FREE WORLD TRADE WITH CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200240027-7
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
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• Document Page Count: 16
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 18, 2004
• Sequence Number: 27
• Publication Date: January 1, 1963
• Content Type: OPEN

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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
nautical and Space Sciences. I should
like to Join my colleagues there tomor-
row. But I have canceled my plans to
go with my committee, and to my home
State, because it seems extremely im-
portant to some that this bill be con-
sidered at this particular time.
I am not in favor of any prolonged
oppositoin to the measure. I am per-
fectly willing to vote, let us say, on
Thursday. But I want Senators to have
an opportunity to discuss the bill. I
think this Is the worst agricultural bill
which has been before the Senate during
my service in this body. 'It not only
would adopt, as to feed grains, the
Brannan program, but would do a much
worse thing. It would not even limit the
application of compensatory payments
as they were limited under the Brannan
program.
I want Senators to realize what they
are being asked to do. Therefore, I hope
the vote may be set at not earlier than
Thursday. I am quite agreeable to give
consent to a vote Thursday.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. HOLLAND. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I think the Sena-
tor has made a very reasonable request.
As always, he is most gracious in his
consideration of the problems of the
leadership. I know he will understand
when I say that I mentioned Tuesday
only for bargaining purposes.
I hope to meet later in the afternoon
with the distinguished minority leader
and other Senators from the Committee
on Agriculture and Forestry, and per-
haps reach a reasonable agreement which
will give every Senator an opportunity
to make his views known.
Mr. HOLLAND. I express my appre-
ciation. I shall not object to present
consideration of the measure. There
will be ample opportunity to discuss it.
As I say, I am strongly opposed to it.
I wish to state my opposition and the
reasons for it, but I understand I shall
have an opportunity to do that between
now and Thursday. That is why I sug-
gest a vote on Thursday.
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. Mr. President,
further reserving the right to object, I
say to the majority leader very frankly
that if an objection to considering the
bill would postpone action on it for an
indefinite time or for a substantial pe-
riod of time, I.would have no hesitancy
about objecting. I am merely trying to
be realistic when I say that an objection
at the moment, at least, will not be lodged
by me.
The Senator from Florida has again
mentioned one very important thing.
There are at least three, and perhaps
four, Senators who are not on the Com-
mittee on Agriculture and Forestry who
are vitally interested in this bill and who
wish to participate in the discussion of
the bill from their standpoint, who, so
far as I know, have not yet had an op-
portunity to see the hearings or the
report. On last Friday two of these
Senators asked me specifically about the
timing of the bill and were very much
concerned about it not being acted upon
finally in the early Part _of this week.
They were concerned to the point that
they did not want it acted upon at that
time.
I hope that before Senators agree to
any specific time-to which I would have
to object at this moment-we can be
given a little time to discuss it with
interested Members of the Senate who
are not members of the Committee on
Agriculture and Forestry, in order to get
some views and. try to harmonize any
final agreement which the leadership
may wish to propose to the Senate.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, will
the Senator yield?
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. I yield.
Mr. MANSFIELD. The Senator has
that assurance.
Mr. HICKENLOOPER. I thank the
Senator from Montana.
The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob-
jection to the request by the Senator
from Montana?
Mr. MILLER.. Mr. President, reserv-
ing the right to object, I should like to
ask the distinguished majority leader
what is to happen with respect to S.537
after the feed grain bill is disposed of.
Mr. MANSFIELD. That will be the
pending business. I would hope that we
would be able to consider it. There will,
of course, be the conference reports on
the supplemental appropriation bill and
the military procurement bill In between.
Mr. MILLER. But it is the intention
of the leadership to consider S. 537 and
to dispose of it within a reasonable time?
Mr. MANSFIELD. Yes.
Mr. MILLER. I thank the majority
leader.
Mr. DIRKSEN. Mr. President, I have
only one further observation to make.
The majority leader is in a position to
move to set aside S. 537 and to consider
the feed grains bill if he so desires. He
preferred, however, to ask unanimous
consent. I am quite sure that we can
agree upon a timetable agreeable to all
Senators, so that every Senator will have
an opportunity to be heard.
FEED GRAIN ACT OF 1963
The VICE PRESIDENT. Is there ob-
jection to the request by- the Senator
from Montana?
There being no objection, the Senate
proceeded to consider the bill (H.R. 4997)
to extend the feed grain program.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President,
what is the pending business?
The VICE PRESIDENT. The feed
grains bill.
Mr. JOHNSTON, Mr. President, I am
in favor of the bill. I went along with
10 other Senators in the committee. The
vote was 11 to 6 in the committee. it
was not a partisan vote. At that time
both Democrats and Republicans voted
on both sides of the question.
