WARMAKING POLICIES OF THE UNITED STATES IN ASIA

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• Collection: General CIA Records
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• Publication Date: August 19, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

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1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 19831
society, and concentrate their efforts In those
points,and places which are key-not only
because.. of their potentiality for influence
but also because of their capacity for demo.
craticleadershi
Ican think of no propositions more widely
accepted in Washington than these. Our As-
sistant Secretary of State for Inter-Ameri-
can Affairs, Thomas C. Mann, who regretted
very much Indeed that he could not be here
today, and whose special greetings I bring to
you, had this to s4"`1e'ss than a month ago: 3
"I should like to state, in the very begin-
ning-and to say it very clearly-that the
Government and people of the United States
do not forget that their own Nation was born
In revolution. "Nor can we forget that the
process of social, economic, and political
change in our'countryhas been continuous
since 1776. It still goes on. We still seek
that kind of change which will bring about
"We therefore have a natural sympathy
and affinity for those government`s who seek
change and progress. Those governments
which institute bold, soundly conceived pro-
grams of reform designed to achieve national
and Individual freedom, a'high and sustained
level of economic growth, a greater degree of
social justice, and equal opportunity for all
to rise as high in society as their talents and
efforts will take them, will find warmhearted
sympathy in Washington."
That Secretary Mann's position Is sup-
ported in depth by the highest authority, of
the U.S. Government"ls equally clear. Presi-
dent Johnson himself recently said. "To struggle to stand still in Latin America
is just to 'throw the sand against the wind.'
"We must, of course, always be on -guard
'against Communist subversion. But anti-
coiininunisnt alone will never suffice to in-
sure our, liberty or fulfill our dreams. That
is going to take leadership, leadership that
Is dedicated to economic progress without un-
066h6thic privilege,` to social change which
enhances social justice, to political reform
which widens human freedom."
Likewise at his meeting with ambas-
sadors at the White House on May 11, 1964,
to review the Alliance for Progress, Presi-
"We will continue to join with you to en-
courage democracy until we build a hemi-
sphere of free nations from the Tierra del
Fuego to the Arctic Circle.
"But the charter of the Alliance is not
confined to political democracy. It com-
nlazids a peaceful, democratic, social revolu-
,
tiorl across the hemisphere. It calls upon us
to throw open the gates of opportunity * ' '*
to the poor and to the oppressed. It asks
that unjust ,privilege be ended and that un-
fair power be curbed.
The President said, "We say now, if a
peaceful revolution is impossible, a violent
THE LATIN AMERICAN FRONTLINE
President Johnson was addressing himself
to this hemisphere-to those "20 nations
* * * who take strength from the richness of
their diversity." ? And what he said has
particular relevance to this hemisphere be-
cause of . the changing world challenge we
have been discussing this morning. For at
the height of the cold war, the American Re-
publics were geographically not on the front-
lines. Although presumably no one wanted
to be closer to the frontlines, there was a feel-
ing in some quarters that less attention was
being paid to our hemispheric problems be-
cause of their distance from the fray.
The converse is true under today's condi-
tions of nuclear stalemate. Today the prob-
lems confronting this hemisphere move more
and more to the forefront. They become less
and less distinguishable from the problems
which the new forms of Communist aggres-
sion present worldwide. Vast oceans protect
us less against these new forms than they did
against the old. Targets for Communist at-
tention in the Americas are now as inviting
as they are anywhere in Africa, or the Middle
East, or in south and southeast Asia.
Indeed, Latin America may appear to Mos-
cow and Peiping to be especially valuable ex-
perimentally. In a sense the Communists
may :think they can risk more in Latin
America. Cuba was a risk. The Communists
lost gravely there in October 1962, but they
by no means lost everything. Moreover,
there is a special advantage which the Com-
munists think they see in this hemisphere.
They hope to manipulate in a direct way
whatever specific anti-United States feeling
they can find. They tell themselves that they
can find it here in the Western Hemisphere
more than elsewhere, and they would like
to exploit the opportunity for as much as it
is worth.
This hemisphere of ours has a rich and
politically honored tradition' against "inter-
vention" from the outside, a feeling which we
North Americans came to respect after a few
unhappy and misguided attempts to infringe
upon it ourselves in the Central American
and Caribbean areas two generations ago.
Yet as Communist-inspired threats to the
peace and violations of human rights begin
to occur increasingly within countries, rather
than by direct aggression across borders, the
ambit of our common interest grows. It does
so In spite of our deep convictions for "sov-
ereignty" and against "intervention." We
all, in fact, have a stake in each successful
popular government in the hemisphere.
In this connection the international com-
munity, too, will have to address itself in-
creasingly to new, imaginative, and legal
means for the internal safeguarding of our
common interests. Recent United Nations
activities in the Congo, Cyprus, and now
Cambodia are hopeful examples of inter-
national action legitimatizing international
intervention, just as the OAS action at the
time of the Cuban missile crisis provided a
necessary legal basis for inspection-by-re-
connaissance over Cuba against a threat
which endangered the whole hemisphere.
Then, too, there is another form of in-
ternational involvement going on which
will affect us more and more-an increasing
internationalization of specialists. Military
experts and advisers from various countries
will be called upon, often under international
auspices, for service in a variety of ways in
foreign lands. Increasing attention is be-
ing paid to the new role of armies in transi-
tional societies: the active furtherance in an
orderly manner of the processes of progres-
sive change. Successful experience in Latin
America could become an invaluable labo-
ratory for useful transplantation elsewhere.
But most of all, this new, diverse, differ-
entiated world confronts us all with
choices-with opportunities for deliberate
preferences in the reordering of our
priorities.
For you as for us, there will be decisions
on the proper allocation of resources to and
within your military budgets. There will be
decisions on how to shape and keep power
appropriate to your real needs.
a Ibid., June 1, 1964, p. 857. For you as for us, it will be necessary to
*Ibid.,'May 11, 1964, p. 726. warn against overoptimism, false assump-
Ibid? June 1, 1964, p. 854. tions, and temptations toward collective
For an addresp by President Johnson on 'streaks of indecisiveness. There will be the
the third anniver?ary of the Alliance for problem of acting when action is required,
Prpgress, see ibid., Apr. 6,,1964, p. 536. at the same time as we resist impulses for
cheap victories, short-term results, simple
slogans, and easy solutions.
For you as for us, there will be the neces-
sity to follow several policies at once, taking
initiatives all the while we hedge against
their failure. There will be certain in-
herited and declining situations which seem
to have gone beyond the point of reversal
or arrest. There will be new claims on your
attention and new appeals for your support.
For you as for us, answering the demand
for economic and social progress will become
essential, not only as an ideological prefer-
ence but as a strategic necessity. In the
struggle we face, economic growth and social
reform are as critically important as military
strength itself. We in the United States are
still committed wholeheartedly to all three.
As the leaders of the American Armed
Forces, you have a,unique chance to influ-
ence these developments in a favorable di-
rection. In many cases you alone can pro-
vide the crucial margin of influence which
will spell success or failure. You know, bet-
ter than most others, that power cannot in-
definitely become a substitute for people.
In the very nature of your work you have op-
portunities to set the course of your coun-
tries toward progress rooted in popular in-
volvement, motivation, training,civic action,
and citizenship-identifying yourselves with,
and working among, the people whom armies
and navies and air forces are supposed to
serve. I know that there is a growing ap-
preciation in Washington and elsewhere
that many of you are already doing just that.
Everywhere all of our efforts are increas-
ingly mixing civilian and military ingre-
dients. Combating subversion is a typical
case in point. But the subversion of the
Communists cannot be met by subverting
the Constitution in the process. In the long
sweep of history the subversion of the right
may be just as dangerous In terms of prob-
able results for the hemisphere as the sub-
version of the left. The situation itself Is
revolutionary. We have the choice of join-
ing the revolution and channeling it into
the most constructive possible paths, or op-
posing it and delivering its leadership to
forces which can destroy most that we hold
dear. Much of what I have said, indeed,
adds up to a requirement for a "revolution
from above."
PREDICAMENT AND PROPHECY
So I return to my beginning. The search-
ing questions remain: Can we cooperate as
well without the cementing fear of immi-
nent nuclear catastrophe? Can we continue
to organize for the "common defense" at the
time when that defense is becoming more
complicated? Can we join in creating the
only lasting immunity against aggression
from without or within-the quick and ef-
fective building of better societies?
Of course there are still a good many ways
in which the world can stumble into world
war III. We could all be brought up short
again by a sudden new crisis pitting us
against the U.S.S.R. once more on familiar
cold war lines. But in the absence of such
a crisis, all of us who cherish freedom will
have to work harder together if we are to
maintain our unity and cohesion in this new
world with its emerging diversities and its
requirements for flexibility. We shall have
to consult one another more frequently and
have to search harder for new and more
imaginative forms of cooperation. We can
less and less rely on our enemies to do our
political thinking for us.
From all over the world this many-sided
challenge is taking on a new urgency: Act
now, white men, brown men, black men,
Asians, Africans, Europeans and Americans.
Act now together, creatively, ahead of chaos,
so that this new opportunity is not lost, so
that the tragic debacles of China and Indo-
china and Cuba need not become a pattern
of an even larger tragedy. Act now, for in the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19
next 10 years positive ideas, dedicated people,
and peaceful action may do what no extra
amount of guns, bombs, and bloodshed can
ever accomplish later.
As we consider the challenge to this hemi-
sphere, we can remember with profit the
lesson of Bolivar's life and work-that revolu-
tions can stagnate It they are not followed
by the release of creative social energy. In
the despair of his last days on earth, the
Liberator lamented: "To serve a revolution
is to plow the sea." "We must fearlessly lay
the foundation of South American liberty."
he had warned at an earlier moment of
victory. "To hesitate is destruction." His
warning, unheeded, had become prophetic.
And so too the time has comefor each of
us, In his own way, in his own position of
responsibility, in his own American Repub-
lic, to heed the words of Lincoln, as poignant
for our own generation as they were a hun-
dred years ago:
"The dogmas of the quiet past are Inade-
quate to the stormy present. The occasion
In piled high with difficulty, and we must
rise with the occasion. As our case is new,
so we must think anew and act anew. We
must disenthrall ourselves, and then w all
save our country."
WARMABING POLICIES 0
UNITED STATES IN ASIA
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have printed at an
appropriate place in the body of the
RECORD a sampling of the correspondence
I have received in the last few days in
support of my position concerning the
warmaking policies of the United States
in Asia.
There being no objection, the corre-
spondence was ordered to be printed in
the REcoin, as follows:
Senator MoasE: I salute thee for your mili-
tant stand against continuing the war in
Vietnam.
I salute thee for denouncing a most flag-
rant of unconstitutional moves-giving the
power to declare war to the Chief Executive
of the United States.
Your are an American.
Respectfully,
NINO J. MAIDA.
HAYWARD, CALIr.
Senator MORSE: bongratulations on the
stand you took regarding the Vietnam crisis.
I can't Imagine the courage it took for you
to stand alone in the Senate on this issue.
This is just a note to thank you for that
courage. Too bad I can't vote for you next
time.
God bless you,
CHARLES Pu'riEY.
AuovsT 4, 1964.
As citizens and active Democratic club
members, deeply concerned for maintaining
peace, wishing to express our attitudes to-
ward foreign policy Democratic administra-
tion, we have resolved urge you as we have
urged President Johnson to continue all ef-
forts toward solution of the grave situa-
tion in southeast Asia, not through unilateral
military action and reaction but by honor-
able negotiation through United Nations.
STUDIO CITY DEMOCRATIC CLUB.
THousawD OAKS,
August 12, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I thank you for your courage
and understanding Of the world situation.
I am referring in particular to Vietnam.
There are too few of you.
It was like a voice in the wilderness.
I have watched closely U.S. politics for
over 50 years. It frightens me.
I saw bodies washed ashore in the First
World War. I cried then and I have cried
since when I think of all the unnecessary
suffering, grief, and devastation caused by
avarice, greed, and lust for power.
Again, in 1947, I saw the terrible havoc war
causes. I saw Europe In shock. I beard
then and I still hear cries of anguish of the
innocent victims, children, nick, old, and
helpless. Why? How long?
It must not happen again. You, the Sen-
ator from Alaska, and a few, too few, men
in high places must arouse the inarticulate
people whose very existence depends on
peace.
Thank you again for giving a little hope.
Sincerely,
Mrs. INCA LEE DEISTS.
ALDERwooD MANOR. WASH.,
August 13, 1964.
Hon. Senator WAYNE MORSE.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Thank you for revealing to us
the truth about the Vietnam attack.
It takes courage to do that and you have it.
Very truly,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I commend your
courageous and principled vote against the
resolution which, as you said. was a "pre-
dated declaration of war."
It is deplorable that the excellent
speeches against our dangerous and immoral
involvement In South Vietnam, made by you
and Senator GauElvxNO, have not been ade-
quately covered in the press here. I am sure
that it more Americans knew the facts of
our actions In Vietnam there would be more
support for the position you so ably advocate.
Sincerely yours.
LYLE and BARBARA MERCER.
STUDIO CITY, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
The Honorable WAYNE MORSE,
Senator, State o/ Oregon,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire and respect
the statement you made concerning our at-
tack upon North Vietnam. Your high ideals
and concern for ethical principles has cer-
tainly gained my admiration for a long time.
I thought I would drop you a note and tell
you that I am behind you. I am sure that
God's universal laws are fighting with you
in the attempt you are making to bring our
people to a realistic and spiritual under-
standing of their world responsibilities.
Sincerely yours.
RAYMOND K. Rms.
MIAMI, FLA.,
August 17,1964-
lion. SENATOR Wav NE MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: It is certainly gratifying that
someone Is vocal about this Vietnam hysteria.
Why should we force our values at the cost of
our children's lives upon people whose out-
look and way of life are totally different from
ours and beside, live on the other aide of the
planet? Awareness to Castro and other sub-
versives is evident. But risking war with
12 million Chinese glaring at us seems as
futile as to help Rumania or Bulgaria escape
from the Iron Curtain. Repulsive dictator
De Gaulle has his big feet on the ground
when be speaks of neutralization. I hope our
leaders will listen to commonsense.
Respectfully.
THERESE DE CORIOLIS.
HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
August 14, 1964.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I think it appropriate
that Americans from all parts of the country
not merely your own constituents, make
known to you their appreciation for the con-
sistent courage, sobriety, and devotion to
principle which you demonstrate in the con-
duct of your office. Your willingness to be
the lonely if not the lone voice for rationality
and peace in the Senate, as evidenced by your
recent vote against the Vietnam war resolu-
tion beneats all Americans, not merely those
who elect you. The courage required to re-
sist the juggernaut of war hysteria is ad-
mirable. This Is particularly true in an era
like the.present one in which in one short
generation we have seen developed in our
country, a large, rich, bureaucratic Military
Establishment, a strong know-nothing right-
wing movement and an intimidated middle-
of-the-road body politic that is becoming
as fearful of being called liberal as it was a
decade ago of being called radical.
On behalf of numerous colleagues and
friends In the Los Angeles area, I wish to ex-
press our thanks to you for your courage and
your wisdom and our hope that we and all
Americans will continue to benefit from
them for many years to come.
Sincerely yours,
NORMAN G. RUDMAN.
BERKFL FY, CALIF.,
August 12, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I should like to ex-
press both my admiration for your courage
in your solitary fight against the U.S. policy
in Vietnam. and my support for the princi-
ples you have enunciated in this fight. With-
out doubt, U.S. policy toward southeast Asia
is not only morally wrong, but also politically
foolish; morally, we now symbolize a reac-
tionary power determined to prevent any
national, social revolution; politically we
have the effect of pushing the nonalined
Asian and African countries into the Red
Chinese sphere.
Please keep up your dissent.
SYBIL WEIR.
EDMONDS, WASH.,
August 12, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Please be advised your
stand on "aid" and Asia greatly appreciated.
Good thing someone tries to correct things.
GRANT RILEY.
P.S.-I have heard many favorable com-
ments on your efforts on this as well as the
oil lobby.
WOODINVILLE, WASH.,
August 9, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Please accept my
thanks for the way that you voted on the
recent Vietnam legislation. I am fully aware
that I am probably in the minority on this
Issue, but it is extremely pleasant to know
that there Is at least one U.S. Senator who
is seriously concerned.with preventing the
outbreak of a third world war.
I hope your vote will help to influence
some of your colleagues.
Sincerely,
FEDERAL WAY, WASH.,
August 11, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is the first time
In my 63 years that I have written to a Con-
gressman. I'm not proud of this and men-
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1964 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
tion It only to emphasize the esteem in which
I hold your actions and record in Congress.
I certainly do not know if you are always
ght, but right or wrong,' it least you do
ri
not Imitate`a sheep. In fact, you remind me
of those 12. "willful Senators" of the World
War I era. Borah, Norris, and others. Per-
haps I admire you because I suppose that I
am an isolationist, I don't know whether
or not you are, but'I really became enthused
today in listening to an interview (over
radio) in which you stated that we are some-
times the aggressor and also squander our
money throughout the world.
I would like it if you were a Senator from
my State. I hope providence will give you
a long, and I am sure a useful life.
Very truly yours,
HAROLD C. NIMRICK.
WASHINGTON COURT HOUSE, OHIO,
August 13, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
DEAR SENATOR: I want to thank you for
your words and vote on the war in Vietnam.
.Unless our country can develop an intelli-
gent and strong opposition, I despair of
democratic government.
Thank you and may your courage increase.
Sincerely yours,
WILBUR W. KAMP.
P.S.-Sorry my Senators couldn't vote with
you.
REDOING, CALIF.,
August 11, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: I wish to express my
agreement with and appreciation of your
opposition to President Johnson's recent ac-
tion in bombing North Vietnam. I believe it
was a grave abuse of power, and in the long
run can have only tragic results.
It was encouraging that you pointed out
the moral significance of the action, for sure-
ly war is immoral and we must be held ac-
countable for the havoc and death that we
have imposed upon a helpless people with
our backing of South Vietnam.
It is sad that there are so few in our Gov-
ernment that are capable of reasoned and
independent action, and I hope that you will
still find the courage to speak out for peace
and right. I am sure that there are many
who are grateful to you as I am.
Yours sincerely,
'Mrs. GRACE SMITH.
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.,
august 14, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
Senator WAYNE MORSE: Your fighting abil-
ity to expose the South Vietnam brush fire
war is appreciated by the people who think.
One million dollars a day could buy a lot
of rice and still build friendly relations with
peoples of "the World.
International trade with all nations is the
only way to maintain the peace of the world.
Any other way is death for all.
' MONTELL T. KINSTAD.
SAN ANSELMO, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
Hon. WAYssE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
Dear,BENATOR "MoiisE May I express to you
my unbounded approval and admiration of
your voting against the President's emer-
gency resolution re southeast Asia and hearty
agreement that the resolution is "a predated
declaration of war."
I believe that U.S. intervention in South
Vietnam should cease, not be increased.
No. 163-34
From reading the "Memo on Vietnam" by
D. McReynolds and A. J. Muste, published
by the War Resisters League, 6 Beekman
Street, N.Y., I cannot but feel that the U.S.
policy there has been one of utter folly and
futility, both politically and militarily.
There is good reason to suppose that the
Indochinese states could, if they were left
to be neutral and Independent, could do the
same thing in regard to China as Yugoslavia,
Albania, and Rumania have done in relation
to U.S.S.R. Chinese domination over Indo-
china is not inevitable but it is made more
certain by the intransigence of current Amer-
ican policy.
China will accept neutral or independent
Communist states to her south, but she will
not tolerate an American base on her borders,
as she demonstrated at great cost to every-
one in Korea.
It is my earnest hope that all peace minded
and liberal people and organization will speak
out now, uncompromisingly, for the immedi-
ate end of the war in South Vietnam and de-
mand support of plans toward the neutral-
ization of the Indochinese states, ending
all attempts to draw them into our pattern
of military alliances.
Most respectfully yours,
ROSALIND WATKIN.
PHILADELPHIA, PA.,
August 14, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I commend you
for your dissenting vote on the fight-if-we-
must resolution introduced by President
Johnson.
I agree with you on the Vietnam situation.
I only regret that our Congress has so few
clear thinking statesmen as yourself and
Senator ERNEST GRUENING.
Respectfully,
WOODSTOCK, N.Y.,
August 14, 1964.
