THE TRUTH EVEN NOW

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160053-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 4
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: December 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 53
• Publication Date: August 7, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

1964
Approved FRelease 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B004000200160053-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD- APPENDIX A4187
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post,
Aug. 6, 1964]
HEART OF DARKNESS
Only two weeks ago we were blandly as-
sured by Sen. James O. Eastland of Missis-
sippi that the disapearance of three civil
rights workers in his state might well turn
out to be a hoax. Now three bodies have
been found, and the FBI has identified two
of them as Mickey Schwerner and Andy
Goodman. The third corpse is probably all
that is mortal of James Chaney, the Negro
companion of the two white youths. Some
hoax.
It is true that the North has no right to
affect superior airs in lecturing Mississippi
on civil rights; bigotry is no respecter of the
Mason-Dixon line. But the attitude to
murder sets Mississippi apart. A year ago,
Medgar Evers was shot in the back. Since
then, at least 11 Negroes have been killed
in mysterious circumstances in Mississippi,
including two whose bodies were believed to
have been found in the Mississippi River dur-
ing the search for three civil rights workers.
Through this bloody business horrifies the
rest of the country, the tendency in Missis-
sippi is to shrug it off. In Philadelphia,
Miss., a resident who declined to give his
name to Associated Press was quoted as la-
conically remarking of the three boys, "if
they had stayed home where they belonged
nothing would have happened to them."
Implicit in this attitude is the feeling that
Mississippi is not "home" to an American
but an alien place to be visited at one's own
peril.
None of those who have died in Mississippi
have died in vain. The corpses in the river,
the three bodies in the levee, are all damning
witnesses to a way of life that is indifferent
to life. The killings in Mississippi have also
made clear the extent to which local police
tend to shield the lawless rather than en-
force the law. It surpasses belief that Mis-
sisippi police are incapable of solving a single
civil rights crime.
Although the FBI may uncover the identity
of the murderers, the underlying horror can-
not be removed. by the Federal police. The
redemption of Mississippi will have to come
from within. The discovery of the three
bodies ends a long ordeal for the boys' par-
ents. The ordeal for Mississippi has just
begun.
[From the Evening Star, Washington, D.C.,
Aug. 6, 1964]
MURDER IN MISSISSIPPI
The finding of the bodies confirms what
almost everyone believed-that the three
civil rights workers who disappeared in Mis-
sissippi last June were murdered. This puts
a grim period to the pretense, inspired per-
haps by wishful thinking, that their disap-
pearance was some kind of civil rights hoax.
There are indications that a tip led the
FBI to the earth dam in which the bodies
had been buried. But tip or no tip, the fact
remains that it was the relentless work of
the FBI which resulted in the discovery.
Certainly, and this is disgraceful, there is no
reason to think` the bodies would ever have
been found had the search been left in the
hands of Mississippi authorities.
What has happened confirms that the
atrocious crime was committed. What re-
mains is to identify and apprehend those
responsible for the murders. There have
been hints that the FBI already knows who
they are. We hope that this is so, and we
also hope that the agents will be able to ar-
rest the killers on the basis of evidence suf-
ficiently strong to convict them-in the eyes
of the civilized world if not in the courts of
Mississippi.
Mayor Richard J. Daley and People of
Chicago Awarded Citation for Captive
Nations Week Observance
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROMAN C. PUCINSKI
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Friday, August 7, 1964
Mr. PUCINSKI. Mr. Speaker, earlier
this week it was my great privilege to
represent Mayor Richard J. Daley and
the people of Chicago at a dinner spon-
sored by the Assembly of Captive Euro-
pean Nations which was held here in
the Nation's Capital to honor those who
have performed outstanding service in
observing Captive Nations Week.
Chicago was selected as a recipient of
this highly coveted award because,
under the direction of Mayor Richard J.
Daley, Chicago has held an annual Cap-
tive Nations Week observance in Grant
Park which draws several thousand
people of more than 32 various ethnic
groups.
This year's observance by the city of
Chicago drew an unusually large gather-
ing indicating the strong feeling that
large masses of Americans continue to
have for the captive nations.
I was indeed pleased to receive this
year's award in behalf of Mayor Daley
and the people of Chicago. The mayor
requested me to represent him because
of the press of duties in Chicago.
Following is the citation which was
read by Mr. Stefan Korbonski, vice pres-
ident of the Assembly of Captive Euro-
pean Nations and one of the most daring
Polish underground leaders during
World War II.