It was felt in the committee that some
legislation should be enacted at this
time.
There is a movement on foot, of which
I think Senators should be aware, that
one group is trying to postpone action
until after the referendum vote upon the
wheat program, which is before the
7817
farmers. I believe that vote will be on
the 21st of this month.
So, if a time to vote could be arranged
either Wednesday or Thursday that
would be satisfactory to me, and 1: think
it would suit most of the members of the
Committee on Agriculture and Forestry.
I hope some agreement can be
reached whereby this legislation can be
expedited rather than to prolong -con-
sideration and take up time of the Sen-
ate. Every day spent on this subject will
mean keeping other legislation from be-
ing considered.
For that reason I hope Senators can
agree to a reasonable date on which to
consider the bill and dispose of it, after
Senators have had an opportunity to
speak and express themselves in respect
to what the bill would do for agriculture.
E WORLD TRADE WIT
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. Pres1 ent,
from time to time I have been placing in
the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD the number
of ships froth the free world which have
been discharging cargoes to Communist-
Cuba. I have kept the RECORD up to
date. I have today another list of ships
for the period April 5 through May 8,
1963.
During the period April 5 through May
8, 1963, 20 free world freighters and
tankers totaling 152,953 gross tons dis-
charged their cargoes in Cuba. Great
Britain maintained its lead in supply-
ing Castro by providing 77,953 gross tons
of the before-mentioned total. During
the past 2 weeks alone five vessels flying
the Lebanese flag, totaling 35,678 gross
tons called in Cuba. A significant first
is a Swedish freighter, the Dagmar, of
6,490 gross tons.
In the course of the past month
through May 8, 1963 the following ships,
of the free world arrived in Cuba and un-
loaded their cargoes. Their flag of reg-
istry and gross tonnage is as indicated.
Mr. President, I ask unanimous con-
sent that the list of ships may be printed
in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the list was
ordered to he printed in the RECORD, as
follows:
Athelmonarch (tanker), British, 11,192.
Avisfaith, British, 7,868.
Hazelmoor, British, 7,907.
Ho Fung, British, 7,121.
Wend over, British, 9,098.
Ardrowan, British, 7,300.
Fir Hill, British, 7,119.
Maratha Enterprise, British, 7,166.
Vercharmian, British, 7,265.
Yungfutuary, British, 5,388.
Aldebaran (tanker), Greek, 12,897,
Americana, Greek, 7,104.
Galini, Greek, 7,266.
Ilena, Lebanese, 5,925.
Akamas, Lebanese, 7,285.
Aiolos II, Lebanese, 7,256.
Noelle, Lebanese, 7,251.
Parmarina, Lebanese, 6,721.
St. Nicholas, Lebanese, 7,165.
Dagmar, Swedish, 6,490.
EDUCATIONAL TELEVISION-RE-
MARKS BY DR. FRANK STANTON
Mr. MAGNUSON. Mr. President, ever
since the Federal Communications Com-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE May 13
mission reserved. 242 television channels
for educational purposes in 1952, this
program has slowly but determinedly
moved ahead. Last year, after 8 years
of effort, my educational bill which would
help put the many unused educational
television channels on the air was en-
acted. A great deal still must be done
and will be done before the benefits of
this miraculous medium and the creation
of the educational television network be-
comes a fact.
I was, therefore, pleased to read the
remarks of Dr. Frank Stanton, president
of the Columbia Broadcasting System,
delivered to the CBS network affiliates on
March P. 1963, in which he devoted his
entire talk to educational television. I
must say that this Is one of the most
enlightened analysis made by a commer-
cial broadcaster that I have had the op-
portunity to read. Its forthrightness as
well as its farsightedness displays the
type of leadership that Dr. Stanton has
exercised in the field of broadcasting
for so many years.
I congratulate him for this excellent
presentation and commend it to my
colleagues. I ask unanimous consent
that it be printed in full at this point In
my remarks.
There being no objection, the remarks
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
NINTH GENERAL CONFERENCE OF CBS TaLE-
VISION NETWORK ATYILIATSS
Frank Stanton, president. Columbia
Broadcasting System, Inc.)
Once more I am very happy to welcome all
of you. It Is now 15 years since we Brat met
together to discuss our common opportuni-
ties and our common problems. The mu-
tual approach we have taken-the friendly
atmosphere of openness and informality--
has, I think, been extremely useful In estab-
lishing and maintaining the CBS Television
Network's No. 1 position.
In f955, when we began to refer to this
annual session as a "general conference," I
emphasized that our calling this gathering a
conference was no accident. "Our purpose'
I said at that time, "is not to Invite you here
for lectures; rather, the purpose is to provide
means for the exchange of Ideas with the
central focus on perplexing problems that
affect us all deeply and equally."
