MAINTENANCE OF INTERNATIONAL PEACE AND SECURITY IN SOUTHEAST ASIA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 12
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 19, 2004
• Sequence Number: 8
• Publication Date: January 1, 1964
• Content Type: OPEN

1964
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 17875
[From the Washington Post, Aug. 7, 19641
VIETNAM OF 1964 RECALLS KOREA OF 1960
(By Marquis Childs)
The really deep trouble in Vietnam lies
outside the scope of American sea and air
power. The great question is whether the
South Vietnamese Army has the will to go
on fighting on the ground against Commu-
nist guerrillas after 17 years of almost un-
remitting warfare.
Before the naval action in the Gulf of
Tonkin, evidence was accumulating that war
weariness and political dissension in Saigon
had raised grave doubts about the future.
Hints were coming from the military clique
headed by Gen. Nguyen Khanh that the
United States would have to take a much
larger share of the burden, including even
direct participation in combat.
On the recommendation of Gen. Maxwell
D. Taylor, the new Ambassador in Saigon,
Washington moved to increase the number
of American military advisers from 16,000 to
22,000. They were, it was reported, empow-
ered to fire back if fired on. No one can
say whether this will be enough.
At the same time, disturbing rumors have
circulated in Saigon about a new coup to
replace General Khanh. If the worst should
happen, the Johnson administration faces an
awesome choice-sending in large numbers of
American combat troops or expanding the
war with massive bombing in the north.
The risks in either course are incalculable.
To get out, a third choice, seems impossible in
view of what has gone before and in the
light of politics in the presidential year.
The beginning of the Korean war 14 years
ago comes vividly to mi d. The atmosphere
then was very much what ,it is today. Re-
publicans and Democrats were rallying
around President Truman and promising him
support against Communist aggression.
Robert A. Taft, minority leader in the Sen-
ate, gave reluctant assent despite his strong
isolationist convictions. It was a moment of
patriotic fervor in which Mr. Truman, by al-
most unanimous opinion, emerged as a strong
and decisive President.
But that mood quickly altered. As the
woefully untrained American troops that
were rushed from Japan were pushed back
almost off the Korean. Peninsula with fear-
ful casualties, it became "Truman's war."
By the 1952 campaign and the disaster
resulting from the massive Chinese invasion,
this was the chief line of Republican attack.
General Eisenhower could say at the Uni-
Ing the war has been based on a formula of
neutralization that sounds like surrender.
Three long-term consequences of a greatly
enlarged war in Asia, if it comes to that, are
unforeseeable. The most important single
event of the last 2 to 3 years has been the
split between, the Soviet Union and China,
with reverberations throughout the Commu-
nist world. In recent weeks that split has
seemed to be irreconcilable. It could be
healed by a war between the United States
and China. Expert opinion here is that Mos-
cow would stop short with condemnation of
American moves.
But that is conjecture. As often in the
past, the most baffling and frustrating ele-
ment in the new crisis is the enigma of Red
China. American policy has walled off a
nation of 600 or 700 million people and what
goes on in the fastness of Peiping is as
mysterious as what may be happening on
Mars. That may have been inevitable after
Korea. But it is today a tragic commentary
on the darkness that cloaks the dubious
future in Asia.
[From a Milwaukee Journal editorial, Aug. 6,
1964, as reported in the New York Times]
APPEAL FOR RESTRAINT
It may be that the North Vietnamese, with
the backing of Communist China, were test-
ing the American will. If so, they have their
answer.
There is some danger that this country
may tend to overreact to North Vietnamese
stings because of our political situation.
President Johnson has been under attack for
what opponents call a "no win" policy in
southeast Asia. He has been unwisely urged
to escalate the war.
Under such circumstances, a President can
be handicapped in making vital decisions.
President Johnson will need courage and
patience and restraint to keep the Nation
from the wider war that he-and all who
realize what modern war is-wish to avoid.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Hackney, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
House had passed a joint resolution (H.J.
Res. 1145) to promote the maintenance
of international peace and security in
southeast Asia, in which it requested the
concurrence of the Senate.
versity of Illinois that Midwestern farm
boys should stay at home and let Asians fight
Asians. U MAINTENANCE OF INTERNATIONAL
Mr. Truman had resisted the demand to PEACE AND SECURITY IN SOUTH-
bomb the privileged sanctuary across the EAST ASIA
k
i
t
ed restra
n
Yalu River. He had shown mar
out of concern that the war would be en-
larged to a global scale. He was damned
from hell to breakfast for that restraint.
There Is one important difference today.
In 1950, Mr. Truman went to the United
Nations before 'responding to the North
Korean attack. By a piece of luck, the Soviet
delegate was absent, so that the Security
Council could pass a resolution calling on the
U.N. to join in resisting aggression. This
time the United States struck first.
Except for the Communist nations, almost
every U.N. member approved a joint defense
of Korea. Even neutralist India sent an am-
bulance unit. If a widened conflict develops
in Vietnam, this country will find it hard to
rally support. It will have the look of a
war waged by white men against Asians.
This is, in effect, what President de Gaulle
has been saying-that the war, as it is cur-
rently being fought, cannot be won. The
French tried for nearly 7 years, beginning in
1947, and they sacrificed the cream of St. Cyr,
their West Point, in the vain effort. Un-
happily, De Gaulle's prescription for end-
The Senate resumed the consideration
of the joint resolution (S.J. Res. 189) to
promote the maintenance of interna-
tional peace and security in southeast
Asia.
Mr. NELSON. Mr. President, has my
time expired?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MORSE. In fairness to the Sen-
ator from Alaska, I cannot yield any
more time.
Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I
suggest the asbence of a quorum, with
the time not to be charged to either side.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, will
the Senator withhold that suggestion?
Mr. McNAMARA. I withhold it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, a
parliamentary inquiry.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator will state it.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Since the House
has passed a joint resolution which I
understand is identical to our resolution,
by a vote of 414 to 0, with one Member
voting present, and the House joint reso-
lution has now been received by the Sen-
ate, is it proper to ask unanimous con-
sent to take up the House joint resolution
and substitute it for the Senate joint
resolution?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. It is
proper to ask unanimous consent to take
up the House joint resolution, and to vote
on the House joint resolution in lieu of
the Senate joint resolution.
Mr. MORSE. Temporarily, I shall
have to object. When the time has been
exhausted; if the Senator wishes to re-
new his request, I may not object. I do
not wish to sacrifice any more of our
time. I object.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Objec-
tion is heard.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
how much time have I remaining?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Arkansas has 2 minutes
remaining.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. What happened to
my 7 minutes? Every time I inquire as
to how much time I have left, the time
goes down by 5 minutes. I-was not talk-
ing on my time. I was responding to a
question by the Senator from Wisconsin.
I did not yield myself any time to re-
spond to the question. I do not see how
I can possibly have used any time.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Chair's statement as to the remaining
time is based on what the Parliamentar-
ian advises the Chair.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Perhaps his
watch-
The PRESIDING OFFICER. All
these discussions take a great deal of
time.
Mr. DIRKSEN. It depends on whose
time it is. The Senator from Arkansas
did not yield any time.
Mr. MORSE. This is becoming ridic-
ulous. I ask unanimous consent that the
agreement be extended for an additional
10 minutes, with that time made avail-
able to the Senator from Arkansas.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? The Chair hears none, and
it is so ordered.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I yield 1 minute to
the Senator from Florida.
Mr. SMATHERS. Mr. President, I
voted for this resolution in the *Foreig'
Relations Committee yesterday, -and "'
expect to support it when we vote in the
Senate today.
In the committee I had the occasion
to commend the Secretary of State Dean
Rusk, Secretary of Defense Robert Mc-
Namara, the Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, General Wheeler, and-
of course-the President of the United
States, on the action which they took in
response to the unprovoked, premedi-
tated, and deliberate attacks made on
our naval ships on the 2d of August and
again on the night of the 4th of August.
The facts are indisputable. At the
time of the first attack by the North
Vietnamese PT boats on the U.S.S. Mad-
dox on August 2, the U.S.S. Maddox was
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
17876 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
something in the neighborhood of 25 to
30 miles offshore operating in interna-
tional waters In the Gulf of Tonkin.
According to the testimony, the com-
mander of the U.S.S. Maddox had some
information that this attack might de-
velop and he was seeking to avoid any
contact with the PT boats, yet they pur-
sued and overtook him, firing torpedoes
at his ship and subsequently coming
alongside and strafing him with .50-call-
ber machineguns.
The U.S.S. Maddox returned the fire,
damaging seriously one of the PT boats.
It was shortly after this occasion that
we were briefed by the Department of
Defense as to Just what had transpired.
Secretary McNamara told us of plans to
continue to operate our naval ships in
the international waters In the Gulf of
Tonkin, and said that now the Presi-
dent had given orders for the ships and
men not only to defend themselves, but
to shoot to destroy. It was shortly after
these orders went out that we were called
to the White House and told of the sec-
ond attack by a host of North Vietnamese
PT boats against not only the U.S.S.
Maddox, but the destroyer C. Turner
Joy which was operating in conjunction
with the Maddox some 65 miles from the
nearest coast.
After all the facts were presented to us
no responsible persons could arrive at
any other conclusion than that the at-
tacks were deliberate and intended to be
provocative. When the President told us
of his orders in response to the attack,
it was agreed by all those present that
our retaliation was appropriate. It was
decisive; It was thorough; it was quick,
and yet it was restrained and it was
measured. The punishment fit the crime.
By such action the President of the
United States made it clear that the
United States was not going to have its
ships, its men, or its flag, shot at or
attacked anywhere in the world where
we had a legal right to be without quick
and decisive response. This action Is,
figuratively speaking, language which the
Communists understand. If they made a
miscalculation with respect to whether
or not the United States was in truth
and in fact, as their propaganda had in-
sisted, a "paper tiger," they no longer
suffer from such disillusionment. They
now know for a certainty that we will
respond totally and completely if neces-
sary, to any unwarranted action they
niay take against us.
They now understand that we are con-
cerned in southeast Asia through our
membership in the SEATO Organization;
and that our commitments there are
totally concerned with protecting the
newly independent countries of south-
east Asia and assisting them in achieving
freedom and democracy. They now
know that we are not going to be bluffed
or bullied out of our commitments to
our friends and allies in that area of the
world.
I. along with others, approved of this
action by the President of the United
States because I believe it signifies a
long needed change in policy. it, in
effect, states that there will never again
be a haven behind which the Communists
can hide after they have made attacks
on us, such as existed in Korea, north of
the 38th parallel.
If we should become involved In
stepped-up military action in the Asiatic
theater, and we of course hope and pray
that we do not, but if we do, the Com-
munists must understand that there will
be no sanctuary from which their mili-
tary forces can operate with Impunity.
I hope and trust that those who would
make these momentous decisions for the
Communist world, would understand
that the policy has changed.
Mr. President, I shall not delay the
Senate longer. I am sure each Senator
has his mind already made up. I am
certain that a vast majority of Members
of Congress on both sides of the aisle
stand wholeheartedly behind this action
taken by the President of the United
States.
I am certain that every Member of the
United States Congress who votes for
this resolution recognizes that if we do
not make such response-as we d'd in this
recent instance against the North Viet-
namese-there will be other more seri-
ous aggressions against us, and others in
the free world. And the time would
come when we would be forced out of in-
ternational waters, and forced to retreat
and run from our friends and allies
around the face of the globe. This reso-
lution makes it clear that we stand be-
hind the President in a firm resolve to
give whatever is required in time, sub-
stance, money or lives to the protection
of those ideals of freedom which we hold
so dear and for which this Nation has so
long stood. I feel that each Senator
who supports this resolution recognizes
that in being true to our heritage we
have no other course.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. I yield 5 minutes
to the Senator from Illinois.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, last
night I read in one of the local news-
papers a speculative article which un-
dertook to give this subject something
of a partisan cast. One of the expres-
sions used was, "The President has done
It again." That Is an unfortunate spec-
ulation, because that was not involved
in any of the discussions we have had
about the Joint resolution.
I attended the briefing at the White
House. It lasted for almost an hour
and a half. The whole case was laid on
the table by the President, by the
cto of the Central Intelligence
Agency, by the Secretary o Defense,
an 7y the Secretary of State. There-
after, there was no limit on the amount
of discussion or on the questions that
any member of the joint leadership
from both the House and Senate might
have wished to propound, whether they
were addressed to the Secretaries or to
the President.
When the meeting was over, we dis-
cussed the content of a resolution, with
the understanding that the resolution
could be modified and simplified, if that
were necessary or deemed desirable.