Following Mr. Korbonski's Introduc-
tion, are my own remarks which I de-
livered at this banquet:
The recipient of our award are the people
and city of Chicago, represented here, at
the request of Mayor Richard J. Daley by
the Honorable ROMAN C. PucINsKI, Mem-
ber of the House of Representatives. In
bestowing the award to the people of Chi-
cago, to their government, congressional
delegation, their press and civic organiza-
tions, we mean to give recognition to the
fact that for many years they have been
second to no other Amerian community in
the scope and Intensity of their backing for
the cause we are trying to serve.
Our special recognition goes to the con-
gressional delegation from Chicago. Demo-
crats like BARRATT O'HARA, JOHN C. KLUC-
ZYNSKI, ROLAND LIBONATI, WILLIAM T. MUR-
PHY, ROMAN C. PUCINSKI, and DAN ROSTEN-
KowsKl; Republicans like EDWARD J. DER-
WINSKI, HAROLD L. COLLIER, and DONALD
RUMSFELD-not to speak of the distin-
guished Senators of Illinois, Hon. PAUL H.
DOUGLAS and EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN-
have consistently raised their voice in sup-
port of the captive nations and their free-
dom aspirations. It goes equally to the
press of the Windy City-the Chicago Sun-
Times, the Chicago Tribune, Chicago's
American, the Chicago Daily News, as well
as to such outstanding national language
papers as the Polish Dziennik Zwiazkowy;
Dziennik Chicagoski; the Czechoslovak
Hla.satel and the Lithuanian Draugas. We
also want to honor the invaluable contri-
bution of the Polish American Congress,
the Czechoslovak National Council of
America, and the American Lithuanian
Council-all headquartered in Chicago-
have brought to our common struggle.
In presenting the award to the people and
city of Chicago we ask Congressman PUcIN-
sKI to convey to Mayor Daley our respects
and to the people of this great community
our heartfelt appreciation.
The citation reads:
"To the city and people of Chicago al-
ways in forefront of Captive Nations Week
observances in recognition of the great con-
tribution they, their congressional delega-
tion and press, have made to keeping the
captive nations' cause a burning issue.
"WASHINGTON, D.C., July 1964.
"ASSEMBLY OF CAPTIVE EUROPEAN NATIONS."
REMARKS OF CONGRESSMAN ROMAN C. PUCIN-
SKI BEFORE CAPTIVE NATIONS AWARDS
DIN- NER, JULY 29, 1964
Mr. Chairman, ladies, and gentlemen:
Mayor Richard J. Daley has asked me to ex-
tend to you his most sincere apology for not
being able to be with you this evening to
personally receive this very great honor
which you are bestowing upon the people of
Chicago.
We in Chicago are deeply grateful to the
Assembly of Captive European Nations for
this distinction. And, while we are truly
thankful for this recognition, I should like
to stress that Chicago has been in the fore-
front in observing Captive Nations Week as
a continuation of the dynamic ethnic spirit
which has built our great city.
Mayor Daley himself grew up in a neigh-
borhood to which, at the turn of the century,
came immigrants from many of those na-
tions which today, tragically, are held cap-
tive by the Communists.
Chicago is a polyglot metropolis where you
will find people of more than 32 separate
and distinct ethnic backgrounds all living in
harmony and good will toward one. another.
The people of Chicago for decades have
served as a thriving example that people of
different national origins and religious be-
liefs can find a common ground of respect
and understanding for One anther's cul-
tural values.
I deeply regret Mayor Daley Is not able to
be with you this evening for, in his presence,
you would find the embodiment of under-
standing for the hopes and aspirations of
the various ethnic groups which comprise
the city of Chicago.
It should come as no surprise that Chicago
should be so prominent in arranging an-
nually the largest Captive Nations Week ob-
servances in this country since the Congress
established this commemorative practice in
1958.
Mayor Daley has been the moving spirit in
implementing the request of Congress by
providing the leadership for these impressive
observances. And while the ceremonies we
hold in Grant Park every third week in July
are imposing in themselves, I feel compelled
to remind you, ladies, and gentlemen, that
in Chicago we rekindle the spirit of hope
for the unfortunate victims behind the Iron
Curtain by our conduct every day of the
year.
And this is as it should be.
The people of Chicago join all freedom-
loving Americans in daily rededicating our-
selves to the proposition that the conscience
of the world cannot rest until the millions
of people now held captive behind the Iron
Curtain, the Bamboo Curtain, and, yes, the
Castro Curtain in Cuba, can once again rejoin
the world family of free nations.
Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66BO.0403R000200160053-3
 A4188
Approved Foie Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B0040)00200160053-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
. Mayor Daley has asked me to thank you
for the honor you have bestowed on the peo-
ple of Chicago this evening. Recognition by
such a distinguished organization as the
Assembly of Captive European Nations gives
us renewed strength and determination to
carry on in Chicago a concerted effort to keep
alive the spirit of hope for the oppressed vic-
tims of communism.
The task ahead of us Is monumental.
There can be no doubt the world today is
In a state of continuing revolution. Social
orders are changing. Even the Communists
are beginning to feel the backlash to their
own tyrannical colonialism.
'History will judge America by the degree
to which It Is able to understand this run-
ning world revolution and the leadership
and dedication with which It pursues the goal
of universal human freedom.
President Johnson has been explicit in lay-
Ing down guidelines the United States in-
tends to follow in providing the dynamic
leadership to insure this universal personal
freedom. Let there be no mistake-Presi-
dent Johnson is firm and resolute In his
determination to do all possible to keep the
spirit of liberty throughout the world. His
determination proudly follows the guidelines
enumerated by our beloved late 'President,
John F. Kennedy.
America today is actively and courageously
engaged In trying to pull the Individual cap-
tive nations from, their Moscow orbit-and
this will -be done.
There will be no ticker-tape parade down
Wall Street to mark a sudden victory of
freedom over communism. Instead, It will
be a slow but decisive process of evolution
rather than revolution.
The sturggle is, gargantuan only because
never before in the history of civilization has
freedom been challenged by so formidable
and extensive an adversary. Those who
would raise false hopes of easy victory are
guilty of the most brutal demagoguery.
Ultimate liberation of the captive nations
will come when they are individually and
then collectively pulled away from the com-
plete domination of the Kremlin. This will
be a long and painstaking process.
Today, though, we are encouraged to see
not only the possibility, but the probability.
that this will be done. Once these nations
are free from Moscow rule and Soviet occu-
pation, we know that their Internal forces
for freedom will work their will.
Our hopes may be based, In some instances,
only on minute sparks indicating a more
deep-seated resentment of the oppressive
Communist philosophy. In other Instances,
these hopes are based on meaningful and
significant developments behind the Iron
Curtain.
We see in Poland today a persistent, steady,
and determined effort being made by the
Polish people to dilute their subservience to
Moscow's Communist rule.
While it is true that the present regime
in Poland continues virtual complete obedi-
ence to the Kremlin, the signs are clear that
unrelenting pressures from the Polish people
themselves foretell significant changes in
the Moscow-Warsaw Axis.
We cannot Ignore the fact that, despite
all sorts of obstructions, more than 1 million
people participate in religious observances
in Czestochowa arranged by His Eminence
Cardinal Wyszynski. Nor can we sweep
under the rug the bold and heroic demands
by 39 of Poland's outstanding literary figures
for greater freedom In their writings and
their travel.
It should be of profound significance to
the free world that the Polish Communist
Government bad to capitulate to these
demands.
This may be one of those sparks r referred
to earlier, but a most significant one in that
it demonstrates the rulers of Warsaw are
today no longer complete masters of their
own destiny.
It would be cruel to suggest that Poland
by some magic will be liberated in the Imme-
diate future. The fact remains, however,
that the unconquerable spirit of her people
gives the Communists little comfort to look
to the future with any security.
Nor can we ignore what has been happen-
ing in Czechoslovakia where, against tremen-
dous odds, 3,000 bold students recently chal-
lenged their oppressojs.
Nor can we look with Impunity upon what
Is happening in Rumania. On the contrary.
the U.S. Government has followed a very bold
course in suggesting closer economic and
cultural ties with the people of Rumania.
The chaos which our discussions with the
Rumanian Government have created In the
Kremlin Is a matter of public record.
There are strong indications that through-
out the entire Communist cordon sanitaire
behind the Iron Curtain, each of the cap-
tive nations is beginning to reflect in in-
creasing degrees the unrest of the people
against Communist subjugation.
Our greatest problem today is to be wary
of those who would play Russian roulette
with the future of millions of people behind
the Iron Curtain.
Men of little faith in the ultimate triumph
of freedom, and less understanding of the
complex nature of the problem, would coun-
sel us to overt, impetuous, military-yes,
even nuclear-action to free the victims of
communism behind the Iron Curtain.
History demonstrates the danger of this
formula.
We need only look at the ill-fated Hun-
garian uprising to see the tragedy inherent
in Ill-timed and Insufficiently armed
rebellions.