We have had, In the intervening years,
many such discussions, and out of them
have come reasoned, consistent, supportable
views that have frequently been the basis for
much of the progress not only we but the
whole field of television have made.
It Is in this spirit of friendly and frank
mutual counsel that I come again to you this
year, to discuss a subject that is, I believe,
of deep concern to the future of all televi-
sion and, perhaps, of our whole society-
educational television.
At the outset, let me put unmistakably
the propositions that I see as the points of
departure-the minimum essentials-for our
discussion :
First, educational television must not fail.
Second, we in commercial television have
a very real stake in its survival and success.
Third, it must succeed In its broadest, not
its narrowest, concept.
Fourth, It must be Independent-inde-
pendent alike of subsidy by Government or
subsidy by commercial television.
Although the concept of educational tele-
vision Is as old as television itself, as an
operating branch of broadcasting It is still
in its early youth, going through agonizing
growing pains more frequently than not, un-
certain of itself In most ways, and attempt-
ing to solve practical problems of a very
special nature that bays no counterparts
either In broadcasting or in education.
In 1948, when we held our first affiliates'
clinic, the predecessor of these annual con-
ferences, there were no educational televi-
sion stations on the air. And it was to be
5 years-1953-before the first started op-
erations. Today there are 79 educational
stations In operation, and over 300 channels,
both VHP and UHF, are reserved for educa-
tional purposes. But even this number, ac-
cording to a report of the National Associa-
tion of Educational Broadcasters, is inade-
quate to meet the need If television is to
be fully utilized to help solve the Immense
educational task facing this country for the
predictable future. No less than 800 addi-
tional channels, the report stated, will be
necessary.
We in commercial television know some-
thing of the problems these educational sta-
tions have, because some problems are im-
plicit In the medium-however it Is used
or financed. To name a few-all too famii-
tar to you: the enormous need for material,
the great costs of production, the competent
manpower required, the necessity to serve
a community as a whole and not just one
area of Interest or just one level of educa-
tion. In addition, educational television
must find a means-better than Improvisa-
tions-to pay Its way in a society that can
offer no foolproof method borrowed from a
similar situation.
And the fundamental challenge to educa-
tional television Is the same as the funda-
mental challenge to us In commercial tele-
vision: to Interest an audience and to hold
it. We broadcasters ought not to take any
satisfaction In educational television as a
weak adjunct of commercial television, how-
ever true that may be today. We ought not
to be content merely to support It with
conscience money. We have a very real
stake In Its success -- Its success on a broad,
varied scale. For what diminishes it di-
minishes us, in that It diminishes all tele-
vision. And what strengthens It strength-
ens us, because It strengthens all television.
It this seems to you Idle theory, think for
a minute of what our society would be if we
had the printing press but no textbooks,
no learned quarterlies, no magazines ap-
pealing to the few, no specialized cultural
publications-if the role of the printing
press were limited only to the production of
mass circulation magazines, however excel-
lent. Would not all of us sense that some-
thing was wrong and feel an obligation to
see that something was done about It? And
would we not feel that those already using
print with spectacular success had a partic-
ular concern that something be done?
That it not be bucked over to the Govern-
ment?
I am not just preaching benevolence here.
To prove Itself in our age-to advance its
freedom as a mature medium-television to
going to have to do, with distinction and
effectiveness, all the jobs of which it is ca-
pable-not just those that we in commercial
television have taken on. And the measure
of the medium's total achievement will be
the measure of our own freedom to do our
part of the job,
If educational television is to realize its
fullest potentialities, it Is important that we
encourage It to take the broadest and not
the narrowest view of its mission, to make
the most and not the least of Its opportuni-
ties.
This means that, If we honestly believe
In free competition, we should welcome edu-
cational television Into the free competition
for the viewer's attention. I disc ased with
you last year our conviction that the sweet
path to television's growth was not
more Government supervision, not moreIn-
dustry policing, not more private pressure
groups, but more competition. I suggested
to you, and I testified before the FCC, that
the most sensible approach to more competi-
tion was a fuller utilization of the spec-
trum-'UHF as well as VHF-using both
bands for more stations and better, more
varied service.
I remind you of this now, because it is
to me overwhelmingly clear that educational
television is one additional competitive fac-
tor that can give us the kind of prodding
anyone needs In order to Improve constantly.