HOE. WAYNE B. MORSE,
U.S. Senator,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Enclosed is a copy of
a letter I sent to the New York Times. I
thought it might be of interest to you. If
you, or perhaps Senator GRUENING, should by
any chance wish to make use of it, you are
free to do so.
Sincerely,
EDWARD SCHINDELER.
"WOODSTOCK,-K Y.,
"August 11, 1964.
"THE EDITOR,
"The New York Times,
"New York, N.Y.
"DEAR SIR: In the wake of last week's crisis
in southeast Asia, some things were done and
some things were said that in their political
and moral significance may well prove to be
of greater and more lasting importance than
the event which evoked them, serious and
ugly though this was in itself. First in point
of time and weightiness was the passage of
the resolution giving the President practi-
cally blanket power to escalate the Vietnam
conflict by taking whatever military action he
may personally deem warranted by events or
conditions. By this action the Congress sur-
rendered by an almost unanimous vote the
power specifically vested in itself in article 8,
to 'declare war'; and, in the parlance of the
time, to 'grant letters of marque and reprisal,
and make rules concerning captures on land
and water'-or, in effect, to regulate whatever
belligerent action the tithe and place would
justify or require, in the judgment of the
"Following the passage of the resolution
President Johnson, in expressing his satis-
19833
faction, said: 'I am sure the American peo-
ple join me in expressing the deepest ap-
preciation to the leaders and members of
both parties * * * for their patriotic, resolute
and rapid action.' In the total absence
of proof, the President at the very least
was guilty of overweening conceit in presum-
ing to speak for the American people on so
momentous an issue. Merely on the basis
of casual talk, this writer is convinced that
he is not speaking for himself alone in (a)
challenging Mr. Johnson's confident assump-
tion of all but unanimous approval of his own
actions and congressional servility, and (b)
voicing a strenuous protest both on behalf
of dissenting Senators MORSE and GRUENING
and those citizens who are in agreement
with them, against the gross and libelous
implication that they are deficient in pa-
triotism as well as resolution. Far from
wanting to bestow praise on Congress for
its hasty, if not hysterical, acquiescence on
the strength of what Senator MORSE came
close to describing as a deliberately U.S.-
provoked crisis, we not only deplore the
'rapid' surrender of its much publicized
and tirelessly taught function of providing
a check and balance to executive power, but
see the congressional action as a craven ab-
dication of its moral as well as political re-
sponsibility in direct contravention of the
unspoken mandate they have from the peo-
ple to uphold the Constitution and do noth-
ing to weaken or undermine it.
"It remained for one of the more univer-
sally respected Senators to supply the clue
to the congressional reasoning that led
to the precipitant granting of the President's
demands. Senator GEORGE D. AIKEN said:
'I am still apprehensive of the outcome of
the President's decision, but * * * as a citizen
I feel I must support our President whether
his decision is right or wrong.'
"This is a restatement in personal terms of
Stephen Decatur's 'My country right or
wrong.' And since the Decatur dictum is
mostly oratorical balderdash because one's
country, whether in the abstract sense or in
the physical can never be wrong, we are
obliged to Senator AIKEN for correctly inter-
preting Decatur's 'country' to stand for noth-
ing more than the party or President in
power, and in doing so, to expose it for the
unwarranted submission to temporal political
figureheads it apostrophizes by indirection.
"Unfortunately, the Senator did not ap-
pear aware of the enormity contained in his
words. We take it as axiomatic that a free
citizen does not give his conscience in the
keeping of another, whether he be an alder-
man or a President. This would be so even
if the President were as towering a figure as
Washington or Jefferson or Lincoln, i.e., of
a moral and 'intellectual or humanitarian
caliber that has long been absent from the
Washington scene. We submit that it is
the citizen's civic as well as his moral duty
to oppose wrongness on every level. To do
otherwise is to become a party and accessory
to wrongdoing and result in a culpability
that, at this juncture, may range from sim-
ple involvement in local or domestic villainy
to the heinous crime of abetting a universal
atomic holocaust with the destruction for
eons to come of such measure of civilization
as mankind has achieved to date.
"EARL SCHINDELER."
Hon. WAYNE MORSE:
Please find enclosed clippings which may
be of interest for your office file. The Chris-
tian Science Monitor's statement that fur-
ther involvement is "unavoidable" sounds
like predestination. Even if our policy in
Asia were entirely morally correct it would
not change the fact that our course of action
is Irrational.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19
A good military commander does not attack
a position which he knows he can't take just
because he knows it should be his hill.
What is most disturbing is the apparent
lack of any serious advance planning with
a presentation of clear-cut realistic alterna-
tives.
As my letter indicates I commend you and
Senator ERNEST ORUENING for your courage
on this Issue.
Sincerely,
PRINCETON, N.J.,
August 17, 1964.
HOn. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENA'DR MORSE: Just a note to let
you know that you have not been speaking
to an entirely inattentive audience. For
what it is worth, you have my support in
your protest against the administration's
policies in South Vietnam. I suppose it is
too much to hope that American political
parties could speak and act sensibly in for-
eign affairs during an election year, but I
think you are to be commended for the effort;
and I hope you will keep trying.
I have been out of the country a good por-
tion of the past month and have not seen
verbatim copies of your speeches. If you
have any reprints available, I would like very
much to see them.
Sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 17, 1964.
Hon. ERNEST GRUENING,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR GRQENING: Thank you very
much for your letter of August 13 and for
the copy of the CONGRESSIONAL REcoin of
August 11. 1964, pages 18426-18452. 1. was
particularly interested in the list of loans
appearing at pages 18428 and 18429, all of
them for 40 years. It might as well have
been 1,000 years, as none of them will ever
be repaid. The purposes for which these
so-called loans were made are simply in-
credible. I note that the total of the loans
made by the AID during the calendar year
1963, at three-fourths of 1 percent interest
(on money borrowed by us at, I suppose,
about 3 percent) Is $1,057,925,000. 1 confi-
dently venture the assertion that most of this
money was wasted and am amazed that even
the bureaucrats who dandle these matters
would not have better sense.
Referring to the Vietnam venture, you
were quoted recently In some publication as
saying that that entire enterprise was not
worth the life of one American soldier. I
am in complete agreement With that senti-
ment.
Query: Although the President of the
United States Is Commander in Chief of the
Army and Navy, does he have the power to
send American soldiers to risk their lives In
wars between contending political factions
in other countries? The Congress is the
only agency which has the power to declare
war, and it has not done so, Is our Inter-
ference In South Vietnam anything more
than a private enterprise undertaken by
Kennedy and now continued, in a greatly
amplified form, by Johnson? I hope there
will be additional voices raised in the Con-
gress against our interference in a fight
between political factions in a tiny coun-
try 10,000 miles away in which we have no
legitimate interest.
Very truly yours,
WALTER L. NOSSAMAN.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this
.note to express my appreciation and support
of your courageous action in speaking and
voting against the resolution endorsing the
President's recent military action in North
Vietnam and any such military actions as
he may wish to take at any time in the
future.
I know that many more Americans agree
with you than are willing to express their
agreement, and that most Americans would
agree it they were not misinformed by the
self-censored media of mass communication.
I hope that some future President will
make our actions in international affairs
conform to our Image of ourselves as cham-
pions of freedom and decency.
Sincerely.
MARVIN Mn.LER,
MORRISVILLE, PA.,
August 17, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For being so consist-
ent In your fight to do what is humanly right,
may I commend you. So few have spoken
so forthright as you before the U.S. Senate
In condemning this insidious war In Vietnam.
What blinds our Congress in endorsing
this needless fight that can only lead to
total destruction for everyone? Your cour-
age and brilliance and love of human life
make you outstanding.
Long life to you and may you be strong to
continue to speak for the defenseless people.
Sincerely,
BROOKLYN, N.Y.,
August 17, 1964,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: From time to time, your
statements In the U.S. Senate in opposition
to our Government's policy in the Far Rest-
especially with respect to events in South
Vietnam--have been reported in the press.
I find your opposition to the administra-
tion's disastrous course very enlightening.
It is regrettable that few such voices are to
be found in Congress.
r would very much appreciate it if you
could send me reprints of your many speeches
dejling with this subject.
Sincerely yours,
LAHEwooD, CALIF.,
August 14, 1964.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DAR SENATOR MossE: This note Is just to
let you know how greatly r and my friends
honor you and Senator GEVENING for your
continuing and effective opposition to our
illegal involvement in South Vietnam. It
took courage of a special order to vote "No"
on the resolution giving broad powers to
President Johnson. I am reminded of Rep-
resentative Jeannette Rankin who twice said
"I cannot vote for war." She gave up her
political career In thus voting her conscience.
But she will be long remembered.
I do what I can through Women Strike for
Peace. and just yesterday we heard Gail Eaby
(of Inglewood, Calif.) telling of her trip to
The Hague with the NATO Women's Peace
Force, to protest the spreading of nuclear
weapons, through NATO, to West Germany
and other nations. We deplore in particular
the secrecy currently being imposed-so that
details of the atomic agreements cannot be
seen even by the Congress, except for mem-
bers of two committees.
No nuclear weapons to Germany, now or
later.
No need for you to reply; your valuable
time can be put to better use in carrying on
the struggle.
Sincerely,
NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.,
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I commend
you on your statement on our presence in
South Vietnam. Be courageous dear Sena-
tor, we are with you.
Thankfully yours,
NORTH HOLLYWOOD, CALIF.
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: I enjoyed
your speech on the Senate floor. Continue
your good work. We all are rooting for you.
Thankfully yours,
BREMERTON, WASH.,
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I fully support your
opposition to the escalation of the war in
Vietnam.
I feel strongly that U.S. support of Dicta-
tor Khanh and his ambitions makes a mock-
ery of America's oft stated "commitment to
freedom."
President Johnson may need this incident
to help in his campaign and the U.S. Navy
may need this incident to justify existence
at its present size, but I certainly have no
need for more war and I doubt if the peoples
of the world need more war.
Thank you,
PORT JERVIS, N.Y.,
August 17, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MoasE,
DEAR Sea: I wish to express my gratitude
to you for your recent stand on the involve-
ment of this country in southeast Asia. As
you measured the possible loss of life and
all the attendant grief and suffering against
the possible gain and found that the lives
of our sons was more valuable, you reached.
I am sure, the only rational, and, therefore,
Christian conclusion possible.
I know it took great courage to do what
you did. I admire you and respect you and
will be eternally grateful for what you did.
I also intend to write in your name for
President in the next election. And I am
telling all my friends what I am going to do.
This brings up another point: The diffi-
culty of writing in a name on the voting
machine. I believe this is deliberately made
difficult to discourage write-ins, thus re-
taining greater control of the election by the
two major parties. I believe, sir, that the
truly worthwhile thing in the Constitution is
we can change our form of economic or social
life without resource to violence. It there-
fore follows that if the individual feels that
neither party is giving him a chance to vote
for what he wants he can do it anyway. And
it should be just as easy to vote for someone,
not endorsed by a party as it is to vote for
their candidates. Therefore, I believe the
present situation as regards to write-ins is
both illegal and unconstitutional. It does
not give equal opportunity to all candidates
and all voters. And every qualified person
in this country is a candidate.
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96k e 0 " ESSIfO1 AL sRE Okb SE A [E
trite-ins should be encouraged by making obvious, and the apparently less obvious
..
it as easy' as possible to write in a name. threat to the system of checks and balances
It, might even ultimately prevent a revolu- in our Government and likely atrophy of
tion. Because I' do not believe that we will of democratic processes resulting from such
tolerate forever governments forcibly taking an action Is foreboding for the freedom of
our sons forcibly and 'unc'onstitutionally, this Nation.
and sending thin to foreign lands, to sup- Perhaps through some fault of my own I
port governments over which we have no was not able to find in the newspapers the
control. text of your speech opposing our recent ac-
I do not'fee'i that when T'predge allegiance tions in southeast Asia. Since I do not have
to the flag I give my Government the right ready access to the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, I
to bargain my life and the lives of my sons am hoping you have copies of your speech
for the benefit of dictators and governments available for distribution. References to
who can start wars on any pretext and whose other regisrtations of protest by you and Sen-
policies are not subject to me for approval. ator GRUENING, of Alaska on the present situ-
. The constitutionality of our present voting ation in southeast Asia would be most wel-
xnachines should be tested. I believe it come also, as the coverage of the American
would be healthier and safer if we, the peo- press on legislators' views opposing a more
pie, had a better chance to nominate our aggressive policy in southeast Asia seems to
own candidates, by write-ins. ~ be at best muffled.
Once again I wish to congratulate you Sincerely yours,
I LEIF C. W. LANDBERG.
ou
t
tit
d
o y
u
e
and express my deepest gra
. am sure you will be blessed for your courage
and integrity.
GEQRGE;F. MCCULLOUGI3.
IS WARTHMORE, PA.,
-August 15,1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
MY ,DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I strongly sup-
port your efforts to'brirlg about a change in
policy in regard to Vietnam.
Sincerely yours,
PALO ALTO, CALIF.,
August 14,1964.
DEAR SENATOR-:, Heartfelt thanks to you for
opposing the President s' shooting war deci-
slon-which was not even properly debated
in Congress. If the world Is saved this time,
thanks will go to such as you and Senator
GRUENING. .. ...
Respectfully,
LENA VARNECK.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 12,_1964.
HOn? WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. "Senate
Washington b.L'.
DEAR? Srn While you have consistently
shown yourself to be a man of great in-
tegrity, it rnust?be especially difficult during
this Vietnam affair, when so many, swept
up in the cold war hysteria,' refuse to let
.nationalism compromise with reason. Please
know that there are many of u''s who greatly
our courage and stand by you in
admire Y
the hope that your views, although now in
dissent, will eventually prevail.
`
l
incere
y
,
ARTHUR MARGOLIS.
JAY RUSKIN.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate.
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: In the face of overwhelming bi-
partisan support of the President's recent ac-
tions in southeast Asia, it is heartening that
at least two Senators have the courage to
question both the political and military mo-
tivations for the attack on North Vietnam
and the U.S. foreign policy in southeast Asia.
11 I have come to distrust official dispatches
to the press about the situation in Vietnam
as well as most other reportage on the ad-
ministration's most' recent war -efforts in
South Vietnam. I was particularly distfessed
to see how summarily most newspaper dis-
missed the opposition to the Point resolution
granting the President advance approval in
all steps deemed necesary by him to "repel
any attack on U.S. forces in southeast Asia."
The threat to peace hi southeast Asia, and
indeed in the world, in such an action is
SAN JOSE, CALIF.,
August 11, 1-964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In the past few
months I have become increasingly con-
cerned over the course of American policy
in southeast Asia, and ever increasingly in-
terested and gratified by your continued pub-
lic questioning of this policy. I have
learned, but only from the most indirect
sources, certainly not the press, that your
speeches before the Senate are well worth
the reading, and I should be very grateful
if I 'could somehow lay my hands on any
or all of your recent public comments op:
this subject.
Through the years I have come to rely on
you, and recently Senator CLARK, for honest
observations on American public policy. I
should like to take this opportunity to
encourage you to continue to call a spade
a spade.
Very sincerely,
CHARLES L. SULLIVAN.
RIDLEY PARK, PA.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: May I tender my
heartfelt thanks for your lonely and coura-
geous stand on the recent events in south-
east Asia. It is a frightening thing that
only you and Senator GRUENING should be
the only Senators with the sanity to oppose
these acts of war on the part of the United
States of America under the cynical guise of
freedom and democracy,
I fear for he future of my country when I
compare the deadly parallel of the lack of
response of the citizens of the United States
with that of Germany in the 1930's. Are
we bereft of every constructive emotion _and
faculty that these events go on, supported
by the "liberals" as well as the lunatic
fringe?
What has happened to Senator CLARKS
who decries the degeneration of Congress
into a "dead branch"? Must we have more
"Bays of Pigs" while the American public
remains blissfully ignorant of the most basic
facts.
Or is it more Important that President
Johnson indulge in the antiquated horse
trading and politics of a generation ago
While space age realities snuff out humani-
ties?
The God of power has made us not only
blind but mad. How far can the end be?
How soon will China have the weapons to
'retaliate in kind? In Poland in 1958 at the
Poznan Trade Fair I saw, an exhibit of Chi-
nese machine tools that were of very ad-
vanced design; so it may be sooner than the
American public dreams.
All I can hope is that your tiny minority
can grow strong enough, 'to change the
suicidal course before we go over the brink.
Most sincerely yours,
W. J. BATCHELDER.
19835
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: May I take this opportunity to
congratulate you on your recent speech in
the Senate which related to the situation in
Vietnam.
I am thoroughly In accord with your ex-
pressed sentiments regarding our policy to-
ward that unhappy land.
Though at the moment yours is, in the
Senate, a minority voice, I feel that your, views
expressed the deep-felt desires of millions of
Americans; in fact I believe yours is the
view shared by the majority; firm, honorable
negotiations under international law so that
there will be a peaceful settlement on a basis
of satisfaction of the interests of all parties
involved.
Allow me to admire your courageous stand,
and my hopes for your success.
Very truly yours,
JOHN SHIPLEY.
ALTADENA, CALIF.,
August 12, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We want you to
know how proud we were of you and Senator
GRUENING that you voted against the "pre-
dated declaration of war" on North Vietnam.
We particularly appreciate your statement to
the press charging that South Vietnam first
attacked North Vietnam islands, while our
Navy stood by.
We enclose copies of some other letters
which we have written to Members of
Congress.
And here are two fliers which were given
out (in approximately 5,000 copies each) at
a Hiroshima-Vietnam Vigil on Hollywood
Boulevard last Saturday evening, August 8.
The vigil was sponsored by the Unitarian
Fellowship for Social Justice, and some 22
peace organizations cooperated to man 12
blocks on both sides of Hollywood (just west
of Vine) with placards andleafleteers.
Yours with gratitude,
Mr. and Mrs. PAUL ORR.
ST. LOUIS, Mo.,
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The courage you dis-
played on the floor of the Senate in the dis-
cussion of President Johnson's support reso-
lution on Vietnam is rare indeed in present
day American political life.
This kind of honest, righteous, individ-
uality is the highest form of patriotism, in
the best traditions of Americanism.
Sincerely,
MIDDLETOWN, CONN.,
August 16, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like to ex-
press my gratitude to you for your coura-
geous and rational stand on the war in Viet-
nam, and especially for your excellent speech
against the August 5 resolution.
It is indeed disheartening to see that you
and Senator GRUENING are the only Members
of the Senate to have voted against the
resolution. Equally depressing is it to see
the lack of public protest against so blatant
an act of aggression as the U.S. bombarding
of North Vietnam.
We can only hope that the people of our
country will rouse themselves to their nec-
essary responsibilities before it is too late.
.Your outspokenness on this Issue is hope-
fully a step in that direction. So few people
in positions of national influence have the
guts to talk up. That is why I write to you,
something I have never done before; to say
that, in my opinion, your position on South
Vietnam is the only honest, human, and sen-
sible way of looking at it. With the current,
willful misrepresentation of the facts by the
press, administration, etc., it is difficult to
see how the citizens of this country will ever
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19
learn enough to make them realize what is
going on.
You have been the true representative of
the American people whether they know it or
not. Please continue.
Sincerely yours,
NEWCASTLE, CALM.,
August 16,1964,
DEAR SIR: I do want to'thank you from the
bottom of my heart for your views on the
Vietnam crisis. I've declared ever since our
boys were sent there, they had no business
there. Neither had our ships to be where
they were. It was an invitation for incidents
to create war. I'm so glad you said so; I only
wish you were our President for all your
life. You would save our boys' lives and
parents' heartbreak.
I'm 81 years old and have four wonderful
grandsons who deserve to keep their lives.
Do help us and thank you.
EDITH LIVINGSTON.
SKOKIE, ILL.,
Senator WAYNE MossE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
as in most all of Its foreign policies all over
the globe.
Specifically, in this communication, I plan
to give evidence on why our action in Viet-
nam is objectionable, proof of this evidence
in a somewhat novel fashion. and a solution
to the existing problems in Vietnam, This
procedure could also be applied to the rest
of our existing foreign polloy but, for a more
persuasive argument, I will consider only the
Vietnam Issue.
Thank you for taking time to read the en-
closed essay.
Respectfully yours,
SEATTLE, WAaH.