That was the whole story.
Before we left the Cabinet room, the
President asked every Member who was
present whether he would give support
to the resolution. Every Member re-
sponded. I am rather proud of the fact
August 7
that every Republican who responded
said that, speaking for himself and,
hopefully, for the party, he would sup-
port the President in his determination
to meet the crisis now before us in the
South Pacific.
This is in line with every policy state-
ment that the minority policy committee
and the minority party have made with
respect to foreign affairs. We have con-
stantly emphasized that all we ask, when
a decision is pending or a crisis is upon
us, is to be consulted, to have an op-
portunity to offer al:ernative proposals
and substitutes. When we have had our
day in court and the decision has been
made, we are prepared to abide by the
decision and to demonstrate to the whole
wide world that there is no division be-
tween the Executive and Congress in re-
pelling aggression aimed at our forces
wherever we are under protocol or
treaty obligations. We have religiously
adhered to that posture and that policy
ever since.
The President could have taken this
action in his own right as the Com-
mander in Chief. He does not have to
ask Congress about ,he deployment of
troops, submarines, bombers, and fighter
planes.
What is involved Is a demonstration
that the executive and legislative
branches of the Government stand to-
gether in an hour of need and threat,
and when there is peril In a section of
the world that could easily jeopardize
the entire free world.
I wished to make clear how the minori-
ty stands, and how it stood in that brief-
ing session, and also when this subject
was before the various committeesof the
Senate and House.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
yield myself 5 minutes.
I wish to affirm what the distinguished
minority leader has said. I was present
at the briefings. There was not the
slightest indication of' any kind of par-
tisanship in any sense. Back through
the years, when similar resolutions have
been under consideration, this has also
been true. It was true when there was
a Republican administration.
I cannot resist paying a compliment to
the distinguished Senator from Illinois
[Mr. DIRKSENI. While on certain mat-
ters he is a great partisan leader, never-
theless, on all matter,3 affecting the se-
curity of this country, matters which are
comparable to this kind of situation, I
have never seen him :)e partisan, either
on the fl or or off the floor of the Senate.
He always rises above partisanship in
deaFng with problems that directly in-
volve our security ant' reserves his par-
t'.sanship, as all of us do, for less pro-
found subjects than those which threat-
en the security of our country. This is,
of course, normal and demonstrates the
distinction between foreign relations and
domestic relations.
I did not see any such article as that
to which the Senator from Illinois has
referred; but if there %as such an article,
it was entirely in error, because there
was no partisanship, and none Is involved
in th_s measure.
Now I wash to say a word or two about
the House joint resolution. It passed
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 1961
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 17877
the House by a vote of 414 to 0. I do not
believe that in a democracy unanimity is
always necessary. Certainly, it is not
necessary when we are dealing with mat-
ters of substance involving domestic leg-
islation, or even legislation dealing with
foreign relations. However, in the ex-
pression of an advisory opinion of broad
policy, which this resolution is, it is a
happy and fortunate circumstance if
there can be a high degree of unanimity.
So I am much pleased by the House ac-
tion. I hope the Senate will approach
that unanimity, if possible.
I realize that we all have our appre-
hensions about what may happen in
South Vietnam or elsewhere. But fun-
damentally, under our system, it is the
President, as our representative in these
activities, who must necessarily have the
dominant role, however jealous we may
be of our own privileges-and we rightly
should be in many areas. But in dealing
with the Nation's security or with threat-
ened warfare, we must rely to a great
extent on the decisions of the Executive.
We always have a reserve power, when
we see that the President has made a
mistake. We can always later impeach
him, if we like, if we believe that he has
so far departed from the sense of duty
that he has betrayed the interests of our
country.
But essentially the joint resolution is
an exhibition of solidarity in regard to
the will and determination of this coun-
try as a whole, as represented in Con-
gress, to support the broad policies that
have been well announced and well de-
scribed in the words of the President,
both recently and in past months. We
are exhibiting a desire to support those
policies. That will have a strong psycho-
logical effect upon our adversaries,
wherever they may be.
I believe the joint resolution is cal-
culated to prevent the spread of the war,
rather than to spread it, as has been
alleged by some critics of the resolution.
I have considered every possible alterna-
tive, both those that have been suggested
on the floor of the Senate and elsewhere,
and I still have come back to my own
conclusion that the action that was
taken; the resistance that was made in
the Gulf of Tonkin; the joint resolution
adopted in committee; and all our ac-
tions in this connection, are best de-
signed to contribute to the deterrence of
the spread of war.
No one knows, in this uncertain world,
whether the war will spread. It could
easily spread because of the determina-
tion of our adversaries, in spite of any-
thing we might do. But I sincerely be-
lieve that this action, taken with such
general support by both Houses of Con-
gress, will result in deterring any ambi-
tions or reckless adventuresome spirit on
the part of the North Vietnamese or the
Communist Chinese. So I ask and hope
that Members of this body will support
the joint resolution.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent to have printed at this point in my
remarks certain editorials relating to
this subject.
There being no objection, the editorials
were ordered to be printed in the REC-
ORD, as follows:
[From the New Orleans (La.) Times
Picayune, Aug. 5, 1964]
INTENTIONS IN THE GULF OF TONKIN
Whatever the Vietcong attack on the U.S.
destroyer Maddox may mean about Com-
munist intentions in southeast Asia, the de-
cisive response it sparked both aboard the
warship and in the White House underscores
the clear American intention to stick by its
commitments in that troubled area.
While viewing the incident as serious,
U.S. officials were not sure what it portends.
It might have been a hapless joy ride un-
dertaken by a trio of thrill-seeking patrol
boat jockeys. It might have been a tactical
maneuver, a planned one-shot probe to test
U.S. reflexes in a sensitive location. It might
have been the opening gambit in a drive to
insulate coastal supply lines between mili-
tarily important Luichow Peninsula of Red
China and North Vietnam. Or it might have
been a political play to forestall pending divi-
sion in the Communist ranks by increasing
tensions in a vital area of conflict between
East and West.
Against this range of possibilities, the
U.S. response was. at once appropriate and
cautious. The Maddox's counteraction
against the three attacking torpedo boats and
President Johnson's shoot to kill order illus-
trate the importance the United States at-
taches to continuance of patrols in the Gulf
of Tonkin. That waterway has significant
strategic importance as a line of supply for
men and material in support of guerrilla ac-
tivities in South Vietnam. And it offers the
readiest access for assault on supply links
into North Vietnam.
Orders to bolster and defend the naval
positions there seem to mean that the United
States intends to stay right on the job.
[From the Richmond (Va.) Times-Dispatch,
Aug. 6, 19641
THE MOMENT OF TRUTH
If the ghost of John Foster Dulles were
lurking in the wings of the world stage at
this climactic moment, he would smile grimly
to see his policy of brinkmanship imple-
mented by the very liberals who denounced
his basic premise; namely, that the United
States must dare to go the very brink of
war in order to halt the expansion of Red
imperialism.
President Johnson's statements of the past
2 days revealed the deep reluctance of the
United States to risk a major war. But he
paraphrased Dulles' contention when he said
that "aggression unchallenged is aggression
unleashed."
It is reassuring to learn that our NATO
and SEATO allies, with the tentative excep-
tion of France, agree that the instant re-
taliation ordered by Mr. Johnson was un-
avoidable. Yet they expressed hope that Red
China will realize the futility of provoking
a military showdown certain to occur, should
Peiping decide to overrun southeast Asia.
Whether she will do so depends to a great
extent on whether Moscow considers the
time propitious to revert to Stalinism, throw
in her lot with Red China, and shoot the
works in a desperate gamble to destroy West-
ern capitalism and clear the track for a Com-
munist takeover of the globe.
Moscow's temptation to do so cannot be
dismissed, but it is highly doubtful that
Khrushchev-and Mao, for that matter-
would risk counterrevolutions. The peoples
of East and West equally dread a nuclear
war that would exterminate millions and, in
all likelihood, condemn survivors to a pain-
ful, lingering death on a nuclear-contami-
nated planet.
For the time being, Moscow has worded its
comments obliquely. Tass, as the Kremlin's
mouthpiece, has stated that competent So-
viet circles resolutely denounced the U.S. re-
taliatory attack on North Vietnam as abso-
lutely unjustified. Under the circumstances
some such gesture was to be expected. It is
to Moscow's advantage to retain at least a
perfunctory alliance with Peiping, if only to
keep the West off balance, and Russian nu-
clear weaponry as a bargaining counter in
negotiations over Berlin, Cuba, and her Euro-
pean satellites.
"Truth is the first casualty," in any war, as
history has redundantly proved. The North
Vietnamese propagandists claim that our re-
port of a second attack on U.S. destroyers
was a fabrication. Peiping's New China News
Agency denounced Johnson's order to bomb
North Vietnam bases as a move to enhance
his position in the forthcoming presidential
election.
Both claims are palpably false; the first,
because the approach of North Vietnam's tor-
pedo boats within range of the Maddox and
Joy proved their intention to invite return
fire; the second, because the President's de-
cision to attack North Vietnam naval bases
was approved by leaders of both parties and
by Senator GOLDWATER, Mr. Johnson's oppo-
nent in the November elections.
As the President said yesterday, at Syra-
cuse, in this crisis-"We are one Nation,
united and indivisible."
[From the Atlanta (Ga.) Constitution,
Aug. 4, 1964]
POLITICAL MATURITY AS WELL AS OUR NAVY
ARE TESTED IN TROUBLED ASIAN WATERS
The unprovoked North Vietnamese attack
on the American destroyer Maddox was a
test both of our naval preparedness and the
maturity of our diplomatic judgment.
Happily, we came through both tests with
flying colors.
The Maddox herself was undamaged, but
she and Navy jets scored hits on two of the
PT marauders. The third was stopped cold.
Diplomatically, we forcefully restated our
position in southeast Asia, and President
Johnson backed it up with orders for a
beefed-up Navy force.
But the President, for the time being at
least, declined to let the incident trigger car-
rying the war into North Vietnam.
The difficulties of conducting a wise for-
eign policy and a presidential election at the
same time are well illustrated by the inci-
dent. After repeated sniping from the why-
not-victory crowd, the President must have
been tempted to order direct retaliation on
North Vietnam. But because of the delicate
involvement of Vietnam in the entire south-
east Asia problem, Mr. Johnson exercised
restraint.
The time may indeed come when there is
no honorable alternative to retaliation on
North Vietnam's land bases. We should
never fail to make that clear to the Com-
munists.
In the meantime, however, President John-
son and the Navy have made our position
plain :
U.S. ships have a right to sail in interna-
tional waters. They will defend that right
with immediate return of fire against any
attacking vessel.
North Vietnamese are probing America for
any signs of weakness and dissension during
this political year. It is to be hoped that
none of our homegrown politicians give the
Reds any comfort with scatterbrained pro-
posals.
[From the Los Angeles (Calif.) Lines,
Aug. 6, 19641
UNITED STATES ANSWER TO AGGRESSION
The U.S. response to what President John-
son called deliberate and unprovoked attacks
on American destroyers in the Gulf of Tonkin
was fitting in selectivity, proper in applica-
tion, and-given the clear, long-standing
statement of U.S. intentions-inevitable in
delivery.
There is not the slightest doubt that fur-
ther attempts by the Communists to inter-
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
_
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 7
fore with U.S. ships In International waters
or U.S. planes In free skies will be met with
retaliatory blows of equal promptness and
severity.
As the President made plain In both his
address to the Nation Tuesday night and his
talk at Syracuse University on Wednesday,
the United States seeks no enlargement of
the conflict. But this Nation Is united In Its
belief that, in Mr. Johnson's words, "there
can be no peace by aggression and no immu-
nity from reply."
We Americans have also the solemn com-
pulsion to face the fact that the Commu-
nists, by their attack on American vessels In
international waters, have themselves esca-
lated the hostilities-an escalation we must
meet. Thus the struggle in southeast Asia
inevitably will become deadlier. At least now
the cause is clear and we know what we are
doing and why we do it.
The motives behind North Vietnam's delib-
erately aggressive acts are for the moment
obscure. It must have been clear to both
Hanoi and Peiping that shooting at U.S.
ships would not frighten the 7th Fleet out of
Tonkin Gulf. Nor, it should have been equal-
ly clear, would these acts be permitted to go
unpunished.
The destruction of Red antiaircraft bat-
teries in Laos 2 months ago after U.S. planes
were shot at should have been ample proof
of this.
