Negro, retired Army Maj, Hughes Alonzo Robinson, has spoken out on the subject of racial demonstrations and their ultimate effect on his race. Because his forthright views are of in- terest to the House, I include the follow- ing article written by Major Robinson which first appeared in the Albany. Ga., Herald: Nemo LEADER WARNS OF DEMONSTRATION COSTS EEO/TOWS NOTE.?The following article, written by a Negro, appeared in the February 6 issue of the Albany (Ga.) Herald. Maj. Hughes Alonzo Robinson, a prominent gov- ernment and military figure who now makes his home In Fort Valley, Ga., is a retired Army officer, educator, and industrial execu- tive. Feeling that his people were being led Approved For Release 2005/01/27 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200170059-6