DEAR SENATOR: I approve of your stand on
the Vietnam issue. Once again you have
shown the courage of your convictions.
Which In my opinion are in the best interest
of the people of the United States and the
world.
I only wish we had more men like you
representing us in the Government. Hoping
you will continue to speak out as you have
done in the past.
I remain,
Respectfully yours.
Mr. E. L. HEALE:Y.
SEAL BEACH, CALM.,
April 14, 19G4.
There are many bullies all over the coun-
try who any we are coward if we don't stick
It out.
But they are not in danger of getting over
there.
How many Negroes has Johnson been
able to get over there? I have seen no pic-
tures of Negroes over there.
But it's the southern Senators who are
the real big warmongers-their votes have
been putting arms into most every small
country on the face of the earth.
Then we send our white American boys
over to get shot.
As bad as GOLDWATER may be I'll not vote
for Johnson, he of course has no sons in
danger.
In these wars it's always the case "let
George do It."
And Governor Wallace seems to be a war-
monger, he didn't talk against, he follows
the warmongers of the South.
Both Johnson and GOLDWATER are a couple
of first-class slickers; there really is no good
choice.
Yours,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
The Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
PACOIMA, CALIF.,
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR; May we express our great
admiration for your thoughtful and cour-
ageous speeches In the Senate concerning
our policy in Vietnam. Certainly events of
the past 10 days have proven the wisdom of
your remarks.
It is our fond,lope that not only will your
efforts in behalf of peace continue, but that
you will win many other Members of your
body to your position.
With all good wishes.
Respectfully yours,
Mr. and Mrs. BORIS H. BaATT.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to com-
mend you (as well as Senator ERNEST
GazuxnNG. to whom I am sending a similar
letter) for voting against the resolution that
was passed in the Senate on August 7, giv-
ing the President carte blanche in southeast
Asia.
my opinion this resolution-
. Is a dangerous precedent because it is
a predated declaration of war, which is un-
constitutional. The power It gives to the
President will, until it is revoked, pass to all
succeeding President's, including Senator
GOLDWATER, in the event that he is elected to
that office.
2. Is, I gravely suspect, a preelection move,
to disprove Senator GoLDWATER'S criticisms
of the administration's foreign policies.
8. Can be used to extend the war in Viet-
nam. It appears that only those Vietnamese
are supporting the war who are (a) benefiting
financially from U.S. intervention; (b) are
not subject to napalm bombs made in the
United States and dropped by U.S. planes,
piloted by U.S. Air Force personnel.
Respectfully yours,
JAMES D. CAIRNS.
CHICAGO, ILL.,
U.S. Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am in agreement
with your position on the recent crisis in
Vietnam. Not only do I hold the United
States as the original provoker in the North
Vietnam crisis but the unwanted Intruder
in the South Vietnam conflict also. To me,
the foreign policy of the United States is
objectionable in all of southeast Asia as well
Hon. W AYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR Moasx: My appreciation for
your opposition to the resolution giving the
President unlimited power to institute war
without the approval of Congress.
It is my impression that there are many
more people throughout the country, than
Washington and the press would have us
believe, who are against the provocative part
we are playing In the Vietnam affair and are
appreciative of your dissent against such
action.
It was the great dissenters who carved
their niche of fame in our country s history,
and not those who merely gave routine rub-
berstamp approval to acts of extremism. I
am tempted to move to Oregon so that I
might have the honor and privilege of vot-
ing for you.
Very respectfully yours,
H. A. LAMONT, M.D.
Drraorr, MICH..
August 15, 1964.
U.S. Senator WAYNE MORSE. of Oregon.
SIR: I wrote a boiling hot letter to Presi-
dent Johnson. on his hot war In Asiatic
jungles.
He is trying to do what the British and
French tried to do for 200 years-take mili-
tary control over yellow and Hindu races,
plus also the Arab rams,
This long display of force has cost Brl.:ain
her place in the world, as she is now little
more than a third-class nation.
And, of course. Hitler tried to copy England
and he has put Germany Into military slav-
ery that will be there for a long time to
come. Johnson reminds me of a foreman
branding cattle, he thinks he can put his
brand on certain yellow men and that's It.
And maybe this schoolboy Mr. Rusk thinks
also, but It Is not as simple as he and his
theory leads him to believe.
I guess you saw that article in U.S, News
& World Report by the longtime reporter,
and asked positive questions-his only an-
swer was we are there to win. to win what, a
big bag of mosquitoes? If our country wants
to go nuts why not go with GOLDWATER; he
will do a finished job, why pussyfoot around
with Johnson.
The main trouble, he has been in Govern-
ment many years to long. Three-quarters
of his time has been in Government,
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Bravo. Your stand
on Vietnam Is wonderful and the only an-
swer to ending that horrible war.
I stand firmly behind you 100 percent.
Yours respectfully,
MICHAEL MARGULIES.
FRIENDS COMMITTEE ON
NATIONAL LEGISLATION,
Washington, D.C., August 17, 1964.
President LYNDON B. JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The Friends Commit-
tee on National Legislation warmly applaud-
ed your reassurances to Congress that "the
United States Intends no rashness (in south-
east Asia) and seeks no wider war." The
world at large is undoubtedly grateful.
We wish to express deep concern, however,
over our understanding that, in case of at-
tack. the captains of the individual carriers
in the 7th Fleet have been given authority
to retaliate immediately against North Viet-
namese bases, without consulting Washing-
ton first.
This is too heavy a responsibility to place
upon men at the center of an action where
confusion tends to be Inevitable and rash-
ness may ensue. The week of August 2 was a
pointed reminder of how difficult It is to un-
derstand the motivations and actions of an-
other land. Additional decisions to retaliate
against land bases would seriously undermine
U.S. efforts to build a world of law and order.
They could bring us all a step nearer to World
War III.
Therefore our organization would welcome
reassurances that we have been guilty of
misinterpreting-both the comments on the
interview with Captain Daniels, as carried
In the August 11 New York Times (see en-
closure, page 9), and subsequent seemingly
confirming conversations with Pentagon offi-
cials.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR Moasx: Your courageous ef-
forts to keep our country out of war, have
been deeply appreciated. War should be-
come obsolete nad I trust more progress will
CAMDEN, N.J.,
August 16, 1964.
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CONGRESSIONAL ' RECORD - SENATE 19837
be made" in` solving world turmoil intelli-
gently-and peacefully: Thank you for all
WHITE HOUSE,
Washington, D.C.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.
YOUR HONOR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: We
congratulate you for voting "No" on South
Vietnam.
Thank you very much.
HELEN'DEUTCH,
llousewi/e.
tremisni in the United States-those are to
some extent pathological symptoms. When
you observe the Individuals who lean toward
extremism, you will come to the conclusion
that under the ideology there are serious
mental and psychological problems which are
aggravated, activated by the "psychological
war" between the United States and the
forces of international Marxism and also by
fanatical nationalism in underdeveloped
countries.
Therefore men like you are valuable be-
cause they keep the stability and sanity
(which was the one resource the Romans in
their pre-Christian era did not lack-except
of their crude ways of diversions-but then
look at TV).
Yours truly,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I want to thank you from
the bottom of my heart for your sane and
valiant stand during the recent North Viet-
nam bombings.
Whatever the political, ideological or
strategical circumstances Involved, you were
the most prominent man who kept sane and
did not hysterically scream for blood as so
many others did. Your posture was that of
a Irian bound to the concepts of civilization
as opposed to the human degeneration of
which most of the world's history consists.
In the world it is not entirely possible to
live without, violence, but we must always
strive to avoid becoming hysterical just be-
cause somebody broke one rule of our way to
play the - game.
The United States has now a history of
many wars, interventions, and general' med-
dling. Some justified-and most, sadly to say,
not. In 1911 the !S Navy1Uoiribarded Vera
Cruz, in`lViex1Co. It started because a few
American sailors were roughed up in Tam-
,
Pico,
In the past the United States managed to
assume the stance of a peaceful nation be-
cause it had meek neighbors I - Europe,- for
e$aliipie, the case was different. "Deep, ugly
nationality hatred (similar to our civil rights
problem) was used by the interested rulers
to conduct war after war. The United States
had few neighbors and it vast wilderness
separated the. bordering countries. But now
the world has become small-Thailand and
Honduras,' Madagascar, and Afghanistan are
Ou? neighbors now. This has increased the
possibility for friction a hundredfold.
And friction there will be-in Indonesia,
Thailand, Burma, India, Iran, Greece, Spain,
MOzaiu ique, Angola, South Africa, Rhodesia,
Tanganyika, Congo, Morocco, Venezuela,
Chile, Brazil, Nicaragua, Dominican Republic,
Haiti, Guatemala, Bolivia, and-several others.
During and after our lifetime there will
be violent struggles in those and possible
other countries.. I am looking at it as a
pathologist of history and not as an ideolo-
gist. And the United States will be involved.
I am looking at it with horror.
One certain effect will be the complete
"phychological exhaustion" of the United
States as Erich Fromm puts It). American
zferi es `ate frayed as ism-the struggle of sur-
vival In the 11 working life is still a big item,
then the` monsters of technology: motor
noise, air, pollution, Insecticides, TV (the
breeding ground for the wave of future
neurotics), racial problems, the urban and
rural slums, mass transportations.
I am seriously suggesting that we should
have a Federal organism that studies the
psychological effects of all political, eco-
nomical and technological problems affecting
Americans. This organism should then also
issue advice to the different parts of'the Fed-
eral Government as to how to maintain psy-
chological strength and health. As you know,
North Vietnamese General Gulp has declared:
"The United States has all resources for win-
ning the Vietnam conflict except the psy-
chological resources.''
You see the current signs of political ex-
SANTA MONICA, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Congratulations for
your forceful, outright condemnation of our
war escalating policy in North Vietnam.
Do continue your courageous stand and do
all in your power to expose the constant
flow of lies from every source, including
Washington.
Even though you are a lonely voice of
truth in the wilderness of lies-it is indeed
a bright glow and a warm one you shed,
Thanks and bless you.
Mrs. PEGGY Fox.
GARRISON, MONT.,
August 13, 1964.
H011. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I feel I must commend you for
your negative vote against the resolution
backing the President's actions during the
recent crisis in Vietnam. Defending our
ships and bases is one thing, but a "retalia-
tory" strike such as the world has just wit-
nessed is another, and I fail to see how the
incident has enhanced our position in south-
east Asia or, indeed, anyplace else in the
world.
Though not of your State, I would be proud
to have a Senator representing me who has
the moral courage to vote against something
.he does not believe in, even though he may,
be consequently singled out and probably
condemned by many. The Senate and the
American people would be In a far better
position, if there were more who had felt
as you, and voted against the resolution.
Yours very truly,
. . Mrs. DONALD HEROUX.
BALTIMORE, MD.,
August 16, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR. MORSE: I am in complete
agreement with your views concerning Viet-
nam. Believe the problem of Vietnam should
be resolved by the Vietnamese people with
the aid of the United Nations.
VIOLA M. DAMMANN.
SONOMA, CALIF.,
August 16, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.:
I concur with your negative vote re the
Vietnam resolution passed by Senate.
...., .... ELLIOTT JACOBS.
MIDDLEFIELD, CONN.,
August 15, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C..-
Bravo for your intelligent stand re recent
resolution on Tonkin Gulf affair. You and
Senator' Gruening bear the responsibility of
sane men in an Insane world. The responsi-
hility is all the greater for the odds against
you. Don't falter. Best wishes.
Louis ZEMEL.
SANTA ANA, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington-, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I read with interest in our
paper of yours and Senator ERNEST GRUENING
of Alaska casting the only dissenting votes
on the emergency resolution approving all
necessary measures to repel any armed attack
against. the forces of the United States and
to prevent further aggression in Vietnam
and I want to congratulate you men in that
you not only stood for what you believed
in the face ofcriticism but you believe what
millions of other red-blooded Americans be-
lieve that we have no real reason to be in
Vietnam.
We do not want any nation attacking our
ships nor any part of our Armed Forces
when they are attending to their own busi-
ness and on our own property, but if Russia
or any other country were as close to our
shores like in Cuba for instance, we would
be nervous but I have yet to find one who
has been in Vietnam, as my son was for 6
months, who thinks South Vietnam wants
our help or protection. They apparently
do not know which side they are on or do
they care.
My son, who is a navigator in the Air Force
told us of old men whom he would meet on
the streets of Saigon who would turn around
and spit at him after he had passed. The
French gave up trying to keep them in tow
long ago, why should we keep our young men
there to be killed one at a time and now
perhaps by the hundreds.
Thank you Senator. I only wish our Cali-
fornia Senators had the same foresight.
From one whose grandfather died to set
the slaves free and whose ancestors helped
to carve out America from the beginning,
Sincerely,
. HARRY L. DADY.
SAN FERNANDO, CALIF
August 10, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.;
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you, thank
you for your integrity, courage and
common sense in speaking against and voting
against, the war in Vietnam,
It was like a cool breeze on a hot summer
day-hearing you speak on TV against the
bombing of the coast of North Vietnam.
Sincerely,
JOHN M. WEATHERWAx.
WASHINGTON, D.C.
August 10, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: As one of the millions of Ameri-
cans who believe in peace, justice, and right,
I applaud your stand on civil rights, on
southeast Asia in particular and your posi-
tion on economic and world affairs in gen-
eral.
I think you are the greatest statesman
America has today. Continue to fight on and
may God bless you with long life, good health,
courage and vision.
Respectfully yours,
HOWARD S. PARKS.
AKRON, OHIO,
August 9, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Although I am not
one of your constituents, I should like to
compliment you on. your courageous vote
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19
against the resolution concerning President
Johnson's politically inspired aggression
against North Vietnam.
I have frequently noted that your unpop-
ular positions on key issues express my own
thoughts, and I am gratified that there is
such a person as yourself in a high position
with the courage to voice such convictions.
Respectfully yours,
JOHN F. SIMPSON.
Arros, CALIF.,
August 9, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. MORSE: We wish to express our
gratitude for your solitary voice of reason,
and for your courage in speaking out con-
sistently on the terrible injustice of our
southeast Asia policy. When will statesmen
learn? Surely the example of the French
debacle in Indochina should teach us a
lesson. We can only hope that the reason
for the action Lyndon Johnson has taken
is expedient to the November election and
that he will follow a more reasonable ap-
proach after he wins.
But, because of Senator GOLDWATER and
such reasonless colleagues as you have, we
cannot help but fear for our country, and,
indeed, for our world.
Please, please continue at least one voice
of reason.
Very truly yours,
IRENE and JOHN GARRISON.
ENGLEWOOD CLEFFS, N.J.,
August 13,1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to express
my admiration of you and the Senator from
Alaska for your opposing vote on Mr. John-
son's action in Vietnam. Two honorable
men out of 90 In the Senate and only two
honorable men out of the whole Congress of
the United States I would say that is a very
good sample of the honorable humans in this
so-called free world-two out of about every
526. My hopes were dashed when not one
nay vote was cast by the congressional ladies.
Now I know that I would not vote for a
woman candidate.
Why don't you run independently for Pres-
ident? It would save humanity from the In-
sanity of these power and trigger-happy
demagogs. No one that I know has any-
thing good to say about either Johnson or
GOLDWATER and they claim they will not vote
for either one. It has come to a sad state
right. All my best wishes to you and please
go on with your work. All sane people are
behind you.
Respectfully yours,
MRS. D. JACOBSON.
NASHVILLE, TENN.,
August 11, 1694.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This card is an ex-
pression of my support for and approval of
your recent statements in criticism of the
U.S. current stand in Vietnam (your article
in the Progressive was most enlighten-
Ing), and of your views concerning aid to
certain "gunboat allies," re the Foreign As-
BietanCe Act. That the act's authorization
could not be held below 43 billion is regret-
table. Perhaps needless to say, I oppose the
currently discussed "Dlrksen rider" designed
to hobble reapportionment; In Its current
wording. I question whether such legislation
would hold in the courts.
Sincerely,
ROBERT T. KNUI'P.
MALIBU, CALIF.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your 8 d on U.S.
bombing of North Vietnam is aipreclated.
Please keep speaking out. I only wish I could
vote for you.
Sincerely.
MORRISTOWN, PA.,
August 15, 1964.
DEAR SIR: May I state my complete con-
currence of your views of our Government's
foreign policy?
You are indeed a standout among those
high priced oafs in the Senate. If we don't
get more likeyou then our country is headed
"down the drain."
Congratulations, sir.
PENNSYLVANIA VOTER.
MALIBU, CALIF.,
August 11, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to en-
dorse, as a private citizen, your recent ac-
tions and remarks In regard to the "situ-
ation" in South Vietnam. Events seem to
bear out your contention that the United
States does not belong in Vietnam.
MARIE FAY.
SANTA MARIA. CALIF.,
August 11, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you for your
sane position on the Vietnam situation.
Please don't give up your struggle to prevent
our complete embroilment in war.
Sincerely,
of affairs when one has no choice but the VITA MONXS.
lesser of two evils and It Is questionable -
whether one is less than the other. MALIBU, CALIF.,
If you would make the sacrifice and run, August 12, 1964.
you would have a chance of a landslide. Peo- I would like to express my sincere admir-
pie in general are disgusted with the lies and ation and appreciation of your courageous
propaganda that they are fed. I Will say this and outspoken denunciation of our (the
for Mf. Khrushchev: I have yet to catch United States) position In the Vietnam crisis.
him in a lie. Whenever he has described Mrs. DORIS W. STARR#IB.
a situation and Washington has denied It, I -
found upon checking that Khrushchev was MAI.IBU, CALIF.,
telling the truth. The foreign news versus August 11, 1964.
the U.S. news has the same comparison; seek ' DEAR SENATOR MoasE: Please keep urging
elsewhere If one wants the facts. us (the United States) to get out of Viet-
I hope and pray that you will run Inde- nam. Thank you for your stand. Urge the
pendently against these men, even though whole thing to be put In the U.N. We're
it is asking a great sacrifice on your part. behind you.
I wish you everything of the best and the WINONA SCHLIKS.
guidance of providence. -
Sincerely yours, MALIBU, CALIF.,
HELEN CRISTANELLI, August 13, 1964.
DRAa Sia: We wish to express our admira-
HOLLYwooD, CALIF., tion of your recent actions in opposing al-
August 14, 1964. most ainglehandedly the use of military
DEAR SENATOR WAYNE MORSE: Please ac- methods in the attempt to solve our prob-
cept my sincere thanks for your courageous lems in Vietnam.
stand against our policy in Vietnam, I hope Sincerely,
you will continue to speak up for what is Mr. and Mrs. EASTMAN N. JACOns.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 8, 1964.
DEAR MR. MORSE: As a relatively new, not
proud American-I praise your stand for
"peace" which is unpopular In America.
They are too busy here murdering young
people who believe everyone has the right
to vote or worried about keeping property
rights up at the cost of human life if neces-
sary (someone else's). Keep up your stand
on the Vietnam issue.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 9, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you so much
for your words for peace and in defense of a
future for America in a thermonuclear
world. You speak for the majority of Amer-
icana and the finest of American tradition
when you oppose these adventurous plans
by a military minded government.
Truthfully,
PHILIP L. JOHNSON.
MINNEAPOLIS, MINN.,
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Often I disagree with
your Ideas, but as to foreign aid, the U.S. Gov-
ernment being a hypocrite and why are we in
Vietnam, I agree. I'm glad a few of you have
a mind of your own and use it.
LILLIAN SPIERING.
TACOMA, WASH.,
August 11, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: This is to commend
you for your courage to express yourself as
opposed to further military buildup in Viet-
nam. All the Americans are not for such a
move even though the press and radio would
have us believe It. Fighting does not pre-
serve freedom as witness the condition in
South Korea today. We have a U.N. where
such matters as Vietnam should be settled.
If Red China were given a seat there it would
help.
Sincerely,
ST. PAUL, MINN.
SIR: I hope you will continue to present
the truth on U.S. foreign policy.
Sincerely,
NED O'NEILL.
OscoDA, MICH.
DEAR SrR: I have been reading with in-
terest your efforts toward peace. May God
bless you.
Sincerely.
HAYWARD, CALIF.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I would like copies
of your speeches on'Vietnam which I under-
stand you have given on the Senate floor
since June or so.
Has anyone answered your charges?
Thank you.
