HOW THE KREMLIN CAPTURED CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200250006-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 14
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 9, 2004
• Sequence Number: 6
• Publication Date: April 9, 1963
• Content Type: OPEN

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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
School is a celebrated skill center offering
free instruction to students of any age.
In these cities, vocational education has,
for various reasons, become a matter of major
local concern and is vigorously supported
by the community. Such sporadic local
achievements are widely and justly publi-
cized. But this acclaim is unfortunate if it
diverts attention from the central fact,
namely this: Unless interest in vocational
education Is awakened on a massive national
scale, the United States will lose a crucial lap
in "the race between education and catas-
trophe"-in H. G. Wells' annually more apt
definition of history.
Unemployment is both a prime cause and
a symptom of the country's alarming eco-
nomic torpor. Recent economic studies,
stemming from the work of Arthur Burns
of the National Bureau of Economic Research
and from the University of Chicago's Milton
Friedman, demonstrate that investment in
education rivals investment in physical
capital (factories, machinery) in stimulat-
ing economic growth. Walter Heller, chair-
man of the Council of Economic Advisers,
has said that such investment in "human
capital" has accounted for half of our ecd-
nomic growth in the 20th century.
Now this hardly seems too difficult a con-
cept for the American people or even Con-
gress to grasp and to act upon. But maybe
homelier considerations can be more com-
pelling: the fact, for example, that the loss
in production in the United States caused by
unemployment in 1962 was greater than the
loss caused by the strikes in the last 35 years;
or that, to the average man, the loss of only
1 year's income due to unemployment is more
than the total cost of 12 years of education
through high school. However one may
dramatize the issue, the essential point is
that education, employment, and economic
growth are inextricably linked. Today ra-
tional education must include training perti-
nent for the 80 percent of all young Ameri-
cans who enter the labor market without
college degrees. To ignore their vocational
training is a reverse twist on the Eskimos'
fabled custom of pushing their unproductive
senior citizens ontothe ieepack. That prac-
tice at least has a certain economic logic.
Our system, is managing to be at once in-
humane and economically suicidal.
like to call to the attention of all those
who may not have yet heard about it a
remarkable and highly readable book on
Cuba called "The Great Deception," by
James Monahan, a Reader's Digest sen-
ior editor, and Kenneth O. Gilmore, an
associate editor. I urge all those who
want a gripping, up-to-date and author-
itative account of exactly how the Krem-
lin took over Cuba to read this book
which has recently been published by
Farrar, Straus & Co. The significant
fact about "The Great Deception" is that
it covers, as does no other book, the
Communist deception in Cuba from the
day Castro took power on January 1,
1959, up through last fall's missile crisis
and its aftermath. Innumerable items
in this publication will be both fascinat-
ing and eye opening to anyone who reads
it. For example, there is a frightening
look at how the Communists seized con-
trol of the labor unions in Cuba.
Another portion provides a chilling ac-
count of the,Bag of Pigs invasion disas-
ter through the eyes of those inside. Cuba.
This reveals that the underground trag-
ically knew less about the invasion plan
than Castro and his Communist agents.
There is also a vast amount of unpub-
lished and dramatic, material on the
Castro Communist effort to infect and
take over Latin America through prop-
aganda, infiltration and subversion, all
of which will convince many that our
efforts today to cut off this activity from
the Cuban base will be next to impossible
until that base is eliminated. Moreover,
the 'book lays out the full picture of the
Soviet miltiary intrusion in Cuba which
actually began in late 1960 and built up
to Moscow's implantation of troops and
missiles.
A key reason for the superb quality of
this book lies in the fact that for nearly
a year Monahan and Gilmore headed a
Reader's Digest task force which made
an in-depth study of the Sovietization
of Castro's Cuba. Hundreds of Cubans,
many still living in the police state, were
interviewed at length; their personal
stories were tape recorded, and later
analyzed and checked out to establish
absolute authenticity.
It is for this reason, perhaps, that re-
action to the book by leading free Cubans
has been so laudatory. And, of course,
those Cubans who lost their country to
Soviet imperialism are best qualified to
judge the accuracy and quality of a book
describing their tragedy.
Allow me, therefore, to present some
comments by outstanding Cubans in ex-
ile that have been received by the pub-
lishers of the book.
Manuel Artime, civilian leader of the
valient Cuban invasion brigade who, just
last December was released from Castro's
prison, has said:
As one who lived through some of the key
phases of the Kremlin's takeover of Cuba,
I can attest that "The Great Deception" is
one of the best accounts yet written on Com-
munist Cuba.
Dr. Jose Miro Cardona, who heads the
Revolutionary Council of Cuba:
"The Great Deception" is an example
of the tragedy of Cuba, which is the
tragedy of America. This book aids effec-
tively in understanding this through the ex-
pository force of the facts which it relates,
and the clear and precise form in which they
are presented. I thank the authors, as a
Cuban, for the intensity with which they
have felt the drama of my country; and I
hope, as a Spanish-American, that the book
will be read carefully by the Government
and people of the United States in order that
they will understand the true nature and
extent of the danger which this holds for
the liberty of our hemisphere.
Dr. Oscar de la Vega Torres, Secretary-
General, Teachers Revolutionary Direc-
torate-in exile:
I would like everyone-from the President
to the most humble functionary-in this
country to read carefully "The Great Decep-
tion," especially the chapter "Darkness De-
cends" where there is expressed clearly and
precisely, as never before, the great harm
that communism is inflicting on the minds
of Cuban children and youth. Let no one
forget that it is these young people-sick
with hatred against our democratic princi-
ples-who, if we do not act in time, will
prevent reintegration of the people into the
American community and contaminate it
with the poison they have received.
5637
Jose Antonio Gonzalez-Lanuza, Stu-
dents Revolutionary Directorate of
Cuba:
After carefully reading this book on the
process of communization that Cuba is suf-
fering today, I wish to express my sincere
congratulations for the objectivity and qual-
ity of this work.
"The Great Deception" is, to our way of
thinking, the best compilation published to
date in the United States on the facts about
the conversion of Cuba into a satellite of
Moscow.
What stands out are the variety of the
sources of authoritative information col-
lected by the authors, as well as the clear,
impartial exposition of events, told in such
a way as to give the North American reader
a magnificent panoramic vision of what has
occurred in our country during the last 4
years.
In the name of the Students Revolutionary
Directorate and myself, I offer sincere con-
gratulations for the work accomplished.
Vicente Rubfera; Reito, secretary gen-
eral, Federation of Cuban Telephone
Workers in Exile:
As a Cuban labor leader, Democrat and
worker, I would like to take this opportunity
to make clear my gratitude for the service
rendered the cause of liberty by "The Great
Deception"-a true and exclusive account
of the process by which the Communist
Party and the U.S.S.R. are penetrating the
American Continent.
It is the most exact, most realistic expose
of how they operate, set in motion and
carry Communists to power. It is the best
work in behalf of democracy, the liberation
of Cuba and the defense of the continent.
Dra, Ana Tomeu de Miller, secretary
general of Cuban Feminine Crusade:
"The Great Deception" is a magnificent
exposition of how international communism
used tactics of deceit and lies to seize Cuba
and convert it into an isle of hell, Russian
colony and springboard for the expansion
of Soviet imperialism in the American
A TI-COMMUNIST FREEDOM
FIGHTERS
Mr. GOLDWATER. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
at this point in the RECORD an editorial
entitled "Fighting the Wrong Side,"
published in the Oakland, Calif., Trib-
une of April 3, 1963, dealing with the
effort of the administration to restrain
anti-Communist freedom fighters who
are attempting to harass Fidel Castro
and establish a strong Cuban under-
ground.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
[From the Oakland (Calif.) Tribune, Apr. 3,
19631 _
FIGHTING - THE WRONG SIDE
The administration has cracked down hard
on anti-Communist freedom fighters who
are attempting to harass Fidel Castro and
establish a strong Cuban underground.
Not content with merely insuring that
no raiding parties leave from U.S. territory,
the administration has solicited help from
Great Britain as well, so that a good portion
of the Caribbean Sea is being combed for
anti-Communist war parties.
The reason given by the State Department
for this "blockade of the blockaders" is that
the U.S. Government accrues the blame for
the raids in the eyes of the world, and is
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therefore assumed to be committing warlike
acts. -
Thus, once again, the siren song of manu-
factured world opinion has been heeded by
this Nation's pussyfooting diplomats, to the
detriment of the free world. For years, the
Soviets have built up a global network of
sympathizers and "neutralists" who will
quack and bleat with alarm every time the
United States shows some signs of resisting
the advance of global communism.
In recent months, when the anti-Castro
resistance has begun to score some real dam-
age against the Cuban regime, world opinion
naturally began to chant that the raids were
instigated by the U.B. Government.
And now, to its shame, the administration
has capitulated to that opinion when it
should simply be laughing it off with a decla-
ration that the raids are not sanctioned by
the U.B. Government.
The trouble with heeding this kind of
world opinion Is that it will continue to de-
nounce U.B. "aggression" even if the Coast
Guard and the Federal Bureau of Investiga-
tion manage to halt all anti-Castro activity
altogether. No matter what the Government
does, it can't win against a propaganda ma-
chine created by the Soviets. If the United
States to going to be berated no matter what
it does, then the logical thing Is to ignore the
clamor and do exactly what will be in the
best interest and security of this Nation.
It is a matter of great Importance to estab-
lish a virile underground in Cuba. The ac-
tivities of anti-Castro freedom fighters serve
not only to drain Castro's strength but to fan
the flame of resistance of the captive Cuban
people.
The vengeance taken against the anti-
Castro Cubans is so severe that one is com-
pelled to wonder whether world opinion is
really the reason for U. It looks like the
administration is actually as Interested in
preserving the Castro regime as it is In en-
couraging its overthrow.
AUTOMATION
Mr. BOGGS. Mr. President, the prob-
lems, challenges, and opportunities of
automation in industry continue to ex-
pand. At the same time, however, "auto-
mation" ? is still a new word In our
national vocabulary, and often a mis-
understood word. There can be no mis-
understanding, though, about the great
changes automation Is making in our
country and the need to understand and
cope with them.
Because of the tremendous impact of
automation, and the swiftness with
which the changes are taking place, I
have called for a White House confer-
ence on automation in a bill introduced
earlier in this session. Such a confer-
ence is necessary, I am convinced, to
focus attention on advances in technol-
ogy and the effects of these advances
upon all of us.
Automation also has a bearing on the
need for an enlarged and more active
program of vocational education, which
would come about If another bill I have
introduced. S. 1222, is enacted.
An article which helps explain auto-
mation appeared in the April 17, 1983,
issue of the New York Times magazine.
It is by Victor R. Fuchs of the st-aff of
the National Bureau of Economic Re-
search. He Is also a consultant to the
Ford Foundation. Because of the time-
liness of this article I commend its read-
ing to my colleagues and ask unanimous
consent that the article be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FALLACIES AMID FAcrs Aeons AuxosesvioN
(By Victor It. Fuchs)
Once or twice In a generation a single
word captures the attention, imagination
and concern of the American people. In the
past, the mere mention of such words as
"abolition," "prohibition"' or "unionization"
was enough to strike the sparks of con-
troversy and to epitomize the problems and
the promise of complex forces at work in
our society.
Today the word is "automation." Orig-
inally coined to describe the automatic han-
dltng of parts between successive stages of
production, automation was later defined as
the use of machinery to control machinery.
In popular discussion, however, the word
has come to mean any kind of technological
change, particularly where nonhuman effort
is substituted for human labor.
The heat and Intensity of the arguments
surrounding automation suggest its impor-
tance. but amidst the uproar it is often dif-
ficult to determine just what the facts and
the issues are. For some. automation poses
the threat of permanent unemployment, the
necessity of undergoing retraining or the
possibility of having to uproot home and
family to seek employment In a strange com-
munity. Others stress the benefits of au-
tomation-low costs, new products and the
maintenance of world economic leadership
for the United States.
The current debate over automation tends
to be dominated by the "alarmists"-those
who can only see the warehouses filling up
with goods and the streets filling up with
unemployed-and the "do-nothing" school
who find automation an unmixed blessing.
This debate is marked by exaggeration, il-
logical reasoning, and other fallacies. A
close look at some of these fallacies may
help to provide a basis for constructive at-
tack on the problem, and permit us to enjoy
more fully the benefits of technological
These are the principal fallacies indulged
In by the "alarmist" school:
(1) The rate at which labor Is being dis-
placed by technological change is more rapid
now than In the past..
This particular fallacy lies at the heart of
the "alarmist" position, It is the fundamen-
tal premise. the rest Is elaboration. Every-
one has read or heard about the "Increasing
rate of technological change." The words
comeso readily that it seems almost pedan-
tic to question their accuracy. But the fact
is that there is no economic evidence to sup-
port this premise.
Isolated examples of rapid change abound,
but they always have. Recall, for example,
the printing press, the cotton gin and the
substitution of the typewriter for feathered
quills. The question is not whether ex-
amples of large-scale displacements of labor
can be found in particular firms or, indus-
tries, but whether the overall impact on
the economy is greater now than in the past.
If technological innovations were replacing
labor at an increasing rate, one would expect
to find evidence of this in the output ob-
tained per man-hour of labor. The figures
show no such trend.