To urge millions of unfortunate victims of
communism behind the Iron Curtain toward
overt acts at this time would be an act of
cruelty unparalleled In history.
This is not the time for brinkmanship.
Indeed, we can see the day when these
tragic victims of communism will again be
free without laying waste their cities and
leaving huge corridors of human devasta-
tion. We can see the day of their peaceful
liberation by properly exploiting the present
Bino-Soviet crises.
There are those who question the gravity
of the philosophical and economic split be-
tween the Kremlin and Peiping. I respect
their judgment, but all available evidence
would Indicate there is ample basis to treat
the split as serious and meaningful.
The free world today must stand cour-
ageously on the side of freedom for those un-
happy victims of Communist treachery. It
would be my hope that the entire free world
will join the United States in doing every-
thing possible to pull the captive nations
sway from Moscow.
We have reason to believe that, with its
bands full with Peping, Moscow has little
alternative but to concede to such demands
by the West.
Our own State Department should place
renewed pressures on the Soviet Union dur-
ing this period of Sino-Soviet crises for
the removal of Soviet troops from the captive
nations.
No time was ever more opportune for West-
ern allies to forcefully press both Moscow
and the Communist regimes within the cap-
tive nations for free and unfettered elections,
guaranteed each of these nations in the
wartime agreements negotiated between East
and West.
it is my hope that the Western allies will
also base their economic dealings with the
captive nations, and the Soviet Union itself,
on the basis of firm commitments for human
dignity and freedom for their people.
The Western allies must also recognize
the possibility of crushing the Communist
cancer In Cuba from within by joining the
United States in Its economic embargo
against this Caribbean republic. No one can
deny that no captive nation has been more
susceptible to liberating itself from the yoke
August 7
of communism than Cuba Is today, if only
the free world will help tighten the final
notch in this staggering example of Com-
munist failures.
Finally, the United States should lead the
way in encouraging among the people of the
captive nations of Europe the creation of a
third force which would ultimately serve
as the balance wheel for lasting peace be-
tween East and West when freedom again
returns to the entire world.
History dictates that indeed the people
of those nations, which we today describe
as the captive nations of Europe, have a
common bond of friendship and cultural
ties. During the past 20 years, they have
suffered a common dignity at the hands of
the Communists. It is my fervent belief
that the people of these captive nations,
once they regain their full freedom and are
again free to choose their own governments,
can be welded into one political-economic
bloc which with its common interest, can
serve as the third force of Europe separating
East from West. It would be my hope that
in this Captive Nations Assembly will be
found men of wisdom and ability to work
out the necessary details for such a concept.
The people of Western Europe need a
catalyst; they need to know what the future
holds for them once they have freed them-
selves from Communist oppression. It
would appear to me that these captives of
communism must be assured by the free
world today against any further territorial
changes; and they must be assured of full
support from the Western allies in their
economic development once they are free of
their Communist yoke.
Your dinner here tonight serves again to
emphasize the vital role that the captive
nations of Europe play In the development
of freedom throughout the world. The
United States and the Western allies-par-
ticularly the nations of NATO-must under-
stand that the resistance against communism
by the people in these captive nations today
Indeed constitutes the free world's first line
of defense.
There can be no doubt that Khrushchev's
entire foreign policy would take on a more
bold and arrogant nature if he and his
Kremlin advisors believed for one second
that they could count on these captive na-
tions in the event of a confrontation with
the West.
The spirit of these people remains high
but the clock is running out.
A whole new generation has been brought
up behind the Iron Curtain under severe
Communist domination. We can find pride
in the fact that the Communists have failed
to corrupt the masses of youth behind the
Iron Curtain with their despotic Ideologies.
But this is no time for smugness.
In the captive nations of'Europe today
we see the seeds of new hope for the ulti-
mate collapse of the Communist empire.
God grant that the people of America, our
Government, and the free people of the
world, have the wisdom and the understand-
ing to help these tragic victims of commu-
nism by helping establish an atmosphere
of understanding and cooperation in the
struggle for dignity and freedom.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 4, 1964
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, the
country is united behind the President in
his action to defend the honor of the
Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160053-3
 1964
Approved FZelease 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B004R000200160053-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A4189
United States. He could do nothing else.
Nevertheless, we have not been given the
honest facts about Vietnam: I hope the
American people ' will now be told the
truth.
Richard Starnes, in the July 30 edition
of the New York World Telegram prop-
erly takes the Johnson administration to
task for deceiving the American people
in this regard:
HOUR OF REALITY
(By Richard Starnes)
All signs and portents from South Vietnam
now point to one large, intractable, and po-
litically supercharged fact:
The ivar for southeast Asia has grown to
the point where it cannot grow any more and
still masquerade under the comforting fic-
tion that it isn't an American war at all, but
actually is sort of a conflict by proxy.