Perhaps the North Vietnamese and Chi-
nese were counting on U.S. retaliation as a
lever to force greater Soviet commitment to
the Communist side, in the belief that re-
gardless of doctrinal differences the Russians
would stand with their fellow Communists in
the event of a showdown with the United
S ,ates.
Perhaps the attacks were part of an overall
strategic plan, timed to coincide with
stepped-up ground activities In South Vlet-
nam.
Or perhaps the intent was simply to gain a
propaganda victory by a quick humiliation
of vaunted U.S. seapower.
In any case the North Vietnamese chal-
lenge has been answered, and the United
Skates has shown that any further attempt
to escalate the conflict will Indeed result In
what North Vietnam has called grave con-
sequences.
The Communists may believe that domes-
tic U.S. policies precludes our taking effec-
tive action in southeast Asia. They are
wrong. Senator GOLDWATER's statement
Tuesday night and the response in Congress
have shown that, as the President noted,
"there are no parties-and there is no par-
tisanship-when our peace or the peace of
the world Is imperiled by aggressors In any
part of the world."
The crisis continues, and in the days ahead
may intensify. U.S. strength in the area
is being increased, a further earnest of our
intentions to challenge any aggression. As
the quickly mounted, multipronged strikes
against the North Vietnamese naval installa-
tlona proved, the United States has the power
as well as the will to destroy selective tar-
gets on a controlled basis. Whether that
power will be again used is very much up
to the Communists.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Evening Star,
Aug. 4. 19641
SHOOT To DESTROY
It is difficult to understand why the North
Vietnamese would want to provide a clash
with the U.S. 7th Fleet.
In any such encounter the odds would be
overwhelmingly against the attackers. They
have no naval force which would stand a
chance in a sea engagement, and if they were
to damage or sink a U.S. ship on the high
seas this would amount to an engraved in-
vitation for a counterattack against North
Vietnam.
The fact remains, however, that three PT
boats did attack the destroyer Maddox while
the latter was on patrol In the Gulf of Ton-
kin, and there seems no doubt that the Com-
munist ships came out of a North Vietnam-
ese base.
In these circumstances, the President's re-
sponse, It seems to us, has been apropriate.
He has Instructed the Navy to continue Its
patrols in the gulf, to add another destroyer
to the patrol, to maintain fighter plane cover
over the destroyers, and, most Significantly,
to shoot with a view to destroying any at-
tacking force. This last reflects a major pol-
lcy change since previous Instructions to the
Maddox had been to defend Itself if attacked,
but not necessarily to destroy the attacker.
It seems unlikely that Hanoi, In the face
of these beefed-up defensive measures, will
permit any further attacks on American ships
steaming in International waters. If the con-
trary should prove to be the case, however,
the North Vietnamese would be solely re-
sponsible for the consequences-and we hope
the consequences. If need for retaliation
arises. will be severe.
[From the Now York (N.Y.) Times]
WARNING TO HANOI
President Johnson's response to the North
Vietnamese attack on the destroyer Maddox
contained the right mixture of firmness and
restraint. No reprisals are being undertaken.
But a strong diplomatic protest Is being
combined with military measures that should
discourage Hanoi from further attacks, if
any are planned. American naval forces in
the Tonkin Gulf area are being strengthened.
And they now have orders to destroy any
forces that attack them, rather than merely
to drive them off.
Tt must be hoped that this first attack
by North Vietnam on the U.S. 7th Fleet was
an error. South Vietnam's small naval forces
have staged a number of raids on the North
Vietnam coast. One theory In Washington
is that the American destroyer, as seen on
North Vietnamese radar, may have been
taken for a similar South Vietnamese ship.
Another theory is that the Incident may
simply have been the trigger-happy response
of a North Vietnamese patrol, or its com-
mand, to an encounter with an American
vessel near coastal waters. There have been
other recent indications of North Vietnamese
nervousness, following talk In Saigon of ex-
tending the war.
But the possibility cannot be excluded that
the torpedo boat strike was intended to be
the first of a series designed, perhaps, to test
Washington's determinationto continue aid-
Ing Saigon. If that be the case, It is essen-
tial that Hanoi realize Immediately that it
has opened a Pandora's box.
North Vietnam's capability of Injuring the
7th Fleet is small. The power of the 7th
Fleet to damage North Vietnam is Incalcul-
able. Since this must be evident, nothing is
more vital than for Hanoi to be left In no
doubt about the American intention to re-
main In the Tonkin Gulf and to continue
supporting South Vietnam's military effort.
The President's action should convey this
message clearly.
[From the Washington (D.C.) Post]
SOBER RrsPoNSz
The administration has responded with a
reassuring blend of firmness and balance to
North Vietnam's attack on the destroyer
Maddox. President Johnson reaffirmed the
shoot-back orders which had led the Mad-
dox to return the fire of the three Viet-
namese torpedo boats, and he beefed up the
7th Fleet patrol in the International waters
off the Vietnamese coast. At the same time
he directed that a protest be made through
one of the indirect channels available to
this country in the absence of formal rela-
tions with Hanoi.
This sequence, no less than the calmness
with which it was undertaken, should leave
no doubt In Hanoi's mind about the inten-
tion of the United State,; to claim and exer-
eise Its right to cruise In international
waters and to defend itself against any fur-
ther unprovoked attacks. The President's
actions should also leave no doubt that the
United States is determined to use its great
power wisely, to husband its strength unless
and until there is appropriate military and
political occasion for its employment, and
to avoid being tricked or provoked into
imprudence.
Naturally, it will be asked if the American
reaction was adequate to the needs of the
situation. These needs are, in our view,
limited: the protection of American ships
and men and the discou?agement of further
attacks. Premier Khanh of South Vietnam
feels the United States -must also aet so as
not to appear a "paper ti?ter." One can guess
that others, perhaps thinking of different
ends than morale in South Vietnam, will join
him in extending the list of needs which
require satisfaction.
There is nothing sacred about the Presi-
dent's restraint, to be sure, but we feel it
was tailored well to tht; specific challenge
and that It leaves the United States in a
strong position, politically and diplomati-
cally, to take more drastic action later if
that should become necessary. In our view,
it was sensible to treat the attack as a
single incident or uncertain purpose, and
not as the deliberate start of a campaign
to tease the American Navy or provoke a
David-Goliath confrontation with the
mighty 7th Fleet. Hanio's persistent efforts
to pry the United States out of the Vietnam
conflict argue against the latter view. The
Communists must also consider that the
advantages which accrce to guerrillas on
land are largely lacking to maruaders by
sea.
The dif i silty of reading Hanoi's mind on
this score is enhanced by the peculiar half-
light of signal and security which shines
on. but falls to illuminate, many moves by
both sides In Vietnam. Of all the moves so
lighted, those connected with proposals to
carry the war to the North are the most deli-
cate. Over the weekend the North charged
that two Islands had been shelled by Ameri-
can and South Vietnamese ships and that a
border village had been bit from the air by
American planes crossirg over from Laos.
These accusations were promptly rebutted
by American officials, but they contribute to
the atmosphere of danger and ambiguity
that enshrouds the attack on the Maddox.
[From the Baltimore (Md.) Sun, Aug. 4,
19641
ON WARNING
When the news of the North Vietnamese
attack on the U.S.S. Maddox was flashed back
to Washington early Suniay the administra-
tion decided to play the affair in low key.
That posture was deliberate and studied. At
home nerves already are on edge, and In
southeast Asia tension is a standard com-
ponent of the atmosphere. Because the raid
on the patrolling destroyer was repulsed
without American casualty, there was noth-
ing to be gained from turning it into an emo-
tional production. The news was made pub-
lic In an announcement, exemplary for its
restraint, and in subsequent discussion the
administration portrayed the attack as an in-
cident of minor consequence.
There Is a danger in such caution. It con-
ceivably could encourage a rash enemy,
thwarted once, to try again. If the North
Vietnamese or any of their allies had found
the American reaction deceptive, and had
thought of new adventures, the President's
fresh Instructions to the Navy must make
the prospect singularly unattractive. The
White House has ordered the patrols in the
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 1964
Gulf of Tonkin to be continued with air
cover and in doubled strength, and the Navy
is directed to destroy any attacking force.
In the future there can be no doubt as to
the response.
The presence of American warships off the
Communist coast is necessary to the defense
of South Vietnam. It is a surveillance opera-
tion designed to detect any unusual move-
ment of troops or supplies and to prevent
any sudden Communist push. It is a per-
fectly legal patrol, and American ships have
as much right to be there as in the high
seas off Hampton Roads. No ship in inter-
national waters can be expected to endure
attack without reprisal, and the Communists
have been put on formal notice that Amer-
ican reprisal will be swift and devastating.
[From the Charlottee (N.C.) Observer, Aug.
6, 1964)
MAO FACING WAR-OR-PEACE CHOICE IN SOUTH-
EAST Asia
For the second time in less than 2 years
the United States-and perhaps the world-
stands on the brink of major war.
Now, as in October 1962, there Is no need
to talk of national unity or national deter-
mination. These we have in full measure.
All the political leaders who have so re-
cently been engaged in partisan strife, from
Senator BARRY GOLDWATER on down, have
thrown their Support to the President with-
out hesitation in a critical hour. Congress
is speedily backing his hand.
Ugly as they are, the Mississippi murders,
the northern race riots and the growing bit-
terness between races and between political
factions, all these have been suddenly thrust
into the shadows by gunfire and bomb bursts
in the Far East.
We wait and watch while the deployment
and use of vast destructive powers move to-
ward a showdown, link by link.
The chain began with an incident which,
in a tactical sense, would scarcely have rated
mention in the annals of World War II.
North Vietnamese patrol boats made torpedo
attacks on the Maddox, a 7th Fleet destroyer
on solitary and lonely patrol In the Gulf of
Tonkin off North Vietnam, The Maddox ac-
quitted itself well, and with the help of
naval aircraft, damaged and drove off the
attacking craft.
President Johnson responded with the kind
of caution which is imperative in world lead-
ers in the nuclear age. He issued a warning
and ordered air and surface reinforcements to
the scene. It was barely possible that the
attack had not been authorized by the gov-
ernment of Ho Chi Minh.
Tuesday a new flash came, and all doubt
Was blasted away. The Maddox, the destroy-
er C. Turner Joy and supporting aircraft had
fought off another attack, sinking two enemy
boats and damaging two.
In every capital of the world, all lingering
questions about timidity or excessive re-
straint were answered by President Johnson's
response. The punishing air attack which
he ordered against the coastal installations
of North Vietnam constituted but one
thing-a heavy punch on the nose of Asian
Communists.
But as the President stated, it was a "lim-
ited and fitting" response. While force was
met with superior counterforce, the options
for broadening the conflict now rest in the
lap of Mao Tze-tung, the real originator of
Communist aggression in southeast Asia.
Given the Chinese sensitivity to loss of
face, it will not be an easy blow to absorb,
Yet Mao has the Instincts of a thousand
Chinese warlords before him who knew that
canny restraint, or even evasion, was some-
times necessary in the presence of great
danger.
We can only hope that Chinese wisdom
outweighs Chinese sensitivity in the critical
hours and days ahead, For with all bluff
gone, the issue Is joined and a bloody and
No. 153-- }
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
destructive war is almost certain to come
with any new Communist aggression.
[From the Los Angeles (Calif.) Times,
Aug. 6, 19641
U.S. ANSWER TO AGGRESSION
The U.S. response to what President John-
son called deliberate and unprovoked attacks
on American destroyers in the Gulf of Ton-
kin was fitting in selectivity, proper in ap-
plication and-given the clear, long-stand-
ing statement of U.S. intentions-inevitable
in delivery.
There is not the slightest doubt that fur-
ther attempts by the Communists to inter-
fere with U.S. ships in international waters
or U.S. planes in free skies will be met with
retaliatory blows of equal promptness and
severity.
As the President made plain in both his
address to the nation Tuesday night and
his talk at Syracuse University on Wednes-
day, the United States seeks no enlargement
of the conflict. But this Nation is united in
its belief that, in Mr. Johnson's words, "there
can be no peace by aggression and no im-
munity from reply."
We Americans have also the solemn com-
pulsion to face the fact that the Commu-
nists, by their attack on American vessels in
international waters, have themselves esca-
lated the hostilities-an escalation we must
meet. Thus the struggle In southeast Asia
inevitably will become deadlier. At least
now the cause is clear and we know what we
are doing and why we do it.
The motives behind North Vietnam's delib-
erately aggressive acts are for the moment
obscure. It must have been clear to both
Hanoi and Peiping that shooting at U.S.
ships would not frighten the 7th Fleet out of
Tonkin Gulf. Nor, it should have been
equally clear, would these acts be permitted
to go unpunished.