For the period 1947-60 output per man-
hour in the privatit sector of the economy
grew at an annual rate of 3 percent. This
is a slightly higher rate than the average
for the entire 20th century but It is not
an unprecedented rate for the United States,
and It is far below the pace achieved in
Japan, Russia and several West European
countries.
Moreover, there is no evidence that the
rate Is Increasing. On the contrary, the
figures show an average annual gain of 3.5
percent for the period 1947-54, slowing down
to 2.6 percent in the 1954-60 period. Finally,
there is little prospect that we are on the
threshold of a sharply increased rate in the
future; we may have difficulty maintaining
the Pace of the last 15 years,
One obvious problem Is that fewer and
fewer of our people are employed in sectors
where labor-saving change has been easiest,
such as agriculture. Each year more Ameri-
cans are employed in the service industries,
where productivity growth has been slowest.
Because of these shifts In employment, we
will actually have to achieve. an increased
rate of productivity growth sector by sector
simply in order to maintain the same overall
rate of increase. A recent pathbreaking
study by Edward F. Denison, "The Sources
of Economic Growth in the United States,"
shows that it will be difficult to achieve this
increase.
(2) Automation makes it possible to pro-
duce more goods and services than we can
possibly use.
This fallacy gets Its widest circulation in
the well-appointed living room after an ex-
cellent dinner that Includes an appropriate
wine. The hi-ti is usually playing softly in
the background, and the conversation is
mixed with references to vacations abroad,
sports cars, and college admissions. If one
were to approach a family of average means
with arguments about a surfeit of goods,
they would doubt your sanity or your mo-
tives. And they would be right.
Most of the talk about our having the
ability to produce more goods and services
than we need or want, now or in the fore-
seeable future, is nonsense. It is based either
consumption standards for various classes of
the population or on a wild overestimation of
the productive capacity of the economy.
We need more rapid growth, not less.
Consider the demands for helping to raise
the living standards of the underdeveloped
two-thirds of the world. Consider the prob-
lem of removing the deep pockets of poverty
that still exist in our rural areas and urban
slums. Finally, consider the simple fact that
to bring the average American family up to
the level of living currently enjoyed in the
more prosperous suburbs surrounding New
York City would require 25 to 30 years of very
rapid growth at full employment.
To argue, as some do, that the problem is
primarily one of distribution, is completely
in error. If income were divided absolutely
equally In the United States, each family
would have about 47.000 per year-an income
that falls far short of producing satiety.
Another gross exaggeration is the claim
that 30 percent or more of potential output
Is lost through unemployment. This is based
on the observation that certain industries
have 30 percent Idle capacity, but this is a
false guide to production possibilities for
the economy as a whole. One might just as
well argue that there is no unemployment
problem because some Industries are working
overtime.
Marxlan dogma aside, it makes little sense
to say that the man who produces an auto-
mobile is doing productive work but the man
who keeps it in good running order is not,
or that the modern farmer is very productive
but the research scientists and the farm ex-
tension agents who advise him are not.
Not all of the exaggeration- and illogic can
be found on the alarmist side. A smaller
but equally vociferous group sings the prais-
es of automation in arguments that do not
stand up well under inspection. This group
voices three major "do-nothing" fallacies:
(1) Automation automatically creates at
least as many new jobs as it eliminates.
The key word here is "automatically." Of
course, it to possible for automation to cre-
ate new jobs. It does this principally in two
ways. First, there are the jobs created to
build, Install, and service the new machinery.
At fixed levels of output, however, this can
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and women who are permanent residents of
the United States, who have attained age
sixteen but have not attained age twenty-
two, and whose participation in such pro-
grams will be consistent with the purposes
of this title.
(b) Enrollees shall not be subject to the
provisions of any other Federal law relating
to Federal employment including hours of
work, rates of compensation, or employee
benefits.
(c) The number of enrollees in programs
under this title shall not exceed at any one
time the equivalent of 60,000 full-time en-
rollees during the fiscal year ending June 30,
1964, and during the next four fiscal years
such numbers as may be maintained within
the appropriations made therefor by the
Congress.
(d) The Secretary shall provide for test-
ing, counseling, job development, and job
referral services through either governmental
or private nonprofit agencies to youths in
order to carry out the purposes of this title.
Federal share of program costs
SEC. 206. (a) Whenever a State, county,
municipal or local youth employment pro-
gram is determined under section 204 to be
appropriate, toe Secretary may enter into
an agreement with the State, county, or
municipal government, or agency or political
subdivision thereof, or a private nonprofit
agency, under which such government or
political subdivision thereof or agency shall
pay not more than 50 per centum and not
less than 25 per centum of all costs of the
program, including those of administration,
in such proportion as may be determined
by the Secretary, considering among other
relevant factors (1) the severity of the rates
of unemployment and underemployment in
the area and the duration of such unem-
ployment and underemployment, and (2) the
income levels of families in such area. The
contributions by such government, or po-
litical subdivision thereof, or agency, pur-
suant to such agreements may be in cash or
in kind, fairly evaluated, including but not
limited to plant, equipment, and services.
Such agreements shall further provide that
the Secretary will pay grants to such gov-
ernments or political subdivisions thereof
or agencies covering the balance of all costs
of such programs, including those of admin-
istration.
(b) Funds available for grants under agree-
ments authorized by subsection (a) shall
be allocated among the states in the follow-
ing manner: (A) 60 per centum of such
funds in any fiscal year shall be allocated
among the States on the basis of the ratio
that the total population of each State
within the age group referred to in subsec-
tion 205(a) bears to the total population of
the United States within such age group,
and (B) 50 per centum of such funds in any
fiscal year shall be allocated by the Secre-
tary in accordance with the ratio that the
total unemployment of each State bears to
the total unemployment in the United
States, using in both cases the previous
year's annual average following its publica-
tion, and (C) allocations not utilized in (A)
shall be reallocated under (B). The popu-
lation categories and the other relevant fac-
tors referred to above shall be determined in
accordance with the most recent statistics
available from the Bureau of the Census and
the Department of Labor.
Authority of secretary
SEC. 207. (a) In carrying out this title, the
Secretary is authorized to-
(1) delegate to the heads of other depart-
ments and agencies of the Federal Govern.
ment any of his functions, powers, or duties
under this title as he. deems appropriate,
and to authorize the redelegation thereof
by the heads of such departments and
agencies.
(2) utilize with their consent the services
and facilities of Federal agencies and, with
the consent of any State accept and utilize
the services and facilities of the agencies
of such government or of any county or mu-
nicipal subdivision thereof; to establish State
and local advisory committees; and to utilize
such voluntary and uncompensated services
as may from time to time be needed.
(3) make such contracts or agreements,
establish such procedures, and make such
payments, either in advance or by way of
reimbursement as he may deem necessary to
carry out the provisions of this title.
(4) encourage the enrollees to participate
in a systematic program of training and
education provided by State and local edu-
cational authorities.
(5) prescribe such rules and regulations
as he may deem necessary to carry out the
provisions of this title.
(b) Any agreement under this title shall
contain such provisions as may be necessary
to promote effective administration, protect
the United States against loss, and insure
the application of funds in a manner con-
sistent with the provisions and purposes of
this title and the terms of such agreement.
National Advisory Council on State and Com-
munity Youth Employment Programs
SEC. 208. (a) There is hereby established
in the Department of Labor a National Ad-
visory Council on State and Community
Youth Employment Programs (hereinafter
referred to as the "Council"). The Council
shall be composed of the Secretary or his
designee, who shall be Chairman, and nine
members appointed by the Secretary without
regard to the civil service laws. The ap-
pointed members of the Council shall be
persons (including persons from public and
voluntary organizations) who are recognized
authorities in professional or technical fields
related to the employment of youth or who
represent the fields of conservation, agri-
culture, education, training, labor, manage-
ment, and urban development, or persons
representative of the general public who are
leaders in programs concerned with employ-
ment of youth. The Council shall advise
the Secretary on the administration of this
title. The Co4nell shall also include, when-
ever appropriate, the various agency heads
designated in section 209 of this title.
(b) Upon request of the Secretary, the
Council shall review the operation of this
title in general and shall from time to time
make recommendations to the Secretary rela-
tive to the execution of his responsibilities
under this title. The Council may also make
recommendations to the Secretary on proj-
ects referred to it by the Secretary. The
Council shall meet at least twice each year
and at such other times as the Secretary
may request. The Secretary is authorized
to utilize the services of any member or
members of the Council in connection with
matters relating to this title for such periods,
in addition to conference periods, as he may
determine.
(c) Appointed members of the Council,
while attending meetings of the Council or
otherwise serving at the request of the Sec-
retary, shall be entitled to receive com-
pensation at a rate to be fixed by the Sec-
retary, but not exceeding $75 per diem,
including travel time, and while away from
their homes or regular places of business,
they may be allowed travel expenses, includ-
ing per diem in lieu of subsistence, as au-
thorized by law (5 U.S.C. 73b-2) for persons
in the Government service employed inter-
mittently. Notwithstanding the foregoing
or any other provision of law, the Secretary
may accept the services of appointed mem-
bers under this section without the payment
of compensation therefor (and with or
without payment of travel expenses or per
diem in lieu of subsistence).
April 9
Interagency consultation
SEC. 209. In the administration of this
title, the Secretary shall seek the advice and
assistance of the Secretaries of the Depart-
ments of Health, Education, and Welfare,
Agriculture, and Interior, of the Attorney
General, the Administrator of the Housing
and Home Finance Agency, and of such
other agency heads as the Secretary deems
appropriate.
Appropriations authorized
SEC.-210. (a) For the purpose of carrying
out the provisions of this title, there is au-
thorized to be appropriated for the fiscal
year commencing July 1, 1963, the sum of
$60 million and for each of the 4 succeed-
ing fiscal years thereafter such amounts as
the Congress may determine to be necessary
to carry out the provisions of this title.
(b) Funds authorized to be appropriated
under this title may be transferred between
departments and agencies of the Govern-
ment for use for the purpose for which they
are specifically authorized and appropriated
and may also be granted to State and local
governments for the purpose provided in
this title.
Report by the Secretary
SEC. 211. Not later than 120 days after
the close of each fiscal year, the Secretary
shall prepare and submit to the President for
transmittal to the Congress a full and com-
plete report on the activities and programs
authorized by this title during such year;
and not later than January 1, 1966, the Secre-
tary shall prepare and submit to the Presi-
dent for transmittal to the Congress a full
and complete report evaluating the activities
and programs authorized by this title from
its inception together with such recom-
mendations~as he's map deem desirable.
1) n '
TFrt"ENEMY'S NAME IS KHRU-
SHCHEV, NOT KENNEDY
Mr. MOSS. Mr. President, the
pamphlet, "Has Cuba Been Abandoned
to Communism?" written by W. Cleon
Skousen, represents a serious attempt to
undermine the confidence of the Ameri-
can people in their Government. Hon-
est, forthright dissent is an essential
element in the democratic process of
government, but this does not mean that
we must silently accept deliberately dis-
torted allegations against our U.S. Gov-
ernment. Any opinion or idea offered in
the political marketplace must stand
the test of challenge and inquiry; it is in
this fashion that general interest and
public understanding of political issues is
fostered. In a democracy, the people
are the ones who are responsible for their
Government-and the people must be
honestly and continually informed.
Only in such a way can each citizen per-
form his role in making our form of
government work. An alert, informed
citizenry is the one essential element
upon which a. democracy such as ours
depends. That is why such a pamphlet
as this one disturbs me so much-be-
cause it is a deliberate attempt to misin-
form the people. Moreover, it is a clev-
erly calculated, shrewdly executed, and
piously self-righteous attempt to misin-
form the people.
We must not confuse such calculated,
-deceptive literature with honest and
legitimate differences of opinions about
our problems with Cuba. There is great
need for such open, public debate about
the Cuban situation today, because the
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 563
the end thereof the following new subsec-
tion:
"(q) SERVICE AS ENROLLEE IN YOUTH CON-
SERVATION Corps.-For purposes of this chap-
ter, the term 'employment' shall, notwith-
standing the provisions of subsection (b) of
this section, Include service performed by
an individual as an enrollee in the Youth
Conservation Corps established by title I of
the Youth Employment Act, and all such
service shall be deemed to have been per-
formed by such Individual as an employee
of the United States."
(2) Subsection (1) of such section is
amended by adding at the end thereof the
following new paragraph:
"(4) SERVICE IN THE YOUTH CONSERVATION
coRPs.-For purposes of this chapter. In the
case of an individual performing service to
which the provisions of subsection (q) apply,
his 'wages' shall, subject to the provisions of
subsection (a) (1) of this section, be deemed
to be $150 for each calendar month during
all of which he Is an enrollee within the
meaning of title I of the Youth Employment
Act, or $5 per day for any calendar month
during part (but not all) of which he is such
an enrollee."
(3) The first sentence of section 3122 of
such Code (relating to Federal service) is
amended by striking out "and including
service," and Inserting in lieu thereof "serv-
ice," and by inserting "and service, performed
as an enrollee within the meaning of title I
of the Youth Employment Act, to which the
provisions of section 3121(q) are applicable,"
after "section 3121(p) are applicable,".