At no time have the American people been
told the whole dismal truth about the war,
and prospects for candor are sure to dimin-
ish as November and the election draw near.
But the reality is that the Communist North
Vietnamese and the Chinese Reds have called
all our raises in Vietnam (and Laos), and
raised the ante in turn.
Mr. McNamara's slicked-down and parted-
in-the-middle estimates of the pace and di-
rection of the conflict are heard no longer
In, Washington. Americans were eager to
believe them, but Ho Chi Minh's hardpan
bitter-enders were not so easily taken in.
Thus the promise of gradual American with-
drawal has perished silently (as all such
irredeemable pledges do in the Nation's
Capital) and we now witness a buildup of our
forces consigned to that sweltering hell.
American "advisers" are to be increased by
5,000, and our elite Special Forces are soon
to be told their tour on the Mekong is to be
doubled, from 6 months to 1 year. No man
alive knows the present money cost of our
adventure in white-man's-burdenship, but
apparently the $1.5-million-a-day figure is
still the one that is passed glibly from hand
to hand on the Georgetown cocktail and
clamdip circuit.
That, to be sure, is bound to add up to a
sum that must be reckoned impressive even
by the Babylonian standards of midcentury
Washington. But money is not the central
tragedy that has engulfed us in southeast
Asia, and even the young lives that have
been cast into the balance are not the real
measure of the disaster.
The cruelest aspect of the Nation's dilemma
is simply that by pursuing a bankrupt policy
in Asia the United States is made to look like
a nation that is itself morally and intel-
lectually bankrupt. Americans do not be-
lieve this to be so but sophisticated Asians
do, and so do a disheartening number of
Europeans.
There is no surprise in the news that more
North Vietnamese regulars are being identi-
fied among Communist Vietcong units, nor,
in word that the guerrillas are better
equipped than ever. Since the United States
first gingerly stepped into that murderous
flypaper, the Communists have never shown
any sign that their ultimate objective was
anything less than total conquest.
All these unpalatable truths are known
to the Government, and to the busy tac-
ticians who are mapping Senator GOLDWATER'S
campaign strategy. Vietnam Is the biggest
political time bomb in Washington, because
the next step is the commitment of combat
troops and every realist from the Mekong
to the Potomac knows it.
What is not known is the nature of the re-
action that would be forthcoming from the
American people. Presumably it would hurt
the administration, however, and for that
reason we can expect to see Mr. Johnson
perform prodigies of juggling in an attempt
to forestall the reckoning until November is
safely past.
The Republicans have already tipped their
hand to a degree. In his keynote speech to
the GOP Convention, Oregon's Gov. Mark
Hatfield simultaneously scolded the Demo-
crats for losing Laos and for fighting to pre-
vent the loss of South Vietnam. This dicho-
tomous din is bound to grow to deafening
proportions as the war for southeast Asia is
enlarged.
Prayer and Bible Reading in School
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. STROM THURMOND
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Friday, August 7, 1964
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
have been very much impressed by_ an
article entitled "Prayer and Bible Read-
ing in School." The article was written
by the Reverend Claud L. Asbury, pastor
of the First Baptist Church of McColl,
S.C., and it was published in the McColl
Messenger on July 30, 1964.
I am glad to be able to call the article
to the attention of the Members of the
Senate, not only because the Reverend
Asbury makes a very convincing argu-
ment against the recent Supreme Court
decisions which would bar prayers and
Bible reading in our schools, but also to
call attention to the fact that many,
many Baptists do not concur in testi-
mony in opposition to the Becker amend-
ment, which recently was presented by
the Baptist Joint Committee on Public
Affairs before the House Judiciary Com-
mittee. I ask unanimous consent that
the article be printed in the Appendix
of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PRAYER AND BIBLE READING IN SCHOOLS
(By Rev. Claud L. Asbury)
In making the ruling regarding prayer
and Bible reading in the public schools, I feel
the Supreme Court has the intention of do-
ing that which even Congress is not to do,
and I cite the first amendment to the Con-
stitution:
'Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof; or abridging the free-
dom of speech, or of the press, or the right
of the people peaceably to assemble, and to
petition the Government for a redress of
grievances."
Now let us note a definition-one of eight
definitions-as found on page 1024 of "The
American College Dictionary" (edited by
Clarence L. Barnhart; Harper & Bros. Pub-
lishers) : "6. a point or matter of conscience:
to make a religion of doing something."