The destruction of Red antiaircraft bat-
teries in Laos 2 months ago after U.S. planes
were shot at should have been ample proof
of this.
Perhaps the North Vietnamese and Chi-
nese were counting on U.S. retaliation as a
lever to force a greater Soviet commitment
to the Communist side, in the belief that
regardless of doctrinal differences the Rus-
sians would stand with their fellow Commu-
nists In the event of a showdown with the
United States.
Perhaps the attacks were part of an overall
strategic plan, timed to coincide with
stepped-up ground activities in South Viet-
nam.
Or perhaps the intent was simply to gain
a propaganda victory by a quick humiliation
of vaunted U.S. seapower.
In any case the North Vietnamese chal-
lenge has been answered, and the United
States has shown that any further attempt
to escalate the conflict will indeed result in
what North Vietnam has called "grave con-
sequences."
The Communists may believe that do-
mestic -U.S. politics precludes our taking
effective action in southwest Asia. They are
wrong. Senator GOLDWATER's statement
Tuesday night and the response in Congress
have shown that, as the President noted,
"there are no parties-and there is no par-
tisanship-when our peace or the peace of
the world is imperiled by aggressors in any
part of the world."
The crisis continues, and in the days ahead
may intensify. U.S. strength in the area is
being increased, a further earnest of our in-
tensions to challenge any aggression. As the
quickly mounted, multipronged strikes
against the North Vietnamese naval installa-
tions proved, the United States has the power
as well as the will to destroy selective tar-
gets on a controlled basis. Whether that
power will be again used is very much up to
the Communists.
17879
(From the Chicago (Ill.) Tribune, Aug, 6,
19641
Ms. STEVENSON SPEAKS von AMERICA
Ambassador Adial E. Stevenson's calm and
lucid discussion before the United Nations
yesterday of Communist torpedo attacks
upon American warships off the coasts of
North Vietnam provided the American peo-
ple with an understanding of the crisis in
southeast Asia which, until he spoke, had
been sadly lacking.
President Johnson, in his address to the
Nation Tuesday night and in his speech yes-
terday at Syracuse University, had asked
unity in support of American firmness. He
is more likely to get it now that Mr. Steven-
son has stated the facts and explored the
Communist motives.
As our spokesman told the U.N. Security
Council, the attacks by North Vietnamese
patrol torpedo boats in internatioanl
waters-the first 30 miles offshore and the
second more than 80-were senseless in
themselves, But, said Mr. Stevenson, taken
as part of a larger pattern, they disclosed
a relentless determination by the Commu-
nists to subjugate the whole of the area by
terror and force.
In this enterprise, he emphasized, the Ho
Chi Minh regime in Hanoi could not be con-
sidered to be acting alone. It was teamed
up with and supported by Communist China
in a systematic violation of the Geneva ac-
cord of 1954 which was supposed to guaran-
tee the peace of the countries which for-
merely composed French Indochina.
Mr. Stevenson said that these aggressors
must be taught that their criminal mthods
would not pay. He said that the American
reprisal air raids against Communist torpedo
boat flotillas, their bases, and their oil depots
were limited in intention, designed to cor-
rect the mistaken Communist impression
that the United States would hold still for
any brazen act of piracy.
if Peiping and Hanoi get the message and
put into practice the agreements to which
they are honorbound under the Geneva ac-
cord, the Ambassador said, southeast Asia
could look forward to peace. But not until
there are visible proofs that the Communists
intend to cease their aggressions on land and
sea and leave their neighbors in peace would
the United States find it possible to withdraw
its forces from that part of the world.
Mr. Stevenson repeated what President
Johnson had said-that the United States
does not want any wider war. He went be-
yond that to say that the United States does
not want war at all, and there would be no
war in southeast Asia If the Communists, in
violation of their Geneva pledges, were not
making it.
The Russian spokesman, who followed Mr.
Stevenson, made the usual Soviet effort to
befog the issue by calling for an appearance
by North Vietnam before the Council. That
country is not even a member of the United
Nations, and the only purpose would be to
fill the air with propaganda.
We have felt all along that the American
people will support the policy of this or any
other administration as long as they know
what it is and what is at stake. Until now,
the administration has created most of its
difficulties in winning public confidence by
its own failure to deal honestly with the
people.
When Its Pentagon spokesman has de-
clared the existence of a policy of "news man-
agement" and has spoken of news as "weap-
onry" available to the President, adding that
is the right of a government "to lie to save
itself," it is hardly inviting the confidence
of the people.
Mr. Stevenson has put Communist piratical
acts and the systematic campaign to con-
quer South Vietnam and Laos in clear per-
spective. His unadorned recital of what has
happened and is happening in southeast
Asia will go a long Way toward persuading
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
17880 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
the people that they now are informed about
Communist objectives and the purpose of
American counteraction. The Washington
administration should be relieved that its
brief was given such effective presentation.
(From the Wall Street Journal, Aug. 6, 1964]
THE PRESIDENT'S DECIBION
Everyone hopes the President's decisive
move In ordering limited retaliation against
North Vietnam will cause the Communists
to abandon their forays In the Gulf of Ton-
kin and perhaps rethink their Whole War
effort. Yet, decisive though this U.S. re-
action was, an aura of Indecisiveness still
clouds Important questions on both sides of
the struggle.
While Communist intentions can only be
a matter of speculation, it may be that the
Reds' own uncertainty about how far to push
the war inspired the attacks on the 7th Fleet.
At least it seems reasonable to interpret the
attacks as a probing action designed to gage
the American response; for a long time no
one could be sure how strongly the United
States would prosecute the defense of South
Vietnam. Now the Communists have part of
the answer, though what they will make of
it Is something else again.
It is possible Communist China and its
allies have decided now Is the time for a
showdown with the United States, but their
own past behavior suggests otherwise. They
did not push Korea to the bitter end. They
did not mount an all-out attack on Taiwan.
They did not pursue the harassment of
Quemoy and Matsu to the point of major
hostilities.
In Vietnam itself, of course, the Red tactic
has been guerrilla warfare-Incessant probes
for weakness, if you like-rather than fron-
tal assaults, and so far there has been rela-
tively little evidence of direct Chinese par-
ticipation. Since this type of warfare has
been increasingly successful for them. It
seems likely they will continue to stop it up
despite their stern rebuff In the Gulf of
Tonkin.
That prospect leads us to the remaining
areas of uncertainty about the U.S. position.
It seems beyond doubt that the Govern-
ment has decided to stay in Vietnam. It
seems further that a decision has been
reached to make a stronger stand-advo-
cated, perhaps not so incidentally, by Sen-
ator GOLDWATER1. Even before this week's
naval engagements, It was planned to beet
up the American forces in South Vietnam.
But if the war aim is to rid South Viet-
nam of the Communists once and for all,
how it is to be accomplished? It certainly
is not being accomplished now. Will It be
necessary to intervene in much greater force
and finally take over the direction of the
war from the Vietnamese generals?
Anything along that line faces serious ob-
stacles. Those generals are jealous of their
prerogatives. The political instability in Sal-
gon Is so bad that talk to heard of yet another
coup. Many of the people are far from dedi-
cated to the fight against communism and
indeed an undetermined number in the
countryside are evidently sympathetic to the
Communist Vietcong guerrillas.
Even if it is possible to extirpate the Com-
nnunists with a major undertaking, It is
difficult to see how future infiltration could
be prevented. At any rate, it would seem to
require a very large force to seal off the vari-
ous and fluid borders, and the force might
have to remain indefinitely, as in Korea.
Perhaps the Pentagon has effective an-
swers to all these questions, but our Viet-
namese involvement to date does not lend
much support to that hope. Indeed, the
history of that involvement has been marked
by indecisiveness and confusion. The United
states has drifted deeper and deeper into
the war, without even appearing to know
how to achieve its aims or always knowing
what the alms were.
For some time, however, the course of
events has itself narrowed the range of in-
decision. That is, the failure of small-scale
"advisory" action has led to progressively
fuller participation and mounting American
casualties until now we are at the point of
limited action against North Vietnam. Un-
less the Communists are deterred by that, it
seems only too probable that the process w Ill
continue until we are committed to doing all
that Is necessary to get the Communists out.
Whatever actually happens, it is regret-
table the United States Is once again so en-
meshed in so unpromising a venture. Yet we
have gone so far that there appears no ac-
ceptable alternative. And If the President's
order means the Government is at last on
the road to firmness and decisiveness, it may
be the best hope the circumstances offer.
[From the New York (N.Y.) Daily News,
Aug. 6, 1964]
BACKLASH IN TONKIN GULF
The North Vietnam Reds on Tuesday
mounted their second PT boat attack on U.B.
warships In the Gulf of Tonkin.
Thereupon, President Lyndon B. Johnson
remembered that he is a Texan, or gave a
thought to Senator BARRY GOLDWATER's re-
peated "Why not victory?" cracks, or both.
Anyway, the President ordered our Far
East air and sea forces to backlash fittingly
at the North Vietnam Reds,
Our men carried out this assignment yes-
terday, superbly.
U.S. naval aircraft destroyed or damaged
25 North Vietnamese PT boats, hashed up 5
torpedo bases, and wrecked the big oil stor-
age depot at Vtnh, in North Vietnam.
Cost to us: two planes and their pilots,
may they rest In peace.
Unless the North Vietnamese take some
more pokes at us. this backlash will he our
last, according to present plans. The Presi-
dent said we want no wider war, in his dra-
matic TV-radio address to the Nation late
Tuei:day night.
The great majority of Americans, we be-
lieve, heartily approve all this; and we think
Congress should endorse It after adequate
debate.
And it is reassuring to see our Far East
forces get set for whatever may grow out of
the episode.
North Vietnam President Ho Chi Minh is
obviously hopping mad over this unexpected
singe dealt by us to his wispy whiskers. He
may try to get hunk: Red China may try to
help him.
Both of the Communist governments'
press and radio mouthpieces are making big
talk about how they will soon be coming
around to get revenge for yesterday's U.S. air
strikes.
In that event, It may be our heaven-sent
good fortune to liquidate not only Ho Chi
Minh but Mao Tse-tung's Red mob at Pei-
ping as well, presumably with an important
assist from Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek
and his Nationalist Chinese forces on Taiwan
(Formosa).
[From the Providence Journal, Aug. 6, 1964]
"WE ARE ONE NATION, UNrrED AND INDIVISIBLE"
In the short but calmly strong address in
Syracuse, President Johnson restated this
country's simple formula for the restoration
of peace in southeast Asia. He also made it
abundantly clear that in the current crisis.
there are no parties and no partisanship
dividing the American people.
What Mr. Johnson offered as a formula for
peace in southeast Asia Is essentially the same
formula to which President Eisenhower and
the late President Kennedy dedicated their
efforts: the governments in that part ofthe
globe ought to follow international agree-
ments already supposed to prevail.
The President urged the governments there
to leave each other alone, to settle their
"August 7
differences peacefully, and to "devote their
talents to bettering the life of their peoples
by working against poverty and disease and
Ignorance." "Peace requires that the exist-
ing agreements In the area be honored."
"To any who may be tempted to support
or to widen the present aggression" by North
Vietnam, he said, "I say this. There is no
threat to any peaceful power from the United
States, but there car be no peace by aggres-
sion and no immunity from reply. That is
what is meant by the action" taken by the
Navy.
Having made plain "to the people of all
nations" the reasons for this Nation's course
of action In recent days, the President made
it equally plain that. for Americans, this is
no time for politicking with crisis. Con-
gressional support of the President yesterday
dramatized this fact.
"Let no friend needlessly fear and no foe
vainly hope that this Is a nation divided in
this political year," he said. "Our free elec-
tions-our full and free debate-are Amer-
lea's strengths, not America's weaknesses
* ? ' We are one nation, united and in-
divisible; united :,nd Indivisible we shall re-
ma In."
There was strength of purpose and calm-
ness of language in the President's brief
message. But there also was clarity and
eloquence. There will be plenty to debate In
the coming campaign, but in the face of sav-
age threat to "our peace and the peace of the
world," there Is solid national unity.
[From the New York Journal-American,
Aug. 6. 1964 ]
Ac roN IN THE EAST
President Johnson has acted with appro-
priate firmness and dispatch In ordering
retaliatory action against North Vietnam for
Its attacks on U.S. naval vessels on the high
seas.
There is no doubt the overwhelming senti-
ment of the Nation is behind him. This was
swiftly expresed In terms of bipartisan con-
gressional support and included a special
statement from Senator BARRY GOLDWATER.