(4) Section 6051(a) of such Code is
amended by adding at the end thereof the
following new sentence: "In the case of com-
pensation for service as an enrollee In the
Youth Conservation Corps, the statement
shall show, in lieu of the amount required
to be shown by paragraph (6), the total
amount of wages as defined In section
3121(a), computed In accordance with such
section and section 3121(1) (4)."
(5) Section 3401(a) of such Code (relat-
Ing to the definition.of wages for purposes
of the collection of income tax at source on
wages) is amended by striking out ", or "
at the end of paragraph (8) and Inserting
in lieu thereof "; or", by striking out the
period at the end of paragraph (12) and In-
serting In lieu thereof "; or", and by striking
out the period at the end of paragraph (13)
and inserting in lieu thereof "; or", and by
adding at the end thereof the following new
paragraph:
"(14) pursuant to section 108(b) of title
I of the Youth Employment Act, other than
any portion determined thereunder to be
additional base compensation, for service
performed as an enrollee within the meaning
of such title."
(6) Section 121(a) of such Code Is
amended by striking out the period at the
end of paragraph (18) and Inserting in lieu
thereof ";", and by adding at the end thereof
the following new paragraph:
"(19) Amounts received by enrollees un-
der section 108 of title I of the Youth Em-
ployment Act, see such section 108(c)."
(d) The amendments made by subsection
(b) of this section and by paragraphs (1),
(2), (3), and (4) of subsection (c) of this
section shall apply with respect to service
performed after the date of the enactment
of this Act. The amendment made by para-
graph (5) of subsection (c) of this section
shall apply with respect to remuneration
paid after the date of the enactment of this
Act.
(e) (1) Enrollees under this title shall, for
the purpose of the administration of the
Federal Employees' Compensation Act (39
Stat. 742, as amended), be deemed to be
civil employees of the United States within
the meaning of the term "employee" as de-
fined in section 40 of such Act and the pro-
visions thereof shall apply except as herein-
after provided.
(2) For purposes of this section-
(A) The term "performance of duty" in
the Federal Employees' Compensation Act
shall not Include any act of an enrollee-
(1) while he is on authorized leave or
pass; or
(1i) while he is absent from his assigned
post of duty, except while participating In
an activity authorized by or under the direc-
tion or supervision of the Corps.
(B) In computing compensation benefits
for disability or death under the Federal
Employees' Compensation Act, the monthly
pay of an enrollee shall be deemed to be
3160 a month, except that with respect to
compensation for disability accruing after
the individual concerned reaches the age of
21, such monthly pay shall be deemed to be
that received under the entrance salary for
GS-2 under the Classification Act of 1949,
as amended.
(C) The term "Injury" as defined in sec-
tion 40 of the Federal Employees' Compenaa-
tlon Act shall include disease, illness, or
injury If It arises out of service In the Corps.
(D) Compensation for disability, includ-
ing medical care, shall not begin to accrue
until the day following the date on which
the injured enrollee Is discharged from the
Corps.
Appropriations authorized
SEC. 110. (a) For the purpose of carrying
out the provisions of this title, there Is au-
thorized to be appropriated for the fiscal
year commencing July 1, 1963, the sum of
$80,000,000, and for each of the four suc-
ceeding fiscal years thereafter such amounts
as the Congress may determine to be neces-
sary to carry out the provisions of this title.
(b) Funds authorized to be appropriated
under this title may be transferred between
departments and agencies of the Government
for use for the purpose for which they are
specifically authorized and appropriated and
may also be transferred to State govern-
ments for the purposes provided In this title.
Reports
SEC. 111. Not later than one hundred and
twenty days after the close of each fiscal
year, the Secretary shall prepare and submit
to the President for transmittal to the Con-
gress a full and complete report on the activ-
ities of the Corps during such year, and not
later than January 1, 1966, the Secretary
shall prepare and submit to the President
for transmittal to the Congress a full and
complete report evaluating the activities of
the Corps from Its Inception, together with
such recommendations as he may deem de-
sirable.
TITLE II-STATE AND COMMUNITY YOUTH
EMPLOYMENT PROGRAM
Short title
SEc. 201. This title may be cited as the
"State and Community Youth Employment
Act".
Statement of purpose
SEc. 202 The purpose of this title Is to pro-
vide useful work experience opportunities
for unemployed youths so that their employ-
ability may be Increased through participa-
tion In State and community youth employ-
ment programs thereby enabling the agencies
of the State, county, or municipality or polit-
ical subdivision thereof to carry out pro-
grams In the field of conservation and devel-
opment of natural resources and recreational
areas, or various other programs which will
permit or contribute to an undertaking or
service in the public interest which will
otherwise not be provided.
Development of State and community
employment programs
SEC. 203. In order to carry out the pur-
poses of this title, the Secretary of Labor
(hereinafter referred to as the "Secretary")
shall assist and cooperate with the agencies
of State (which for the purposes of this title
shall Include the District of Columbia, Puer-
to Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, and
American Samoa), county, and local govern-
ments and private nonprofit agencies in de-
veloping programs for the employment of
young people in State and community serv-
ice activities, hereinafter authorized, in-
cluding the conservation, development, and
management of the natural resources of the
State and the community and the develop-
ment. management, and protection of recre-
ational areas within the State and the com-
munity, which, whenever appropriate, shall
be coordinated with a program of training
and education provided by local educational
authorities. In those States where the public
land holdings of the Federal Government are
less than 5 per centum of the land area
within the State, the Secretary when re-
quested, may offer such additional assist-
ance as may be required in the development
of programs of conservation and recreation.
The Secretary shall advise such State and lo-
cal governments as to the number and avail-
ability of unemployed young people, their
skills and qualifications for various types
of work, and shall provide in cooperation
with local school authorities for the orderly
selection and referral of youths for enroll-
ment In such programs.
Approval of programs
SEC. 204. (a) The Secretary is authorized
to approve for assistance under this title
any State, county, municipal, or local pro-
grams submitted hereunder if he determines,
in accordance with such regulations as he
may prescribe, that-
(1) enrollees in the program will be
employed either (A) on publicly owned and
operated facilities or projects, or (B) on
local projects, sponsored by private non-
profit agencies approved by the appropriate
State agency;
(2) the program will increase the employ-
ability of the enrollees, or will enable
student enrollees to resume or to maintain
school attendance;
(3) the program will permit or contribute
to an undertaking or service in the public
Interest which will not otherwise be pro-
vided, or will contribute to the conserva-
tion, development, and management of the
natural resources of the State or community
or to the development, management, or pro-
tection of State or community recreation
areas;
(4) the program will not result in the
displacement of employed workers;
(5) the rates of pay and other condi-
tions of employment are appropriate and
reasonably consistent with the rates and
conditions applicable with respect to com-
parable.work In the locality;
(0) to the maximum extent feasible, the
program will be coordinated with vocational
training and educational services adapted
to the special needs of enrollees in such pro-
gram and sponsored by State, county, or
local school authorities: Provided, That
where such services are Inadequate or un-
available, the program may make provision
for the enlargement, Improvement, develop-
ment, and coordination of such services with
the cooperation of, or where.appropriate pur-
suant to agreement with, the Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare; and
(7) the program includes standards and
procedures for the selection of applicants in-
cluding provisions assuring full coordination
and cooperation with local and other author-
ities to encourage students to maintain or
resume school attendance.
(b) In approving projects under this title,
the Secretary shall give priority to projects
with high training potential.
Enrollees in programs
SEc. 205. (a) Enrollment in programs un-
der this title shall be limited to young men
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Y 9 b 3 ~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
American people need to reach a con-
sensus on what the U.S. policy toward
Cuba should be. First? there should be
a factual understanding about what the
situation with regard to Cuba is, next,
we should examine the possible avenues
of action open to us, considering the
consequences of each; and finally, decide
on what we want done, and give the Gov-
ernment our full and undivided support
in carrying out our wishes. This is how
a democracy works.
Such a booklet as Skousen's clouds
and muddies the entire picture of Cuba,
and thereby does a great disservice to the
American people. This booklet is riddled
with vagueness, half-truths, isolated
events taken out of context and strung
together artificially, and in some in-
stances with outright deception. What
the motivation behind such a deliber-
ately calculated attempt to misinform
the American people was, I cannot pre-
sume to say. But I emphatically resent
the objective of this pamphlet, and
therefore feel compelled to point out a
few things about it in a frank, open, and
I honestly hope successful, effort to com-
pletely discredit it. I am not going to
honor this booklet with an attempt to
refute it word for word, sentence for
sentence, page for page. It does not
merit such attention. If it were an
honest opinion of dissent, I would be the
first to acknowledge that it did deserve
such a reply, but 3t is not.
This booklet, as I stated in an address
on the floor of the Senate of the United
States, is based almost entirely on the
completely false charges that our Presi-
dent has betrayed the United States by
making the following commitments to
Khrushchev:
1. A personal guarantee by the President
that the United States would not attempt to
liberate Cuba.
2. A personal guarantee by the President
that the United States would not allow any
other Western Hemisphere country to liber-
ate Cuba.
What is the source given by Skousen
to substantiate these charges? A letter
from the Premier of Soviet Russia, Mr.
Khrushchev, which Skousen states was
printed in the New York Times on Oc-
tober 29, 1962. The booklet states that
the Khrushchev letter was in answer to
the "secret letter" from our President to
Mr. Khrushchev several days earlier, in
which the President made these commit-
ments. But as I pointed out previously
to my colleagues in the Senate, the let-
ter from our President was not secret,
because it was published right alongside
the letter quoted by Skousen, on the
same day and on the same page, in the
New York Times. And if Mr. Skousen
had not been attempting to deceive the
American people, and had quoted from
our President's letter, instead of from
the Premier of Soviet Russia's letter, the
people could plainly read that the Presi-
dent set the conditions of onsite inspec-
tion inside of Cuba as our condition of
promising-not to refrain from attempt-
ing to liberate Cuba, as charged by
Skousen-but to refrain from. invading
Cuba..
Furthermore, as the President's letter
states, he did not guarantee the United
States would not allow any other nation
in the Western Hemisphere to liberate
Cuba, as falsely charged by Skousen; he
said that if Russia allowed on-site in-
spection and we pledged noninvasion of
Cuba-:`I am confident that the other
nations of the hemisphere would be pre-
pared to do likewise." Perhaps they
would have, and perhaps not, but that is
beside the point. The point here is that
a false charge was made against the
President of the United States by a man
who quoted the No. 1 Communist in the
world to back up this false charge. And
this in spite of the fact that the letter
he quoted as proof from the New York
Times was printed right along side of
the President's letter, which Khrushchev
distorted and which Skousen falsely
called secret. I ask Senators sincerely,
Is this honest? Does this represent
legitimate dissent in the interest of in-
forming the American public about the
truth? Obviously it does not.
In any case, I am sure that any news-
paper reader knows that the Russians
did not permit inspection of their dis-
mantled missile sites inside of Cuba, and
therefore did not meet the necessary pre-
conditions for our tentative promise to
refrain from invading Cuba. The Secre-
tary of State and the President of the
United States have both stated un-
equivocally that we are therefore not
bound in any fashion by any agreement
with the Soviet Union, because they did
not fulfill their half of the contemplated
agreement. I am disturbed about the
motivations of Skousen and his backers
in deliberately and deceptively trying to
paint the President as a traitor to his
country.
On page 3 of this misleading tract of
his, Mr. Skousen, using a typical propa-
ganda device, lifts a quote out of context
and surrounds it with his own commen-
tary in order to pervert its original
meaning. The quote is from an article
written in 1947 by Arthur M. Schlesinger,
Jr., and the lifted quote is an attempt by
Skousen to portray one of the President's
advisers as a sinister pro-Communist, in
an inferential attempt, I suppose, to fur-
ther undermine the confidence of the
American people in their elected Presi-
dent. The fact is that the Schlesinger
article was advocating the containment
of Soviet Russia expansionism-remem-
ber, this was in 1947, when only a few
people recognized the dangers of a re-
newed appetite for territory on the part
of our wartime ally against Hitler. That
does not sound like a pro-Communist
position to me. But, of course, I am not
picking a sentence out of context.
In much the same familiar, deceptive
manner, this pamphlet goes on and on,
speaking of our policy of softness toward
communism, when we are spending $50
billion a year to build and maintain a
Defense Department capable of making
a cloud of dust out of what is now the
Soviet Union if harm is threatened to
the United States. Skousen makes a lit-
tle list of 15 items which he says il-
lustrate the American policy of softness
toward communism. Some of them are
so vague and ridiculous that they can-
not even be sensibly answered, but I am
5665
going to take a few of these points, and
show that in each case the charges made
by this booklet are misleading, deceptive,
or based on a complete misrepresenta-
tion of the real facts of the matter.
One such charge is that the Kennedy
administration "ordered the lifting of the
ban on the distribution of Communist
propaganda through the U.S. mails, al-
lowing it to be distributed to American
citizens postage free." How deceptive a
little statement like this can be. Let
me take 1 minute to give the facts in
this matter, and then Senators may
judge for themselves how misleading this
statement of Skousen's is. First of all,
no material, propaganda or not, is deliv-
ered postage free. If it does not bear
postage, mail is not delivered. But let us
examine the more serious charge.