On page 481 of "The Universal Standard
Encyclopedia," volume 2 (Joseph Laffan
Morse, editor in chief; Standard Reference
Works Publishing Co., Inc., New York), we
find these words: "Atheism is not necessarily
irreligious."
. In his book, "The Religions of Mankind"
(p. 18; publishers: Abingdon-Cokesbury,
New York), Edmund Davison Soper says: "In
our day a.class of definitions is being pre-
sented with no necessary reference to higher
powers or to God."
On page 169 of his book, "Psychology of
Religion" (Abingdon-Cokesbury Press),
Paul E. Johnson says " * * atheism is, by
every test, as much a belief as theism, and it
is evidently quite as incapable of escaping
the waves of emotion that beat upon beliefs."
6n page 819 of "The Winston Dictionary"
this is to be found: "Religion 2, the outward
acts or practices of life by which men indi-
cate their recognition of such relations; 5.
conscientious devotion to some principle."
On page 6866, volume 14 (QR), of "The
World Book Encyclopedia," copyright 1959,
these words are to be found: "Religion.
Many scholars have been inclined to define
religion as belief in gods or supernatural
beings. But this by no means includes all
the religions, because religion has often
meant a way of living rather than a way
of believing. And there have been many
who have denied or been indifferent to any
kind of God."
In ruling as it did regarding the Madalyn
Murray case of 1963 the Supreme Court vio-
lated that point, part of the first amendment
of our U.S. Constitution, which reads as
follows: "Congress shall make no law re-
specting an establishment of religion * * *"
This one, Mrs. Madalyn Murray, who is
responsible for this particular controversy
and action on the part of the Supreme Court
has stated that she is an atheist, and this is,
in my opinion, definitely a religion.
Let us bear in mind that the question
(regarding prayer and Bible reading) was
raised, in the first place, by the minority
(the athiest-Mrs. Madalyn Murray) and has
to do with this, that (prayer and Bible read-
ing), which is followed, advocated by the
majority. Let us note that the acknowledg-
ment of God as the Supreme Being, as God
of this, our Nation, and who was so ac-
knowledged by the writers of the Constitu-
tion of the United States of America was
and is advocated by the majority.
It is not only a question of whether or not
our children are permitted or allowed
to read the Holy Bible and to pray in school
on a voluntary basis, though this in itself
is indeed a great and important question,
and one, which I believe must be answered
and will be answered in the affirmative by
the American people, but there is also the
important point of the Supreme Court ruling
in favor of a group of people, a minority of
people, who are known as atheists and thus
by their own admittance, and which is a
religious group.
Ruling as they did, the Supreme Court, in
a very real sense, did cater to the religion of
atheism: thus we can readily see the grave
danger which a group of men could lead us
to experience if such power as they now seem
to possess is not removed from their
clutches. To allow such to continue will, in
my opinion, lead to the setting up of
atheism as a, or perhaps the, religion of the
land.
Although the Baptist Joint Committee and
others have been and are opposing congres-
sional passage of the Frank J. Becker amend-
ment, and though the Southern Baptist Con-
vention, the Nation's biggest Protestant
denomination, went on record at their
recent meeting (May 1984) in Atlantic City,
N.J., as opposing such amendment to the
Constitution, such action by no means repre-
sents all Southern Baptists, who now number
10.4 million, for let us take note of the fact
that the number present at this meeting in
Atlantic City was in the thousands; there-
fore, I contend that so few cannot possibly
speak for so many, who perhaps have not
been heard in this regard. It is true that
those present met, spoke, perhaps debated,
and voted as messengers from Southern Bap-
tist churches and as the Southern Baptist
Convention in one of its yearly sessions, but
the voices, sentiments, convictions of all
Southern Baptist churches, members were
not included.
It is my prayerful concern that all neces-
sary efforts be put forth in securing the con-
gressional passage of "the Frank J. Becker
amendment to the U.S. Constitution."
Please note that House Joint Resolution
693 (88th Cong.), which is the proposed
prayer amendment to the Constitution "does
Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160053-3
 A4190
Approved For-Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-I DP66B00403R000200160053-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX August 7
not seek to change the first amendment. but
only to clarify its meaning, and thereby pre-
vent and defeat future attacks on the spir-
itual heritage of our Nation, as evidenced in
currnt suits to remove '? ? ? under God
? ? ?' from the Pledge of Allegiance and
deny tax exemptions to churches. Chap-
lains in the Armed Forces, and the motto. 'In
God We Trust on our coins and currency
are also being threatened as 'unconstitu-
tional."' (From "Fact Sheet on the Pro-
posed Prayer Amendment to the Constitu-
tion; House Joint Resolution 893 (88th
Cong.).")