SAN RAFAEL, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
DEAR SrR: Thank you for arguing against
the recent bill to fall behind the President
in his Vietnam policies. I believe I am for
him, but this blind follow the leader Is not
healthy for anyone.
Yours very truly,
RICHARD J. WETHUN.
BERKELEY YOUNG DEMOCRATIC CLUB,
Berkeley, Calif., August 13, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SENATOR MORSE: I want to commend you
for your valiant stand on the issues Involved
around the Vietnam situation. As in the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD 51NATE 19839
past, you have `shown your forthright deter- reprisal." In the present context, the Presi- oni this issue are not only upholding the
mination not to allow the United States to dent, as Commander in Chief of the Armed prestige and honor of our Nation but are
cross thebrink into a final, fatal 'war. The Forces, has acquired the power of commit- also defending the qurvival of mankind.
day may yet come when America's people will ting the country irrevocably to war. Events Be assured that you have our wholehearted
realize the seriousness of our intervention in now move so fast that Congress can never be support in your demand that the U.S. mili-
Vietnam and will demand tliat our young presented with a real choice on the matter. tary operation in Vietnam and Laos be
mein leave foreign soil and come back here Congress has thus lost one of its most vital halted, and the conflict be settled peace-
where'the fob' of defending- democracy is functions to the executive branch. fully in accordance with our obligations and
needed in' ' Mississippi and Alabama more This development seems in some respects declared policy of peace by resort to the
than in Laos or Vietnam. Inevitable, an adaptation of the national pol- United Nations, or by a conference of all
Sincerely, ity to an entirely unforeseen situation. Yet nations concerned.
TED COHEN, Congress must not give in too easily. Par- Cordially yours,
President, ticularly, it must not further the demise of FRANK A. KONDRAY,
Berkeley 'young Democrats. its constitutional powers in this sphere by First Vice President.
giving the President vague advance sanc- P.S.-Enclosed is a copy of a resolution on
^-CHICAGO, ILL., tions for warlike acts in situations such as the southeast Asia crisis, adopted by our
August 15, 1964. the present one in southeast Asia. membership on August 12, and forwarded to
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to extend my With highest regards, I am the President.
praise and admiration to you for your out- Yours very truly, Copy of the resolution was also forwarded
spoken stand against U.S. aggression in PHILIP KUHN, to the Democratic National Convention.
southeast Asia. Your's must be an extremely Assistant Professor of History. -
frustrating job * * * to speak to 535 "edu- EAST SIDE DEMOCRATIC CLUB,
cated" men in the U.S. Senate and find your HARVARD UNIVERSITY, Los Angeles, Calif.
words landing on empty soil. If you could Cambridge, Mass., August 15, 1964. RESOLUTION ON THE CRISIS IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
name one or two Senators you feel might be DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your words of sense AND ITS EFFECT ON DEMOCRATIC PARTY PROS-
possibly approaching an understanding of the on the U.S. posture in Vietnam are rare, re- PECTS IN THE NATIONAL ELECTIONS
situation as it is, I would try to write them, freshing, and will be, I hope, heard by Demo- (Adressed to the President, the Honorable
and have my friends also, to encourage them cratic voters. (I despair of Republicans giv- Lyndon B. Johnson.)
to follow your example. Sometimes encour- ing an ear to them, I'm afraid.) Democratic Whereas in this nuclear age of weapons
agement, even if from a nobody as myself, is voters ought, don't you think, to guard capable of total destruction, mankind and
all that is needed, against supporting administration moves civilization face the greatest peril to their
Sincerely, which out-Goldwater Goldwater. existence ever known. Aware of this over-
MISS MARJORIE KURSELLA. Sincerely yours, hanging calamity, the most universal demand
LAURENCE H. SCOTT, for peace in history insists that the use of
PALO ALTO, CALIF., Teaching Fellow, Department of Slavic military force to settle international disputes
August 13, 1964. Languages and Literatures and be abandoned in favor of negotiations. Ac-
Senator WAYNE MoasE, Resident Tutor in Lowell House. cordingly, prime responsibility rests with the
Senate Office Building, heads of states, particularly the United
Washington, D.C. NORTHRIDGE, CALIF., States, to whom the world looks for initia-
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to let August 17, 1964. tives to avoid armed conflict;
you know of my wholehearted support of Senator WAYNE MORSE, Whereas it is the declared official policy of
your position on the Vietnam issue. Senate Office Building, the U.S. Government to strive toward easing
Although your position in the Senate ap- Washington, D.C. world tensions and to promote ,world peace,
cars to be a rather lonely one, I am sure
p DEAR SENATOR: May I take this opportu- which policy of peace, Mr. President, you
your courage has given strength to people nity to congratulate you for your courage in have publicly affirmed;
all over the country, who, like myself, desire speaking out against our actions in North Whereas there is at present a war in south-
peace and an end to the senseless fighting Vietnam last week? east Asia, in which the administration is
in Vietnem. Your stand has made it pos- It is to be hoped that many of your col- heavily committed, and which has reached a
sible for me, and I am sure, many others, to leagues will be inspired by your most com- dangerously critical stage, so much so as to
feel greater resolve to try to do what we can mendable stand against our Government's endanger international peace. Recently our
to bring peace to that area. dangerous and provocative bombing mis- military forces took actions to spread this war
Again, let me thank you for your coura- sions. over a wider area in that region. This de-
geous leadership at this time. I am also writ- Very respectfully, velopment has greatly disturbed the people
ing a similar letter to Senator GRUENING. CATHERINE M. BLUMBERG. of the world and of our Nation; and
Sincerely, Whereas the Democratic administration is
RICHARD Fi cH, M .D. SAN DIEGO, CALIF., justifiably recognized as being dedicated to
July 13, 1964. a greater degree than a Republican one, to
Los ANGELES, CALIF., DEAR SENATOR:: Heard your recent speech thesocial needs and welfare of the general
August 9, 1964. on TV-amen. I think you are right. electorate. And this liberal record and pro-
SENATOR. MORSE : Thank you for your de- Please lend your support to keeping gram has created a favorable image of the
fense for society. All our people who believe McCarran-Walter immigration law on the Democratic Party to the majority of the same
in it are thanking you. books, electorate. Pursuit of the present adminis-
JACQUELINE REDESOND. Keep up your good work. There are too tration policy in southeast Asia could sub-
many rubberstamps in our Congress. stantially negate this favorable attitude, and
THE UNIVERSITY OF CHICAGO, Sincerely, thereby irn _ air chances of success for Demo-
Chicago, Ill., August 14, 1964. L. M. HANDBY. cratic candidates in the 1964 national elec-
Hon. WAYNE MORSE, tion. The reason being that there is a grow-
U.S. Senate, EAST SIDE DEMOCRATIC CLUB, ing conviction that the administration is
Washington, D.C. Los Angeles, Calif., August 13, 1964. yielding to pressure of Republican reaction
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Allow me to con- Senator WAYNE MORSE, for more drastic military action In that area.
gratulate you for your negative vote on the Senate Office Building, The resultant uneasiness could induce voters
recent congressional resolution on southeast Washington, D.C. to reason that, with both parties posing an
Asia. DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We, the members of equal danger of a major war, there is no elec-
Even if one leaves out of account the mer- the East Side Democratic Club, wish to ex- toral choice on the transcendent issue of
its or demerits of the U.S. program in Viet- press our commendation and gratitude for peace or war. Assuredly, Mr. President, the
nam, the underlying constitutional issue is, your's and your colleague, the Honorable choice of the American electorate is for a
in my opinion, so serious as to require the Senator GRuENING's, principled efforts in the candidate who promotes peace over one who
most determined effort to inform the pub- U.S. Senate in criticizing and calling the at- would expand war: Therefore, it is
lie about it. tention of the "American people to the un- Resolved by the members of the East Side
I believe that the intent of the U.S. Consti- wise and perilous course being conducted Democratic Club, Los Angeles, That we, as
tution was that the ultimate power to com- by the administration and the Pentagon in Democrats, are committed to the reelection
mit the Nation to war reside in the Congress. southeast Asia, of a liberal Democratic administration over
Doubtless, the executive has great consti- Together with millions of other Americans Republican reaction. However, we maintain
tutional powers in the direction of foreign we are deeply concerned over the threat of that this possibility must not be impaired by
policy; but it was surely not intended that a major war with its implications of nuclear placing the survival of mankind on the scales
the Congress be a mere rubber stamp in great devastation erupting as a consequence of the against political expediency. As an alterna-
decisions of war or peace. In the technologi- administration's expansion of the Vietnam- tive to the futile military solution of this
cal context of the 18th century, It was enough ese war to the entire southeast Asian region, crisis, we urge that, as members of the United
to reserve to the Congress the power to "de- We feel that you and those of your col- Nations, having signed its charter, we fulfill
Clare war," or to "grant letters of marque and leagues who are in accord with your position our obligations to it and to peace by bringing
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE August 19
this southeast Asian threat to international
peace before that body, or, to participate
with all other nations concerned In a con-
ference to negotiate an honorable and peace-
ful end to this tragic and potentially dan-
gerous war.
Approved by the East Side Democratic
Club, August 12, 1984.
FRANK A. KONDRAY,
First Vice President.
Ron. WAYNE MORSE.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D,C.
We wish to record our opposition to this
method of dealing with any problems, and
again state our belief controversies should
be dealt with by the United Nations. Fur-
ther, for a more lasting gain, ne$~otiations
should be started toward estabiishg trade
with the Socialist countries. R is would
bring us rapidly closer to a true and lasting
peace.
Yours very truly,
JOHN R. JENNINGS.
FRANCIS J. WALCOTT.
RIVERDALE, N.Y..
August 14, 1961.
President JOHNSON,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON; I am writing to
tell you that I applaud the statements of
Senator WAYNE Moass that we may be as
much at fault in the incidents which have
recently taken place in the Gulf of Tonkin,
and with him, urge you to we that the war
is not carried by us into territory that will
cause retaliation by the Chinese and so
create a situation in which war could be
set off In yet another part of the Middle East.
I would also urge that the United States
be willing to meet again at Geneva to see
that peaceful settlements In this part of the
world could be found.
Copies of this letter are being sent to
Senator WAYNE Moasz and to my Senators,
JACOB JAvrrs and KENNETH HEATING.
ADELE R. MEYEa.
MODESTO, CALIF.,
August 12, 1961.
DEAR Sin: We wish to thank you for your
stand on Vietnam in March, and again for
your recent vote on the resolution. You
are one of the few Senators with the fore-
sight to see that a world war is not the
answer to our problems, and the willingness
to say so.
You have taken an unpopular stand. How-
ever, we believe most of the other Senators
are failing to take a careful realistic look at
the problems that face our Nation and the
World today. Reports are that the Senate
was all but empty during the presentation of
your statement. This is very discouraging.
It would seem that most of the Senators
intend to follow Presidential policies rather
than listen to the wishes and needs of the
people.
We feel that all who take the courageous
stand against the threatened holocaust of a
new world war need praise and support from
the public. Those who, like Senators
E.ocHEL and SALINGEE, voted in support
of the resolution allowing the President to
take warlike actions, must be told that this
is not in the best interests of our country.
We enclose for your Information a copy of
a letter we have sent to both California
Senators.
The knowledge that people such as you are
fighting to bring about a better world is en-
couraging. We know that as time progresses
we can continue to advance toward this bet-
ter world, with your help.
Cordially,
JOHN R. JENNINGS.
FRANCIS J. WALCOTT.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALU,.,
August 12,1964.
Hon. THOMAS H. E:UCHEL,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAS SIR: We wish you to know that we are
not in agreement with your vote on the res-
olution approving the President's power to
wage undeclared war.
There were two Senators opposing this
resolution, which would weaken the Senate
control over declaration of war in favor of
action by the President alone, in starting ac-
tion which could result in all-out war. As
a result of such an action as in Vietnam. San
Franciscocould be among the first to suffer
the holocaust. It is an uneasy feeling to fear
a world war coming and realize that one man
in this country has the power to stimulate
It into existence. The knowledge that only
two men spoke out against this Is very dis-
turbing. Surely, discussion of Issues in ques-
tion, before the United Nations is farmore
appropriate at this time.
We believe that Congressmen are there to
represent the will of the people. Among the
many people to whom we have talked, very
few are in favor of the warlike action in
Vietnam, and none In favor of the possible
all-out war. We also believe that as Con-
gressmen are to represent the people, they
should be participating In congressional
duties full time, and on.the floor during im-
portant debates such as this one.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR Moasz: It was with heartfelt
thanks that we noted your vote on the re-
cent congressional support of President
Johnson's actions in southeast Asia. As
Quakers we have a high regard for unanim-
ity, but we are well aware that truth often
stands alone. shunned by the raucous cries of
the multitude. Sir, persist in the best lights
God has given you.
Our best religious Insights tell us that war
and violence never achieve good ends, though
it does, at times, seem to bring some resolu-
tions in man's affairs. Truly, the ends never
justify the means when viewed dispassion-
ately in the wider reaches of time and space.
As rationaliste and humanitarians there
are reasons enough to question the attitudes
and acts of our national leaders in this and
other areas of world conflict. If the United
States is to continue its leadership of the
free world, we desperately need a sober and
mature voice; for we are dealing in areas
where mankind is at stake.
Once again, may we thank you for your
good services to our Nation as well as the
world.
Sincerely,
RUDY PoxoCHNnc,
Acting Clerk, Delta Monthly Meeting of
the Religious Society of Friends.
Los ANGEL-, CALQ.,
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: Once again, I wish to com-
mend you on your very courageous stand on
Vietnam.
It is very good to hear a sane and con-
sidered voice at a time when the hasty action
of our country might very well lead to a
world war.
Please do continue your lone fight,
Respectfully yours,
MARGARET 0. Gursauso,
UNIVERSITY OF ILLINOIS,
CHICAGO, ILL.,
August 14, 1964.
Hon, WAYNE L. MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SIR: Forty-four members of the faculty of
the University of Illinois, Chicago Un$er-
graduate Division, have endorsed the en-
closed petition which calls upon the U.S.
Government:
-Not to enlarge the scope of the war in
Vietnam;
-To begin immediate negotiations to
bring about a reasonable settlement;
- To seek the neutralization of the area
in order to maintain peace there in the
future.
A copy of the petition is enclosed and the
names of those endorsing it. We speak for
ourselves and not for the university.
Very truly yours,
WILLIAM D. GRAMPP,
Professor of Economics.
THE PETITION
We. 5.000 American college and university
educators, urge a neutralized Vietnam.
It would end the terror and suffering of
this war-ravaged land.
It would end the continuing loss of Amer-
ican and Vietnamese lives.
It would be preferable to deeper involve-
ment or Irresponsible pullout.
We. therefore, appeal to you, Mr. President,
not to enlarge the scope of the war, but in-
stead to work for a neutralized North and
South Vietnam. as separate, federated, or re-
unified states, protected by international
guarantees and peacekeeping forces against
all outside Interferences.
In recognition of the Imminent danger of
the war in Vietnam escalating Into a direct
conflict between the United States and Com-
munist China, we, the undersigned faculty
members of the University of Illinois in Chi-
cago endorse the above statement and urge
immediate negotiations to bring about a set-
tlement of the Vietnam war through neu-
tralization of southeast Asia.
THE PETITIONERS
William D. Grampp. professor of economics.
Oscar Miller, assistant professor of eco-
nomics.
John McNee. Jr., professor of art.
Daniel K. Andrews, assistant professor of
accounting.
Willis C. Jackman. assistant professor of
English.
Louis Chandler. associate professor of phys-
ics.
Ted R. Jackson, assistant professor of
speech.
P. C. Smith. Instructor of history.
Twiley W. Barker, associate professor of
political science.
Elaine Z. Herzog, instructor of chemistry.
Nancy A. Tomasek, Instructor of French.
Charles P. Warren, Instructor of anthro-
pology.
Lawrence Lipkin, assistant professor of
accounting.
Joan Chillag, Instructor of English.
Lloyd C. Englebrecht, instructor of library
administration.
James B. Stronks, associate professor of
English.
Nan E. McGehee, assistant professor of
psychology.
R. R. Page, instructor of philosophy.
Robert E. Gallagher, associate professor of
English.
Irving M. Miller, Instructor of English.
Dolores L. Keranen, instructor of English.
Moreen C. Jordan, associate professor of
English.
Robert W. Nickle, associate professor of
art,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
R. D, Kozlow, instructor of library admin-
istration.
M. T.,Riatt, assistant professor of "library
administration.
Donald P. Dimmitt, instructor of art.
Sabine A Casten, instructor of chemistry.
P. P. Wlesinger, associate professor of en-
gineering.
B. R. Kogan, associate professor of English.
J. N. Pappademos, assistant professor of
physics.
R.H. Krupp, lecturer, physics.
Herman. B. Weissman, associate professor
of physics.
Don A. Masterton, associate professor of
art. - -- -
Robert K. Adams, instructor of archi-
tecture.
Martin Hurtig, assistant professor of art.
John E. Walley, professor of art.
Henry M. Pitts, assistant professor of psy-
chology.
Donald Hanson, associate professor of
architecture.
Herbert J. Curtis, associate professor of
mathematics.
Ronald J. Matlon, instructor of speech.
Theodore V. Kundrat, instructor of speech.
James A. Bond, assistant professor of
biology.
Roger Whitmer; lecturer, architecture.
Canio Radice, professor of art.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR, This letter is, to express
strong support of the position you have taken
in regard to the U.S. Involvement in southeast
Asia and also of the constructive criticism
that you have made of the American foreign
aid program. Of course, your position on
these two issues finds its basic justification
in the vital interests of the American people.
However, I believe that this type of loyal
opposition is a great contribution to the
present administration, and I nominate you
and Senator GRVENING as the truest Demo-
crats of the year. May the party soon catch
Sincerely,
BALTIMORE, MD.
LANCASTER, CALIF.,
Senator WAYNE MORSE: I wish to join the
thousands of decent-minded Americans who
are praising you for your outstanding integ-
rity in refusing to endorse the President's
resolution asking congressional approval of
the present war policy in southeast Asia.
How disheartening and shameful that all,
with exceptEion of you and Senator GRUENING,
wish to continue the brutal, useless war
against innocent people who want only to
establish peace in their countries and get
on with the business of establishing a stable
government capable of serving all the peo-
ple's needs.
How long will it take the policymakers
of the United States to learn they cannot
ever win this war or any other with the aim
of destroying communism. In fact, the
present policy only strengthens the Com-
munist cause, everywhere on earth. Every
day more Americans are being sacrificed in
this war of aggression and thousands more
of the resisting Vietnamese are being
slaughtered.
Your contribution in the August issue of
the Progressive is priceless and should get
into the hands of every American. Too bad
that it cannot be circulated by the millions.
I would like to help do it.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 12,1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I know you have al-
ready spoken out on the NATO-NLF proposal
to Congress. This note is only to encourage
you or anyone else to continue to ask for
open hearings and debate against President
Johnson's message of June 30. The whole
idea is frightening and so few people are
really aware of it.
Sincerely,
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing this
letter to you to commend you on your clear
thinking and courage in expressing it in
relation to the, terrible and threatening sit-
uationin southeast Asia.
Every thoughtful person will agree that
your recommendations must be followed if
civilization and mankind is to survive this
and later generations.
I cannot fail to. mention to you the sig-
nificance that your comments in the news-
papers had on a considerable number of
people.
Sincerely yours,
WALTER BRIEHL,
Lieutenant Colonel, MC; USAAF, In-
active.
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 11, 1964,
President LYNDON B. Joss ssosr,
The White House,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR PRESIDENT JOHNSON: I would like to
tender my thanks, to you, for the line job
you have done for our country since the
death of our beloved John F. Kennedy.
Especially in the civil rights field. Although
I have usually voted the Democratic ticket
I have never actively worked for Democrats
during campaigns, but this year I feel so
strongly that you are the man we desperately
need during tihe coming crucial years that
I plan to call my local Democratic club and
do whatever I can to help you and your
party get into office. However, I would like
to urge you to endorse Senator MORSE in
his policy toward Vietnam..I believe that
the United States has a great chance to be-
come a world leader and to spread democfacy
around the earth but we must be above re-
proach in our dealings with all countries and
eschew aggression and domination without
understanding. I' hope my letter is only one
among many you get asking you to listen to
Senator MORSE's proposals and to act as
swiftly as possible on them.