Prior to 1958, an interception program
relating to Communist propaganda ma-
terial was in effect. Under this program,
printed matter arriving from Communist
countries, and thought to be Communist
propaganda, was delivered to addressees
if they had specifically indicated they
desired it, or if it was addressed to a
registered foreign agent, a foreign em-
bassy, a U.S. Government agency, a
newspaper, a library, or an educational
institution. In 1958 this policy was
amended so that individual addressees
who did not come within one of these
exceptions were asked whether they
wanted the propaganda publications ad-
dressed to them. If they replied that
they did, the material was delivered.
In 1960 approximately 51/2 percent of
printed material from Communist bloc
countries was excluded as being propa-
ganda not desired by the addressees.
During 1960 a committee of the Na-
tional Security Council had recom-
mended the discontinuance of the inter-
ception system. The recommendation
was accepted by the Planning Board of
the National Security Council, but was
not carried forward until March 1961,
when it was concluded that the inter-
ception program had no intelligence
value. Six legal actions had been filed
against the Government questioning the
constitutional and legislative authority
to detain this mail. The Department of
Justice was convinced that legislative
authority was lacking to detain such
postage-paid mail.
The. discontinuance of the intercep-
tion program in no way affected the
method of handling publications ad-
dressed to libraries, universities, and the,
like, which have been receiving them all
along; and it did not permit the mails
to be used to carry literature which could
not use the mails before.
So, it was the U.S. National Security
Council, under President Eisenhower,
that made the decision not to further
detain mails for evaluation and ac-
ceptance. by the addressee. But it is
true that it was under President Ken-
nedy, who had been President for about
50 days, that the change in regulations
came into effect on March 17, 1961.
But all this quibbling about who was
President when the decision was made
or came into effect is nonsense, and
Skousen knows it. The reason? Before
his pamphlet was published, there was
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9
a new law on the statute books, chapter oath? Once more, obviously It does not made in his secret letter to Khrushchev 2
51 of title 39, United States Code, as stand up. days earlier. Said Khrushchev:
amended, which states in section 4008: I have taken this trouble to clarify the "I regard with respect and trust the state-
Communist political propaganda, shall be charges brought up by Mr. Skousen not ment you made in your message on October
27. 1962, that there would be no attack, no
detained by the Postmaster General upon Its to honor them as worthy of answering, Invasion of Cuba, and not only the part of
arrival for delivery In the United States, or but to discredit them. Such charges, the United States, but also on the part of
upon its subsequent deposit In the United whether they be made against President other nations of the Western Hemisphere, as
States domestic mails, and the addressee " Eisenhower or President Kennedy, are you have said in the same message of yours"
shall be notified that such matter has been designed to undermine the faith of the (the New York Times, western edition, Oct.
received and will be delivered only upon American people in their duly elected 29.1962, p.4).
the addressee's request. Those who caught the full impact of this
public officials. What the motivations tremendous legal and diplomatic victory for
That is the present law of the land, for this are I do not know, but the results Khrushchev wondered how the President and
approved, signed, and enforced by the I deplore. I would like to close with a his advisers could have been so completely
President of the United States. But quote from the Director of the FBI, Mr. outmaneuvered. Only a few days before,
would we know this from reading the J. Edgar Hoover, who wrote in his book, President Kennedy had made himself a world
Skousen charge? Of course not, because "Masters of Deceit," which described the hero by standing up to Khrushchev and
it was designed to deceive us. But Sena- dangers of the Communist menace to the commanding the military might of the U.S.
armed services throw
tors can see the trouble and care one United States, that- Cuba. Khrushchev had a immediately y blockade tried around
must go to in order to clarify and dis- uba As we have seen, identifying Communists conciliate the President by promising that
at
prove such statements. is not easy. They are trained In deceit and the Soviet Union would not indulge in any
I am only going to take time to dispose trickery and use every form of camouflage rash act. It was obvious that Khrushchev
of a few more of these charges, such as and dishonesty to advance their cause. was afraid of the brink, (For a brief back-
this one that the Kennedy administra- For this reason we must be absolutely cer- ground on Castro's original conquest of Cuba
tion began laying the foundation for tain that our fight is waged with full regard see "The Naked Communist," ch. 11.)
of Red China in the United for the historic liberties of this great Nation. Military authorities had already advived
the Nations seating and then backed away under an This is the fundamental premise of any at- the White House that the Soviet leaders
tack against communism. would not dare make a war issue out of Cuba
avalanche of public protest. The truth Too often I have seen cases where loyal because of America's vast superiority In fire
is that it was the Soviet Union who laid and patriotic but misguided Americans have power. Latin American countries has as-
the foundation of the admission of Red thought they were "fighting communism" by sured the United States of their complete
China to the U.N., and it was done in slapping the label of "Red" or "Communist" support In this new posture of U.S. firmness.
early 1950, when young John F. Kennedy on anybody who happened to be different Thousands of Cuban freedom fighters had
was merely a third-term Representative from them or to have Ideas with which they been encouraged to join Spanish-speaking
from the State it Massachusetts. And did not agree. units of the U.S. Army with the confidence
Smears, character assassination, and the that the liberation of Communist-conquered
incidentally, our representative to the scattering of Irresponsible charges have no Cuba was only days away. Members of Con-
United Nations under President Ken- place in this Nation. They create division, gress openly assured the President that this
nedy, as under President Eisenhower, and suspicion. and distrust among loyal Amerl- was the hour to Invoke the Monroe Doctrine
under President Truman, has consist- cans--lust what the Communists want-and and the Rio Pact to show the Soviet Union
ently opposed the admission of Red hinder rather than aid the fight against that foreign conquests of independent na-
China to the U.N. communism. tions In North and South America would not
The final charge which I am going to Mr. President, a few weeks ago when be tolerated.
With
the trouble of exposing as false and I first mentioned the pamphlet written With such manifest forces o of unity and
strength behind ehind the United States, why did
misleading is that the current adminis- by Mr. Skousen and made my remarks the administration allow Khrushchev to
tration pushed through the abolishing on the floor, I received a letter from a extort from It a promise that there would be
of the loyalty oath for students seeking citizen of Salt Lake City who asked that no attempt to liberate Cuba if the Soviets
Federal' loans. Again, the facts of the I place the pamphlet In the RECORD. would lust dismantle their illegal missile
matter are contrary to the charge. It Therefore, I ask unanimous consent that bases? And by what authority did the Presi-
was a large group of colleges and uni- the pamphlet entitled "Has Cuba Been dent commit the military might and prestige
versities which pushed through the Abandoned to Communism?" written by of the United States to a policy of prevent-
amendment to the National Defense tng any other country in the Western Hemi-
W. Cleon SkOUSClt, may be printed in the ",here from liberating Cuba?
Education Act, eliminating the so- RECORD. There was also the very serious possibility
called disclaimer affidavit. Institutions There being no objection, the pam- that the President had entered Into a secret
of higher education which refused to phlet was ordered to be printed In the pact which amounted to a treaty agreement
participate in, or withdrew from, the RECORD, as follows: without providing any opportunity to have
NDEA program because of the disclaimer HAS CUBA BEEN ABANDONED TO COMMUNISM? the Senate appro?.e it as required by the
affidavit requirement included Princeton, Constitution. The treaty approving power
!Rv W Clean Skousen) Mf the Senate was intended by the founding
Yale, Harvard, and many others, all of In all the excitement over the October fathers to bring the facts out in the open
universities. 1962 crisis in Cuba, many Americans ap- where the people could have a chance to ex-
them among our leading parently missed the fact that the President amine the issues before any sweeping com-
There was, of course, a reason for these of the United States paid an appalling price mitments were made. In this spirit Wood-
institutions to oppose the disclaimer for the Russian promise to dismantle the row Wilson had strongly advocated open
affidavit. It was that there were two Cuban missile bases. covenants, openly arrived at. The merits of
affidavits, one a positive oath or affirma- Nearly all the newspapers carried head- such a policy were demonstrated in the
tion of faith and allegiance to our Gov- line, such as "Khrushchev Backs Down," or Kennedy-Khrushchev negotiations. If Khru-
ei'nment, which the schools mentioned "J F K. Gets Russian Accord." Down in the shchev had not published these commit-
did not oppose, and the other a negative small print-which too few people read-was ments, the American people might never
the shocking disclosure that President Ken- have heard of them. Undoubtedly Khru-
disclaimer to the effect that the student nedv had made two commitments to Khru- shchev knew he was embarrassing the
was not a member of and would not sup- shcttev which Cuban freedom fighters could American President by publishing what was
port any organization dedicated to the scarcely believe: to have remained a secret agreement be-
overthrow of our Goveriunent. It was 1. A personal guarantee by the President tween two heads of state.
this challenge to young people's loyalty that the United States would not attempt to Citizens wondered what was in the Presi-
specifically that these schools opposed, liberate Cuba. dent's mind when he deliberately tied the
and it was this negative disclaimer which 2. A personal guarantee by the President hand of the American forces and committed
the United
was eliminated on the demands of these that the United States would not allow any States to a permanent policy of
200 more other Western Hemisphere country to liber- neutrality toward Soviet-conquered Cuba.
es, of some including Indiana ate Cuba. IS PRFSIDENT KENNEDY FOLLOWING THE
major ors a and universia ties, total
major VICTORY SCHLESINGER-ACHESON LINE?
Oregon, the Universities of Colorado, The New York Times for October 29, 1962. Among the closest advisors to President
gon, Washington, Wisconsin, and carried the full text of Khrushchev's reply Kennedy is Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr., who
many more. How does that square with to the Kennedy commitments. He shrewdly has openly opposed any anti-Soviet policy.
the vague and misleading charge that spelled out the embarrassing details of the He also says the United Statescan come to
the Kennedy administration pushed amazing and completely unnecesary Ca- socialism "through a series of New Deals."
through the abolishing of the loyalty pitulation which President Kennedy had He has referred to the freedom fighters be-
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 1963. ' CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
hind the Iron Curtain as "reactionaries" and tion and appeasement which often violates
called their lost liberties "obsolete preroga- the most elementary aspects of protecting
tives." As far back as 1947 Dr. Schlesinger American interests. This evident in the fol-
boasted that the State Department was fo1- lowing incidents which have occurred dur-
lowing the policies which he advocated: ing the past 18 months. These incidents
"Though the secret has been kept pretty shocked many Americans at the time they
much from the readers of the liberal press, occurred, but only one rare occassions were
the State Department has been proceeding enough citizens paying attention to do any-
for some time somewhat along these lines. thing about it. Every one of these incidents
essential need-to be firm without being
rancorous, to check Soviet expansion with-
out making unlimited commitments to an
anti-Soviet crusade, to invoke power to
counter power without engaging in senseless
intimidation, to encourage the growth of the
democratic left. The performance has often
fallen below the conception; but the direc-
tion has been correct. Men like Ben Cohen,
Dean Acheson, Charles Bohlen, have tried to
work out details and whip up support for
this admittedly risky program" (CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD, Sept. 26, 1961, p. 20125).
It was risky indeed. By the end of 1948
all of Eastern Europe had been pulled be-
hind the Iron Curtain with a loss of over
100 million allies. By the end of 1949, we
had lost China with its teeming population
of between 450 and 600 million. Congres-
sional testimony revealed that the same
tragic policy continued throughout the
Korean war. Even when there was a change
of administration in 1952, the men who were
masterminding the foreign policy behind the
scenes continued to follow the stubborn, al-
most blind, conviction that the Communists
would change.
As Dr. Schlesinger pointed out in his book,
"The Vital Center" (1949), the object is to
have communism mellow and the free de-
mocracies come together with it under peace-
ful socialism. That is what he means by
stating that we should contain the Soviets
but push the rest of the world toward the
"democratic left." He believes the Com-
munist leaders should not be looked upon
as enemies but as over-zealous allies whose
brutalities must be tempered so that they
behave more like true socialists. And be-
cause the Communists are allies in this
sense, Dr. Schlesinger is not in favor of liber-
ating . any of the Communist-conquered
countries. He makes this very clear in his
statement:
"At the same time, the United States must
not succumb to demands for an anti-Soviet
crusade nor permit reactionaries in the buf-
fer States to precipitate conflicts in de-
fense of their own obsolete prerogatives."
Notice that the freedom fighters behind
the iron curtain are referred to as reaction-
aries and their longing for liberty as obso-
lete prerogatives.
These views are prevalent among a certain
body of powerful policymakers who serve in
the State Department and the White House.
Their influence seeps to the surface on nu-
merous occasions where it may be easily
observed.
THE POLICY OF SOFTNESS TOWARD COMMUNISM
In the Cuban crisis of October 1962 the
President was apparently guided by these
policymakers who followed the Schlesinger
line as outlined above It
h
created circumstances favorable to the Com-
munist position and detrimental to that of
the United States.
1. Official State Department proposal to
disarm the United States and transfer its
military, naval and air force equipment (in-
cluding nuclear weapons) to the United
Nations.
2. Refusal by the President to proclaim
the 3d week in July as the traditional Cap-
tive Nations Week because it was an un-
necessary irritant in relations with the So-
viets. Public pressure finally prevailed but
the proclamation was extremely weak, mak-
ing no reference to communism and the
slave states under it.