The salient fact of this grave development
in the Far East is this : the Comunists have
changed the ground rules of the continuing
struggle in the Far East--and now cannot un-
change them. Nor should the United States,
In its show of firmness, seek to unchange
them.
Before the attack by North Vietnamese tor-
pedo boats on American destroyers patroling
the Gulf of Tonkin, the "rules" were clear.
They specified that North Vietnam was a
supplier of men and arms to Red guerrillas
In South Vietnam. They specified that the
United States would train and advise the
forces of South Vietnam in operations
against those guerrillas
Now the North Vietnamese Government, or
perhaps the Peiping Government, has ap-
parently decided on a broader confrontation.
The manipulators have t.hus forced the Unit-
ed States to raise its own sights, too. And
It is too early to foresee the consequences of
this sudden escalation of war In the Far
East.
However, now that oil:' sights are thus ad-
justed, perhaps the Issue of quelling Commu-
nist imperialism In the area is closer at hand
than before. Perhaps now the vast power
of the United States wtl' be brought to bear
to enforce peace In the :Ear East.
The aim of the Unitec States in its blows
against North Vietnam is not to spread con-
flict and not to engage in a major war, nor
should It be.
The aim Is peace-peace instead of unpro-
voked assault on the high seas, peace Instead
of armed attempts to overthrow legitimate
governmentsand peace instead of the outlaw
behavior of regimes contemptuous of the
fate of millions.
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 196.E
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3 17881
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
last, according to present plans. The Presi-
dent said we want no wider war, in his dra-
matic TV-radio address to the Nation late
Tuesday night. The great majority of Ameri-
cans, we believe, heartily approve all this;
and we think Congress should endorse it after
adequate debate.
And it is reassuring to see our Far East
forces get set for whatever may grow out of
the episode.
It may be our heaven-sent good fortune
to liquidate not only Ho Chi Minh but Mao
Tse-tung's Red mob at Peiping as well, pre-
sumably with an important assist from Gen-
eralissimo Chiang Kai-shek and his Na-
tionalist Chinese forces on Taiwan.
[From the Herald Tribune (independent
Republican) ]
The right response
Whoever planned the torpedo-boat attacks,
for whatever purpose, stand warned. If they
were probing the intentions of the United
States, of Red China, of the Soviet Union,
they at least know that the United States
will resist aggression, and that it has the
capability of doing so.
The controlled impact of the American
counterblow has clearly made its impact
on the world. From its friends this coun-
try has received such congratulations as that
of Japan (very directly concerned with the
problem of Communist expansion in Asia)
and such encouragement as that of Britain
in the Security Council. From the Soviet
Union has come denunciation-but it is odd-
ly perfunctory.
[From the New York Post, Aug. 6, 19641
THE U.N. AND VIETNAM
Clearly the United States does not seek a
wider war. Let us hope Asia's Communists
do not either. The initial Soviet response,
as given by Tass, was quite restrained.
While deploring U.S. "aggressive actions,"
the statement avoided committing Moscow
to doing anything about them.
At the U.N., the Soviet delegate was
equally restrained. His request that a rep-
resentative of North Vietnam be invited to
participate was doubly significant.
It served to suggest that Moscow did not
know what its Communist brethren in Asia
were up to. It also set up interesting possi-
bilities of dividing Hanoi from Peiping.
Whatever Russia's motives, there is every
reason to invite North Vietnam.
"It is a solemn responsibility," said Presi-
dent Johnson Tuesday night when he dis-
closed an air strike was in progress, "to have.
to order even limited military action by
forces whose overall strength is as vast and
as awesome as those of the United States."
That awesome strength makes it all the
more baffling that the North Vietnamese
should be seeking to provoke us. Direct
contact with the representatives of Hanoi
may shed some light on this.
North Vietnam may not like our vessels'
presence in the Tonkin Gulf. The Commu-
nists have always been sensitive about their
frontiers-almost to the point of paranoia.
But neither does the United States exactly
welcome electronically equipped Soviet ves-
sels carrying on continuous survelllance off
Cape Kennedy. (independent)]
But we put up with it. The right of Action in the East
ships to voyage on the high seas is incon-
testable. The response of the United States President Johnson has acted with appro-
re-
taliatory firmness and dispatch
was wholly predictable. The question re- priate
North Vrdering re-
mains: Why did Hanoi do it? action against
The more basic question, however, is where, its attacks on U.S. naval vessels on the high
are we heading in Vietnam? Are we being seas. There is no doubt the overwhelming
sucked into a dark tunel from which there sentiment i t fact Nof this ation Is
srbee behind development
may be no egress? The Ambassador Stevenson eloquently stated in the Far East is this: The Communists
our case. But it was a limited brief, largely have changed the ground rules of the con-
restricted to justifying our air strikes under tinuing struggle in the Far East-and now
the right of self-defense set forth in article cannot
United uStates, in ncha them. Nor flrshould seek
51 of the U.N. Charter.
We owed this explanation to the U.N, But to unchange them.
the U.N. should be more than a sounding Now North Vietnamese Government, appar-
The or
board. . perhaps the Peiping Government, has The smaller nations, those not directly in- ently decided on a broader confrontation.
volved in the dispute, and therefore capable [From Newsday (independent) ]
of some detachment, should be encouraged Mild response
to come forward with proposals for media- The North Vietnamese and their Chinese
Several Lion, perhaps weeks s ago U conciliation. Thant called for a preceptors should now realize that we mean
new Geneva conference. If the parties in- what we say: that further aggression will
volved in the war could reach an agreement, be countered by further, carefully directed
Thant said, the U.N. could play a role in force, and that the peace of sotiitheast Asia
seeing that the agreement was carried out, can be reestablished overnight only if the
"Even at this late hour," he suggested, means Communists will cease meddling in the af-
might be found to end the war. fairs of small nations that want to live at
Nothing happened. The United States is peace.
The purpose of the United States is to
ilitar
y
again perilously close to a major m
venture on the Asian mainland. Surely be- demonstrate that we are willing, as the The rapid concentration of our military
fore we venture further, a major effort President says, to face with courage and to might in the southeast-Asia area for a major
should be made to open up channels of com- meet with strength this challenge precisely show of force lends great credence to the
munication with our adversaries, as we did in Greece and Turkey, Berlin and United States determination. The crisis in
K -- Lebanon and Cuba h b no means ended and as
t
"Blessed are the peacemakers," said Presi-
dent Johnson in June, quoting the Bible in
a foreign policy speech that coupled firmness
with an olive branch.
Provocative as the Communists have been,
that still remains true.
EDITORIAL REACTIONS To ASIAN CONFLICT
(Following are excerpts from newspaper
editorial comments on the situation in Viet-
nam.)
EAST
[From the New York News (independent)]
Backlash in Tonkin Gulf
Unless the North Vietnamese take some
more pokes at us, this backlash will be our
nam as y I
Vie
On that platform for national defense, and Secretary Rusk said, the situation remains
for peace, the whole country can unite, re- very explosive, but it seems to be dwindling,
gardless of political differences. thanks to the clarity and forcefulness of our
[From the Post (independent) ] response.
The U.N. and Vietnam SOUTH
North Vietnam may not like our vessels' [From the Washington Post]
presence in the Tonkin Gulf. The Commu- Gratitude for Johnson
nists have always been sensitive about their President Johnson has earned the grati-
frontiers-almost to the point of paranoia. tude of the free world as well as of the Na-
But neither does the United States exactly tion for his careful and effective handling of
welcome electronically equipped Soviet ves- the Vietnam crisis. The paramount need
sels carrying on continuous surveillance off
Cape Kennedy. But we put up with it. The was to show the North Vietnamese aggressors
right of ships to voyage an the high seas is their self-defeating folly in ignoring an un-
incontestable. The response of the United equivocal American warning and again at-
States was wholly predictable. tacking the American Navy on the high seas.
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
The question remains, why did Hanoi do
it? The more basic question, however, is:
Where are we heading in Vietnam? Are we
being sucked into a dark tunnel from which
there may be no egress?
The smaller nations, those not directly in-
volved in the dispute and therefore capable
of some detachment, should be encouraged
to come forward with proposals for media-
tion, perhaps conciliation..
NEW ENGLAND
[From the Boston Herald]
Test of U.S. policy
The sudden flareup of hot war in Vietnam
provides a vital test of the flexible defense
strategy favored by the Kennedy-Johnson
administration.
The next move is up to the Reds. if they
seek a wider war, they can have it. Because
of our flexible strength, because we are able
to answer first in a limited and fitting way,
the chances of avoiding a major showdown
are good. The flexible defense strategy has
given us options which may make a life-or-
death difference for our generation.
[From the Hartford Courant (Republican) ]
Red China blamed
As in Korea, when this country last stood
up against military aggression, we may ex-
pect a world that often wonders about our
maturity and responsibility to support our
sharp but limited retaliation. Let us hope
United Nations Security Council understands
and does not temporize with a great threat
to the peace it is its duty to preserve.
Most likely explanation of what has hap-
pened is that this is Red China's response
to the American decision to step up its aid
to South Vietnam and to all southeast Asia
if need be, by way of countering increasingly
successful North Vietnamese pressure south-
ward.
MIDDLE ATLANTIC
[From the Newark Evening News]
After the storm
Whatever the intention, the attack and the
precisely tailored response it has drawn serve
to reinforce the conditions that must pre-
vail before a realistic settlement can be at-
tempted. Neither the United States nor any
of its allies need, or will, settle for less free-
dom and more Communist encroachment in
Southeast Asia. Negotiation is possible. It
is desirable. But it must be more firmly
rooted than in 1954 or 1962. Its results
must be susceptible to more effective enforce.
ment.
One dividend to be derived from the con-
flict in the Gulf of Tonkin is that the United
States has demonstrated its capability of
dealing with a variety of eventualities. How-
ever much they may rant and threaten in
the dangerous days that lie ahead, our Com-
munist adversaries cannot lose sight of that
[From Philadelphia Bulletin (independent) ]
 Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
To a world sensitive to the uses of power
by an American President, the crisis-the
first major foreign-policy crisis faced by
President Johnson-has found him not want-
ing in toughness or in nuance.
[From the Star (independent) ]
"Paper tiger" rebutted
President Johnson's order to the 7th Fleet
to bomb North Vietnamese PT boats and
the facilities from which they operate is
fully justified. What counteraction, if any,
will come from the other side, remains to
be seen. If they react forcibly, however it
would be logical to expect some enlargement
of the war against South Vietnam.
Our response to the PT-boat attacks
should disabuse the Communist mind of the
"paper tiger" fiction. But if the war In the
South is stepped up we should not be con-
tent merely to hold our ground. Our pur-
pose, as contrasted to Korea, should be to
destroy the enemy and the sources from
which his attacks are being mounted.
[From the Atlanta Constitution (independ-
ent Democrat) ]
A test of will
The Communists apparently have decided
to test our resolve, in southeast Asia and even
the Congo, during this presidential election
year. Quick action by both political parties
and approval by GOP Nominee GOLDWATER
shows there Is no partisanship when the Na-
tion's security is at stake.
We seek an honorable solution without war
and welcome U.N. help, but we cannot nego-
tiate the wanton violation of solemn treaty
agreements to which we are a party.
[From the Journal (independent Democrat) ]
We have made it clear
We have made our move in southeast Asia.
We have replied with bombs on North Viet-
nam bases to deliberate attacks on our naval
vessels In International waters. We have
made it clear to the Reds In that part of the
world that we have been pushed far enough.
aptly expressed by Senator BARRY GOLDWATER,
with whom the President talked before tell-
ing the people what he planned to do.
Emphasizing his support of the President's
action, the Republican presidential nominee
said, "We cannot allow the American flag to
be shot at anywhere on earth If we are to
retain our respect and prestige."
Hopefully, the quick and decisive action
by the United States will convince the world
that we will carry out our commitments
to all free people without seeking any wider
war. Certainly the prompt support of Sen-
ator GOLDWATER should erase any doubts,
M IDWEST
From the Chicago Sun-Times
(independent) ]
Whether events In Vietnam develop Into
full-scale warfare involving the United
States now depends on what the Communists
do next.
Whatever their motive for the suicidal
attacks on American ships In international
waters, they and all the world have learned-
once again-that the United States does not
become weak when divided internally by a
presidential election campaign.
[From the Chicago Tribune (independent
Republican) ]
Unity is foreseen
Ambassador Adial E. Stevenson's calm and
lucid discussion before the United Nations
yesterday of Communist torpedo attacks
upon American warships off the coasts of
North Vietnam provided the American peo-
ple with an uiderstanding of the crisis In
southeast Asia which, until be spoke, had
been sadly lacking.