Thank you for your kind attention,
Yours truly,
JEAN MITCHELL.
No. 163-35
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: In the last few hours,
I have seen you twice on my television screen
emphatically opposing President Johnson's
current Vietnam policy and action.
I congratulate you on what must be a
brave stand and send my earnest plea that
you will have the strength and courage to say
again and again what you know is right-
a conviction which must be shared by a con-
siderable number of people throughout the
world. Of course it is better to try to
negotiate settlements for peace at the con-
ference table-preferably at the U.N.-than
to initiate militarism which may lead us over
19841
the brink into nuclear war. To a reasonably
sane person, the question hardly seems to
warrant further discussion.
Please, Senator MORSE, do your very best
for my children and for children throughout
this sad world.
Your very sincerely,
Mrs. MARGARET S. BOWEN.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
August 12, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: It is a little late to
be thanking you for your stand on Vietnam,
but months go by before I catch up with
things. I am so very, grateful to you for
expressing my ideas on the situation in that
far country that even now I must tell you so.
More power to you.
Sincerely,
LA VERNE, CALIF.,
August 13, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: For your stand of
statesmanship against the vote to give the
President unconditional power in southeast
Asia, I want to commend you.
May the time come when all nations, great
and small, will resort to conference with the
United Nations.
Some of ,us (maybe more than anybody
realizes) do not like the brinkmanship ap-
proach by either party and certainly not with
a flavor of partisanship.
Yours sincerely,
A. R. COFFMAN.
CARRIE C. COFFMAN.
ENDLESS STRUGGLE IN VIETNAM COSTS THE
UNITED STATES $2 MILLION A DAY-CALLS
FOR WAR AGAINST THE COMMUNISTS LOUDER
EVERY DAY
WASHINGTON.-The war in Vietnam costs
the United States $2 million a day; there will
soon be 20,000 American soldiers in this
southeast Asian state risking their lives
20,000 kilometers away from their homes;
up to 1963 Washington sent $21/2 billion to
Vietnam; during the last 3 years 262 Ameri-
cans have been killed, 17 have been lost, and
2,000 have been wounded.
The American Government declares that
she limits her- role in Vietnam to supporting
an independent state, threatened by commu-
nistic aggression and infiltration. Critics
of the U.S.A. point out, that the government
of Diem was forced on Vietnam by the
machinations of Washington and its Secret
Service, and Senator MIKE MANSFIELD has
pointed-out that since 1955 nothing has been
done to solve the inland problems of Viet- _
nam. And also in Laos, Washington has
helped to support the corrupt regime of
Gen. Phoemi Nosavan. `
. But these critics of the American policy
in southeast Asia are a very small minority.
The great majority does not realize that
America is often supporting dubious, re-
actionary, often corrupt, leaders of un-
developed countries. In doing so she, viz,
the United States of America, isherseif mak-
ing the feeding ground for communism, and
thereby the cause of a resulting lack of en-
thusiasm of the people in fighting against
the Red infiltrations.
Most of these critics in the United States
of America itself repeat what GOLDWATER
has said, and advocate strict measures
against the Communists, even an open war.
Talks, neutralization, international treaties,
and guarantees are looked upon as syn-
onyms for capitulation.
In spite of hard facts these parties main-
tain that the Communists are the only ones
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19
to blame, and that America is only striving
to secure freedom and independence of
South Vietnam and its neighbors.
But the questions at stake are not at all
so simple, because communism spreads in
countries where the leaders' policy is not so-
cially progressive, nor based on the will of
the people, but on the contrary Is only sup-
ported by the dollars of the American CIA.
used only to enrich the leaders themselves.
(Translation of an article In Haarlem's
daily paper on Tuesday, Aug. 11, 1964.)
(Translated by Mrs. L. E. Lindeman-Davies,
Westerhoutpark 34, Haarlem, Netherlands.)
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 13, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are again moved
to write to you congratulating you on your
courageous stand on the subject of our in-
volvement in South Vietnam.
We cannot believe that there aren't other
men who feel as you do, but are too cowardly
to express themselves the way you do. That
makes your stand all the more heroic and
honest.
How could we possibly be exporting democ-
racy when we have so many fences to repair
right here at home?
We are proud of you and embrace you as
the type of American that we admire. Would
that there were more like you in the greatest
deliberative body in the world today.
Cordially yours,
MAX POSCHIN.
ELEANOR POSCHIN.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
August 10, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wanted to thank
you for your speech regarding Vietnam. I
think that it is a shame that more Senators
do not have your integrity and spirit.
I hope that you will continue to exercise
your independence In the defense of a realis-
tic and honest foreign policy.
Sincerely,
THOMAS CONNOR.
ANN ARBOR, MICH..
August 12, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I would like to express my appre-
ciation of and support for your determined
stand against continued 'U.S. intervention
in North and South Vietnam and Laos. Al-
though the texts of your speeches in Congress
are not usually reported in detail by the
newspapers,I gather that you oppose such
intervention both on legal and moral
grounds. It is very difficult for the average
citizen to form a clear conception of what is
happening in southeast Asia. but your state-
ments seem to me to echo what many Ameri-
cans must suspect-certainly what I sus-
pect--about the faultiness of our policies in
that area.
- I urge you to continue to speak out against
military intervention by the United States in
violation of treaties, the charter of the
United Nations, and the dictates of a humane
conscience. I hope you will support and
help to initiate a foreign policy aimed at
defeating communism by alleviating the con-
ditions of poverty and hunger which nourish
it, in southeast Asia and elsewhere.
Yours very truly.
JAMES A. CLARK.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
August 13, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Your stand in the
Vietnam affair deserves the citizens' support.
It is less than 200 years since our Revolu-
tion and the word "Hessian" still has a bad
meaning. But that is what we act like in
Vietnam.
It is less than 25 years since Russia at-
tacked Finland. Few Americans then or now
would accept the explanation from Moscow
that the Karelian isthmus was necessary for
their defense. But you hear such an excuse
from Washington to explain Vietnam.
It is encouraging to find someone In the
capital who will stand up to the Knight-
Errant diplomacy of the State Department
and do something about keeping peace and
worldwide order.
HEMET, CALIF.,
August 13,1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Please do all you
can to open hearings and debate on the
proposed agreement to release nuclear
weapons information to NATO countries.
You are very wise in your understanding of
the true situation. Do continue to speak
out. Also, blessings on you for your cour-
age in exposing the true situation In
Vietnam.
Respectfully yours.
Mrs. JEAN ZwiCKEL.
SCARSDALE, N.Y.,
August 14, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I should like to express my
hearty approval of your stand on the war
In South Vietnam. It seems a pity that
more Congressmen cannot view their actions
objectively, but we have been swept out so
far on a wave of hatred that it is difficult
for them to face the truth. Therefore you
should be the more commended for taking
this unpopular stand rather than a char-
acteristic one.
Your restrictions on the foreign aid bill
showed the same wide understanding. I
regret that more of them did not pass.
Though yours way seems to be a voice
crying in the wilderness I hope that eventu-
ally it will be beard and heeded by the whole
country.
Sincerely,
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 12,1694.
Senator WAYNE MoasE.
Senate Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MonsE: I am writing to ex-
press the thanks of my family and myself
to you for your brave and stalwart position
on the Vietnam problem.
Even though you are very much In the
minority, your courageous statements give
all thinking Americans some hope. Please
keep up the wonderful work.
Sincerely yours,
HELEN RUBENSTEIN.
Los ANGELES. CALIF.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I support your stand
on the Vietnam situation. I have also
written my Senators, Informing them of
my attitude, and asking them to support
you and Senator GRUENING.
Sincerely.
Mrs. ELAINE HYMAN.
NEW YORK. N.Y.,
August 6, 1 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE.
U.S. Senate,
Washington. D.C.
DEAR SIR: I thank you from the bottom
of my heart for the sane head and sane vote
you exhibited today on the Vietnam resolu-
tion.
You are not alone despite your courageous
lone vote. Many of us agree with you that
this is a United Nations matter. The new
events only confirm this the more.
I am writing to President Johnson and my
two Senators to tell them of my agreement
with you and that I have so written you.
Many. many thanks again.
Very sincerely,
Miss GERTRUDE ETTENSON.
AUGUST 13, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: We are so thankful
you were courageous and spoke truth to the
Government and hellbent for Vietnam Sen-
ate warriors re illegality, immorality in sit-
uations in East.
We have written telegrams, night letters,
special delivery letters to agree with you to
President. Senators and State Department
with scant replies. The President's secre-
taries (unlike President Kennedy's) merely
sending them to State Department, ignore
what you write, sending a polite non-
committal letter saying nothing, enclosing
news from Vietnam (mimeo) they sent a
year ago. What can a citizen do? Again with
profound admiration.
Respectfully,
ARTHUR AND ETHEL COLLINS.
PASADENA, CALIF.,
August 11, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you very
much for opposing the recent militant U.S.
action In Tonkin Gulf. I. too, believe that
the United States should leave Vietnam. I
urge that we negotiate the problem of Viet-
nam in a conference set up by the 'United
Nations. Secretary General U Thant's pro-
posal to reconvene the Geneva Conference,
with the peacekeeping machinery of the U.N.
would serve this purpose, I believe.
I am glad that you speak out firmly even
on Issues that are unpopular. May you con-
tinue to press for peace Instead of war in
southeast Asia. Thank you again.
Sincerely yours.
Mrs. NANCY E. BENSON.
SEATTLE, WASH.,
August 12, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I thought you might
find of interest the enclosed items. One is
a reply from the Defense Department to a
letter which I sent Senator MAGNUSON about
month ago. He forwarded It on to me. As
you can see, it says absolutely nothing. In
answer to this, r have sent the three-page let-
ter a copy of which is enclosed. You are wel-
come to insert this letter in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD-as I am sure that Senator
MAGNUSON will not do so.
In addition-although you may have seen
these before-I am enclosing "Vietnam-
Symptom of a World Malaise" by David Arn-
old. who served as a USIA officer In the Me-
kong Delta area for 14 months; until he re-
signed in disgust. He holds a Ph.D. in lin-
guistics from Harvard. The other article
is by Bronson Clark, former director of the
American Friends Service Committee relief
programs in Morocco and western Algeria,
His striking parallel between the French in
Algeria and the Americans in South Vietnam
is well made.
I work In the peace education program of
the American Friends Service Committee.
While I have not had time to check out this
idea with the people above me who will
have to give the go-ahead, I have been for-
mulating the idea for a workshop-sympo-
sium on Vietnam which could be held In
Seattle. Would there be any possibility
of obtaining your services as panelist and
guest speaker for such an affair in Septem-
ber? If so. what would be the best dates
for you? We, of course, would pay travel
expenses and an honorarium. I would en-
vision this as a major attempt at involv-
ing mass media personnel, with the focus
on stimulating responsibility In the press.
Also, because of the distinguished Far East
Department at the University of Washing-
ton, we would be able to draw heavily upon
their resources.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
I em n thgsteering committee for an ad
hoc grow, formed at the time of the crisis
to sponsor leafleting and demonstrations op-
posing extension of the war` and calling for
withdrawal of American troops. We are go-
ing to attempt to move in as many ways as
possible, to focus public attention on this
situation; vfsfbily showing our opposition
to present policy. The workship I men-
tioned, which AFSC could possibly sponsor,
would augment this other type of activity.
Lastly, I want to commend you for the fine
presentations you have been making in the
Senate of the case against U.S. involvement
in Vietnam. We receive the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD daily, so I have been keeping track
of all the dialog. We would welcome 500
of any of your speeches on the subject which
havebeen made within the last month; the
more recent, the better. We will be glad to
reimburse you for the printing cost.
CaAtG CAMPBELL.
ment controls no more than 25 percent of the
land area of the country, The "Vietcong"
not only control but administer (schools,
hospitals, local governments) the rest of
the country.
The plain and simple fact-supported by
almost all journalists who are covering this
area-is that the United States is fighting
a war against almost the entire peasant
population of South Vietnam; and is, by
virtue of its methods, driving most of the
rest of the people into active opposition
also.
You do not win friends by spraying vast
areas with chemicals which kill crops and
cattle, defoliate trees, and in some instances,
cause death to humans. You do not win
over the population by razing whole villages
with napalm bombs and artillery.
SEATTLE TIMES, MARCH 21, 1964, AS. DISPATCH
"Included in American military aid is na-
palm, liquid-petroleum jelly which explodes
across villages in a rush of fiery death. A
newer weapon here is a phosphorus explosive
fired from artillery and fighter bombers.
This erupts in a white cloud, burning
through everything it touches. With explo-
sives such as these, civilians are bound to
be hurt. Americans and Vietnamese' argue
that they have no choice but to use the ex-
plosives. The spectacle of children lying
nearly dead with napalm burns was revolting
to Vietnamese and Americans entering a vil-
lage on the Cambodian border after it had
been under air attack by Government planes
Thursday."
There have been numerous stories and pho-
tographs published internationally showing
American "advisers" standing by while Viet-
cong prisoners are beaten and tortured.
Life magazine printed several about a month
ago showing bound prisoners being subjected
to water poured down their nostrils.
Is this what we call bringing "freedom to
South Vietnam"?
Do we really think we can win over the
population by forcing entire villages to move
into virtual concentration camps, euphemis-
tically termed "strategic hamlets"? Bronson
Clark, former director of the American
Friends Service Committee relief program
in Morocco and Western Algeria from 1961 to
1963, wrote an interesting article in the July
15, 1064 issue of Friends Journal which com-
pares Vietnam with Algeria. He draws a re-
markable parallel between the methods em-
ployed by the trench' with their "regroup-
ment camps" and the Americans with "stra-
tegic hamlets." ' He also finds it "curious and
perhaps' frightening to realize that in the
-United States we have a lemminglike atti-
tude toward the actions' of our -Government
in the Per East, although the wire services
report that we are engaged in 'earthscorch-
ing' practices in which, after burning vil-
lages, destroying livestock and rice stores,
and stripping and killing all foliage, we re-
group any Civilians who survive into what
the Pentagon now has the audacity to call
'new life hamlets.' It seems frightening, I
say, to realize that there has been almost no
outcry on the part of the organized church
against these acts committed in our name
and in our behalf."
I am' appalfed to consider the possibility
that politically the administration can do
nothing at present to alter the present course
of events in South Vietnam. It appalls me
even more to see that Johnson is seemingly
pandering to the Goldwaterites by "getting
tough." The vast amount of support GOLD-
WATER commands is all the more reason for
bringing these issues out in the open; away
from the emotional cries for "unity" and the
misleading black-and-white descriptions of
the situation.
The true nature of the conflict in Vietnam
cannot be understood without reference to
the history, geography, and culture of the
area. It is simply fallacious and misleading
19843
to assume that the present situation is a
result of infiltration from North Vietnam.
The Mekong Delta area, south of Saigon and
500 miles from North Vietnam, was the cen-
ter of resistance to the French more than 15
years ago and is the center of resistance to
the U.S.-supported government today.
I would like to close by recording my oppo-
sition to the recent strikes in North Vietnam.
The nature of the targets chosen strongly
suggests that an excuse was manufactured
to give us the "legal" right to destroy these
bases; which were obviously preselected.
Senator MORSE rightly charges that our ships
were probably backing up South Vietnamese
boats which earlier attacked North Vietna-
mese island ports. (This also mentioned by
James Reston, columnist.) General Khanh's
air , force general, in an interview about 3
weeks ago, revealed (to the consternation of
the American "adtiser" present) that.they
had been carrying out sabotage and air drops
in North Vietnam for the last 3 years.
There has also been evidence lately that
Khanh fears a coup; that hints of such a
happening have come from high up in his
own regime. This would be very significant
in explaining his attempt to divert atten-
tion-at least world attention-from his own
precarious situation,
History will record this war as one fought
by the United States with an overwhelming
technical superiority in weapons against a
peasant population Indigenous to the area.
It will be recorded as the testing ground for
new methods of counterinsurgency, or
killing people. And it will also be recorded
as a war which we lost-as did the French
10 years before us--unable to force our view
of the correct society onto the population.
I would welcome any evidence from re-
sponsible, independent sources-not the De-
fense Department or the CIA, with their
vested interests-to refute any claims I have
made herein.
I am enclosing the article by Bronson Clark
which I mentioned earlier. Also, I am en-
closing an article by David Arnold, who
served in South Vietnam for 14 months with
the USIA office on the Mekong Delta area,
and who resigned from Government service
in protest. He holds a Ph. D. from Harvard
and Is now executive assistant at the Wood-
row Wilson National Fellowship Foundation
Hon. WARREN G. MAGNUSON,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: I appreciate very
much your letter of August 4 with the en-
closed reply from the Assistant Secretary of
Defense on the, subject of U.S. policy in Viet-
nam. I certainly did not expect my opinions
to go quite so far. Unfortunately,'however,
this reply neatly avoided answering any of
my main points. This avoidance of discuss-
ing openly 'the history and nature of the
situation in South Vietnam is characteristic
not only of the Defense' Department, but of
the administration and `the mass media as
well.
There is such a gulf-between the "offi-
cial" bureaucratic point of'view toward oper-
ations such as our involvement in South
Vietnam-as witnessed by the reply from the
Defense Department to my letter-and the
actual, personal level effect of such opera-
tions on the population as a whole, so as to
make discussion almost pointless.
There ,are number of irrefutable facts
concerning South Vietnam which are relevant
to any discussion of our present policy there.
One is that France colonized the area, built
the cities, affected the culture-and yet was
not able to retain Indochina. Another is
that the United States` declined to sign the
...1954 Geneva agreements' which partitioned
the country. This does not give us the right
to flagrantly violate these agreements, which
forbid the introduction of soldiers of any
nation (except , specified numbers from
France) into the area; which forbid the use
of jet aircraft in the area; which called for
elections in 2 years to unify North and South
Vietnam. In violation of these agreements
(Stevenson's U.N. speech notwithstanding)
we have introduced 15,000 "advisers" (sol-
diers) into the area; have constructed a huge
jet base; and have supported three dictators
in a row.. Diem, the first one, was schooled In
America and installed largely at the insist-
ence of Dulles. There is considerable evi-
dence that he was removed with the active
assistance of the CIA for three main reasons:
He had made recent peace "feelers" to North
Vietnam; he was unwilling to push the war
as hard as U.S. advisers wanted him to; and
his netpotism and internal repression was be-
coming an embarrassment to the united
States, This theory is ;widely held among
correspondents and diplomats. '
Since then, we have seen two dictators
*ho seem to possess even less popularity than
Diem. What, then, do we mean when we
speak of the "Government of South Viet-
nam"? Walter Lippmann wrote in the, Wash-
ington Post of April 21, 1964, that no more
than 30 percent of the people support the
Saigon government,. and that the govern-
in Princeton, N.J.
Sincerely,
WASHINGTON,D.C.,
June 30, 1964.
Hon. WARREN G. MAGNUSON,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MAGNUSON: I am replying to
your June 2 referral to the Department of
Defense of a letter to you from Mr. Craig
Campbell.
Both the President and Secretary Mc-
Namara believe that the problems of south-
east Asia require periodic meetings between
American key officials in Washington and
in the Par East having responsibility for
these problems. These face-to-face ex-
changes, at Saigon and at Honolulu, have
provided the Secretary of Defense, General
Taylor, and other officials with an oppor-
funity to review the counterinsurgency op-
erations of the South Vietnamese, to review
our progrrAing'of assistance to Vietnam, and
to consider what additional actions, if any,
are required from the United States to make
more effective the activities of the South
Vietnamese in countering guerrilla opera-
tions.
Mr. Campbell raised the question of the
chance of success of our policies in Vietnam.
I believe that the Government of Vietnam
must overcome many formidable obstacles
before the Communist insurgency will be
suppressed. Events leading to the over-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 19
throw of the Diem regime and the subsequent
disruption in administrative and military op-
erations caused initially a setback in the war
against the Vietcong terrorists. Since the
advent of the Khanh government early this
year, however, there has been a marked re-
covery in both the military and civilian
spheres. As Secretary McNamara testified
recently before Congress:
"It Is clear, I think, that the road alead
will be long and hard there. We have said
that before, I want to repeat it again today.
But it is not the tradition of this country
to back off when the going gets tough. I
am sure all of you would agree with that.