3. Ordered the dismissal of charges
against indicted Russian spy, Igor Y.
Melekh, to improve Soviet-American rela-
tions.
4. Ordered the release from prison of
Communist Party organizational secretary,
Harry Winston, one of 11 Communist leaders
convicted of conspiring to overthrow the
U.S. Government by force and violence.
Winston immediately went to Russia with
State Department permission where he ap-
peared on radio and television castigating
the United States.
5. Forced, the anti-Communist government
of Laos to accept Communists in positions of
leadership. Threatened to withdraw all
American aid if the Laotian Government-
failed to comply.
6. Ordered the lifting of the ban on the
distribution of Communist propaganda
through the U.S. mails, allowing it to be dis-
tributed to American citizens postage free.
7. Forced Dutch New Guinea to become a
part of pro-Communist Indonesia in spite of
a previous promise to help these people be-
come an independent country.
8. Openly promoted a Communist coali-
tion government in the Congo. Gave finan-
cial support to the conquest of . Katanga
which had broken away from the Congo in
protest against the Communist domination
of the government.
9. Sent more than 70 jet planes to the
Communist government of Yugoslavia.
10. Used political pressure to force the Sen-
ate to give up its resistance to foreign aid
to Yugoslavia and Poland.
11. Ordered military officials to submit
speeches to the State Department for censor-
ship. References to the threat of the Soviet
Union and the need for victory in the cold
war were deleted.
12. Began laying the foundation for the
seating of Red China in the United Nations
and then backed away under an avalanche of
public protest.
13. Pushed through the abolishing of the
loyalty oath for students seeking Federal
loans.
was c
aracter- 14. Sided with Russia in condemning our
ized by a determination to remove the long-time ally, Portugal, for suppressing the
threat of Russian military conquest but Communist-inspired uprising in Angola.
smother the rising tide of popular demand Allies in Europe condemned United States
for the liberation of Cuba from commu- for being on the wrong side.
nism. It was the same kind of thinking 15. Initiated negotiations with Russia to
during the previous administration which
guided the State Department in supporti these discuss rights h cos had d dea e pret us Berlin when
Castro in spite of reliable warnings that he hese n previ ously fixed in at
was a Soviet agent. Men of this persuasion least five iron-clad agreements.
do not seem to fear the cunning of Commu- SOFT POLICY SHOWS UP AT BAY OF PIGS INVASION
nists the way most ordinary people do. In an article entitled, "Kennedy's Fateful
They somehow feel that the Communists Decision," the U.S. News and World Report
can be controlled, they can be manipulated, for September 17, 1962, summarized the
they can be forced to mellow. They there- facts surrounding the tragic Bay of Pigs in-
fore approach them in a spirit of accomoda- vasion of Cuba. The Readers Digest re-
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printed the same
1962 issue.
5667-
The facts are not pleasant. President
Kennedy had approved the invasion which
took place April 17, 1961, and he had pro-
mised the invaders air cover. Two U.S. car-
riers, their decks loaded with fighting planes,
were standing by within easy striking dis-
tance. In addition, the invaders had their
own planes which they expected to use for
their protection. Here is the way the article
describes what happened:
"Secure in this assurance of air support,
the invaders went ashore in the early morn-
ing darkness of Monday, April 17. Their
landing was sucessful; 1,400 armed men
reached the beaches of a place called the
Bay of Pigs.
"In the battle that followed, Castro's troops
suffered heavy casualties. Cdstro's tanks,
coming up to the battle, were sitting ducks
for an attack by air. Confidently, the little
invading force waited for its air support
to arrive. Its leaders had assurance of that
support. It was provided in the preinvasion
planning.
`Hours before, on Sunday evening, a small
but potent force of B-26's was sitting in
readiness on an airfield 500 miles away, wait-
ing to take off for the Bay of Pigs. Those
were planes of the invasion force, with
Cuban pilots.
"But those planes didn't take off.
"The reason: President Kennedy forbade
their use.
"That was the fateful decision President
Kennedy made on that Sunday evening. He
decided that the anti-Castro Cubans could
not have the support of their own air force
during the invasion. Without that support,
the invasion failed."
President Kennedy made his decision the
night before the invasion and while the
invasion force was still on the high seas.
Nevertheless, the Cubans were allowed to
continue their course and make their land-
ing without ever being told that their air
cover had been canceled. The military
aspects of the decision was one factor, the
moral question of promising these fighting
men protection and then removing it without
letting them know, was quite another. It
did Something to the image of American
leadership in Latin American minds which
may never be forgiven.
Then there is the military aspect of the
decision.
-Even after the landing when officials in
charge of the invasion pleaded with the
President to change his mind, he refused.
Even when they told him the mission was
collapsing he remained adamant. In this
hour President Kennedy was the Commander
in Chief. No one could overrule him. What-
ever his motives, they must have been pow-
erful indeed to resist both the advice of
CIA officials and the obvious embarrassment
which the collapse of the invasion was bound
to bring.
The U.S. News & World Report emphasizes
how easy it would have been to liberate
Cuba had the President's promised help been
provided:
"The invaders inflicted close to 2,000 cas-
ualties on Castro's forces, suffered only a
hundred or so casualties of their own. But
without air support, the invaders could not
hold out. Most of them wound up as Castro
captives.
"American military officials who followed
this operation say that it came within a
hair's breadth of success. They say: Given
early air support, the invaders could have
destroyed Castro's air force and tanks. De-
fections from his militia, which had started,
would have spread. Underground forces,
waiting for word of success before rising
against Castro, would have sprung into ac-
tion. When that word did not come, they
remained underground."
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 9
SOFT POLICY SHOWS UP IN EVENT CULMINATING President of the United States Is in the can be conducted in the Soviet Union
IN THE OCTOBIR CRISIS national interest. without detection. There is not enough
By midsummer 1962 It was impossible to This afternoon, I wish to discuss this soft alluvial soil in the Soviet Union to
completely suppress the reports from Cuba question on the basis of scientific fact provide the sites for such massive tests;
that the Soviets had landed substantial mil- and rational argument, rather than on and if such tests were conducted under-
part forces and were building Cuban bases the basis of partisan politics. I regret ground anywhere except in alluvial soil,
for the launching of nuclear missiles. sen- very much that a good deal of the dis- they would be rapidly detected by the
ator KENNETH B. KEATING, of New York, car-
ried these reports to the floor of the senate cussion of the nuclear test ban treaty detection stations now in existence, and
in August 1962. He repeated them during proposed by the United States has been, they would be confirmed by the seismic
the month of September. On October 10 he to date, on a partisan basis. I deplore stations which, under our treaty draft,
declared: "Construction has begun on at this very much. we would be entitled to erect on Russian
least a half dozen launching sites for inter- I wish to make the following points: soil.
mediate-range tactical missiles. My own First, a nuclear test ban treaty is in the Fifth, those opposed to a treaty grossly
sources on the Cuban situation have best interests of the United States and is exaggerate the risks of cheating, and
The administration sun this nort sal if not in the best interests of world peace. It minimize the risks of continuing the
The a seemmod ed casual
indifferent to these warnings. it to now would reduce international tension. It arms race.' For example, Dr. Edward
known that by October 16 aerial photos would decelerate the spread of the arms Teller has made the completely falla-
had verified the existence of both offensive race. It would inhibit the spread of nu- cious, unsound, and untrue statement
missiles and Soviet jet bombers In Cuba but clear weapons to countries which do not that the test-ban treaty we have pro-
the official line continued to discount now have-them. It would prevent addi- posed would call for another Munich.
charges that a crisis was brewing in Cuba. tional fallout, which, all over the world, That is not true. He also said it would
As late as October 20, newsmen peppered the
Defense Department with questions about is causing great damage to the health of be virtually unpoliced. That is not so.
the reports of Soviet missiles and jet bomb- future generations; and if testing is re- He also said it would not interfere with
ere in Cuba and were met with flat denials. sumed, this damage will accelerate al- the Russian program. That is not so.
The U.S. News & World Report later pub- most in geometrical progression. Each of those statements by Dr. Teller
lished an article entitled: "How U.S. News- Second, American security Is impaired, is a flagrant violation of fact. Even
men Were Misled About Cuba." The article not enhanced, by the unlimited develop- worse is his calling upon "all patriotic
Stated: ment of nuclear weapons capability. At Congressmen" to oppose the test-ban
patri-
"American news reporters and editors are the present time, both the United States treaty itself. I consider myself as pcom deceived y a gthat ratao were about t the situation situuyation the and Soviet Russia have a substantial otic an American as Dr. Teller; and I
Kennedy en Nov. n Cuba" (issue issue of ti of . 5. 1962, p. 8). overkill capacity. If an attack were have no hesitation in stating that the
The President, meanwhile, was on a cam- to be made by one on the other, regard- preponderance of scientific opinion is
paign tour, and bad run headlong into a less of which one began it, It would be strongly against him. For my part, I
political chill at the grassroots level wherever impossible for either side to escape In- hope all clear-thinking Members of both
the subject of Cuba came up. On the eve credibly destructive retaliation. Houses of Congress will rally in support
of an election the crisis in Cuba had become Third, presently we are far ahead of of the test ban proposed by the President
an issue with the people. Suddenly, the the Soviets in the development of nu- of the United States, with the approval
had contracted a t terminated old, his and h u u tohrried claiming back to he clear weapons. Reputable scientific of the Secretary of Defense, the Atomic
c
Washington. opinion believes that we have from three Energy Commission, the Secretary of
Two days later President Kennedy went on to eight times as many intercontinental State, and the Chief of the Arms Control
the air and proclaimed a blockade of Cuba. ballistic missiles as the Soviet Union. and Disarmament Agency. One can be
A shout of triumph went up all over the free Therefore, continued development sure that the Secretary of Defense did
world. It looked as though the sleeping giant through testing would not be in our in- not act without adequate consultation
were waking up at last. But certain aspects tercet; but it would be in the interest of with the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
of the President's blockade speech were
puzzling: the Monroe Doctrine was never Soviet Russia. It would be against our Sixth, I should like to state the direct
mentioned, there was no promise of any help interest, because since we have this over- advantages to the United States of the
to liberate the Cuban people, the overthrow kill capacity, inevitably the result of con- test ban treaty proposed at Geneva by
of castro's communist regime was definitely tinued testing would be to narrow that the President.
not on the agenda. gap. I make the categorical statement First, it would give us dependable as-
It was on October 27 that President Ken- that the policies of President Eisenhower surance that no atmospheric under-
nedy sent his secret communication to and of President Kennedy have not cost water, or outer space testing would oc-
Khrushchev promising that no attempt would us our nuclear superiority. We still have cur. All such testing can be reliably
to Cuba b made ade ern and that no other it by a substantial margin. But in the
co ountry in n the Western hemisphere would detected by stations outside the bound-
be allowed to liberate Cuba if the Soviet event of nuclear war, the Soviet Union aries of the Soviet Union.
Union would remove Its missiles. It was has enough to be able to wreak fright-
on Second, it would give us dependable
October 29 that the New York Times ful damage on our country. assurance that no high yield series of
published the full text of Khrushchev's reply Fourth, the argument that our repre- underground tests would occur, because
and told the world what President Kennedy sentatives are pursuing a "soft" polit-
had agreed to do. ical line in the negotiations at Geneva tests underground of nuclear weapons
It appeared that legally and diplomatically, above the 3 kiloton measurement would
Cuba had been abandoned to communism. and elsewhere is completely fallacious. readily be detected by existing seismic
The administration team had conducted It is true that we have decreased the detection stations if conducted under-
Itself completely within the framework of number of onsite inspections which we ground.
the Schlesinger-Acheson doctrine of keeping would require as part of any treaty greasonable assur-
ing Soviet within bounds but not attempt- which we would sign, but this is because Third, reasonable
small
below of 3 tests of
to liberate any Communist-conquered of the development of the art of seismic ante , nuclear that it would no d give i weapons series
meas-
territory. detection. We do not need nearly as
Only one question then remained for Cuba: many inspections as we did before in urement would occur underground with-
Would the American people stand for it? order to ascertain whether a suspicious out detection
Americans everywhere seemed to feel that seismic event is an earthquake or is a My seventh point is that the Soviets
the sooner Cuba was liberated the less blood nuclear explosion. The fallacious argu- did not, as has been frequently averred,
it would cost. The longer it was postponed meat that we do need as many as we break a test ban agreement in 1961. In
the stronger the forces would become which
inevitably must be rooted out. They knew formerly did was exposed in great detail, point of fact, there was no such agree-
it was not just for Cuba that a new policy and most convincingly, by the able Sen- ment at that time. There was a mora-
of firmness was required-the whole future ator from Minnesota [Mr. HUMPHREY] torium which had been participated in
of the world depended on It. in a brilliant speech which he made on by both the United States and Soviet
eta
th t
d
THE NUCLEAR TEST BAN TREATY
Mr. CLARK. Mr. President, the nu-
clear test ban treaty proposed by the
a m
the floor of the Senate about 3 weeks to Russia, but we terminate
a month ago. I deeply regret that his toriuln when President Eisenhower, in
speech was not adequately reported in December of 1959, more than a year be-
any of the communications media. It is fore the Soviets resumed testing, stated
not true that massive underground tests that, so far as we were concerned, we
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD --APPENDIX
carried out its responsibi /y to review
the detailed support of Boeing's cost pro-
posal, and to review Boeing's procedures
for satisfying itself that the subcontract
costs in its proposal were based on the
latest available cost data.