President Johnson, In his address to the
Nation Tuesday night and in his speech yes-
terday at Syracuse University, had asked
unity In support of American firmness. He
Is more likely to get It now that Mr. Steven-
son has stated the facts and explored the
Communist motives.
Here we have done the sensible thing. It [From the Milwaukee Journal
also happens to have been the honorable (independent) ]
thing. Somewhere and some time a line had Appeal for restraint
to be drawn. The Nation has been aware of It may be that the North Vietnamese, with
this for a long time. It is a relief that this the backing of Communist China, were test-
line finally has been drawn. log the American will. If so, they have their
[From the Baltimore Sun (independent answer.
Democrat) ] There is some danger that this country
There was no choice may tend to overreact to North Vietnamese
It is not an easy thing to loose even a small stings because of our political situation.
fraction of the military power available to President Johnson has been under attack
the Commander in Chief, but In this case for what opponents call a "no win" policy
there was no choice. In striking back at a In southeast Asia. He has been unwisely
time of grave provocation, the United States urged to escalate the war.
hoped not to spread the fighting but to pinch Under such circumstances. a President can
it off before it got out of hand. be handicapped In making vital decisions.
The key to peace in Asia is hidden in Com- President Johnson will need courage and
munist China, in the course It may essay patience and restraint to keep the Nation
alone, or with the encouragement of Moe- from the wider war that he-and all who
cow. Whatever the dangers, the United realize what modern war Is-wish to avoid.
States will face them with the courage pos-
sessed only by those who are both free and
strong.
[From the Louisville Courier-Journal]
War can be averted
The convincing show of the national unity
on the war threat In Asia, met with speed,
wisdom, and restraint by President Johnson,
strengthening the possibility that a major
war with Red China can be averted.
It leaves no doubt In Communist minds
anywhere that if war is what they want, war
is what they will get-a certainty that should
bring even Peiping's fanatics to their senses
unless they remain irresponsibly addicted to
the opiate that only a major war can head
the Sino-Soviet rift.
SOUTHWEST
[From the Houston Post[
Goldwater is quoted
There can be no question of support for
the President's action. This support was
[From the St. Louts Post-Dispatch (inde-
pendent Democrat) ]
The guilt is shared
The two Communist naval attacks on units
of the U.S. 7th Fleet, and the swift and
devastating U.B. reply, need not and should
not bring about an "escalation" of the
struggle In Indochina.
This country plans no further belligerent
action unless there is another attack; Presi-
dent Johnson and U.S. Ambassador Steven-
son have made clear we want "no wider
war."
It Is true that if the Communistswould
abide by the Geneva political settlements
peace and independence would be assured
and military power could be withdrawn.
But the West is not guiltless In this re-
spect, and there Is not likely to be an end
of the conflict short of a negotiated political
settlement guaranteed by the big powers and,
perhaps, supervised by the U.N.
[From the Cleveland Plain Dealer (inde-
penden,; Democrat) ]
Warnings to Reds
North Vietnam's nets of aggression against
U.S. ships in the Tonkin Gulf have been
given a fitting response.
President Johnson, speaking yesterday in
Syracuse, has solemnly warned there will be
"no immunity to reply" from further ag-
gression.
The meaning of the President's words Is
clear. There is no excuse for Hanoi or Pei-
ping to misundersta_id them.
[From the Indianapalts Star (independent) )
The prcper reaction
President Johnson's decision to use full
military action against Communist aggres-
sion in southeastern Asia is the proper re-
action to the events of recent hours.
The attacks on U.B. naval craft in
the Gulf of Tonkin appear to have been
calculated provocations. To react in any way
suggestiveof fear or hesitation would simply
Invite more attacks. As long as we are in-
volved in such a conflict, the only thing to do
is try to win It.
MOUNTAIN STATES
[From the Denver Poet (independent)]
Nixon's view backed
We are inclined to agree with Richard
Nixon that these attacks were set up by
the Chinese Reds to test U.S. reactions dur-
ing the election campaign.
The Communists probably expected the
Nation to be so split that the President
would be afraid to react decisively to such
attacks. This phenomenon of our political
parties' interrupting bitter partisan warfare
to close ranks whenever there Is an outside
threat to the Nation has baffled Europeans
and Asians for years. But It Is a rock-hard
fact of American life.
PACIFIC
From the Los Ange;es Times (independent
Republican) ]
Conflict grows deadlier
Communists, by their attack on American
vessels In international waters, have them-
selves escalated the hostilities-an escala-
tion we must meet. Thus the struggle in
southeast Asia Inevitably will become dead-
lier. At least now the cause is clear and
we know what we are doing and why we do
It.
[From the Portland Oregonian (independent
Republican) ]
Old, familiar situation
If the facts are as represented, the Ameri-
can response was justifed, even necessary.
What now, of the Communist response?
Red China has a defense treaty with North
Vietnam. So has the Soviet Union.
There Is the possit ility that the PT-boat
attacks were designed to trigger the cer-
tain American retaliation against North Viet-
nam to provoke and force China's entrance
to the war In southeast Asia. With each
side charging aggression, the old, familiar
situation which has led to other big wars
has been created.
[Prom the San Fra;icisco Chronicle (Re-
publ.can) ]
Answer ro Peiping
The answer has been given. In the words
of President Johnson it was an unmistak-
able "positive" answer, and Peiping now
knows that the U.S. forces In Vietnam can
and will strike back e.Iectively If attacked.
The principle Is lncantroveritible, and the
measures thus far employed under It were
sound and no doubt Inevitable, It is the
hope of world peace that they were also ef-
fective.
[From the Seattle Times (independent) ]
Affront to U.S. dignity
No self-respecting nation could have per-
mitted without retaliation the Indignity of
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 196;
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 17883
a second armed attack on its vessels in the
face of a protest over the first such attack-
least of all that nation which bears the
principal burden of restraining Communist
aggressors in all parts of the world.
[From the Philadelphia Inquirer, Aug. 7,
1964]
As THE TENSION CONTINUES
One inevitable consequence of momentous
events in southeast Asia the past few days
is the necessity for American foreign policy
experts to reassess the entire situation in
that part of the world.
Although the basic U.S. objective-to pre-
serve freedom and repel Communist aggres-
sion-remains the same, there will need to be
major revisions in the planning and execu-
tion of methods to achieve the goal.
The Communists should have no delusions
now about the overwhelming superiority of
American naval power in the Far East-but
on land it is a different story. For this rea-
son, the great peril is that the Reds will step
up their offensive in- the jungles of South
Vietnam and Laos where American destroyers,
aircraft carriers and jet planes can't help
much. -
Meanwhile, as fresh policy studies proceed,
and the U.S. military buildup in the Far East
is accelerated in preparation for any even-
tuality, it is important for Americans to re-
main united behind President Johnson in
this crisis and to be wary of any wishful
thinking that the danger has passed. The
North Vietnam dragon is nursing humiliat-
ing wounds. "Saving face" is very important
in that part of the world.
Russia, apparently, is not anxious to en-
courage North Vietnamese attacks against
the United States, as indicated by the rela-
tively mild nature of official Soviet words
emanating from Moscow and the United Na-
tions. Red China, of course, is another mat-
ter. Peiping is always unpredictable. Mao
is always dangerous.
Under existing circumstances it was shock-
ing to have unity in Congress rudely shat-
tered by Senator MORSE, of Oregon, -a mav-
erick Member of the President's own party,
who charges that the trouble in southeast
Asia "is as much the doing of the United
States as it Is the .doing of North Vietnam."
Mr. MoRsE ignores all the facts in the case-
notably the prolonged Communist aggression
against Laos and South Vietnam and the un-
provoked Red attacks on U.S. warships on the
high seas. -
In contrast to the ill-advised outburst by
Senator MORSE was the prompt support given
to President Johnson by Senator GOLDWATER
in a spirit of bipartisan cooperation that is
so essential in this grave time. -
Facing up to all the new implications in-
herent In the radically altered situation in
southeast Asia is a task that requires the best
in all of us. This applies especially to those
in positions of public responsibility who
should dedicate themselves unstintingly to
the task of doing whatever may need to be
done to win the struggle for peace and free-
dom.
[From the New York Herald Tribune, Aug.
7, 1964]
As OTHERS SEE THE TONSeIN GULF
The Washington Post:
"President Johnson=has earned the grati-
tude of the free world as well as of the Nation
for his careful and effective handling of the
Vietnam crisis. The paramount need was to
show the North Vietnamese aggressors their
self-defeating folly in ignoring an unequivo-
cal American warning and again attacking
the American Navy on the high seas. This
Mr. Johnson did by means of a severe but
measured response deftly fitted to the ag-
gression: retaliation against the boats and
bases used in the attack * * *.
. "Most immediately, the reprisal rendered
obsolete the old terms of the debate on
whether to carry the guerrilla war in South
Vietnam back to the aggressors in the north.
"To a capital and a world sensitive to the
uses of power by an American President, the
crisis-the first major foreign-policy crisis
faced by President Johnson-has. found him
not wanting in toughness or in nuance. But
the crisis has also pointed up the office of
the Presidency as the single center of con-
trol and responsibility for American power.
"Military measures were only a part of
President Johnson's response. He coordi-
nated them with the other constituencies
and communities of which he is the leader.
He asked and got from Senator GOLDWATER
a promise of nonpartisanship. The Senator,
like the patriot he is, instantly forsook poli-
tics and stood by his side."
Pittsburgh Post Gazette:
"In both his Tuesday announcement of
the attack order and in his speech Wednes-
day at Syracuse University, the President
stressed the limited nature of the American
response to the gunboat attacks and the de-
sire of the United States to avoid the tragedy
of a wider war. Yet no one in Washington
has any way of anticipating the thinking of
officials in Peiping.
"In view of the serious danger to world
peace from the broadened hostilities in
southeast Asia, the United States has prop-
erly called for an emergency session of the
United Nations Security Council to deal with
the crisis. Hopefully, through the good of-
fices of that agency and the good sense of
responsible officials in various capitals and
chancelleries, the ugly Vietnamese war can
be kept from triggering an immeasurably
more destructive wider conflict.
The Boston Globe:
"President Johnson, speaking at Syracuse
University Wednesday, enunciated the prop-
osition that 'aggression unchallenged is ag-
gression unleashed.' This striking phrase
reiterated a principle that has long lain at
the heart of American foreign policy and at
the core of every international crisis, how-
ever complex it has seemed.
"Peiping, with an unsolved food problem,
would like an excuse to move into the 'rice
bowl' of Indochina. It might hope by a mass
attack to leave the United States only the
alternative of giving way or fighting a
major-perhaps an all-out-war. Success
would give the Chinese an immense advan-
tage in the competition with Russia for the
leadership of world communism.
"This country has moved fast to dampen
any such hopes."
Christian Science Monitor: "Premier
Nguyen Khanh of South Vietnam makes
sense.
"He points out that President Johnson
warned the Asian Communists against the
"very dangerous game" they have been play-
ing in southeast Asia. And that the Com-
munist answer has now come. It is intensi-
fied war-both in South Vietnam and in
torpedo boat attacks on an American de-
stroyer off the North Vietnam coast.
"The immediate response from President
Johnson was being announced in Washing-
ton even as the South Vietnamese Premier
spoke in Saigon., It was the obvious response.
The Navy was instructed to destroy any such
attacker in future.
"The United States is unavoidably going in
further. The only questions are when and
how far."
The Times, London: "The next step is
left to the Communists, and in attempting
to assess what it may be there are three guid-
ing thoughts. The Americans, having made
their counteraction, have issued no threats
or ultimatums. The Communists are not
forced against a wall. Secondly, the American
reinforcements are enough to warn the Com-
munists that any extension of the war would
be highly costly and dangerous to them, as
well as to others. And the third point: the
Americans have, very rightly, put the whole
matter to the Security Council."
The Guardian, Manchester: "The war will
be won or lost in the South; and it would
continue there if every military base in the
North were pulverized. In fact, any exten-
sion of the war is likely to make the Vietcong
more determined."
Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung: "The
American revenge came unexpectedly fast
and sharply * * * but still the retaliation
of Washington did not get out of control.
That is important." -
Aurore, Paris: "In the Gulf of Tonkin it
is Mao who is maneuvering with his docile
satellite of North Vietnam and it is Khru-
shchev who is the target. How will Khru-
shchev get out of it?"
Vienna Volksblatt: "If Johnson rattles his
saber a little it is mainly to show the elec-
torate that he is not the defeatist and friend
of Communists that GOLDWATER has made
him out to be."