We don't propose to back off now. I am
convinced and our senior military and polit-
ical officials are convinced-that includes the
Ambassador in Saigon and the Commander of
the U.S. military assistance in Saigon-that
persistent execution of the plans of the
Khanh, government, plans with which we
agree, will lead to success. We propose to
achieve that."
I appreciate Mr. Campbell's Interest in
Vietnam and trust that the above will serve
to answer the points raised in his letter.
Sincerely,
Prraa LuszRT,
Deputy Assistant Secretary.
[From Fellowship, May 19041
VIETNAM: SYMPTOM OF A WORLD MALAISE
(By David Arnold)
(In May 1963, David Arnold, who had been
serving In South Vietnam for the past 14
months with the USIA office on the Mekong
Delta area, resigned from government service
in protest. Assigned to the branch public
officer in Can Tho, he was responsible for ex-
plaining U.S. policy and goals to the Viet-
namese in that area. Dr. Arnold, who holds
a Ph. D. from Harvard in linguistics, is now
executive assistant at the Woodrow Wilson
National Fellowship Foundation in Prince-
ton, N.J.)
It would be easy to blame the French for
Vietnam. For the hundred years or so pre-
ceding 1940, It was their country, part-along
with Cambodia and Laos-of their colony of
Indochina. The germs of the present sit-
uation were loosed by them; they have
thrived beautifully under our care.
We became involved in Vietnam during
World War II. The Japanese had occupied
the country with little resistance from the
French. Though they were unable to ex-
ploit the vast wealth of raw materials, these
resources were denied the West. In the early
years of the war, we could only bars the
Japanese. When our OSS infiltrated Vietnam
to develop guerrilla forces capable of operat-
ing behind Japanese lines, they found an al-
ready well-developed resistance group calling
themselves nationalists. Their Vietnamese
title was Viet Minh, abbreviations for league
for the Revolution and Independence of Viet-
nam. Their leader was one No Chi Minh,
who had been trained as a Communist in
his youth. The Viet Minh Impressed us with
their organization and determination to de-
feat the Japanese; we supplied them and
worked with them for the duration of the
war.
With Japanese defeat imminent, President
Roosevelt made plans for the future of Indo-
china. He recognized the strength of na-
tionalist forces at work and proposed, at the
Cairo and Teheran conferences in December
1943 and January 1944, that Indochina be
placed under an international trusteeship as
a final step toward complete Independence.
But Roosevelt's hope for a trusteeship over
Indochina died with him. Key policymak-
ing personnel in the Truman administra-
tion were concerned with what they saw as
the more pressing problems of Europe. In
1948, France reasserted her claim over her
former colonies with scarcely a protest from
us.
The Viet Minh, however, had other ideas.
They had rallied the support of the peasants
to fight the Japanese and now had their back-
ing to demand Independence from the
French. France appeared at first to meet
the Viet Minh demands. In return for polit-
ical, military, and economic concessions, she
agreed to recognize the Republic of Vietnam
"as a free state, having its own government,
parliament, army, and treasury, belonging to
the Indochinese Federation and the French
Union," However, a few months later, she
reneged on her promises and prepared to re-
occupy the country.
The Viet Minh turned to us, as their allies
of the war, for support. We were unwilling
and unprepared to anger France--we refused.
They then turned to Russia. She, too, was
more concerned with events in Europe, and
also turned them down, No Chi Minh asked
France for further negotiations-his pleas
were Ignored. Frencij forces reentered Viet-
nam, armed largely with American lend-
lease weapons. The Viet Minh went under-
ground, pledging guerrilla warfare until their
demands were met.
At the end of the war in 1948 the Viet
Minh had been relatively moderate and
friendly to the West. French military reoc-
cupation of the country produced a Viet
Minh thoroughly hostile to the West and
completely Communist oriented. Although
Russia continued her unwillingness to aid
them, by 1949 a newly Communist China
recognized a way to fulfill both her ideolog-
ical convictions and her ancient imperial de-
signs on southeast Asia. Vietnam had once
been under Chinese rule for a period of 1,000
years. and China offered her support to the
Viet Minh with a long eye to the future.
The ensuing Indochinese War was a shock
to the French. Chinese training_ and sup-
plies for the Viet Minh were seemingly end-
less. Prepared for pitched battles, the
French were Ill-equipped for guerrilla war-
fare. Their tanks mired In the rice fields,
and their slow moving convoys were easily
ambused along jungle roads. They received
no support from the Vietnamese peasants,
whose appetite for independence had been
well developed by No Chi Minh.
SUPPORT GOES TO FRANCE
As an ally, we supplied the French with
equipment and supplies. Our aid averaged
$600 million annually through 1953. This
proved of little help, for the French were
fast losing. By the time the Eisenhower ad-
ministration took office, a detached observer
might have been able to see that we were
committed to a hopleleas situation. Yet, we
either had no detached observers, or they
did not have the ears of our new adminis-
trstors-we did not change our policy. In-
stead we put more effort into making the
old policy produce better results. Fiscal
1954 aid was increased to $885 million; we
promised $1.133 billion for fiscal 1955.
The French did not last until 1955. In
the spring of 1954, the bloody battle of Dien
Bien Phu intervened. A strategic French
fortress in the northern plains fell to the
Communists-this was the Anal crushing
blow. France called for a truce. Russia,
China, the United States, Britain, and
France sat down at the conference table in
Geneva. Vietnam was divided at the 17th
parallel; Viet Minh troops were to withdraw
to the north, French troops to the south.
The accords prohibited the introduction of
new military equipment or personnel Into
either sector, except as replacements for ex-
isting equipment and personnel. Neither
zone was to join any military alliance or
permit the establishment of foreign bases.
The country was to be reunified through
general elections scheduled for July 1956.
The United States refused to Sign the ac-
cords, but stated that we took note of the
agreements and "would refrain from the
threat of the. use of force to disturb them,"
For this interim period, No Chi Minh
headed a Democratic Republic of North Viet-
nam. The French supported a South Viet-
namese Government headed by the former
Emperor Bao Dal. Athough we and other
Western powers recognized South Vietnam
as an independent state, the Bao Dai govern-
ment was little more than a thin facade for
continued French presence. The French
controlled the army, the administration, and
much of,the economy.
SAO DAI LASTS A YEAR
This French-sponsored government lasted
a little over a year. We had had our Korea,
and the cornerstone of our foreign policy
was now containment. We decided that
continued French presence in South Viet-
nam would be a difficult obstacle to our plans
for checking further Communist advances
In Asia. We set about taking a more active
role in the future of South Vietnam. An
ardent anti-Communist Vietnamese nation-
alist by the name of Ngo Dinh Diem had been
invited back from exile to serve as Premier
of the Bao Dal government. He soon caught
our eye as a possible alternative to Bao Dai
himself. With a promise of massive Ameri-
can aid, he successfully persuaded the Em-
peror to hold a popular referendum on the
future form of the government of South
Vietnam. This referendum, held In October
1955, produced an announced 98 percent
majority in favor of a Republic headed by
Ngo Dinh Diem. Bao Dal left in exile for
the French Riviera-the French had been
pushed aside. We began developing South
Vietnam Into what we called "a bastion of
the free world."
Considering the conditions that existed
in South Vietnam in 1965, it Is a wonder
that we even thought we could succeed.
The war had left roads and railroads de-
stroyed, communications disrupted. Viet-
namese industry and most natural resources
were located in the north. Many Viet Minh
had not 'withdrawn to the north, but had
gone underground In the south, retaining
the loyalty of peasants. The population of
North Vietnam was 18 million and that of
the South only 14 million. Even had Presi-
dent Diem been as genuinely popular as he
claimed to be, it was clear that just by weight
of numbers the Communists would win the
nationwide elections scheduled for 1956 by
the Geneva accords.
NO ELECTIONS FOR DIEM-OR US
Therefore we backed Diem's refusal to
follow the accords. We agreed with him that
genuinely free elections could not be held
in a Communist North Vietnam, but said
nothing about whether genuinely free elec-
tions could be held in the south.
There were no nationwide elections. Our
aid poured in. Diem had quashed dissident
Buddhist sects challenging his authority to
speak for the country, and he now rebuilt
the army. Within a few years he extended
the power of his government Into rural areas
which the French, even at the height of their
power, had never reached. He made begin-
nings in land reform and redeveloped large
areas of swamp lands in which to settle the
nearly 1 million refugees who had fled the
north.
But for a government supported by the
greatest democracy in the world, the Repub-
lic of South Vietnam was proving to be
amazingly undemocratic. Ngo Dinh Diem
called himself a President. He was an auto-
crat ruling from a palace, refused to share
powers of decision outside his own family.
He tolerated no opposition. No one un-
friendly to Diem managed to hold a seat in
his Chamber of Deputies. The country's
population was 70 percent Buddhist, but
positions of responsibility were given only
to members of the Roman Catholic Church,
to which the Ngo family had belonged for
over three centuries.
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196 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD SENATE 1984
Mono of this bothered us too much. We
made it dlear by word and action that as long
as Diexn continued to-be anti-Communist,
we Would back 4iim in whatever` he did. The
tragedy, however, was that Americans in
positions of responsibility never knew ex-
actly what he `did. Of the more than 600
American diplomatic, military, and aid per-
sonnel in South Vietnam, no more than 50
lived and worked outside the capital city.
We gathered our information on the political
and military situation from Saigon sources,
who carefully filtered out disquieting news
from the provinces. If lower-level American
officials in the field submitted reports of
growing unrest among the peasants of South
Vietnam, the reports never managed to reach
Washington,
TROUBLE IN THE NEWS
In 1960, the American people were'sud-
denly told that there was trouble in Viet-
nam again. The news may have been sud-
den, the trouble was not. Guerrillas had
Started reappearing in 1958, capitalizing on
a feeling, of political and social impotence
among the peasants. They urged the peas-
ants to resist the authority of their govern-
ment and deman d reunification with their
brethren in the north. "They' promised the
peasants a voice in a government that gave
equal consideration to all its citizens and
gave no preference to one group over an-
other. Many of these so-called Vietcong were
former Viet Minh who had 'never left the
south, Others had infiltrated' along the
celebrated 'Ho Chi-Minh'trall through Laos.
Many were new recruits. "They` were all well
received by the peasants.
Diem's reaction to the increasing subver-
S1on was a further tightening of the reins of
government. As the guerrillas won more
peasants, Diem became more authoritarian.
Any Vietnamese who spoke up in public
against the increasing 'repressive acts of his
government was jailed. Any Americans who
felt our mission in Vietnam might be jeop-
ardized by a blind allegiance to a government
that was violating what we considered to be
the basic rights of all individuals everywhere
were called defeatists-ignored, or sometimes
transferred.
During this period, our Embassy was ap-
proached by several anti-Communist but dis-
sident Vietnamese groups asking support to
overthrow the Diem government. Many
commanded widespread backing among the
military and, the intelligentsia. We ignored
their petitions.
By the fall of 1960, the Communists had
gained control of large sections of the Viet-
namese countryside. Six days after the elec-
tion of President Kennedy, one of the groups
that had approached us earlier for support
attempted a coup. They were crushed. We
dismissed, the affair as an isolated incident,
not in the least symptomatic of conditions
in the country. We found out several months
later that the young military officers behind
the coup had thought, with the election of
President Kennedy, that we would now be
more sympathetic to their cause.
By spring '1961, our new administration
did recognize that there were problems in
Vietnam. Vietnamese hopes rose as Presi-
dent Kennedy assigned a new Ambassador,
Frederick Molting, and sent Vice President
Johnson on a factfinding tour in May. John-
son's trip' was followed by a study mission
headed by Gen. Maxwell Taylor. By fall we
,had prepared what we called a "new policy"
for South Vietnam.
It was not a new policy. We were only
t,,,y,ing harder to'make the old policy work.
We continued to back Ngo Dinh Diem, our
new administration ;said, because there *as
no other alternative. (This we said, of .1 .1 course, about Chiang Kai-shek before we lost
mainland. China, about Batista before we
lost Cuba, and. about Rhee before he was
overthrown.) We did, however, recognize supplied us by the Vietnamese Government
the need for making `the Diem government 'information service, listing 200 Vietcong
more palatable to the Vietnamese people, and . killed and one Government soldier woundeL.
we were planning to press for political and Yet, even with such a high mortality rate
social reforms in return for massive buildup among the Communists, within 18 months
in economic and military aid. 10,000 Vietcong regulars managed to swell to
During the winter of 1961-62, we sent mil- 25,000.
lions of dollars of equipment and supplies The Communists were exploting the situa-
and 12,000 military and civilian advisers to tion beautifully. We were the successors to
South Vietnam. I was one of the civilians. the French, they said, moving our men and
The focus of our civilian efforts was the stra- equipment into the country to destroy
tegic hamlet program. Following the British Vietnamese independence and convert the
success in Malaya in the mid-fifties, we were country into a colony of Western imperial-
planning to help the Vietnamese Govern- ism. They revived Ho Chi Minh's cry of
ment regroup its peasant population in fort- the Indochinese war for freedom from the
ified villages. These strategic hamlets, as Western colonialists. They portrayed Diem
we called them in Vietnam, would theoreti- as a puppet of the West, who had no concern
cally protect the peasants from Vietcong for the interest of his countrymen. They
propaganda and terrorism and would cut the made no move, however, to topple the gov-
-guerrillas off from food and information ernment, for they were convinced that it
sources. We then planned to convince the would fall by itself.
Vietnamese Government to introduce demo- The horror of the situation came not from
cratic forms of self-government into the stra- what the Vietnamese were doing, but from
tegic hamlets, with the hope that, given what Americans thought they were doing.
an increased sense of individual responsibil- As the New York Times had consistently
ity, the peasant might come to respect his pointed out, there was little relationship be
government. tween what we lower echelon people were
NEw POLICY ALSO FAILS 'seeing and reporting from the field, and
I was in South Vietnam for 14 months. what the highest American officials in Saigon
Within 6 months it was obvious to those were reporting back to Washington. The
of us in the field that, for all of the talk State Department now blames the Central
of "cautious optimism" and "qualified sue- Intelligence Agency for stopping the flow of
cess" among Americans in Saigon and the realistic information to Washington, but
State Department, our new policy was work- there was a ban on negative reporting
ing no better than the old. throughout the entire American Mission in
Both Americans and Vietnamese were tak- Saigon until only recently.
ing the strategic hamlet program seriously DIED. LOSES WHILE HE WINS
and were hailing it as the turning point in All of us, I am sure, the Ambassador in-
the struggle against Vietcong, I visited stra- eluded, knew at least unconsciously that we
tegic hamlets in the Mekong Delta every were winning no war, that Diem was win-
day and saw differently. Fortified villages in ning no support of his people, and that
Malaya probably did win the war. The Brit- there was no prospect of victory over the
ish, through means never revealed to Parlia- Communists with our present policy. If it
ment, managed to separate the Communist was to be "sink or swim with Ngo Dinh
from the non-Communist before enclosing Diem," we all knew that we were sinking.
the village with a wall. The Vietnamese-did But those who had to take responsibility
not. Anyone could live in the strategic ham- for our actions no longer dared to reverse
let if he said he wanted to or could be forced themselves. They had spent too many bil-
to. In Malaya the walls were 12 feet high, lions, been in Vietnam too many years, and
the gates were closed at sundown, and any- lost too many men to admit that it had been
one found outside the walls was shot on the in vain. To protect themselves, they could
spot, no questions asked. In the Delta some accept only those facts that would support
walls managed to rise to 3 feet, and for the the only policy they thought possible.
peasants who couldn't be bothered with Step- When I left Vietnam, most of us in the
ping over them, the gates were always open. field knew what would happen next. It is
In Malaya, the inhabitants were kept armed, true that we had not known that the violent
to ward off guerrilla attacks. In South Viet-. protest would be led first by Buddhists. We
nam; weapons were kept locked in the hamlet had guessed the young military or the Stu-
chief's office and distributed in emergencies- dents. Our top officials saw nothing coming.
Emergencies managed to come too fast for Over the summer, as the Buddhists revolt
effective distribution. In Malaya, the Com- grew, our Americans in Saigon seemed to
munists were effectively cut off from the become more blind, and more willing and
peasants. In Vietnam, the flow of propa- even eager to accept official Vietnamese pro-
ganda, terror, food and information contin- nouncements that the anti-Government
ued unhindered. demonstrations were Communist-directed.
We were Preening ourselves over the begin- When Ngo Dinh Nhu, President Diem's
pings of democratic self-government we had brother, used his CIA-sponsored special
introduced into the strategic hamlets: The forces to sack the pagodas on the night of
Vietnamese were sharing our public enthusi- August 21, I thought the end of any Amer-
asm by announcing that a long-soughtsocial ican influence in South Vietnam was in sight.
revolution had taken hold of their country. The Vietnamese people had called upon us
Hamlet residents were now given an'oppor- to help them, and we were silent. Ameri-
tunity to elect their own leaders and to vote can-made rifles clubbed the Buddhist nuns
themselves on possible self-help programs and priests into submission, and American-
founded by the United States. I asked a made trucks hauled them to prison and tor-
close Vietnamese friend of mine in the gov- ture. Our money was supporting a govern-
ernment whether the peasants were in fact ment hated by the whole country. How
being given this opportunity. "Of 'course could we not expect that this hate would
not," he answered. "The day before the elec- turn toward us?
tion, the district chief instructs the peasants In September, 1 month after the arrival of
in what choices they are to make. Then, the Ambassador Lodge, Washington recalled our
following day, when you Americans are there, head CIA representative in South Vietnam,
the peasants know exactly how to vote." a man personally committed to Ngo Dinh
"Have the peasants ever made up their own Nhu. It was only a matter of weeks after
minds?" I asked. Ike was surprised that I he left that the first successful coup against
would ask such a .ridiculous question. Ngo Dinh Diem came. I do not know if we
Militarily, we claimed to have turned the took the initiative with the Vietnamese gen-
tide against the Communists. We were erals, or whether they came to us first for
proudly reporting "mopping up" operations support. This perhaps does not matter.
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our supplies had been used by Diem to main-
tain power, so they were used to overthrow
him. The Diem government was American-
sponsored. Its successors have been Ameri-
can-sponsored. Whether the Vietnamese
people want an American-sponsored govern-
ment has apparently not yet occurred to our
pollcymakers.
The two post-Diem military governments
have proved to be no solution, Vietcong
terrorism increases, their hold on the coun-
tryside tightens, and even Saigon now begins
to show signs of panic.
At this point there appear to be Ave possi-
ble directions the Vietnam situation could
take.
PROPOSAL NO. 1: ante UP SHANH
The first, which we have proposed. In-
volves building up the present military
strong man, General Khanh, as the popular
leader we once thought Diem to be. For
this, even if ghanh had the potential, it is
too late. The Vietnamese people will not
give us another opportunity to show them
what "democracy" can do for their country.
The second, another of our proposals,
would be to complete American military
withdrawal from the country by the end of
1965, allowing the South Vietnamese to take
sole responsibility for the war. This would
be the cruelest of all possible solutions. The
current war is almost completely the product
of our own policies. We must stay at least
long enough to help the Vietnamese people
fashion a more constructive policy.
The third possibility is also our proposal-
to carry the war to North Vietnam, giving the
North Vietnamese, we have said, "some of
their own medicine." But as Secretary of
State Rusk has pointed out, the trouble is in
South Vietnam. Extending hostilities will
not eliminate them.
A fourth recommendation has come from
the North Vietnamese and the Communist
Chinese, with a call for a Geneva Coryfer-
ence to negotiate a ceasefire and 's neutrali-
zation of South Vietnam. We answer that
this would lead to an eventual takeover by
North Vietnam.
The final proposal has been offered by Gen-
eral de Gaulle. After establishing a cease-
fire, the Geneva Conference would negotiate
reunification of the south with the north
and neutralization of the entire country.
We answer that North Vietnam is already too
dominated by Communist China to be effec-
tively neutral In the cold war.
Any decision as to the direction of Viet-
nam must obviously take Into account the
feelings of the Vietnamese people. As all
peoples, they want peace. As the people of a
divided country, they want reunification. As
the pawns once of colonialism and now of
communism, they want an opportunity to
work out their own destiny.
The nation, the group of nations, the in-
ternational organization that could guaran-
tee a reunified and peaceful Vietnam, freed
from the pressures of the cold war, would
have the support of all Vietnamese-in the
north, in the south, or in exile.