As you know, CBS has not arrived at this
judgment lately. Over 2 years ago, on
January 13. 1981, 1 disagreed with the presi-
dent of the National Educational Television
and Radio Center, In a panel discussion at
the Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare, that educational television should
be only supplementary to rather than com-
petitive with commercial television. On that
occasion, I said, "I think that in the long
run educational television will be a competi-
tive service, and I think that this is desir-
able." In that same year, 1961, the CBS an.
nual report Included the following statement
in the letter of the chairman and the
president: "CBS has always had a special in-
terest in educational television, has sup-
ported Its growth, and has directly contrib-
uted to the widening of Its range of activ-
ities. CBS welcomes educational television
not only as supplementary to, but as com-
petitive with, commercial television service,
We believe this competition will benefit both
types of service."
We did not come to that conclusion only
for the good of educational television. We
did not even come to It only for the good of
the public that television, in order to sur-
vive, must serve. We came to it primarily
for the good of all television--commercial
and educational.
I am sure that you know as well as I do
that the price of growth-the price, In fact,
of survival-in any mass medium Is change-
constant, never-ceasing change. I'do not
know that it is always change for the better
or even that it is always progressive. But
change ItselfIs the thing-never resting on
your oars, never sure you have the right mix,
never completely satisfied, being as willing
to change when you are not entirely sure you
are right as when you think it is perfectly
safe. The only deadly thing for us-for any
mass medium-le to stand still while the
inexorable law of change is going to work all
about us.
Yet we must have some sense of what we
are doing, some sense of pace, some sense of
direction. We are like the mass circulation
magazine whose economics, audience, ahij,
fundamental editorial and advertising roles
do not permit it the same freedom as the
book publisher, who can survive with a much
smaller audience, who has no advertising
function and who needs to meet no huge
economic commitments. Yet does anyone
doubt that the mass printed media are much
the better off because there are book pub-
lishers and publishers of little magazines,
from whom flow a continuous stream of new
ideas, new knowledge, new theories appeal-
ing to every size of audience, reflecting every
kind of interest, representing every kind of
creative approach? A great testing ground
is provided by all this activity-where the
unfamiliar and the unproved can be tried
out In an arena In which the stakes are low'
enough to make such trial possible on a
broad scale.
Ultimately not just the vltatity of our total
cultural life Is quickened by this but the
mass media find themselves with a twofold
gain-an audience somehow aware of new
things going on and an Indication of what
those things are and how they can be
handled.
This medium of ours is not Immune, and
cannot be, from all the laws of survival and
growth and the pressures that affect the older
media. Nor are we immune from the eco-
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~0 S?9IONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A2951
ents recently was chosen Miss Rose
Haven for 1963 at the Rose Haven Yacht
Club in my home county of Anne
Arundel
The new queen is Miss Vickie Maeder,
a resident of Rose Haven and a student
in the 11th grade at Southern High
School.
Under leave to extend my remarks, I
include the following article by David
Kearse from the May 2 edition of the
Evening Capital describing this fine oc-
casion, in the RECORD:
YACHT CLUB PICKS NEW QUEEN
(By David Kearse)
A bevy of beautiful girls brightened up
Rose Haven Yacht Club last Saturday eve-
ning as the members and guests sat around
waiting for the piece de resistance of the eve-
ning: the crowning of Miss Rose Haven for
1963.
After the judges each personally had an
opportunity to meet the four. candidates, and
after the princesses had paraded around be-
fore the judges and the audience, the queen
was indeed selected, much to the delight of
all who attended. +
A Rose Haven girl, formerly of Chevy
Chase, was selected this year's queen. She
will compete for further beauty honors at
Maryland Yacht Club on June 2, when the
Queen of the Chesaepake will be named.
The lucky winner was Miss Vickie Maeder,
an 11th grade student at Southern High
School, who won the judges' fancies with
her charm, poise and pleasant personality.
Dressed in a white gown, the winner was
presented her crown by last year's queen, and
this year's guest of honor, Miss Betty Sue
Plummer.
The 16-year-old Miss Maeder's also re-
ceived a trophy and bouquet of roses, not to
mention a kiss from the yacht club's com-
modore, Dr. Donald W. Mitchell of Arling-
ton, Va. The master of ceremonies for the
colorful event was Vincent Scott and an-
other Scott, this one Charles Scott, a past
commodore, was chairman of the judges,
who had a hard time, indeed, in selecting
only one queen. All four of the girls were
"winners" in the real sense of the word, if
looks, grace and charm are any indication.
Other contestants were Miss Bernie Raley,
Miss Helen Burke, and Miss Michele Hecker.
All this reporter can say is good luck next
time around, girls, for with your looks and
personalities, you're all bound to come up
with beauty prizes soon.
Those who attended the gala crowning
ceremonies took time out to greet each other
and talk over the boating world. 'Then, too,
some of the women who had just returned
from various trips had notes to compare.