DEPARTMENT OF THE ARMY WASTES $1.2
MILLION IN FIRE EXTINGUISHER PROCUREMENT
Mr. Speaker, in his report to the Con-
gress on March 29, the Comptroller Gen-
eral disclosed that the U.S. Army Corps
of Engineers incurred unnecessary costs
of more than $1.2 million in the procure-
ment of new, higher priced, portable fire
extinguishers.
The.Qomptroller General charged that
the Army authorized wide usage of these
new high-cost fire extinguishers with-
out properly, evaluating the benefits to be
obtained in relation to the increased
costs involved, As a result, large num-
bers of the new type extinguisher were
procured and issued for use even though
a subsequent study indicated that sub-
stantially less expensive, extinguishers
would have been adequate.
This new type of extinguisher was
adopted by the Army in May 1959, for
use in fighting liquid-fuel and electrical
fires. A Corps of Engineers report on
the new extinguisher stated that its esti-
mated cost was the same as the cost of
the item replaced.
Mr. Speaker, it is a proven fact that
the average procurement cost of the
new extinguisher was $20.19 -compared
with a cost of $13 for extinguishers
identical to those already in use. - -
By October 1959, the Corps of En-
gineers had decided to replace 16 other
fire extinguisher models with the new
type of extinguisher without evaluat-
ing the benefits to be obtained in rela-
tion to the- relatively high cost of the
new extinguisher. -
Mr. Speaker, had the Corps of En-
gineers continued to use the completely
adequate current models, their procure- -
ment costs for the 102,678 extinguishers
in question would have been $849,147.
The Army chose, however, to purchase .
the new extinguishers at a cost' of
$2,073,295, which represented wholly
unnecessary excess costs to the Govern-
ment of $1,224,148. -
The Comptroller General pointed out
that- a fundamental management fail-
ure occurred in this procurement, in
that a program was adopted and al-
lowed to proceed without followup -
evaluations to assure that the costs in-
volved were warranted in relation to the
actual benefits obtained. A timely com-
parison of planned costs with the actual
costs being incurred would have shown
at a much earlier date the need for a
critical review of the program. Had this
review been made, a substantial part of
the excess cost could have been avoided.
Mr. Speaker, the collusion and con-
nivance- between U.S. procurement offi-
cials and business firms has reached
alarming proportions.
The Comptroller General's reports
themselves cannot cure this evil. There
must be a fixing of responsibility and
accountability; appropriate disciplinary
action by all departments; and a strict
enforcement of the applicable civil and
criminal laws.
A2167
All the criminal laws written will not low standard of living provide fertile areas
deter crime or protect the public interest for Communist infiltration, Weak govern-
without effective enforcement agencies, ments, influenced by selfish -leaders, have
retarded progress. Even in a country as
procedures, and actions. These abuses friendly to the United States as Brazil has-
can only be deterred by making exam- been for the last 150 years or more, there is
ples of the offenders. today a threat of a Communist takeover.
The repeated shocking losses and wast- Guatemala is also in peril. Argentina and
ages in our military procurement clearly Chile have had their Communist troubles,
indicate that the present corrective too. It certainly is time for a much more
measures being taken by our responsible ' forceful policy toward - Communist sabotage
officials are inadequate and ineffective. and subversion than the United States has
h
EXTENSION OF R
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, in my ad-
dress to the House on April 12, 1962,
"Monroe Doctrine versus Khrushchev
Doctrine," I outlined a plan of action to
meet the- crisis in the Caribbean. The
principal point in this program was a
showdown in Cuba, with the liberation
of its people from alien dictatorship and
restoration of constitutional govern-
ment.
Since that time, the spread of
revolutionary movements in the Carib-
bean region has accelerated to the extent
that the Presidents of Central American
countries, Panama, and the United
States met at San Jose, Costa Rica, for
consultation on means for meeting the
threat. -
Thus - it is heartening to, read a
thoughtful article-Uy David Lawrence in
March 26, 1963, issue of the Evening Star,
Washington, D.C., calling for an early
showdown on Cuba.
The article follows:
FOR AN EARLY SHOWDOWN ON CUBA-U.S.
ACTION To END SOVIET FOOTHOLD IN THIS
HEMISPHERE CALLED NECESSARY
(By David Lawrence)
Will the United States permit a complete
Communist takeover of Central and South
America similar to what has -already hap-
pened in Cuba? -
One by one, the Latin American countries
are currently being subjected to the'most in-
tensive penetration by the Soviet, Govern-
ment. What is the answer?
It will be of no avail to blame a preceding
administration. There is an - unfortunate
tendency in Washington nowadays'to con-
done evil by enumerating mistakes of the
past, as if these furnish an alibi for present
errors or neglect of duty.
The problem is really nonpolitical. It is
every day becoming more difficult to handle.
Billions of dollars are being taken away
from the taxpayers of the United States an-
nually to support so-called foreign-aid pro-
grams on all continents. Almost everyone
familiar with the situation agrees that finan-
cial aid of some kind from the United States
is essential to thwart the Communist intru-
sions in the internal affairs of various
countries to the south of us. When the
United States lends or gives money to an-
other country, however, the Washington
Government cannot exercise complete control
over what happens to such funds.
The spread of communism In Latin Amer-
ica is due largely to economic conditions that
have long, prevailed there. Poverty and a
t
us far been willing to adopt.
Forelgn -policy in this field, both under
the- present and preceding administrations
here, has been based on a belief .that the
Organization of American States can be made
to function as a kind of supervisory police
body. which would employ armed forces in
a collective manner. But almost every one
.of the Latin American countries faces such
a serious threat from within that it is
doubtful whether any firm policy which
really comes to grips with the Communist
problem will ever materialize through the
OAS. The United States bears the major
responsibility, and must go . it alone when
it becomes necessary. That time has arrived.
It will be argued, of course, that public
opinion in Latin America is opposed to any
armed intervention by this country, and
that the Communists will capitalize on such
a step. But although the Latin countries
were at first dismayed by the attempted in-
vasion at the Bay of Pigs. many of the
leaders of various governments to the south
of us now have seen the light and want
Cuba freed from the Communist yoke by
any means possible.
The United States inevitably has to take
the risk of offending the Kremlin, and can
adopt the very contention that nations have
put forward in the past-respect for` inter-
national rights. To protect American, prop-
erty by force, if--necessary, is a right granted
under international law. It involves a de-
cision that has to be made sooner or later.
Under the Monroe Doctrine, the United
States has maintained that no European
power shall be permitted to establish a base
or its "system" in this hemisphere. Histori-
cal precedent under international law there-
fore would justify a move to rid Cuba of
Communist troops, technicians and sub-
versive organizations as well.
What the United States does or fails to do
in Cuba is directly related to the future free-
dom of all the Latin American peoples. The
cry will be raised that intervention could
bring on World War III. But a Communist
takeover of Latin America, Including Mexico,
would mean a world war just the same. So
it's a question of not what shall beJne,
but when. All signs today point to a Com
munist conquest of the Latin countries of
this hemisphere if the United States con-
tinues to wait for the weak Organization of
American States to act, or mistakenly delays
action until the Communists have built an-
other wall around all of Latin America just
as they have around West Berlin.
Cuba is the natural place for an early
showdown with communism in this hemi-
sphere.
Special Captive Nations Committee
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLARK MacGREGOR -
- OF MINNESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. MAcGREGOR. Mr. Speaker, I
want to comend our colleagues Congress-
man DANIEL J. FLooD and Congressman
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x"-2168 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX
EDWARD J. DERWINSKI and the many
other Members who are dedicated to the
establishment of a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations.
I support House Resolution 14 which
would establish the special committee.
This action is clearly In the interests of
the United States and will help to ful-
fill our real responsibility to those per-
sons living under the domination of
foreign powers.
There is one additional point that
needs to be made and to which I want to
give special attention today. It is now
evident that Cuba is a captive nation in
every sense of the word. We should now
add Cuba'to the group of nations whose
people no longer have the opportunity to
determine their own form of government
or to participate in the day-to-day pro-
cedures of their governing authorities.
As free citizens we in this country must
come to recognize that the captive na-
tions as a group constitute not only a
primary deterrent against a hot global
war and further overt aggression by
Moscow's totalitarian imperialism but
also a prime positive means for the ad-
vance of world freedom.
The international Communist organi-
zation has consistently shown that it
fears a growing world knowledge of, and
interest in the captive nations. Ad-
vancement of this kind of factual under-
standing serves to explode the myths of
Soviet unity and exposes the true mean-
ing of imperialist totalitarianism and
economic colonialism throughout those
areas controlled by communism.
We need to do everything we can to
bring the facts to all the world. I am
proud to give my support to House Reso-
lution 14 and I urge my colleagues to do
the same and I respectfully urge on the
President of the United States to affirm
his support.
The Nurse Everyone Needs
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN V. LINDSAY
s OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. LINDSAY. Mr. Speaker, recently
there came to my attention an excellent
pamphlet entitled "The Nurse Everyone
Needs," which was published by Public
All airs Committee, Inc., 22 East 38th
Street, New York City, in cooperation
with the National Association for Prac-
tical Nurse Education and Service, Inc.,
of New York City. The author is Mrs.
Marguerite Clark, nationally known
medical and science writer who was for
20 years the medicine editor of News-
week magazine.
Without inserting into the RECORD the
entire pamphlet. I am, with the per-
mission of the Speaker of the House, in-
serting in the RECORD the highlights of
the pamphlet. Members of the House
will find interesting the facts and figures
and information about the training of
practical nurses In the United States
today.
The material follows:
THE Nuxsa EVERYONE NEEDS
Of the nurses In the United States today,
about 220.000 bear the label "practical." The
licensed practical nurse is in demand in
hospitals, nursing homes, private homes,
public health agencies, visiting nurse
agencies, Federal services, doctors' offices.
school infirmaries, summer camps, and In
Industry.
The public image of the early practical
nurse as a carpet-alippered Mother Hubbard-
clad, "Satry Gamp" woman-of-all-work, un-
doubtedly was true in Isolated cases. But It
is definitely not true of the modern brisk
uniformed LPN of today. At that, recogni-
tion has not been easy. It has come through
the well-planned, energetic, organized effort
of State and national nursing organizations.
The practical nurse got her first real
chance during the Second World War with
its increased demands for well-trained
nurses. But even before the war a quiet
campaign for formal PN training was under-
way.
In 1940. at a professional nursing conven-
tion In Philadelphia. Hilda Torrop and her
associates founded the National Association
for Practical Nurse Education and Service,
Inc., as a national nonprofit organization to
help fill the need for more nurses and to
establish better standards for PN education.
At that time there were only about 150 prac-
tical nursing schools in the United States.
Most of them were poorly organized and di-
rected. Standards were low, and few States
had licensing laws. Under the vigorous di-
rection of Miss Torrop and other pioneers
In nursing administration, practical nurs-
ing programs were extended and better
training schools were established.
The real break came when practical nurs-
ing attracted the Interest of the US. Office of
Education. Vocational schools for PN's were
enlarged, new ones started, and a Practical
Nursing Education Service was established
in the Office of Education, with the Depart-
ment. of Health, Education, and Welfare. in
1956. Public Law No. 911, passed by Congress
and signed by President Eisenhower, di-
rected Improvement and expansion of the
practical nursing program and appropriated
$25 million for the work.
Today, there are more than 700 State-
approved schools. Every State has a law
that governs the licensed practical nurse.
Four types of schools offer training facilities:
i 11 vocational public schools (as part of the
vocational or adult educational program);
121 junior colleges, private schools, or uni-
versities; (3) hospitals; and (4) private
agencies.
There are no approved correspondence
courses In practical nursing. Such grad-
uates are not eligible for State licenses be-
cause courses by mail cannot include clini-
cal or actual nursing experience with pa-
Lien ts. which the students must have.
To make sure that the practical nursing
student received proper training In the basic
nursing skills needed for daily care of pa-
tients, the original LPN training program
was divided into two sections:
1. Sixty-four hours of classroom instruc-
tion. Including how the body is built and
works, conditions of Illness, mother and
1 1dl is
e
d
April 9
More and more, the LPN is learning her pro-
fession by doing, all through her schooling.
Typical of this modern, efficient LPN edu-
cation. Is that offered at the Hospital for
Special Surgery School of Practical Nursing,
started in 1955, in the 170-bed orthopedic
and rheumatic disease hospital on East 70th
Street in New York City.
"Ours is an Integrated course of study,"
said Miss Dean Smith, director of nursing
education at the hospital. "We combine
clinical and practical training in one over-
all experience that will make quite clear
to the student exactly what she is being
taught and why. ? * * Our purpose is to
produce the best bedside nurses we can."
The student to be must decide on the
kind of school she wishes to attend-voca-
tional. junior college or university, or hos-
pital.