)From Fellowship, May 1964)
THE BACKGROUND
(By David Arnold)
(Mr. Arnold's paper and contributions by
three other specialists on Vietnam: Jerrold
Schecter, Helen Lamb, and Helen Mears, were
considered on February 28, 29, 1964, at
Shadowcliff, national headquarters of the
Fellowship of Reconciliation at Nyack, N.Y.
Executives from the following peace organi-
zations were also present: National Commit-
tee for a Sane Nuclear Policy, Turn Toward
Peace, Women's International League for
Peace and Freedom, the American Friends
Service Committee, the War Resisters League,
the Methodist Board of Social Concerns,
Friends Committee for National Legislation,
Friends Peace Committee, Committee for
Nonviolent Action, National Service Board
for Religious Objectors, Promoting Enduring
Peace, Mennonite Central Committee, and
Committee for World Development and
World Disarmament.)
Leaders of 14 organisations devoted to
peaceful solutions to world conflict spent a
weekend recently focusing on the festered
awe in southeast Asia known as Vietnam.
Pour specialists provided background details
and overall summaries of the Vietnam situa-
tion, among them David Arnold, who sup-
plied this key article.
Vietnam, partitioned as cruelly and illogi-
cally as Clermany and Korea-Le a stage for
big-power plays locked In dubious battle. It
soon became apparent to the conferees that
no lasting solution to Vietnam exists apart
from a radical examination of the whole
world situation.
Within the large frame of, a triple revolu-
tion of human rights, technology. and wea-
pons, the drama of southeast Asia is being
played out by three great powers-the United
States. China, and the V.S.S.R.-and a boat
of figures representing nationalist and in-
dependent movements. That the nostrums
and long-range prescriptions are having lit-
tle effect in the cure of the running sore of
Vietnam Is in itself evidence of the general
malaise of world society.
As affairs stand in mid-1964, only five prin-
cipal courses are possible In South Vietnam
for the United States (elaborated somewhat
by David Arnold in his article): (1) Shoring
up the present regime; (2) withdrawal: (3)
carrying the war to North Vietnam; (4) ne-
gotiation; and (5) neutralization.
All but the latter two carry with them
the ever-present possibility of escalation into
major war. Yet beginnings can and must be
made In Vietnam lest its local troubles
spread to epidemic proportions. Among the
irreducible conditions for enough stability
for a new start are these:
A Geneva Conference similar to the one
on Cambodia In 1954 with China as partici-
pant, directed first of all to negotiate a
ceasefire agreement in Vietnam.
Resumption of trade between South and
North Vietnam.
A strict embargo on all arms to Veet
nom
Internationally supervised elections In
both countries.
The neutralization of the whole Indochina
peninsula.
Immediate questions of UN. auspices, of
who should participate In the conference,
of the responsibility of powers not native
to the region, of the Introduction of basic
land reform, of the form of a reunited ret-
nam, and other economic or political reali-
ties of the area are too complex to be dealt
with here. All must, in any case, await the
stop of a fratricidal, enormously costly war
that daily becomes more purposeless, more
inconclusive.
Vietnam Is not just a trouble spot. It Is
the most visible and virulent local eruption
of deep world sickness. Weaponry, atomic
and otherwise, in its advanced state of revo-
lution, is delicate enough to be touched off
by such a trigger. Technology, in its rapid
spread of cybernetic controls and exploding
unemployment, threatens all the old con-
cepts of land,' livelihood, markets, and re-
sources. And the revolution in human
rights is heavily felt in every corner of
southeast Asia today.
The Fellowship of Reconciliation (and to
some extent the groups listed who partici-
pated in the conference on Vietnam) is
deeply committed to the whole concept of
a world at peace. But it realizes that short-
term and piecemeal approaches are often
Irrelevant and sometimes even backward
steps, when not seen in the genuinely revo-
lutionary and apocalyptic vision of the ac-
tual shape of a world at peace. Studies and
papers dealing with such a world are now
In prooees of preparation and production.
For more information on the program and
the philosophy of the Fellowship of Recon-
ciliation, write Box 271, Nyack, N.Y.
)Prom Friends Journal, July 15, 19641
ALGERIA AND Vxzmsae: TELLTALE OF DISASTER
(By Bronson P. Clark)
Quaker workers in Algeria regard as com-
monplace the numerous stories of atrocities
which grew out of the 8-year Algerian strug-
gle for independence. A tree was pointed out
to me where women were hung by their
arms until they would tell where their sons
were hidden. I, was shown the cistern in
which 20 or 25 men were jammed for special
punishment, as well as the single water tap
for an entire regroupment camp, where the
water was shut off for 18 days during one
period of repression.
These and similar stories grew out of the
efforts by the French to pacify the civilian
population. Despite the creation of thou-
sands of regroupment camps In which mil-
lions of Algerians were imprisoned, and in
spite of massive military superiority, the
French could not succeed.
It was on a day when I stood in a small
western Algerian town on the edge of the
Sahara, talking with the mayor, that the
similarity between the efforts of the French
in Algeria and of the American Government
in South Vietnam struck me as a parallel.
I had just read in the New York Times of the
machinegunning of water buffalo in South
Vietnam when the Algerian mayor pointed
out that during the war the camels had been
machin gunned by the French in an effort
to deprive the guerrillas operating in the
desert area of their usefulness.
As the months have gone by, the parallel
has become more and more striking. During
the Diem era, the U.S. Government an-
nounced that 8,000 strategic hamlets.
financed by the United States, would be built
in south Vietnam. The reason given for
regrouping civilian populations into camps
(for the most part forcibly) is that it pre-
vents the guerrilla, operating In the country-
side, from terrorizing the peasants into pro-
viding support. The same argument had
been used in Algeria, but the fact of the mat-
ter was that the French soldiers could not
determine whether an Algerian peasant was
simply an innocent farmer or was in fact a
peasant fighter or sympathizer. Since they
were not able to trust anyone, their idea was
to move everyone behind barbed wire and
then to declare that anyone found outside
was obviously hostile.
In the kind of bush and guerrilla warfare
going on in South Vietnam, where Ameri-
cans finance and direct the overall operation,
our military face a similar problem. But
foreign correspondents have made it clear to
us that the governments which we have
financed and supported do not have the sup-
port of local peasants, and that repressive
tactics similar to those In Algeria have (as
in the Algerian case) sealed the hostility of
the peasants against the Saigon Government
and the U.8.-financed army. The bontinued
regrouping of large numbers of Vietnamese
into camps, with the frequent burning of
their former homes, will serve only to create
additional support for the Vietcong. The
torture of dragging prisoners through muddy
paddy fields behind vehicles (as depicted in
the New York Times of May 23) Is only one'
example of the atrocities which will alienate
what peasant support Is left.
At the time of some of the Algerian atroci-
ties there were protests by the Catholic
Church in France against the harsh prac-
tices of the French Army. There were also
demonstrations of Civil disobedience by
French draftees, particularly with respect to
the Algerian war. It is curious and perhaps
frightening to realize that in the United
States we have a leming-like attitude to-
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19847
ward the, actions of our Government in the
Far East, although the wire services report
that We are engaged in "earthscorching"
practices in which, after burning villages, de-
stroying livestock and rice stores, and strip-
ping and killing all foliage, we regroup any
civilians who survive into what the Penta-
gon now has the audacity to call "new life
hamlets. It seem frightening, I say, to
realize that there has been almost no outcry
on the part of the organized church against
these acts committed in our 'name and in
our behalf.
One might wonder why the American Gov-
ernment persists so vigorously in prosecut-
ing a war which most thoughtful observers
agree carhot be resolved militarily, but (as
Walter Lippmann often has pointed out)
must ultimately be negotiated into a political
settlement in which the Vietcong or Commu-
nists are given a recognized status. At the
least, the issue should be brought before the
United Nations. American reluctance to do
this can be understood only if one glances
back in the broadest possible sweep of
understanding at the American position in
the Far East during the last 2b years. '
Those of us who were in Quaker service
in China in the middle forties recall how
amazed the American public was when the
American Government intervened so aggres-
sively in the Chinese Civil War. The U.S.
Air Force flew Chiang Kai-shek's troops
from west China, where they had been
pushed by the Japanese, to the eastern cities
of Chtna, to forestall those cities' being oc-
cupied by nearby Chinese Communist troops.
After the surrender of the Japanese at the
end of the Second World War, United States
Marines were used to hold Chinese railway
lines for the Nationalists in an effort to keep
the-lines from falling into-the hands of the
Chinese Communists.
We set up a military advisory group in
China to equip and train Chiang Kai-shek's
troops in a new war to kill Chinese Com-
munists, Everyone knows we were ulti-
mately defeated when Chiang was forced to
retreat to Formosa. For some people it has
been an iugxplicable situation that in the
Far East we have tenaciously tied ourselves
to a sterile and bankrupt policy which has
blocked China's admission to the world com-
munity, prevented our citizens from travel-
ing to China, and prohibited cultural and
scientific interchange and world trade with
a fifth of the human race. Our .Government
will punish any American journalist who at
tempts to report to us directly from China.
,Those Americ,.ns who did not realize the
enormous extent of our involvement in the
Chinese Civil War cannot, understand, ourcontinuing involvement in the growing war-
in southeast Asia, The fact is that the
Pentagon has not forgotten its defeat at the
hands of the Chinese Communists and_ re-
gards its maneuvers in South ' Vietnam and
its increasing military adventures in Laos
as prejockeying and eventually coming to
grips with what the Pentagon regards as the
principal target or enemy: Communist
China.
It is difficult for the. American eople or
the Congress to play a very significant role,
as little. is known about the Far East. Most
of our high schools have no courses whatever
on Far Eastern history, and 11 only a hand-
ful of colleges give a major in Far Eastern
affairs. Only occasionally is there a student
of Far Eastern languages.
Our general ignorance of Asian language,
race, religion, history, and ' geography pre-
vents us from making an impact upon our
Congressmen, whose main concerns continue
to be, on the one hand, a wide-eyed, childlike
version of, bogeyman communism, and, on
the other, nxiety that the military contracts
dealt out by the Pentagon go to their con-
stituents. The pressure on Congress is enor-
mous to continue military programs and to
maintain supply depots, navy yards, obsolete
tank manufacturing plants, etc. A recent
2-day visit to Washington, during which I
had a series of interviews on South Vietnam
with Pentagon and State Department per-
sonnel, convinced me that the Congress had
declared its last war. From now on, our
military adventures will begin as the White
House (using a combination of Pentagon-
CIA-State Department advice) sees fit to
begin them.
While similarities with Algeria have been
pointed out, they can be carried only so far.
One of the differences is that France was
strained to the limit economically by tier
military adventures abroad. Also, the liberal
tradition within the French political stream
created a tension within her community
which predisposed the French people to with-
drawing from the Algerian venture. These
two factors do not exist for us in southeast
Asia. We are wealthy, strong, and arrogant.
We are not predisposed to withdraw, having
not yet reached the political maturity, to
realize that ' there are many kinds of com-
munism, some of which provide quite an
adequate way of life for some peoples; nor
have we the sophistication to realize that it
is not given to the United States-particu-
larly majority white Americans-to dictate
to small brown people of another religion and
another language how they shall think and
feel and to what loyalties they shall respond.
Rather than present our military face to
these people in Asia, we should-as Supreme
Court Justice Douglas long ago pointed out-
endorse with enthusiasm their attempts to
break with their fuedal past and to shake
off their enormous poverty, and should join
side by side with them in building a new
society in which they might share in some
measure such standards of food, health, and
education as we have in America.
If thoughtful and religious people in Amer-
ica do not soon impinge upon our Govern-
ment's fatal and immoral policy, we shall be
led further into a series of events beyond
our control which we shall not be able to
stop. China cannot long permit our con-
tinued intervention without weighing direct
intervention herself. Who dares forecast
after that? I await with anxiety the awaken-
ing of America's conscience.
DAYTON, OHIO,
August 13, 1964.
Senator MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I want to express
my appreciation for your stand on the Viet-
nam crisis. I am horrified at the extent this
"war" has gone and how little the American
(U.S.) people know about it.
I had written to the President about my
concern before-several times before his talk
of August 6. I was hopeful he would ap-
proach the Vietnam issue from a conciliatory
angle-directly opposite to what I under-
stand Mr. GOLDWATER takes. But this hope
was shattered August 6. I note in a report
in our newspaper that you still stand firm
in the belief which I hold also (if I interpret.
this correctly). Where do we (U.S.) go from
here?
Sincerely yours,
JOE M. DEXTER.
ANCHORAGE, ALASKA,
August 8, 1964.
Senator ERNEST GRUENING,
U.S. Senate, Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR GRINNING: I wish to extend
to you and to Senator MORSE a vote of con-
fidence and appreciation for your long and
continued stand on the southeast Asia situ-
ation. The conventional press has not re-
corded your remarks on the floor of the
Senate; however, through subscribing to sev-
eral liberal publications, I had been aware
of your sane and sensible stand. I have long
felt that we had no business whatsoever, in
southeast Asia; that the countries in that
area are capable of self-determination and
self-government; and that we have problems
within the borders of our own country which
should be resolved before sticking our nose
into other people's business.
Please keep up the good fight. The in-
telligent people of this country will applaud
and the vacuum heads will jeer.
Sincerely yours,
PETER W. LANNEN.
MELBOURNE, AUSTRALIA,
August 8, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR: From faraway Australia, I
would like to congratulate you on your lone
stand against the recent military action in
the Gulf of Tonkin and the coast of North
Vietnam.
When a war hysteria grips a people it is
very hard to hear the quieter voice of sanity.
Amid all the dark news of last week your
vote and protest were a most encouraging and
hopeful light.
Will the U.S. administration realize in time
that you cannot capture men's hearts and
minds by shooting their brothers?
Haven't the peoples of Asia the right to
expect something better from the world's
richest Nation than bombs and bloodshed?
Your courageous protest served the cause
of America and world peace well.
Yours sincerely,
VINCENT MATTHEW.
HARPURSVILLE, N.Y.
August 13, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to commend
you in your attempts to get our troops with-
drawn from Vietnam.
So many of us, especially the young peo-
ple, feel so helpless to do anything to stop
the futile loss of men, the outpouring of our
money and our disgraceful actions there,
both political and military.
I hope that these silent despairing citi-
zens may voice their ideas and help you to
save our men.
Yours truly,
GENEVIEVE KARR HAMLIN.
NEW YORK, N.Y.,
August 11, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE L. MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I am writing to ex-
press my extreme concern over the situa-
tion in Vietnam and the position which our
Government has taken and continues to take
with regard to it. In addition, I want to
say that I appreciate your position particu-
larly on the vote taken in the Senate Friday
in which you did not support the President's
military action.
I urge you to continue to press for our
withdrawal from Vietnam. Time has be-
come of the essence.
Sincerely yours,
DEBORAH A. JACKSON.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
,August 11, 1964.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate of the United States,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: As a longtime ad-
mirer of your great State of Oregon, I was
pleased to discover that Oregon has a Sen-
ator whose integrity matches her beauty.
I thank you for the courageous stand on
the war in Vietnam, and for your efforts to
end hyprocisy in our foreign aid program.
I also urge you to work for full implemen-
tation of the new civil rights law, and for
protection of civil rights workers and Negroes
in.the South.
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I sincerely hope that you and Senator
GRUENING will keep up the struggle. Thank
you.
Yours sincerely,
DONALD JOHNS.
POINT ARENA, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
DEAR SIR: I wish to thank you for your op-
position to President Johnson's action in
Vietnam, and to say I firmly support the rea-
sons for your stand. and your whole position
in regard to the war to Vietnam.
I am a schoolteacher in rural northern
California.
Yours sincerely,
MRS. ROSALIE BORTNWICK.
AUGUST 6, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I am a student at the University
of Washington and a registered voter of King
County, Wash. I have followed your calm
dissent with the majority views regarding
Vietnam for the past year with amazement.
Last fall I prepared a research speech for
a class on the conditions in South Vietnam,
I used such sources as the New Republic and
the Nation-even Dean Rusk's speeches.
Sir, you are absolutely correct regarding our
deplorable role In that country, Why are
our violations of the Geneva Agreements
of 1954 and international custom regarding
the use of chemical warfare completely
ignored in this country?
You have been dispassionate, reasoned, and
courageous in expressing your views. We
are in a minority regarding this matter; I
hope that somehow you can continue to ex-
press what you know and feel to be true. I
also hope the people of Oregon recognize
your worth.
Sincerely,
BEVERLY HILLS, CALIF.,
August 13, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: The coverage and
wisdom you displayed during the recent clash
with North Vietnam is deeply admired and
appreciated, by me, my family, and all of
our friends.
We are in complete accord with your views,
and fully realize the strength of character
and depth of conviction that you so ably
expressed during this crisis.
Our humble thanks to you for bolstering
our belief that truth will always prevail in
the person of men like yourself.
Respectfully,
Mrs. JAMES J. BROWN.
AUGUST 10, 1964.
Senator WAYNE WORSE.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: By reputation, you
should be able to cancel out Senator GOLD-
WATER all by yourself.
MILTON R. SCHErERN.
LIVINGSTON. N.J.,
August 15, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MoasE: I have just taken
the time to read both sides of the issue of
the attack in the Gulf of Tonkin. I have
now made up my mind.
I wish to congratulate you and Senator
GRUENING (Alaska) for your courage and
vision In voting against the President's ac-
tion. What makes me feel Bad about our
country Is that you and ORUENING are the
only two in the Senate and the House who
saw the issue so clearly.
What is wrong with our country? Is Presi-
dent Johnson so sensitive of GOLDWATER? We
now know unfortunately that the despotic
South Vietnam regime (democratic?) could
fabricate a war similar to the battleship
Maine incident. It is odd but most history
does repeat itself.
Keep up the good work. Don't loose heart.
Sven though we are a very small minority,
"we shall overcome "
RespecUu ly.
VENICE, CALIF.
October 12,1961.
Senator WAYNE MORSE.
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
HONORASLE Six: Your stand against our
undeclared war in southeast Asia is well taken
because:
(1) We cannot win the way we are going.
(2) We are being drawn into a war with
China, on their terms. in their front yard,
6,000 miles from home.
Their plan is to eat Into southeast Asia
slowly, so we will not go all out while they
do not have the atomic bomb. That way
they win.
What should we do?
(1) Pull out slowly (4 months) and suck
them in.
(2) Tell them to get out of Vietnam and
all other territory not Chinese, Including
India. They would declare war then.
(8) Warn them to get out in 3 months.
(4) Declare war and after warning them
to evacuate noncombatants we bomb their
cities and communications.
(5) No American soldiers used ever.
What do we accomplish by this pro-
vided we can convince our people and the
world that It is our duty to stop them?
(1) We set them back 10 years and make
it probable that their people will revolt.
(2) If they get the atomic bomb in that
time prepare to suffer defeat In Asia. tempo-
rarily; draw back to the Philippines from
where we would continue the bombing until
they are destroyed as a power.
If the yellow peril is real the above will be
necessary for our survival.
What are the chances of our getting allies,
or at least approval from NATO and Russia?
Slim, I'd say. until we turn the tide.
How would our people react? Support-if
we make clear our plan to keep our soldiers
out. Cancel the draft and reduce all Armed
Forces except air.
The alternative to some successful plan
to stop the Chinese Is to train our grandsons
to pull a rickshaw.
A. E. BURTON.
SAN BERNARDINO, CALIF.,
August 13, 1964.
Han. WAYNE MORSE,
Senate Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: The enclosed editorial
spurred me to write you In comendation for
your stand on Vietnam. I go much further
in my support for you than the editorial,
and I should have written you much sooner.
You and the Senator from Alaska and Walter
Lippmann are the only ones making sense
regarding the situation.
It would indeed be folly-disastrous folly-
to become Involved In war on the Chinese
mainland. We have gone far In that direc-
tion. In the morning's paper Mr. Lippmann
writes, just as you have said:
"We must make our readiness to negotiate
an accommodation as credible as we make
our readiness to retaliate against aggression."
Very sincerely and cordially,
Mrs. OBED E. SMELSER,
Independent voter-as yet favoring
President Johnson.
From the San Bernardino (Calif.) Daily Sun,
Aug. 13, 2964 1
DEFENDING A NAY-SAYE!