Following Is the amendment's text:
"SECTION 1. Nothing in this Constitution
shall be deemed to prohibit the offering
from, or listening to prayers or Biblical
Scriptures, if participation therein is on a
Voluntary basis, in any governmental or
public school, institution, or place.
"SEC. 2. Nothing in this Constitution shall
be deemed to prohibit making reference to
belief in, reliance upon, or invoking the aid
of God or a Supreme Being in any govern-
mental or public document, proceedings, ac-
tivity, ceremony, school, institution, or
place, or upon any coinage, currency, or
obligation of the United States.
"Sac. 3. Nothing in this article shall con-
stitute an establishment of religion.
"Sac. 4. This article shell be inoperative
unless it shall have been ratified as an
amendment to the Constitution by the leg-
islatures of three-fourths of the several
States within seven years from the date of
its submission to the States by the Con-
1
gress."
"Blessed Is the nation whose God is the
Lord." Psalm SO: 12.
"Righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin
Is a reproach to any people." Proverbs
14: 34.
Rev. CLAun L. AssuRY.
MCCOLL. B.C.
FACT SHEET ON THE PROPOSED PRAYER AMEND-
MENT TO THE CONSThyT[ON (N.J. RES. 693,
88TH CONG.)
The amendment's authors
House Joint Resolution 693 was authored
by a committee of six Congressmen (three
Democrats and three Republicans) with the
aid of constitutional lawyers and legislative
counsel. This committee was appointed by
more than 60 Members of the House who
had introduced similar resolutions, and
wished to arrive at one text acceptable to
all. Congressman FRANK J. BECKER, the
committee's chairman, Introduced House
Joint Resolution 693 on September 10, 1963.
The amendment's purpose
To restore the inherent American right to
the "* ? ? free exercise * ? ?" of religion,
as guaranteed by the first amendment to the
Constitution. Decisions of the Supreme
Court in 1962 and 1963 declared unconsti-
tutional the practice of prayer and Bible
reading in our public schools, and the
amendment seeks to restore this right. The
amendment would also prevent future at-
tacks on the spiritual heritage of our Nation,
as evidenced In current suits tp remove
"? ? * under God ? * 0" from the' Pledge
of Allegiance and deny tax exemption to
churches, . Chaplains in the Armed Forces,
and the motto, "In God We Trust" on our
coins and currency are also being threatened
as "unconstitutional," House Joint Resolu-
tion 693. does not seek to change the first
amendment, but only to clarify Its meaning,
and thereby defeat attacks such as those out-
lined above.
The amendment's text
"SECTION 1. Nothing in this Constitution
shall be deemed to prohibit the offering,
reading from, or listening to prayers or Bibli-
cal Scriptures, If participation therein is on
a voluntary basis, In any governmental or
public school, institution, or place.
"Soc. 2. Nothing in this Constitution shall
be deemed to prohibit making reference to
belief In, reliance upon, or invoking the aid
of God or a Supreme Being in any govern-
mental or public document, proceeding, so-
tivity, ceremony, school. Institution, or place,
or upon any coinage, currency, or obligation
of the United States.
"Sac. S. Nothing in this article shall con-
stitute an establishment of religion.
"Sac. 4. This article shall be inoperative
unless it shall have been ratified as an
amendment to the Constitution by the legis-
latures of three-fourths of the several States
within seven years from the date of its
submission to the States by the Congress."
What you can do
Write to your Congressman, telling him
of your support for the prayer amendment:
Peel free to use any of the arguments cited
In the enclosure and urge him to sign dis-
charge petition No. 3, reminding him that
this petition Is the only means to insure
Ear the Congress a chance to vote on the
amendment before adjournment. He may
reply that he has Introduced an amend-
ment himself. Write again, and remind
him that discharge petition No. 3 only af-
fects House Joint Resolution 693. and that
he may offer his own amendments to that bill
If it comes to the floor of the House. At
the present time 186 Congressmen have
signed the petition-- of the 218 required to
free the resolution from committee. Mine is
the first signature on the petition.
Keep this in mind
Congressman Becker has said, "I cannot
sit Idly by and permit the advocates of a
Godless society to accomplish in the United
States what the Communists have accom-
plished In Soviet Russia. I have provided
the legislative Instrument ? ? ? but the
real job must be done by the people them-
selves. They must let their Congressmen
*know how they feel If we are to succeed."