For instance, Mrs. John Stoneburg
("Little Sarah"), wife of the yacht club's
public relations director, just returned from
a 6-month visit to California. Also, Miss
Billie Kramer was kept busy telling about
her exploits at the romantic locales on the
Caribbean from whence she just returned.
Speaking of Stoneburg, who is better
known to his friends as "Stoney," he gave
this reporter a "Cook's tour" of the beau-
tiful yacht club and its facilities, which
were very impressive, indeed. He also
proved to be very helpful to this reporter's
cohort, Lou Granger, who took many a pic-
ture and admired many a potentital beauty
queen, but then, who didn't?
And Joseph E. Rose was there to take in
the evening's event. Rose is builder and
owner of the yacht club and its environs,
which includes a nice motel next door to
the main dining room and bar.
Altogether, yours truly and Granger re-
turned from Saturday night's fun-filled
evening very impressed with our visit to the
yacht club and Rose Haven itself. It was
our first introduction to the club and its de-
lightful members. And congratulations to
this year's queen, Miss Rose Haven.
Race to the Moon: Why Is It So
Important?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. EDWARD J. PATTEN
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. PATTEN. Mr. Speaker, for the
past 3 months, the House Manned Space
Flight Subcommittee has been hearing
testimony on the U.S. space program.
As a member of this subcommittee, I
was happy to read the well-written and
informative article by Roscoe Drum-
mond in the Washington Post of May 6,
1963, entitled "Race to the Moon: Why
Is It So Important?"
It points out why the United States
should be foremost in outer space.
The article follows:
RACE TO THE MOON: WHY Is IT SO IMPORTANT?
(By Roscoe Drummond)
The big, costly, valuable space-exploration
program is running into public misgivings
largely because it is so often defended for the
wrong reasons.
I am convinced that when Congress almost
unanimously a year ago greatly stepped up
the space program and apparently set it on
a course from which it was not to veer, it
made the right decision. We ought to stick
to it resolutely.
To make it the firm objective of the United
States to be foremost in outer space does not
seem to me to be a very remarkable decision.
Isn't that doing what comes naturally to the
American people? That's not out of char-
acter. That decision is in the national tradi,
tion-or something is very amiss.
But now there is talk about cutting back
only a year after deciding to go full-steam
ahead. This sort of talk sounds chicken:
"Oh, what's the use? And who wants to be
first anyway?"
There is danger that. there will be a cut-
back, a grievously mistaken cutback, if the
real reasons for the space program are not
better expounded.
If we keep on asking the wrong :question,
we are going to be stuck with the wrong an-
swer. The tendency in defending the space
budget is to stress the race to the moon and
how important it is to beat the Russians.
The honest question which then arises and
understandably brings divided answers is:
Why is it so important to be first to the
moon?
The answer which many Americans tend to
give is that it would be nice to beat the Rus-
sians to the moon, but that it is hardly worth
$20, billion and certainly not $40 billion.
This is a sample of how asking the wrong
question produces the wrong answer.'
The controlling reason for the size of the
space program is not just to try to get to
the moon first-however welcome that would
be-but to make sure that Americans will be
foremost in mastering the new element and
the new dimension of Outer space.
We talk about competitive coexistence
with the Communist world as the best way to.
win the cold war. Outer space is a vital,
perhaps the crucial area of competition.
The overriding issue is not who is going to
be first to the moon but. who is going to be
foremost in mastery of the new element of
outer space because the mastery of outer
space will do more than anything else to
determine the shape of our world for many
decades, perhaps for several centuries.
There are precedents. Through their mas-
tery of roadmanship the Romans. shaped
their world for a long time.
Through their mastery of. seamanship the
British did most to influence the affairs of
the world for a century.,
Through their mastery of airmanship Brit-
ain and the United States turned back the
tide of Hitler and Tojo.
Through the-mastery of spacemanship-
through being foremost in outer space, not
just first to the moon-it is now within the
reach of the United States to affect greatly
the shape of the world for the rest of this
century and, I believe, for some centuries
ahead.
I am not talking about the united States
dominating the world through outer space.
I am talking about the necessity of the
United States being foremost in outer space
so that the Soviet Union cannot dominate
the world through its prior mastery of outer
space.
The United States is committed to the
freedom of outer space as it is to the freedom
of the seas. We are prepared to undertake
joint explorations with the Soviets and some
are in prospect. But when it comes to decid-
ing whether we should continue unwaver-
ingly to mobilize full resources to be fore-
most in the the new element. and the new
dimension of outer space, I commend these
warning words of the Vice President of the
United States:
"If we do not succeed in these efforts-as
one great American has put it-we will not
be first on the moon, we will not be first in
space, and one day soon we will not be the
first on earth."