A reader inquires: "Why does not someone
shove a gag down Senator WAYNE MORSE's
throat?"
Obviously our subscriber is vexed over the
Oregon Senator's persistent dissent to the
joint resolution on southeast Asia. Or. may-
be this reader is aggravated with WAYNE
LYMAN MoasE's selection of foreign aid legis-
lation as his prime target for criticism.
The reader's question is not difficult to
answer.
Senator Moasx,because of the freedom our
constitutional government provides, has . a
right to speak his mind. And he does.
Nonetheless, Oregon voters must be happily
satisfied with their Senator's performance.
Otherwise they would never return him to
the Senate.
Objectively, WAYNE Mozsz possesses a
razor-keen intellect. His whiplash of scorn
is respected., Few colleagues can equal his
oratory. He usually speaks with consider-
able substance. What Senator can compete
as a debater with MORSE's shrewdness, agility,
overpowering logic, and seemingly inexhaus-
tiblity? He is categorized as the Senate's
ablest expert on labor law. He ranks among
the best as a constitutionalist.
We concur that Senator Moser, at times
is almost intolerable to the self-righteous
conviction with which he pursues his goals.
We dislike the manner in which he often
seems to impute sinister motives to those
colleagues who disagree with him. Yet, we
do not minimize his capacities as a legal and
legislative scholar. To be respected is
MORSE'S standing as a leading Democratic
liberal.
True, the Democrats certainly have found
MORSE no more tractable than the Repub.
licans did. His conversion to the Democrats
actually seems to have sharpened his
combativeness.
Although we often disagree with Senator
MORBE's verbal utterances on the critical
issues of our time, like Voltaire we will
defend to the death his right to speak his
mind. We admire his forthrightness in this
age of conformity.
Asxov, MINN.,
August 14, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate Building,
Washington. D.C.
DEAR S>a: I admire your courage tremen-
dously on your stand on Vietnam. I wrote
the President, MCCARTHY, HUMPHREY, and
BLATNIK a letter of protest on their stand the
following "I protest vigorously your stand
on Vietnam. We have no legal or moral
business there. We're deliberately lied to
that they attacked us. later it comes out we
attacked them. Same as U-2 Incident.
We're becoming known as the country with
the gun and napalm bombs all over the
world. We're playing with dynamite. Some-
times those things backfire."
More power to you.
Sincerely,
Mrs. JORGON JORGEASIA.
CALHAN, COLO., _
August 12, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MoasE.
DEAR SIR: I would like to express my view
on the stand you have taken on the resolu-
tion that was voted upon by the U.S. Senate
a few days ago.
My hat is off to a man like you, Senator.
Not a "yes" man, but a man that will stand
before 190 million Americans and tell them
what he thinks of the whole dirty mess In
Vietnam. Also, my hat is off to Senator
QaUENINO when he argued before the Sen-
ate that Vietnam Is not worth the life of a
single American boy.
The more I look at things In our country,
the more I think that the men of both Sen-
ate, and House of Representatives want to
keep their hands clean. Yes, Mr. President,
you are the boas. Have it your way. Elec-
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 1964
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 19849
tion is coming soon, if anything goes wrong,
our hands are clean.
Here is hoping we'had more men like Sen-
ator ERNEST GRUENING, and you, Senator
MORSE.
Very truly yours,
DEWEY, OKLA.,
August 11, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: .I wish to thank you
for your continuing opposition to the ad-
ministration's Vietnam policy, and in par-
ticular your recent vote against putting the
leashes of the dogs of war in President
Johnson's hands.
It's all too easy to get disgusted with every
facet of American politics-but when ,I hear
of you and Senator GRUENING, I believe there
are at least two honest men in Washing-
ton. Don't lose heart-Wilson once said
something to the effect that it often got very
lonely in Washington, far from the voice of
the Nation. I hope that someday that voice
is heard-and when it is perhaps you and
Senator GRUENiNG will not be voting in the
minority.
Carry on, there are quite a few of us
counting on you.
Sincerely,
JOHN KELLY KARASEK.
AUGUST 11, 1964.
senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: With regard to the situation in
southeast Asia, our foreign policy and your
recent statements: you are obviously "one of
the very few people in public office who is
not driven by greed, vanity, and self-interest.
You should know that other people do recog-
nize your consistent pursuit of the truth-
the simple facts-in a situation which may be
purposefully confused. To me your honesty
and fearlessness are supremely admirable.
It is truly heartening to see that you have not
been seduced or deluded by nationalism or
any devisive dogma and that you do not
cling to archaic myths for emotional support.
I may be attributing too much virtue to you
but you do appear to be a man of principle,
truly concerned with' human welfare and
justice.
Keep it up for the sake of all of us.
IRA L.S. CHILLER.
DIMONDALE, MICH.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I applaud your re-
cent performance in regard to our country's
behavior in Vietnam. It occurs to me that
anticommunism often becomes so intense
that all sense of objectivity is lost and the
result is undemocratic and totalitarian, com-
pletely disregarding the needs or desires of
people. If this is extremism in the defense of
liberty, its bad.
Very truly yours,
DANIEL R. BROWN.
P.S.-I urge you to oppose any effort by
Congress to deny the Federal courts juris-
diction" in State apportionment (legislative)
CROSSVILLE, TENN."
August 14, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: When the drums of
war beat, few refuse to march to that beat.
You are `one of the few men in our Gov-
ernment, to speak against our military in-
volvement in Asia.
In my opinion your stand is a rational one,
among irrational.
I hope you will continue to speak out.
-Sincerely,
VAUGHN H. KERLEY.
No. 163-36
PASADENA, CALIF.,
August 12, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Senate. Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I admire your
stalwart adherence to your principles. It is
probably the hardest thing in the world to
stand up and be counted when 98 of your
colleagues are against you, as you did on
the occasion of the Vietnam resolution.
I believe that the Vietnamese and all other
southeast Asian problems should be settled
through negotiation.
Respectfully yours,
Mrs. BETTY BAITAL.
SAN FRANCISCO, CALIF.,
August 9, 1964.
LETTERS TO THE EDITOR,
THE REGISTER-GUARD,
Eugene, Oreg.
DEAR EDITOR: I congratulate the city of
Eugene and the State of Oregon for sending
Senator WAYNE MORSE to Washington.
I sometimes think there are three grades
of Senators: (1) Those who represent their
home States, (2) those who represent our
whole country, and (3) a top few who repre-
sent the people of the world. In Senator
MORSE'S strong, steady stand and voting for
Vietnam I am sure he represents the ma-
jority of the people of the world. He puts
life before politics. He leads on the road to
MADISON, WISC.,
August 12, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I wish to write only
a short letter, to commend you for voting
against the resolution backing the Presi-
dent's actions in the Gulf of Tonkin and to
tell you of my admiration for your state-
ments on the entire southeast Asian situa-
tion. You and a handful of other Senators
(GRUENSNG, MANSFIELD, etc.) seem to be
voices crying in the wilderness, but I urge
you to cry louder. We need more men who
will attempt to assess situations with some
sort of objectivity rather than with emo-
tionalism. It seems most necessary that the
American people be made aware of the dou-
ble standard under which our foreign policy
seems to operate: if we do something (use
napalm bombs, do aerial reconnaissance, op-
erate fleets off foreign shores) it's to "de-
fend democracy" and if anyone else does it,
they're up to no good. The illogic of it all
Is never even hinted at in the mass news
media.
Please keep making' speeches. But what
can I do to see that these speeches, ignored
by most of the press, are given wider cov-
erage?
Sincerely,
LINCOLN PARK, MICH.,
August 10, 1964.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: I must express my grati-
tude, as an American, for your courageous
stand on the Vietnam question. No one else
dared express their misgivings, or ask the
natural question: Were our vessels aiding
the South Vietnamese forces in their raids
on the northern portion of that country?
Although you may not be correct (I think
you are), you deserve a united tribute from
the citizens of this country.
I hope that you continue to serve America
in the way you have in the past. My only
regret is that'there is no one in my State
of Michigan to aid you in your struggle to
sustain freedom of expression.
Respectfully yours,
ANTHONY J. PAPALAS.
LA PUENTE, CALIF.,
August 10, 1964.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: Thank you and may.
you be richly blessed for your determined
position regarding our country's presence,
and actions in and about Vietnam.
I could not agree more, but opinions like
these are not very popular-it would seem
that peacemaking and the seeking of moral
justice are unfashionable if not downright
questionable these days.
Ignorance, stupidity, and the quest for the
almighty dollar bill have allowed fear, hate,
and distrust to permeate America like dry-
rot-and I, in turn, am frightened by what
I see.
But then a moment such as last week
comes along and I see a man like you
have the courage to speak for what he be-
lieves and for what I believe-never minding
the consequences-and I was so grateful I
cried.
Since 1952 I have been an admirer and
champion of yours. You always have a
friend in California.
Most sincere thanks and best wishes for
a long and rewarding career.
MRS. PATRICIA PHILLIPS.
Senator WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
SENATOR MORSE: I want to praise you for
giving full coverage to Senator WAYNE MORSE
on Vietnam: this is all the more praise-
worthy as I am sure that his remarks were
not in full accord with your editorial policy.
This is in the best tradition of journalism;
the people should be given both sides on im-
portant matters.
It is high time that we got rid of John
Foster Dulles' ukase, "Foreign policy is not
debatable." Why not?
It makes no sense if we can discuss the
shortcomings of the post office but not
matters involving life and death.
ROBERT SHILLAKER.
Los ANGELES, CALIF.,
August 12, 1964.
Re Vietnam resolution.
Hon. WAYNE MORSE,
U.S. Senate,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR MORSE: I congratulate you
for your position, the only valid one in my
opinion, on the "blank check" Vietnam res-
olution recently passed by Congress.
In time the correctness of your opposition
will be demonstrated. Your almost solo
stand showed courage and individuality in
the highest quality of statesmanship.
Keep up the fight because its right.
Sincerely,
SEYMOUR MANDEL.
The Senate proceedings of today will
be continued in the next issue of the
RECORD.
CONFIRMATIONS
Executive nominations confirmed by
the Senate August 19, 1964:
COMMODITY CREDIT CORPORATION
John A. Schnittker, of Kansas, to be a
member of the Board of Directors of the
Commodity Credit Corporation.
' ( POSTMASTERS
ALABAMA
Leonard W. Moyers, Athens.
Reginald Richardson, Greensboro.
Evelyn B. Andrews, Louisville.
Ora C. Cark, Munford.
Robert A. Bryant, Remlap.
Gail P. Mosley, Stapleton.
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19850 CONGRESSIONAL
ALASKA
Elizabeth A. Stanton. Fitchburg.
Carl B. Grimes, Elmer.
George S. Schwamm, Anchorage.
Armand A. Desjardins. Gilbertville.
William M. Lindsey, Elmore City.
James E. Webb, Copper Center.
Bernard E. Hickey, Grlswoldvllie.
Edna L. McNatt. Foss.
Maxine M. Millard, Glennallen,
James F. Higgins, Hingham,
Lloyd J. Carey, Grove.
Edith M. Arnold, Nome,
Paul H. Benoit, Southbridge.
Robert L. Stangl, Sparks.
Durwood F. Hula, Valdez.
Lillian M. Dziembowaki, South Grafton
,
OREGON
CALIFORNIA
MICHIGAN
Marjorie E. Leach, Bonneville.
Patrick H. McMahon, Cathedral City.
James B. Koyne, Bellaire.
John H. Kirk, Coalinga.
Reo A. Goff, Dimondale.
PENNSYLVANIA
Guy J. Collette, El Segundo.
Lena L. Bryan, Douglas.
Charles H. Heffner, Arendtsville.
Michael T. Lane, Lawndale.
Earl A Rosier, Eagle.
George M. Guswiler, Mechanicsburg.
Rex Huddleston, Live Oak.
Frederick W. Ahols, Houghton.
Robert P. DeLotto, New Kensington.
R. Ollie Mapes, McClellan Air Force Base.
Richard K. Boomer, Lakeview.
Ned M. Hartsell, Oil City.
Gene W. Wooten, Olivehurst.
Berniece C. Hill, Lansing.
SOUTH CAROLINA
F. Culver Parker, Palm Springs.
John O. Boynton, St. Ignace.
Edwin C. McCants, Anderson.
William J. Wilson, Poway.
MINNESOTA
DeWitt T. Branham, Jr.
Lugoff
Charles M. Long, Reedley.
Fred J
Kronebusch
Altura
,
.
Edwin L. Platte, Ridge Spring.
William F. Coward, San Leandro.
.
,
.
Lawrence J
Mahan
Brandon
Otis P. Smith, St. Stephen.
Raymond W. Wood, Sequoia National Park.
.
.
.
Violet L
Howard
Lyle
Warren L. Walkup, Tialmonsville.
Lloyd C. Perkins, Soda Springs.
.
.
.
Matt J
Pecarina
Parkvllle
Frank W. Nabors, Union.
Lawrence R. Unser, Springville.
.
,
.
Lee W
Davis
Verges
William R. Busbee, Wegener.
Barbara L. Tudor, Tecopa.
.
.
.
MISSISSIPPI
SOUTH DAKOTA
DELAWARE
John E
Mlllender
Okolona
Theron C. Halsted, Centerville.
George E. West, Selbyville.
.
,
.
Percy P. Pounders
Jr., Olive Branch
Clair C. Simmons. Elk Point.
FLORIDA
,
.
Edna I. Bingham, Hot Springs.
E
MISSOURI
John C
Travis
Mound Cit
dward A. Williams, Jr., Bonlfay.
James G
Curry
Jr
Bucklin
.
,
y.
Robert A. Ballard, Goulds.
.
,
..
.
Erwin M
Otte
Chesterfield
TENNESSEE
Evangel B. Cooksey, Lamont.
.
,
.
Hubert J
Ortwertb
Florissant
Robert if. Easterly, Cleveland.
Richard T. Maltinos, Oldsmar.
.
,
.
William B. Milstead
Hornsb
Irene C. Collins, Satsuma.
Harold F. Taylor. Jonesburg.
William E
Jones
Neosho
,
y.
Edward P. Peeler, Jr., Stanton.
Alton V. Cain, Shalimar.
.
.
.
W
Pleas Wilson
Paris
James if. Miller, Surgoineville.
Leonard F. Stansel, Wellborn.
.
,
.
Thomas B. Ferguson
Western St
t
H
GEORGIA
John Hoehor, Savannah,
,
a
e
os-
pital.
RECORD - SENATE August 19, 1964
It. Guy Thomas
Milan.
MONTANA
TEXAS
,
Oulda J. Clements
Morgan
Teddy It. Andrew, Columbia Falls.
T. A. Warner, Bellevue
,
.
Charles L. Ricks, Soperton.
Eugene Kennedy, Manhattan.
.
Ernest H. Davis, Deweyville
IDAHO
Sarah M. Riley, West Yellowstone.
.
William L. Warren, Paint Rock,
NEBRASKA
Arthur C. Wendel
Richmond
Eugene L. Nelson, Council.
Howard W. Knutzen, Cedar Bluffs.
,
.
John M. Tidwell, Roanoke.
ILLINOIS
Clifford L. Fauquier Central City.
Virgie M. Holmes, Toler.
Stanley J. Jalovec, Argo.
Leo D. Coslett, Mead.
UTAH
Wilma K. Voll, Groveland.
Lowell D. Hanson, Osceola.
Wesley M. Ferrer, Beaver
INDIANA
Harland W. Burger, Plymouth.
.
Joseph L. Larsen, Huntington
James E. Ross, Crawfordsville.
Arthur W. Hovey, Trenton.
.
VERMONT
Catherine L. Bradfield, Donaldson.
Edwin S. Pavilk. Verdigre.
Mary J. Reagan
Moretown
Robert C. Crouse, Monticello,
NEVADA
,
.
Richard H. Pittaley
South Barre
Omer C. Bixel, Plymouth.
Carroll W. Baber, East Ely.
,
.
Dorothy D. Beauchamp
South Woodbur
George W. Brook. Remington.
$lfrieda C. Franck, Stewart.
,
y.
William E. Flower
Woodstock
Ralph It. Beavers, Upland.
Charles D. Prickett, Wolfiake.
NSW HAMPSHIRE
,
.
VIRGINIA
Glenn Walters. Wyatt.
Alton G. Desnoyer, Claremont.
Ralph S. Coffman, Mount Sidney.
IOWA
Lucille L. LARose, New Castle.
James B. Suit. Mount Vernon.
NEW JERSEY
J. White Marcum
Rose Hill
William H. Krueger, Arnoids Park.
S
lvio E
Berta
ni
Allentown
.
.
Emmett F. Good, Stanley.
Laura L. Knapp, Dolliver.
David M. Anderson, Forest City.
y
.
g
.
.
Claude It. Poyer. Belvidere.
WASHINGTON
Robert J. Neal, Marble Rock
Norman H. Levbarg, Lakewood.
Melvin F. Thompson, Brinnon
.
Harvey C. Young, New Market.
Robert N. Bailey, Mays Lending.
.
Carroll C. Emry, Buckley.
William A. Fisher, Swisher.
William E. Nagle, Vernon.
Homer V. Gage, Hoquiam.
Eugene J. Doyle, Williams.
Harold F. Burd. Jr.. Washington.
Fae B. Trentham, Humptulips.
KENTUCKY
WORTH CAROLINA
William H. Stiles, Jr., Longview.
Stanley W. Gosney. De Mossville.
Thelma B. Yelverton, Fountain.
Howard E. Burnett, Okanogan.
Helen D. Wolford. Phelps,
Willard W. Reavis. Hamptonvilie.
Richard B. Green, South Bend.
David E. Yeomans, Harkers Island.
Elver R. Buckley, Wilbur.
LOUISIANA
Charles R. Cowan
Mount Mourne.
Cleo H. Gaines, Olla.
.
Charles E. Morrison, Raeford.
WEST VIRGINIA
Homer E. Adams, Rodessa.
Sidney Homer, Washington.
Maurice B. Morrison, Charlton Heights.
Q. Darrell Thompson
Coal City
MAINE
NORTH DAKOTA
,
.
Robert M. Campbell
Grantsville
Russell J. Bryant, Belfast.
Florian P. Weinman, Harvey.
,
.
Harper H
Galford
Green Bank
Albert L. Marcoux, Burnham.
Eldred F. Huntley, East Machias.
OHIO
.
.
.
Lee B. Coleman, Lost Creek.
William L. Kinch, Livermore Fails
E. Wayne Blake. Belmont.
Dual L. Hill, Princeton.
.
Francis J. Brougham, North Jay.
Donald J. Nagy. Brilliant.
WISCONSIN
F. Dale Speed
Princeton
Gayle A. Bowman, Bryan.
,
.
Ralph A. Dunton
New Sharon
Michael J. Lotko. Jr., Elyria.
lone It. Marshall, Argonne.
,
.
John J. McAuliffe
Rockland
Donald R. Pettey. Freeport.
Allan It. Peterson, Elk Mound.
,
.
Roger R. Miller, Fresno.
Clarence E. Meinhardt, Greenwood.
MARYLAND
Emmett J. Hagan, Gambier.
Donald S. Weindenfeller
Hollandale.
James J. O'Rourke, Barton.
Irven E. Barcus, Sr., Johnstown.
,
Roy H. Kreger, Lomira.
Genevieve M. Coale, Churchville.
James E. Stewart, Ieetonta.
John E
Jacob
Lone Rock
William B. Orndorff, Cumberland.
Edward H. Shrodes, Martins Ferry.
.
,
.
Tilghman H. Williams, Goldsboro.
Russell H. White, St. Claireville,
Thomas N. Hayden, Marshfield.
Clyde J. Embert, Jr., Greensboro,
Vernon A. Bonar, Shadyaide.
Richard W. Beranek, New Berlin.
Margaret C. Wallace, Sherwood.
Don F. Shuler. Troy.
James E. Wyse. Princeton.
Anna E. Brooks, Woolford.
Mary E. Darrow. Unionville.
Blaine E. Ouellette. Townsend.
MASSACHUsEr're
OKLAHOMA
Oscar L. Dingman, Troy Center.
Owen J. Justin. Amesbury.
William H. Hodsdon, East Dennis.
Cora H. Gossmann. Arapaho.
Margaret C. Hill, Coalgate.
WYOMING
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