Fight Like a Man
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 4, 1964
Mr. DEROUN AN, Mr. Speaker, it
took a lady to tell some to "fight like a
man" in the coming campaign.
Liberal journalistic establishments
generally pronounce pious platitudes
about guilt by association, innuendos,
and smear, but sometimes they use these
very low type tactics against someone
they do not like; to wit, Senator GOLD-
WATER.
Clare Boothe Luce, In a hard-hitting
article in last Sunday's New York Herald
Tribune, wipes away the phoniness and
tells these same liberals to stop hiding
behind words.
CLata BOOTHE Luca
If anyone will take the trouble to look up
the word extremism In the dictionary, he
will find the only political definition given
to It is "radicalism," and that the dictionary
uses extremist as a synonym for a political
radical. It defines a radical as "one who
advocates radical and sweeping changes in
the laws and methods of government with
the least delay." Now Senator GoLDWATER is
a conservative, and the dictionary definition
of a conservative Is one who is "disposed to
maintain existing Institutions or views; op-
posed to change; designating, pertaining to,
or characteristic of a political party which
favors conservation of existing institutions
and forms of government."
If there Is any meaning whatever in words
(or any sense to the dictionary), Senator
GoinwATER and his supporters are the very
opposite of political extremists.
In his acceptance speech, Senator BARRY
OoLDwA'raR made a brave but unsuccessful
attempt to stop the widespread, incorrect use
of the word "extremism" by both Republicans
and Democrats. Defining the task of Re-
publicanism as "preserving and enlarging
freedom at home and of safeguarding it from
the forces of tyranny abroad," he said, "Let
out Republicanism be ? * * so dedicated
(to this task as) not to be made fuzzy and
futile by unthinking labels. I would remind
you that extremism in the defense of liberty
is no vice."
By this ne clearly meant that It is no vice
to defend liberty (to use the phrases more
commonly heard) "at all costs," "by every
means," "to the utmost, f.e., to the extreme
limits of our capacities." -
THE ENEMIES
Nowhere Is the desperate desire of the
Senator's political enemies to conceal what
the man really meant-and really stands
for-seen more clearly than in the uproar
they have made about this effort to get rid
of catchall phrases and Imprecise labels, and
to get on with the honest business of calling
political spades spades. His failure must be
measured by the even greater failure of his
political enemies to give any definition of
the words extremism or extremists on which
all reasonable Americans--Democrats or Re-
publicans-can agree.
The fact is, as currently used, the words are
as empty of intellectual content as howls,
snarls, boos, or hisses. They are visceral, not
cerebral, sounds, full of fury signifying noth-
ing but a bellyful of unpleasant and hateful
emotions, or possibly a headful of words
which the people who use them are either
too cautious, or too cowardly, to utter.
I say, you politicians, editors, commenta-
tors, have you all turned into mice? Now If
you think a man is a Nazi, a Fascist, a Com-
munist, a Ku Kluxer, racist, anti-Catholic,
or anti-Semite, then stop cringing behind the
word extremist and stand up squarely and
call him that. The worst that can happen
to you Is that he will retort either by calling
you one of these names back-or if not that,
a liar, a swearer, a character assassin. No:
the worst is hell sue you for slander. (In
my view, Ike should have sued a slanderer
like Robert Welch for his last F.D.R. dime, or
anyway have got the satisfaction of seeing
him certified as wacky. I'm hoping that
BARRY is keeping a careful little list of those
who have called him a Nazi. People like Gov.
Pat Brown, of California, ought to be good for
a couple of years' salary.)
THE BIRCHERS
Or take the John Birchers. Do you think
they are traitors, or Nazis, or Brown Shirts?
If you do. why horse around with a lily-
livered coverup word like extremists? But
If you don't think they are disloyal Ameri-
cans. then find the right word for what you
do think they are. The English language is
full of juicy terms of opprobrium. You have
% choice of kooks, nuts, dopes, bigots, cranks,
fuzz brains, goons, frenetic flag wavers, pa-
triotic hopheads, star-spangled bananas-or
whatever you have in your typewriter today,
gentlemen, that will put a little more strain
on your brain than extremists. And why-
in the name of justice-do you want to let
off the Ku Kluxers with this fuzzy word,
when lawbreakers, terrorists, torturers, ar-
sonists, racists, murderers are so much more
graphic?
It seems to me that smart politicians who
hope to win elections would do well to take
BARRY'S hint and get off this "extremism"
Approved For Release 2005/02/10 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200160053-3