Mainichi Shimbun, Tokyo: "The United
Nations is urged to act promptly in order
to prevent the present conflict from devel-
oping into a full-fledged war."
[From the New York Herald Tribune, Aug. 7,
1964]
"BE IT RESOLVED-"
As Commander in Chief, President John-
son could, and did, order retaliatory action
against North Vietnam for its unprovoked
attacks upon American ships. That was a
logical extension of the right of self-defense;
speed was of the essence. But the continu-
ing crisis in southeast Asia may call for
other, more elaborate measures. It is sound
policy to provide congressional indorsement
in advance for such steps, both as an expres-
sion of the role of the legislature in the
American system of government and, at least
equally important, as a demonstration of
American determination.
This dual role will be performed by the
joint resolution to be voted today by both
the Senate and House, approving the Presi-
dent's action and empowering him to "take
all necessary steps including the use of
armed force," to aid America's allies, to repel
attacks upon U.S. forces, and prevent fur-
ther aggression.
Red China has made it very clear that it
considers North Vietnam's cause its own.. It
Is very far from clear just what Peiping in-
tends to do about it. But in the light of
past history (in Korea, on the Indian border,
along the Formosa Strait) it would be folly
to brush the Red Chinese menaces aside. It
would also be folly to assume that if action
does not immediately follow on the threat
the latter is empty.
Red China has not always made good its
boasts. But it has hit hard in almost every
case. It brags now that Indochina presents
a far better field of military action for its
teeming divisions than the Korean Penin-
sula, while no body of water separates China
from Indochina as was the case with Que-
moy, Matsu, and Formosa.
The United States and its allies, then,
would do well to regard the threat from
Peiping as a time bomb, which will only go
off when the Red Chinese want it to. The
best method of preventing an explosion Is to
impress, as strongly as possible, upon Mao
Tse-tung and his band, that this country is
prepared, physically and morally, to meet
any thrust.
The joint resolution gives the President
full backing for any preparations that the
Armed Forces may require in the danger area.
It does so publicly and unequivocally. At
the same time, it gives voice to the American
will. Indeed, it might be said that the most
significant part of the measure is the formal
preamble, which in this context is full of
meaning: "Now, therefore, be it resolved."
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
17884 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I yield
the remainder of my time to the great
statesman from Alaska [Mr. GRUENINGI.
Mr. GRUENING. Mr. President, yes-
terday, I made my views on the pending
resolution known on the floor of the
Senate, and they appear in the CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD. There is no need to add
to them, except to reaffirm them. It is
a matter of deep regret for me that I
cannot, on this major issue, support the
resolution drafted by the Foreign Rela-
tions and Armed Services Committees in
response to a message from the Presi-
dent to the Congress requesting such
support.
I believe that President Johnson in
his more than 8 months in office has
shown himself to be a great President.
I find myself in warm accord with most
of his actions and declarations of policy.
I intend to campaign for him after the
adjournment of Congress.
Regrettably, I find myself In disagree-
ment with his southeast Asian policy,
and have repeatedly voiced my disagree-
ment in the Chamber. The serious
events of the past few days, the attack
by North Vietnamese vessels on Ameri-
can warships and our reprisal, strikes
me as the inevitable and forseeable con-
comitant and consequence of U.S. uni-
lateral military aggressive policy in
southeast Asia.
I consider the action of the North Vi-
etnamese in attacking our vessels as ut-
terly stupid and outrageous, and our
prompt retaliation justifiable and
proper. But this is precisely the kind of
episode that our unilateral and aggres-
sive policy in southeast Asia would In-
evitably bring forth. That incident has
in turn brought about the President's
message and the responding resolution
by Congress.
If this resolution merely affirmed its
approval of the President's declared pol-
icy and action to respond to attacks on
our fleet when in international waters,
as he has responded, that would be one
thing. I would gladly approve of such
a resolution, as I approve of his action.
But this resolution now before us. goes
far beyond that. It not only endorses
all our Government has done to date in
southeast Asia, but also gives the Presi-
dent a blank check, not merely to do
whatever he likes in South Vietnam, but,
to quote the text of the resolution:
To take all necessary steps, including the
use of armed force, to assist any member or
protocol state of the Southeast Asia Collec-
tive Defense Treaty requesting assistance in
defense of its freedom.
That Is, in effect, a pre-dated declara-
tion of war, if and when the Executive
chooses, and war not merely in South
Vietnam but in all southeast Asia.
Is that what the Congress intends?
That is what the Congress is doing.
We now are about to authorize the
President if he sees fits to move our
Armed Forces-that Is, the Army, Air
Force, Navy, and Marine Corps-not
only into South Vietnam, but also into
North Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Thai-
land, and of course the authorization
includes all the rest of the SEATO na-
tions.
That means sending our American
boys into combat in a war in which we
have no business, which Is not our war,
Into which we have been misguidedly
drawn, which is steadily being escalated.
This resolution is a further authoriza-
tion for escalation unlimited.
I am opposed to sacrificing a single
American boy in this venture. We have
lost far too many already.
I have repeatedly expressed my view
which I now reiterate. That we should
have been waging peace with the same
energy and fervor with which we have
been waging war.
I have asked, and ask again now, that
instead of multiplying our Armed Forces
and the resulting casualties, we request
a cease-fire and seek, instead of hostile
military action, a peacekeeping United
Nations police force. I should be happy
to see Americans as a part of that peace-
keening police force.
'T'his procedure, as I have pointed out,
has been successfully used on the Israel-
Egypt border, and in the Congo. Why
not try it in South Vietnam?
My time being short, I can only call
attention to my earlier statement on this
resolution and repeat that I Cannot in
good conscience support the pending
resolution, which opens the door to un-
limited unilateral war by our country In
an area and for a cause which pose no
threat to our national security, and in
which no more American lives should be
sacrificed.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, how much
time remains to me?
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Senator from Oregon has 8 minutes re-
maining.
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I shall
not use all of that time. I wish only to
correct a misapprehension that I was
not able to cover in my speech earlier,
but I wish to add one further point which
I overlooked.
I was commenting on a Washington
Post editorial which cited the Cuban
resolution as being comparable to the
pending resolution.
Last night, I pointed out that they
are quite different resolutions.
I ask Senators to turn to page 17845
of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of August
6. where I inserted the Cuban resolu-
tion. It will be recalled that in discus-
sion of the Cuban resolution the point
was made, both in committee and on the
floor of the Senate, that the resolution
differed from the Middle East resolution
and the Formosa resolution, in that it
made no reference whatever to author-
izing any power to the President of the
Un`tcd States. It was because of that
that we were able to get support for the
resolution. At the time of the Cuban
resolution if there had been an attempt
to give war making authority to the
President, the resolution would not have
received the votes it did. Some Senators
announced that they would not support
the resolution with such a clause in it.
If we examine the resolution, we see
that all it does Is to set out the opinion
of Congress as to what American foreign
policy should be, vis-a-vis Cuba.
That Is quite a different thing from
giving the President any authority for a
predated declaration of war in respect
to Cuba, as this resolution does in respect
to Asiatic problems.
August 7
I believe that history will record that
we have made a great mistake in sub-
verting and circumventing the Constitu-
tion of the United States, article I, sec-
tion 8, thereof by means of this resolu-
tion.
As I argued earlier today at some
length, we are in effect giving the Presi-
dent of the Unitec States warmaking
powers In the absence of a declaration of
war.
I believe that to be a historic mistake.
I believe that within the next century,
future generations will look with dismay
and great disappointment upon a Con-
gress which is now about to make such a
historic mistake.
Our constitutions= rights are no better
than the preservation of our procedural
guarantees under the Constitution.
We are seeking by indirection to cir-
cumvent article I, section 8 of the Con-
stitution. Senators know as well as I do
that we cannot obtain a test before the
U S. Supreme Court of that attempt to
grant warmaking powers to a President
by a resolution because under this set of
facts we cannot hail the President of the
United States before the Supreme Court
for a determination of such a question as
to the unconstitutionality of the pending
resolution.
I am sorry, but I believe that Congress
Is not protecting the procedural, consti-
tutional rights of the American people,
under article I, section 8 of the Consti-
tution.
If the President of the United States,
after Pearl Harbor, could exercise his in-
herent power in defense of this country,
as every President alas the right to do
and then come before the Congress and
ask for a declaration of war as Roosevelt
did, then the pending regulation is not
necessary. The President can come to
Congress and ask for a declaration of
war, as was done against Japan at that
time. The President of the United States
can now do likewise, if the time ever
comes when the President must ask for
a declaration of war against a country
in Asia or anywhere else.
For the reasons I have set forth, I shall
vote against the resolution.
Mr. President, I yield back the re-
mainder of my time.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, the
senior Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr.
CLARK] is necessarily absent today but
has asked that he be recorded in favor
of the resolution supporting the Presi-
dent's policies in Vietnam. The Senator
would slate, if he were here, that the
United States was the victim of unneces-
sary provocation and that the United
States was compelled to respond and, he
would add, that it is essential for the
country to unite behind the President at
this time of crisis.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the Senate
proceed to the consideration of House
Joint Resolution 1145, as a substitute for
the Senate joint resolution.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
Char 1c ys before the Senate a joint reso-
lution coming over from the House,
which will be stated by title.
The joint resolution (H.J. Res. 1145)
was read twice by its title.
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 19 647
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3 17885
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
Cooper Jordan, N.C. Pastore LEASING OF REAL PROPERTY BY
Cotton Jordan, Idaho Pearson POSTMASTER GENERAL
l
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection to the present consideration of
the House joint resolution?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the joint resolu-
tion.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint resolution is open to amendment.
If there be no amendment to be pro-
posed, the question is or.. the third read-
ing of the joint resolution.
The joint resolution was ordered to a
third reading, and was read the third
time.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll
Curtis Keating Pel
Dirksen Kuchel Prouty
Dodd Lausche Proxmire
Dominick Long, Mo. Randolph
Douglas Long, La. Ribicoff
Eastland Magnuson Robertson
Ellender Mansfield Russell
Ervin McCarthy Salinger
Fong McClellan SaltonstaU
Fulbright McGee Simpson
Goldwater McGovern Smathers
Gore McIntyre Smith
Hart McNamara Sparkman
Hartke Mechem Stennis
Hayden Metcalf Thurmond
Hickenlooper Miller Tower
Hill Monroney Walters
Holland Morton Williams, N.J.
Hruska Moss Williams, Del.
Humphrey Mundt Young, N. Dak.
Inouye Muskie Young, Ohio
Jackson Nelson
Javits Neuberger
Mr. McNAMARA. Mr. President, I ask
the Chair to lay before the Senate a mes-
sage from the House on H.R. 9653.
The PRESIDING OFFICER laid be-
fore the Senate a message from the
House of Representatives announcing its
disagreement to the amendment of the
Senate to the bill (H.R. 9653) to extend
the authority of the Postmaster General
to enter into leases of real property for
periods not exceeding 30 years, and for
other purposes, and requesting a confer-
ence with the Senate on the disagreeing
votes of the two Houses thereon.
Mr. McNAMARA. I move that the
Senate insist upon its amendment.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
question is on agreeing to the motion of
the senator from Michigan.
NAYS-2
Gruening Morse
NOT VOTING-10
Anderson Johnston Talmadge
Cannon Kennedy Yarborough
Clark Scott
Edmondson Symington
So the joint resolution (H.J" Res. 1145)
was passed as follows:
Whereas naval units of the Communist
regime in Vietnam, in violation of the prin-
ciples of the Charter of the United Nations
and of international law, have deliberately
and repeatedly attacked United States naval
vessels lawfully present in International
waters, and have thereby created a serious
threat to international peace; and
Whereas these attacks are part of a delib-
erate and systematic campaign of aggression
that the Communist regime in North Viet-
nam has been waging against its neighbors
and the nations joined with them in the col-
lective defense of their freedom; and
Whereas the United States is assisting the
peoples of southeast Asia to protect their
freedom and has no territorial, military or
political ambitions in that area, but desires
only that these peoples should be left in
peace to work out their own destinies in their
own way: Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That the Congress
approves and supports the determination of
the President, as Commander in Chief, to
take all necessary measures to repel any
armed attack against the forces of the United
States and to prevent further aggression.
SEC. 2. The United States regards as vital
to its national interest and to world peace
the maintenance of international peace and
security in southeast Asia. Consonant with
the Constitution of the United States and
the Charter of the United Nations and in
accordance with its obligations under the
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty, the
United States is, therefore, prepared, as the
President determines, to take all necessary
steps, including the use of armed force, to
assist any member or protocol state of the
Southeast Asia Collective Defense Treaty re-
questing assistance in defense of its freedom.