1 Another View
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. GEORGE F. SENNER, JR.
OF ARIZONA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. SENNER. Mr. Speaker, there
have been many comments on the Cuban
situation ranging from the ridiculous to
the sublime. Jim Hudson, editor-
publisher of the White Mountain Eagle,
an outstanding weekly newspaper in my
district, has written a most thoughtful
and calm appraisal of the problem which
I feel warrants careful study:
THE MANY SOLUTIONS TO CUBAN PROBLEM
In the past year or so, there have been
many solutions to the Cuba-or Cuber, if
you will--problem, ranging from downright
silly to probably workable. Which one
eventually will be utilized is something we
will have to wait and see.
We feel that the present administration
is following a policy that will accomplish the
purpose with the least amount of pain and
embarrassment.
We say this because, at the current rate, it
will be too expensive a toy for the Soviet
Union to keep supporting. At present, the
Cuban sugar crop, its only real exportable
item, is at its lowest and aver 90 percent has
been allocated to Russia for past debts. The
remainder will not be enough to buy peanuts.
At least, not enough to buy vodka and
caviar. Or tanks and jets and missies.
In order for Cuba to arm, it will he
necessary for the Soviet Union to foot the
bill. And the Russians, big and powerful as
they are,. are having problems of their own.
The United States will not allow the Rus-
sians to. arm Cuba- again, 'and we will con-
tinue to keep pressure on them to remove
those Soviets who are left on the island.
When the cost of upkeep goes beyond the
benefit, you can rest assured the Reds will
drop it like a hot potato.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD APPENDIX May 13
Once the Russians pull out, and we feel
that day is not far off, that will be the day
for Jose Miro Cardono and his boys to pull
out all stops. And we are sure it will not
be as long a fight as the July 28 movement
from the Sierra Madres was.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STROM THURMOND
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963 -
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, I
think it is most appropriate today to
offer for inclusion In the CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD a timely column by Mr. Thurman
Sensing in the May 12, 1963, edition of
his weekly column, Sensing the News.
This particular column is entitled "The
Nonviolent Terrorists" and is concerned
with the racial agitation efforts by Martin
Luther King and others in Birmingham,
Ala. Since this column makes such an
important point and is so timely, I ask
unanimous consent that it be printed in
the Appendix of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the column
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE NONVIOLENT TERRORISTS
(By Thurman Sensing)
The use of schoolchildren to spearhead
massive streetdemonstrations in a Southern
city points up the increasingly revolutionary
character of the agitation campaign facing
this Nation.
For ordinary Americans. It is hard to be-
lieve that citizens of this country would at-
tempt to steer a minority group away from
evolutionary progress to the alien and dan-
gerous methods of revolution. Yet the
troubles in Birmingham, Ala., are proof of
the emergence of revolutionary methods on
the American scene. Those who have kept
a watchful eye on the race agitation cam-
paigns of the last 8 years are aware of
the shift to revolutionary tactics and revo-
lutionary alms.
The growth of the Muslim movement,
clearly understood as dangerous to civil order
in this country, is only the tip of the iceberg
that appears above water. Indeed the men-
ace of the Muslims may not be so consider-
able as some people fear, simply because
they are recognized for what they are. But
the various groups that profess nonviolence
and use the word "Christian" in their or-
ganizational names often are shielded by
their pious labels. These nonviolentgroups
aim at essentially the same thing however.
They aim at the incitement to violence, at
the stirring of civil commotion and at the
breakdown of law and order in this country.
Furthermore, the threat of organized law-
breaking is not confined to the Southern
States. Representative ADAM CLAYTON
POWELL threatens the District of Columbia
with the worst race riot In history if the
authorities do not submit to the demands
of the Negroes. Northern communities have
been subjected to mass agitation techniques
with increasing frequency in the last few
years. Moreover, the groups that aim at
radical revision of social customs in the
South are closely related to groups in the
North that protest national defense meas-
ures, such as testing of nuclear weapons.
So-called nonviolent groups that send agita-
tors Into the Southern States also have their
people protesting against Polaris submarines
In the North. There is an Interlocking di-
rectorate of radicalism that should be
thoroughly Investigated by law-enforcement
agencies in ling country.
The terrible H-bomb riots in London, with
the waves of political beatniks, should alert
American authoritiesto what they face from
the growth of the professional sitin organi-
zations. The agitators who plan a kneel-in
in a Southern church may turn next to an
invasion of a missile test center In Call-
fornia or a naval base in Connecticut.
It is not by some freak of behavior that
the agitators in Birmingham resort to civil
disobedience methods that are alien. Rev.