The acceptable age range 1s wide, from 17
or 18 to 45 or sometimes 50, for both men
and women. Male applicants, unfortunate-
ly, are scarce despite the fact that men make
good LPN's. They are needed, and there are
many jobs open for them.
While no special subjects are required for
admission, applicants under 35 years of age
must have completed 2 years of high school.
Some States require high school graduation.
Proof of graduation from the eighth grade is
accepted for women over 35,
Salaries depend on the part of the country
in which the LPN works and on the location,
hospital, nursing home, public health agen-
cy, or industry. On the staff of a large city
hospital, the LPN starts with a salary of
$2,500 to $3,000 a year, or even higher. Pri-
vate duty LPN's earn $10 to $14 for 8 hours.
In Government hospitals and health agen-
cies, the pay is higher. Federal civil service
appointments in these agencies paid $3,760
In 1961.
"What the practical nurse needs most of
all Is a stabilization. of her role, so she will
know exactly where she stands," said Eleanor
Gaffney, president of the National Associa-
tion for Practical Nurse Education and Serv-
ice, Inc. "Just now, in the hospitals In any
one city, we may find policies and varying
levels of acceptance of what a practical nurse
may do, can do, and should do. This varia-
tion exists in spite of the fact that present
training programs prepare the practical
nurse In the basic sciences, the nursing arts.
rehabilitation techniques, pharmacology,
and administration of medicine. The true
role of the LPN (licensed practical nurse)
must be faced squarely and honestly. It is
for bedside nursing that she is being
trained; It is her greatest job satisfaction,
and it is there she is most needed."
Some 25,000 practical nurses will graduate
this year. but it is estimated that the cur-
rent need Is for 200,000 every year. With
some 27 million patients requiring but not
getting longtime nursing care, this need is
critical.
"All over the country, there are those in
pain, desperate for help, children, old peo-
ple, mentally ill, crippled, convalescent, vic-
tims of accidents and chronically ill, send-
ing out cries for nursing care," said Hilda
Torrop.
"At the same time, we have a large and
tragic number of unemployed; we have hun-
dreds of thousands of high school graduates
looking for jobs, and yet we have a desperate
national shortage of nurses. How can you
reconcile these opposing factors?"
.
spec a
baby care, nutrition an
2. Two hundred and forty fours of clinical "The speediest way to eliminate this short-
care In a convenient hospital where the Stu- age." said Miss Torrop, "is to get more prac-
dent puts into practice the things she has tlcai nurses into the field.
learned in the classroom. "Thousands of young women just out of
Today, the LPN stapdadd training has high- school seeking careers, the mature men
changed somewhat. The once sharp line and women who must find work, these peo-
drawn between the preetintcal classroom pe- ple are magnificent potentials for the voca-
riod and the clinical period at the patient's Lion of LPN. Just think, 1 year's training.
bedside in a hospital, has been softened. and you have a job for life, one you can
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
There were no certified specialists in Bel-
mont County before the clinic opened (al-
though there were some in Wheeling), and
Mr. Cinque has a low opinion of specialists
generally. "They can't perform anything
but their specialty," he says. "I don't want
specialists for myself personally. I'll take
the general practitioner any day. If he
wants help (from a specialist) fine."
Board certification of specialists "means
-nothing to us, and should mean nothing to
anyone," Mr. Cinque said. "There are two
physicians and surgeons in this institution
that could be members of three different
colleges (of specialists) if they were willing
to take the time to get certified."
Mr. Cinque calls the UMW welfare fund
a "horrible waste," and adds: "We don't
want to deal with the welfare fund. We don't
want to deal with people who are auto-
cratic. The miners' welfare fund isn't going
to tell me what I can do in my hospital."
The hospital does, however, take welfare
? fund patients.
Thus Bellaire's medical future is being
fought out. The community as a whole
seems unperturbed. But whatever the
deeper implications of the issues, the feeling
seems to be that Dr. Sams should be per-
mitted to deliver babies in City Hospital.
Truth in Packaging
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. ROBERT W. KASTENMEIER
OF WISCONSIN
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, it
is a source of real -satisfaction to me
that my hometown papel*; the Water-
town (Wis.) Daily Times, has com-
mented strongly in an editorial of April
2, 1963, on the need for truth-in-pack-
aging legislation. I, along with many
others in both the House and the Senate,
have introduced a truth-in-packaging
bill, and chances for passage of the bill
seem bright. Public awareness of the
bill, and the benefits it would provide to
consumers throughout the Nation, is a
necessary prerequisite to the success of
this legislation. It is responsible jour-
nalism, such as the Watertown Daily
Times has shown in the editorial re-
printed below, that will arouse the sup-
port of the people for the truth-in-
packaging bill.
The editorial follows:
TRUTH IN PACKAGING
The bogeyman of big government Is being
used in an attempt to frighten the public
away from truth-in-packaging legislation.
People are being told that a law such as that
now being considered in Congress would be
just one more way of giving the Washington
bureacuracy control over the lives of Ameri-
cans. It also is being said that control over
packaging would be a blow to free enter-
prise.
It would be nothing of the sort, unless by
free enterprise is meant the sort of "let the
buyer beware" enterprise that Americans
have long since decided not to tolerate. The
truth-in-packaging legislation is intended to
do just what the name suggests-to make
processors and manufacturers of consumer
goods sell their products in honest packages
which tell the consumer exactly what, and
how much, Is inside.
This would obviously involve an extension
of Government control. But a more sensible
way of looking at this aspect of the matter
is that the truth-in-packaging law would
enable the consumer, through Government,
to do something that he cannot do on his
own. The present hodgepodge of packaging,
confusing at best and at worst thoroughly
'deceptive, cannot be improved unless rea-
sonable standards are established and en-
forced.
Processors insist that an industry code
would do the trick without a law. Past ex-
perience gives little reason to suppose that an
industry code would give the consumer the
sort of protection he ought to have. Many
firms voluntarily provide high quality, full
measure, and honest labeling, but some do
not. It is the latter that make the truth-in-
packaging legislation necessary for consumer
protection.
Support President Kennedy
EXTENSION OF REM
OF
HON. DANTE B. FASCELL
OF FLORIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. FASCELL. Mr. Speaker, we have
all heard of rocking-chair military strat-
egists and world affairs experts-in by-
gone days these were favorite phrases of
silver-tongued orators. Today, we hear
less of these sonorous sounds but, alas,
we have many more examples of such
postures before us. Many people in
public life, whose responsibilities of of-
fice demand the greatest objectivity,
seem to have engaged in all manner of
shouts and cries for "more action" or
"less action" in hit-and-miss fashion
when the seriousness of the situation
surrounding us demands the utmost in
dedication and constructive effort.
How gratifying, then, to come across
a statement recently issued at Bal Har-
bour, Fla., by the AFL-CIO Executive
Council urging support of our President.
Under unanimous consent, Mr.
Speaker, I share this important state-
ment with my colleagues by placing it in
the RECORD, as follows:
SUPPORT PRESIDENT KENNEDY ON CUBA
Every American is deeply concerned over
the Kremlin's transformation of Cuba into a
heavily armed base for Communist subver-
sion and sabotage. The American people
are as one in the condemnation of the Com-
munist yoke forced on the Cuban nation.
We are all agreed that, in the interest of
world peace and freedom, Cuba must be re-
turned to the Cuban people so that they can
build their homeland into a healthy democ-
racy.
It is understandable that there may be
differences of opinion in our country regard-
ing our Government's policies'for achieving
these objectives. The exchange or even clash
of opinions over important policies is an in-
tegral part of the democratic process. Amer-
ican labor would vigorously oppose any effort
to silence criticism. However, the executive
council of the AFL-CIO views with consid-
erable concern the intense partisanship
which has been injected into the debate over
Cuba by some opponents of the administra-
tion.
As the Chief Executive of the Nation and
as the Commander in Chief of all our Armed
Forces, the President of the United States Is
A2181
the principal architect and executor of our
country's foreign policy. Given the serious-
ness of the worldwide Soviet imperialist
threat and the multiplying dangers of Com-
munist subversion, especially in Latin Amer-
ica, the responsibilities of the President in
meeting the Cuban problem are particularly
heavy. In this critical situation, destructive
criticism-like broadcasting suspicions about
unfounded deals with Moscow-can only add
to the enormous difficulties confronting the
President in his efforts to preserve the secu-
rity and freedom of our country by peaceful
means, if at all possible, and by all means, if
necessary. Former President Eisenhower
served the Nation well when he recently
stressed the overriding importance of bipar-
tisanship 1 the conduct of our Nation's for-
eign policy.
Only blind political partisanship can dis-
parage the great significance and beneficial
results of -President Kennedy's courageous
and decisive action in forcing the Soviet
Union to dismantle and withdraw its em-
placed rockets from Cuba. Such partisanship
can only hurt the international prestige of
our country and the effectiveness of our
Government's efforts to eliminate entirely
the Soviet exploitation of Cuba as a base for
Communist subversion and Muscovite provo-
cations in the New World.
Such short-sighted political partisanship
tends to spread confusion and distrust
among the people. Anxious to prevent the
sapping of public confidence in the adminis-
tration, officials occupying even very sensi-
tive Government posts have been drawn into
disclosing vital security information. When
the debate takes such a costly turn, the best
interests of our Nation are not helped but
hampered. All of this tends to divide the
American people where there Is no cause for
division and when there is every reason for
unity.
Furthermore,' those who play with the
Cuban problepi, as if it were a poltical foot-
ball, undermine the unity of freedom-loving
Cubans everywhere and weaken their con-
fidence in the determination and capacity
of the United States to help them regain
their national independence and to build a
healthy democracy.
Since last October, when Khrushchev was
forced to back down in the face of superior
American strength, our Government has en-
gaged in effective aerial surveillance of Cuba.
President Kennedy's unrelenting pressure on
the Kremlin to withdraw its troops from
Cuba has begun to show results. The Or-
ganization of American States (OAS) - is
demonstrating greater vigilance and effec-
tiveness in meeting the dangerous sabotage
campaign launched from Cuba under Soviet
direction. The economic measures taken by
our Government against Castro are dealing
his dictatorship telling blows.
Senators, Congressmen, Governors, and
Government officials-like all other patriotic
citizens-can serve our country best by pro-
posing constructive measures for the com-
plete elimination of the threat of Communist
subversion and Soviet provocations based in
Castro Cuba. Toward this end, the AFL-CIO
Executive Council reiterates the specific pro-
posals it made at its meeting of November
13, 1962. We quote in part:
"Our Government can count on the whole-
hearted and active support of the AFL-CIO
in-
"Accelerating its efforts to insure Ameri-
can military superiority.
"Continuing aerial surveillance of Cuba
until such time as U.N. inspection or, as
President Kennedy has proposed, any other
'Equally satisfactory means of international
verification is effected.'
"Making clear and emphasizing through
radio and other channels, our friendship for
the people of Cuba, our determination to see
them free of all foreign domination and
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX April 9
exploitation, our readiness to help them
overcome their present miserable economic
conditions and enjoy the benefits of the
Alliance for Progress program, once they
establish a government of their own choice
through free elections."
We earnestly plead for an end to all parti-
sanship. We urge the unification of the en-
tire Nation under the courageous and
capable leadership of President Kennedy.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JULIA BUTLER HANSEN
OF WASHINGTON
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mrs. HANSEN. Mr. Speaker, I have
received House Joint Memorial No. 1
from the Legislature of the State of
Washington, and also a letter-from the
secretary of state which states:
As you undoubtedly know, one of the
thorny problems which seems impossible to
resolve by the legislature, in its extraordinary
session, is the problem of reapportionment.
As a matter of fact, at the time of writing
this letter it seems most probable that the
legislature will give up in despair and report
to the Federal District Court that a reappor-
tionment cannot be agreed upon.
The attached certified copy of House Joint
Memorial 1 reflects the thinking of the cur-
rent legislature, in that It proposes an
amendment to the Constitution of the
United States limiting the judicial power of
the United States relating to reapportion-
ment, and it Is at the direction of the legis-
lature that I am sending you this memorial.
Since I am sure this is a subject of
more than passing interest to other
Members of Congress. I trust they will
take time to read this memorial for-
warded by the Legislature of the State
of Washington, the text of which
follows:
HOUSE JOINT MEMORIAL I
To the President of the Senate and Speaker
of the House of Representatives, and to the
Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States. In Congress assembled:
Resolved, That we, your memorialists, the
House of Representatives and Senate of the
State of Washington, in legislative session
assembled. respectfully petition that the
Congress of the United States call a conven-
tion for the purpose of proposing the follow-
ing articles as an amendment to the Consti-
tution of the United States:
"ARTICLE -
"SECTION 1. No provision of this Constitu-
tion, or any amendment thereto, shall re-
strict or limit any State In which the people
have the right of Initiative in the apportion-
ment of representation in its legislature.
"SEC. 2. The judicial power of the United
States shall not extend to any suit in law or
equity, or to any controversy, relating to ap-
portionment of representation III a State
legislature in a State in which the people
have the right of initiative.
"SEC. 3. This article shall be inoperative
unless it shall have been ratified as an
amendment to the Constitution by the legis-
latures of three-fourths of the several States
within seven years from the date of Its
submission."