SEC. 3. This resolution shall expire when
the President shall determine that the peace
and security of the area is reasonably assured
by international conditions created by action
of the United Nations or otherwise, except
that it may be terminated earlier by concur-
rent resolution of the Congress.
The preamble was agreed to.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that Senate Joint
Resolution 189 be indefinitely postponed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call may be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. FULBRIGHT. Mr. President,
ask for the yeas and nays on the House
joint resolution.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
joint third time, the question is, Shall the
joint resolution pass?
On this question the yeas and nays
have been ordered; and the clerk will
call the roll.
The legislative clerk called the roll.
Mr. HUMPHREY. I announce that
the Senator from South Carolina [Mr.
JOHNSTON] and the Senator from Geor-
gia [Mr. TALMADGE] are absent on offi-
cial business.
I also announce that the Senator from
New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON] and the
Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. KEN-
NEDY] are absent because of Illness.
I further announce that the Senator
from Nevada [Mr. CANNON] the Senator
from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK], the
Senator from Oklahoma [Mr. EDMOND-
soN], the Senator from Missouri [Mr.
SYMINGTON], and the Senator from
Texas [Mr. YARBOROUGH] are necessarily
absent.
I further announce that, if present
and voting, the Senator from New Mex-
ico [Mr. ANDERSON], the Senator from
Nevada [Mr. CANNON], the Senator from
Oklahoma [Mr. EDMONDSON], the Sena-
tor from South Carolina [Mr. JOHN-
STON], the Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. KENNEDY], the Senator from Mis-
souri [Mr. SYMINGTON], the Senator from
Georgia [Mr. TALMADGE], the Senator
from Texas [Mr. YARBOROUGH] and the
Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. CLARK]
would each vote "yea."
Mr. KUCHEL. I announce that the
Senator from Pennsylvania [Mr. SCOTT]
is necessarily absent and, if present and
Toting, would vote "yea."
The result was announced-yeas 88,
nays 2, as follows:
[No. 520 Leg.]
YEAS-88
Aiken Bennett Byrd, Va.
Allott Bible Byrd, W. Vs.
Bartlett Boggs Carlson
Bayh Brewster Case
Beall Burdick Church
The motion was agreed to.
TRANSACTION OF ROUTINE
BUSINESS
By unanimous consent, the following
routine business was transacted:
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the
House had agreed to the report of the
committee of conference on the disagree-
ing votes of the two Houses on the
amendment of the House to the bill (S.
1057) to promote the cause of criminal
justice by providing for the representa-
tion of defendants who are financially
unable to obtain an adequate defense in
criminal cases in the courts of the United
States.
EXECUTIVE COMMUNICATIONS,
ETC.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro tem.-
pore laid before the Senate the following
letters, which were referred as indicated:
AMENDMENT OF FEDERAL CROP INSURANCE ACT
A letter from the Secretary of Agriculture,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation to
amend the Federal Crop Insurance Act, as
amended (with an accompanying paper); to
the Committee on Agriculture and Forestry.
REPORT ON MILITARY CONSTRUCTION, AIR NA-
TIONAL GUARD
A letter from the Deputy Assistant Secre-
tary of Defense (Properties and Installa-
tions), transmitting, pursuant to law, a re-
port on military construction, Air National
Guard (with an accompanying report) ; to the
Committee on Armed Services.
DISPOSAL OF CHROMIUM METAL, ACID GRADE
FLUORSPAR, AND SILICON CARBIDE FROM THE
SUPPLEMENTAL STOCKPILE'
A letter from the Administrator, General
Services Administration, Washington, D.C.,
transmitting a draft of proposed legislation
to authorize the disposal of chromium metal,
acid grade fluorspar, and silicon carbide from
the supplemental stockpile (with an accom-
panying paper) ; to the Committee on Armed
Services.
REPORT OF DIRECTORS OF FEDERAL PRISON IN-
DUSTRIES, INC.
A letter from" the Commissioner, Federal
Prison Industries, Inc., Department of Jus-
tice, Washington, D.C., transmitting, pursu-
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3
 17886
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE August 7
ant to law, a report of that corporation, for
the fiscal year 1963 (with an accompanying
report); to the Committee on the Judiciary.
SUSPENSION of DEPORTATION or ALIENS-
WITHDRAWAL OF NAME
A letter from the Commissioner, Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service, Department
of Justice, withdrawing the name of David
Yang from a report relating to aliens whose
deportation has been suspended, transmitted
to the Senate on July 1, 1964; to the Commit-
tee on the Judiciary.
REPORTS OF COMMITTEES
The following reports of committees
were submitted:
By Mr. BAYH, from the Committee on the
Judiciary, without amendment:
S. 1045. A bill for the relief of Mrs. Gene-
vieve Olsen (Rept. No. 1332);
S. 2458. A bill for the relief of Lloyd K.
Hirota (Rept. No. 1333) ;
S.2750. A bill for the relief of Fred E.
Starr (Rept. No. 1344) ;
H.R. 1451. An act for the relief of Frank
Mramor (Rept. No. 1337) ; and
if R. 6883. An act for the relief of the es-
tate of Eileen G. Foster (Rept. No. 1338).
By Mr. BAYH, from the Committee on the
Judiciary, with an amendment:
S. 2133. A bill for the relief of Maj. Ray-
mond G. Clark, Jr. (Rept. No. 1336); and
5.2672. A bill for the relief of Robert L.
Wolverton (Rept. No. 1335).
By Mr. EASTLAND, from the Committee
on the Judiciary, without amendment:
S.2271. A bill for the relief of Shu Mien
Chang (Rept. No. 1341): and
S. 2790. A bill for the relief of Charles
Chung Chi Lee and Julia Lee (Rept. No.
1342).
By Mr. EASTLAND. from the Committee on
the Judiciary, with an amendment:
S. 2678. A bill for the relief of Dr. Victor
M. Ubleta (Rept. No. 1343).
By Mr. EASTLAND, from the Committee
on the Judiciary, with amendments:
S. 2759. A bill for the relief of Kim Sook
Hee and Kim Lou (Rcpt. No. 1344).
By Mr. STENNIS, from the Committee
on Appropriations, with amendments:
H.R. 11369. An act making appropriations
for military construction for the Department
of Defense for the fiscal year ending June
30. 1965, and for other purposes (Rept. No.
1339).
By Mr. BIBLE, from the Committee on
the District of Columbia, without amend-
DEPARTMENT OF AGRICULTURE
AND RELATED AGENCIES APPRO-
PRIATION BILL, 1965-REPORT OF
A COMMITTEE (S. REPT. NO. 1331)
Mr. HOLLAND. Mr. President, on be-
half of the Committee on Appropria-
tions, I send forward a favorable report
on H.R. 11202, which is the annual ap-
propriation bill for the Department of
Agriculture and related agencies. We
recommend that the bill be passed with
var;ous amendments which we recofn-
m""nd.
Mr. President, I also send forward an
extensive report for printing. May I
say to the majority leader that the rely
volumnious report of hearings on the
bill has been printed and Is available.
The Committee will be ready to take up
the_ bill on the floor of the Senate at such
time as the majority leader may lndj-
catc.
The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. SAL-
INGER in the chair). The report will be
received and the bill will be placed on
the calendar.
REPORT ENTITLED "INTERSTATE
TRAFFIC IN MAIL-ORDER FIRE-
ARMS"-REPORT OF A COMMIT-
TEE-INDIVIDUAL VIEWS (S.
RE PT. NO. 13400
Mr. DODD. Mr. President, from the
Committee on the Judiciary I submit a
report entitled "Interstate Traffic in Mail
Order Firearms" pursuant to Senate
Resolution 274, 88th Congress, 2d ses-
sion, together with the individual views
of the Senator from Michigan [Mr.
H %ltT 1.
I ask unanimous consent that the re-
port, together with the individual views,
be printed.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, the report will be received and
printed, as requested by the Senator
from Connecticut.
AND JOINT RESOLUTION
INTRODUCED
men . Bills and a joint resolution were in-
S. 2944. A bill for the relief of the Greater troduced, read the first time and, by
Southeast Community Hospital Foundation, unanimous consent, the second time,
Inc. (Rept. No. 1345); and referred as follows:
H.R.9975. An act to exempt from taxa-
tion certain property bf the National Trust By Mr. HEATING:
for Historic Preservation in the United States S. 3089. A bill for the relief of Dr. Harou-
in the District of Columbia (Rept. No. tun M. Babigian; to the Committee on the
1348); and Judiciary.
H.R. 10215. An act relating to stick leave By Mr. KEATING (by request) :
benefits for officers and members of the Met- S. 3090. A bill for the relief of Dr. Orhan
ropolitan Police force of the District of Kutlu; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
Columbia, the United States Park Police By Mr. KEATING:
force, and the White House Police force S. 3091. A bill for the relief of Shabir Ah-
(Rept. No. 1347). mad Kahn; to the Committee on the Judi-
By Mr. McINTYRE, from the Committee on Clary,
the District of Columbia, without amend- By Mr. BAYH:
ment: S. 3092. A bill to amend chapter 37 of title
HR. 6128. An act to amend section 15 of 38. United States Code, in order to make the
the Life Insurance Act to permit any stock widows of certain peacetime veterans eligible
life insurance company in the District of for loans under such chapter; to the Com-
Columbia to maintain its record of stock- mittee on Labor and Public Welfare.
holders at its principal place of business in By Mr. LONG of Missouri (for himself
the District of Columbia or at the office of and Mr. SALINGER) :
its designated stock transfer agent in the S. 3093. A bill to provide for the erec-
District of Columbia, and for other pur- tion of a monument on Alcatraz Island to
poses (Rept. No. 1318). commemorate the founding of the United
Nations in San Franelaco, Calif., in 1945, and
to serve as a symbol of peace; to the Com-
mittee on Interior and Insular Affairs.
(See the remarks of Mr. LONG of Missouri
when he introduced the above bill, which
appear under a separate heading.)
By Mr. JACKSON:
5.3094. A bill for the relief of Jen Cheng
Shao; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
By Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey:
S. 3095. A bill for the relief of Stevan
Akocs, his wife, Ro;:alija Akocs, and their
children. Carlos Ako2s and Jorge Akocs; to
the Committee on Cie Judiciary,
By Mr. CHURCH:
S.T. Res. 190. Joirt resolution providing
for a study and report to Congress by the
Secretary of the Treasury concerning the
silver policy of the United States; to the
Committee on Bank.ng and Currency.
(Sec the remarks of Mr. CHURCH when he
introduced the above joint resolution, which
appear under a separate heading.)
MONUMENT TO COMMEMORATE
THE FOUNDING OF THE UNITED
NATIONS ON ALCATRAZ ISLAND,
CALIF.
Mr. LONG of Missouri. Mr. President
,
on Monday of this week I had the privi-
lege and honor of filing with the Con-
gress the final report of the Commission
on the Disposition of Alcatraz Island.
The Commission, established by Public
Law 88-138 as amended by Public Law
88-226, made several recommendations
In its report as to how best Alcatraz
Island might be utilized.
Today, I have the privilege of intro-
ducing on behalf of myself and the Sen-
ator from California [Mr. SALINGERI leg-
islation in this august body to implement
the recommendations of the Commission.
Representative JEFFREY COHELAN, Of
California, Is introducing similar legis-
lation in the House of Representatives
today.
The primary purpose of this bill is to
provide for the erection of a monument
on Alcatraz Island to commemorate the
founding of the Un'ted Nations in San
Francisco, Calif., in .1945, and to serve as
a symbol of peace.
To achieve this noble objective, this
bill would establish a commission to be
known as the United Nations Monument
Commission. The Commission's func-
tion would be to develop and execute
suitable plans for (he erection of the
monument. Moreover, the international
architectural competition, designed to se-
lect the most suitable monument for
erection on the island, will be under the
general supervision of the Commission,
as will be the demolition and removal of
the present structures on the island and
the building of the monument.
Although all costs incurred in the de-
molition and building aspects on the is-
land are to be borne by the San Francis-
co Chapter of the American Association
for the United Nations, rather than the
Federal Government, the proposed legis-
lation provides for the Commission, In
consultation and cooperation with he
Secretary of Interior, to oversee activi
ties on Alcatraz. The National Park
Service Is charged with administeriT,
protecting, and developing the monu-
ment after it is built.
Approved For Release 2004/11/29 : CIA-RDP66B00403R000200070008-3