Martin Luther King, Jr.. who has planned
these campaigns, is a senior official of the
Ghandi Society. This organization, named
after the Indian civil disobedience leader,
approaches American domestic problems
from the standpoint of an Asiatic agitator
group. These new agitators seek to create
human waves of demonstrators. They want
to ride roughshod over all local and State
laws.
But the only form of social protest that
American communities can properly accept
is demand for justice in the courts. This is
the sole, truly American way to accomplish
change, except by legislative action. But
when a mass agitation leader and his high-
powered organization turns to the use of
mobs, then you know such action is against
everything America stands for.
People in all parts of the United States
ought to be deeply concerned by the rise of
un-American methods of agitation. The
goal is the breakdown of law enforcement.
The agitators, many of them wearing clerical
collars, set an example of lawlessness to
thousands of impressionable youths with
little learning and less judgment. The re-
sult of such demonstrations, as Martin Lu-
ther King led In Birmingham, is the rise of a
class of terrorists who have nothing but con-
tempt for the American Government. If
youths are taught to be contemptuous of
law made by city councils and State govern-
ments, it is only a short step to be contemp-
tuous of law made by Congress.
The sowing of dissension in America can
profit only one cause--the cause of Interna-
tional communism. Demonstrations against
the public order of our cities can only be
pleasing to the masters of the Kremlin who
want to destroy America from within by di-
viding the country and encouraging lawless-
nes_3. The United States cannot afford to
have phony nonviolent groups that masque-
rade behind the word "Christian" and that
promote violence and fan the flames of
hatred.
The ordeal imposed upon Birmingham,
Ala., Albany, Ga., and other communities is
an attack on America itself. The need is for
the entire Nation to become alerted to the
development of terrorism inside the United
States by those who profess to be interested
in progress but who only spread disorder.
The Brotherhood of the Jungle Cock
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
HON. J. GLENN BEALL
Or MARYLAND
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. BEALL. Mr. President, on the
banks of Big Hunting Creek, In the town
of Thurmont. Md., is a beautiful bronze
statue of a man teaching a young boy
how to properly cast for trout. This
statue was dedicated a few years ago by
Justice William O. Douglas, of the Su-
preme Court, one of our great outdoors-
men. The statue was designed and
erected by one of our outstanding sports-
men's organizations, the Brotherhood of
the Jungle Cock.
The brotherhood was organized 25
years ago in the Catoctin area of Mary-
land not far from where the statue
stands. Its founders were a few of the
great sportswriters of the country who
saw a growing need for teaching our
youth how to preserve the beauty of the
out-of-doors and the great fun of fish-
ing. The jungle cock is a beautiful
and fearless bird found only in the jun-
gles of South America whose feathers
make the most attractive artificial flies
used in fishing.
Each year, around the 1st of May,
members of the Brotherhood of the
Jungle Cock gather from many States
to the beautiful area in Maryland where
the idea was first born for their annual
campfire. No man may attend with-
out bringing him one or more boys-and
he must be responsible for teaching and
coaching them during the 3 days of the
meeting.
This year the campfire was held on
the 3d, 4th, and 5th of May. About 400
attended.
I want to extend to this fine organiza-
tion my compliments and congratulate
the dedicated men who, without public-
ity, have worked so hard to preserve for
later generations the benefits of nature's
bounty. May they continue tp grow and
may their efforts be rewarded. We
should all be proud that one of our own
Senate employees, Mr. Serge N. Benson,
is president of the Brotherhood of the
Jungle Cock.
I ask unanimous consent that the
creed of the brotherhood, together with
the program of activities at this year's
campfire, be printed in the Appendix of
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the creed
and program were ordered to be printed
in the RECORD, as follows:
CREED
We, who love angling, In order that it may
enjoy practice and reward in the later gen-
erations, mutually move together toward a
common goal-the conservation and restora-
tion of American game fishes. -
Toward this end we pledge that our creel
limits shall always be less than the legal re-
strictions and always well within the bounty
of nature herself.
Enjoying, as we do, only a life estate in the
out-of-doors, and morally charged in our
time with the responsibility of handing it
down unspoiled to tomorrow's inheritors, we
individually undertake annually to take at
least one boy afishing. instructing him, as
best we know, in the responsibilities that are
soon to be wholly his.
Holding that moral law transcends the
legal statutes, always beyond the needs of
any one man, and holding that example
alone is the one certain teacher, we pledge
always to conduct ourselves in such fashion
on the stream as to make safe for others the
heritage which is ours and theirs.
PROGRAM
FRIDAY, MAY 3. AFTERNOON
1. Register, go to office at rear of dining
room. Get cabin assignment and name card.