Be it further resolved, That, If Congress
shall have proposed an amendment to the
Constitution identical with that contained in suited in bringing on the very conflict that
this memorial prior to January 1, 1965, this a policy of forbearance was aimed to avoid.
application for a convention shall no longer The spread of communism in Latin America
be of any force or effect; and be it further is due largely to economic conditions that
Resolved, That copies of this memorial he have long prevailed there. Poverty and a
immediately transmitted by the secretary of low standard of livingprovide fertile areas
state to the Secretary of the Senate of the for Communist infiltration. Weak govern-
United States, the Clerk of the House of merits, influenced by selfish leaders, have re-
Representatives of the United States and to larded progress. Even in a country as friend-
each Member of the Congress from this ly to the United-States as Brazil has been for
state. the past 150 years or more, there is today a
Passed the house March 26, 1963. threat of a Communist takeover. Guatemala
WILLIAM S. DAY, is also In peril. Argentina and Chile have
Speaker of the house. had their Communist troubles, too. It cer-
the senate March 30, 1963. tainly is time for a much more forceful policy
JonN A. CIIERHERG. toward Communist sabotage and subversion
President of the Senate. than the United States has thus far been
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BRUCE ALGER
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 9, 1963
Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, nobody has
written with more urgency or clearer
perception of the administration's inade-
quacies in the Cuban situation than col-
umnist David Lawrence.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
include in the RECORD three of Mr. Law-
rence's recent columns on this subject:
POLICY ON CUBA ENCOURAGES REDS IN LATIN
AMERICA
(By David Lawrence)
Will the United States permit a complete
Communist takeover of Central and South
America similar to what has already hap-
pened In Cuba?
One by one, the Latin-American countries
are currently being subjected to the most
intensive penetration by the Soviet Govern-
ment. What Is the answer?
It will be of no avail to blame a preceding
administration. There is an unfortunate
tendency in Washington nowadays to con-
done evil by enumerating mistakes of the
past as it these furnish an alibi for present
errors or neglect of duty.
The problem is really nonpolitical. It is
every day becoming more difficult to handle.
Billions of dollars are being taken away from
the taxpayers of the United States annually
to support so-called foreign aid programs on
all continents. Almost everyone familiar
with the situation agrees that financial aid
of some kind from the United States is essen-
tial to thwart the Communist Intrusions In
the Internal affairs of various countries to
the south of us. When the United States
lends or gives money to another country,
however, the Washington Government can-
not exercise complete control over what hap-
pens to such funds.
Also, the Communists train stooges In
Moscow and send them back to their native
lands to convert their fellow countrymen or
to engage in an obstructionist-type of po-
litical activity that checkmates progress even
when American money for worthy objects is
made available.
The fundamental weakness in the situa-
tion today is the failure of the U.S. Govern-
ment to adopt a resolute policy toward the
Communist Invasion of this hemisphere.
The inclination here has been to avoid it
showdown on the vague ground that cotn-
mitments In other parts of the world may be
endangered. But many times in world his-
tory, procrastination and timidity have re-
willing to adopt.
Foreign policy In this field, both under
the present and preceding administrations
here, has been based on a belief that the
Organization of American States can be
made to function as a kind of supervisory
police body which would employ armed
forces In a collective manner. But almost
every one of the Latin American countries
faces such a serious threat from within that
it is doubtful whether any firm policy which
really comes to grips with the Communist
problem will ever materialize through the
OAS. The United States bears the major
responsibility, and must go it alone when it
becomes necessary. That time has arrived.
It will be argued, of course, that public
opinion in Latin America is opposed to any
armed intervention by this country, and the
Communists will capitalize on such a step.
But although the Latin countries were at
first dismayed by the attempted invasion at
the Bay of Pigs, many of the leaders of vari-
ous governments to the south of us now have
seen the light and went Cuba freed from
the Communist yoke by any means possible.
The United States inevitably has to take
the risk of offending the Kremlin, and can
adopt the very contention that nations have
put forward in the past-respect for inter-
national rights. To protect American prop-
erty by force. If necessary, is a right granted
under international law. It involves a de-
cision that has to be made sooner or later.
Under the Monroe Doctrine, the United
States has maintained that no European
power shall be permitted to establish a base
or its system in this hemisphere. Historical
precedent tinder international law therefore
would justify it move to rid Cuba- of Com-
munist troops, technicians, and subversive
organizations as well.
What the United States does or fails to do
in Cuba is directly related to the future free-
dom of all the Latin-American peoples. The
cry will be raised that intervention could
bring on world war III. But a Communist
takeover of Latin America. including Mexico,
would mean a world war just the same, So
it's a question of not what shall be done, but
when. All signs today point to a Commu-
nist conquest of the Latin countries of this
hemisphere If the United States continues
to wait for the weak Organization of Amer-
ican States to act, or mistakenly delays ac-
tion until the Communists have built an-
other wall around all of Latin America just
as they have around West Berlin.
Cuba is the natural place for an early
showdown with communism in this
hemisphere.
PARADOX IN CUBA POLICY LOOKS TIMID
TO LATINS
By David Lawrence)
WASHINGTON-Thousands of Soviet troops
are apparently going to remain in Cuba in-
definitely, and the U.S. Government evidently
isn't going to do anything about it but write
notes. While the number of "withdrawals",
is announced, no official information is forth-
coming as to the number of replacements.
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 For all the members of. the Soviet Army In . VAGUE FEARS atomic fallout and help slow down the
Cuba wear civilian clothes, The image of weakness which the U.S. arms race.
There seems, moreover, to be a tacit and Government is creating for itself abroad wl h The article follows:
unwritten agreement that not only will there respect to Cuba is in large part due to te [From the Washington Post, Apr. 9, 19631
no invasion of Cuba by this country but that openly but vaguely expressed fear of inter- A COMMUNICATION: STATEMENT ON THE TEST-
the Soviet Army on the island and Castro national complications. This seems to ac- BAN TREATY
troops will be protected by the United States company almost every move of American
against all outside attacks or invasions, foreign policy nowadays where Cuba is con- In view of recent controversy concerning
This paradox is. occurring while tens of cerned. The failure of the Soviet Govern- the desirability of concluding a nuclear test-
millions of dollars are. spent annually to ment to withdraw all its troops from Cuba, ban treaty with the Soviet Union, we wish to
create abroad an "image" of the United after 5 months of note writing between Mos- make the following statement in support of
States that will command respect and sup- cow and Washington, is being treated here the efforts of the U.S. Government to con-
port as against Communist imperialism. with faint words of remonstrance. The fact clude such a treaty as soon as it can be
+o.a +ho Mnn- neirntia.ted..
America by our Government in the battle
against communism. Psychological warfare
is today almost as important, if not more so,
than diplomacy used to be.
But what kind of image is the United
States creating in Latin America? And who
is creating that image? It is not the official
information agency, with its managed broad-
casts, but the White House and State Depart-
ment, which can by their acts and pro-
nouncements produce unfavorable impres-
sions on the peoples of other countries.
The President has just directed that the
Cuban exiles be prevented from liberating
their fellow citizens by any acts initiated in-
side this country. This is a role of neutral-
ism in the Western Hemisphere in place of
the Monroe Doctrine. The explanation given
by President Kennedy is that otherwise there
might possibly be serious complications for
the United States in Europe. This view,.
however, has already been interpreted in
Latin America as a policy of timidity and
fear. It is regarded as an abandonment of
Cuba to Castro-as a means of strengthening
him. The administration here may protest
that this is farthest from its thoughts, but
the policy may have that effect just the
same.
ExILES CONFUSED
The. people of Latin America know the
difference between resoluteness and irreso-
luteness. If it is a violation of the neutral-
ity laws of the United States, for instance,
to allow expeditions to take the big risks
that exiled Cubans wish to take to carry on
forays along the coast of Cuba, then, it is
asked, why does the U.S. Government keep
on making unneutral statements that tell
those same Cuban exiles to look forward to
revolution as a means of liberation? Such
declarations were repeated several times by
the administration in recent months. This
had a profound effect on the anti-Castro
Cubans. They came to believe that the
U.S. Government is behind them. But what
do they see now? The Washington admin-
istration not only orders the Cubans seized
if they try to launch any military raids
from this country, but it has persuaded the
British Government also to seize raiders.
Will the Latin American governments now
feel morally bound to adopt the same course
that Washington has urged on Great Brit-
ain? Will the Latin American governments
be requested by the United States to prevent
the use of their territory as a base of opera-
tions for the Cuban exiles?
The psychological effect of the latest turn
be
can onl
li
i
y
c
es
in the Kennedy-Rusk po
damaging and discouraging to the people tention to the following points which Soviet Union, rather than as realistic ne-
inside Latin America who have no illusions they make: First, the United States and gotiation to improve national security. In
about the problem of Communist Infiltration the Soviet Union are able to destroy one fact, during the period since the test ban
or Castro's deliberate attempts to subvert another regardless of how much their discussions began in 1958, detection tech-
many countries in this hemisphere in aid nuclear arsenals are expanded; second, niques have been rapidly improving and may
of Communist objectives. the Soviet Union has more to gain from be expected to improve still further. It is
While the raids launched against Cuba now possible to detect many of the exn`.o-
would themselves be mere pinpricks or in- unrestricted nuclear testing than we do sions within a given country by stations
effective, as President Kennedy sees it, it is because they are further behind in nu- outside that country, and the number of on-
out of such valiant and sacrificial expedi- Clear technology; third, our own experts site inspections required for checking the
tions that the spirit of revolution is stim- have stated that underground testing is identification of earthquakes versus explo-
ulated and the morale of the insurgents is of little military value; and fourth, ade- sions has been greatly reduced. Research
heightened. They have, moreover, a decided y has also shown that there are many fewer
impact inside a country where a dictatorship quate safeguards now exist for a work- earthquakes In the Soviet Union than was
is in power. able test ban treaty which would end formerly thought, thus making a reduction
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that a nuropeau pvw ci RS ..?.....- - --- -'----
roe Doctrine and maintains any troops or Our primary reason for support lies in
weapons on Cuban soil has been dealt with the fact that a test-ban treaty is in the
gently by the Washington Government. best interests of the United States and of
To those who constantly talk of escalation world peace. treaty would reduce the speed
and the dangers of nuclear war, all this spay of the I?
seem expedient. But it is precisely the kind of nuclear weapons to nonnuclear powers.
of appeasement that has led to war in the reduce the likelihood of nuclear war, and
past. Indeed, the administration's policy is prevent the extension of the hazards of
not only presenting In Latin America an im- fallout. We therefore commend the Presi-
age of fear of Castro and the Soviets on the dent of the United States for his sincere
part of the United States, but it could have attempt to reach a workable agreement with
the dangerous effect of making the people of the Soviet Union on, a test ban, and urge
consider Congress
Western
rn Europe, also the captive e thpeo- that Members of at, of the general public the
the l
plea of Eastern
when the chips are down, the United States of the test-ban treaty in the light of scien-
will not pursue firm policies against Soviet tific fact and rational argument rather than
aggression anywhere. in terms of partisan politics.
U f tunatel public debate on the issue
n or +-nateli, nubile debate on the issue
Communication-A Statement on the
Test Ban Treaty
has been confused in recent weeks by some
Members of Congress and by public figures
who have attacked the test-ban treaty by
spreading a completely false view of the
test-ban situation. They also would ap e'r
to be operating on the fallacious assumption
that American security can best be main-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS tained by unlimited development of our nu-
or clear weapons capability no matter what the
HON. ROBERT W. KASTENMEIER regar rd . The nations taattack ks be free a do r this
regaers have failed to recog-
OF WISCONSIN nize the clear fact that once the ovcrk1ll
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES capabilities of the Soviet Union and the
United States have reached their present
Tuesday, April 9, 1963 level-and hardened missile bases are in
Mr. KASTENMEIER. Mr. Speaker, place, making a successful disarming attack
impossible for either side-an increase in
the long and arduous negotiations to- nuclear capacity by one side or the other does
ward a treaty banning the testing of nu- not upset the balance of deterrence.
clear weapons has now reached a critical DETERRENCE REMAINS
stage. We are at the point where a Even though we probably possess between
workable treaty is in sight; the outstand- three to eight, times as much interconti-
ing difference between ourselves and the nental nuclear weapons capability as the
Russians is now over the relatively minor Soviet Union, we would still have little
question of the number of onsite inspec- chance of escaping an incredibly destructive
tions. retaliation were we to strike first with our
strategic force. Since the smaller Soviet
The burden of the problem is now be- force is enough to deter us from a nuclear
ing shifted from the scientists to the attack on the Soviets, a considerable change
legislators. For this reason it is vital in force levels would still leave us with more
that we understand the factors involved than sufficient force to deter the Soviets
in a test-ban treaty, and that the fog from making a nuclear attack on us.
of misunderstanding-whether deliber- The opponents of the test ban treaty also
ate or accidental-be dispersed. To help base their ,argument on the fallacious as-
clarify the issues I should like to insert sumption that any attempt on our part to
negotiate with the Soviet Union means that
in the RECORD this communication to the we are taking a soft political line and mak-
Washington Post, from nine distin- tog dangerous concessions. The treaty op-
guished American scientists, published in prig e number therefore f r consider any lowering o
e
,.be. f on-site inspections
ec r