2. Go fishing if you have time. Casting
lesson at the pond at 4 p.m. Be back at camp
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX -X29a7
the claimants, and wrote Mr. Delgado on
February 9, 1952 (hearing, p. 179) :
"It is regrettable that we did not make
up this list before we left the Commission,
but this is little solace now."
3. The testimony before the Senate in-
vestigation showed that Mr, O'Donnell, Mr.
Delgado, and Mr. Schein spearheaded the
testimony before the Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee in support of the claims legislation
without disclosing their strong private in-
terest in it.
The testimony showed that a crucial issue
in the consideration of this legislation was
as to the meaning and Intent of the Philip-
pine Rehabilitation Act of 1946; that the
testimony of these three men eras accepted
as coming from men who were experts on
that subject due to their work with the
Commission; that they had already received
large legal fees as a result of other Philip-
pine war damage legislation, and would re-
ceive additional large fees if the. 1962 act
were passed in the form which they de-
sired; namely, with provision for payments
to private claimants; that the Foreign Af-
fairs Committee reported favorably a bill
in that form on June 27, 1980, despite the
fact that the then administration had rec-
ommended settlement of Philippine war
damage claims with the Philippine Govern-
ment by a lump-sum payment to that
Government.
That bill, H.R. 12078, 86th Congress, 2d
session, died in the Rules Committee. In
the 87th Congress a similar bill, H.R. 8017,
was reported favorably in August 1981, and
was defeated in the. House May 9, 1962, on a
rollcall vote of 201 to 171. Another similar
bill, H.R. 11721, was Immediately filed, was
passed by ' the House on August 1, 1982, by
the Senate on August 24, 1962, and became
Public Law 87-616.
During the debate in the Senate on May 1,
1963, Senator HICKENLOOPER suggested an ex-
planation as to why the House chose to sup-
port a bill for payment to claimants rather
than to the Philippine Government, saying
(CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, p. 7162) :
"A bill, providing payment' to the Philip-
pine Government was ruled out in the other
body. No one knew quite why.
'The information that I am about to men-
tion is not yet in the RECORD, but I assure
Senators that there is ample reason to know
that word went from powerful Members of
the other body that unless the State Depart-
ment and the administration accepted the
bill as it was altered to make the $73 million
payments to individual claimants rather than
to the Philippine. Government, there would
be no bill at all, and the international com-
plications that had arisen as the result of the
failure to pass the original bill in the House
would continue."
Comments. by Senator FULBRIGHT were
(hearing?p. 261):
"Mr. O'Donnell testified before this com-
mittee that he did not disclose, in previous
testimony before the Congress, that he was
acting in fact, if not in law, as the agent of
foreign principals, and for his own interests.
He spoke as a former official of the Federal
Government whose interest was in having
that Government pay purportedly legitimate
claims, In fact, he was bound to be at least
partially motivated by his own financial in-
terest.
"The primary purpose of this investigation,
of which today's hearing was a part, is to
examine into the terms and the administra-
tion of the Foreign Agents Registration Act.
Today's hearing I think has disclosed signifi-
cant weaknesses, to the extent that Congress,
the State Department, and the Justice De-
partment did net know that a powerful mov-
ing force behind the passage of the Philip-
pine War Damage Claims Legislation Act of
1962 was private gain rather than public
welfare or national security.
"That they. (Mr. O'Donnell and Mr. Del-
gado) have been unduly enriched 1s of less.
importance than.that the legislative process
has been subverted. Both Congress and the
Executive were, I believe, deceived."
During the debate in the Senate on May 1,
1963, Senator HICKENLOOPER said (CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD, p. 7163) :
"This is a flagrant case. It Is a flagrant
case of * * * deliberate withholding of per-
sonal interest by witnesses before commit-
tees of the Congress, which amounts to com-
plete deception.
"They were out drumming up business by
International cable, letter, and other con-
tacts to solicit the claims of these people.
Then they got busy and stirred up the idea
that the United States might be induced to
put up $73 million for rehabilitation pur-
poses, but their purpose was to pay it to in-
dividuals on individual claims, because they
were developing contracts with the Indi-
vidual Claimants, and those contracts have
been listed in the RECORD. They used a sub-
stantial amount of money * * * ' One of
these men came before the committees of the
House and Senate, presenting himself as a
former member of the Philippine War Dam-
age Commission, and therefore connoting
that he was in a special position of sympa-
thy for and knowledge of the poor people
in the Philippines-and many of them did
suffer-but he never once disclosed that he
was a lobbyist who had solicited business
for revenue, based upon his service in the
Government. * * * He never disclosed his
own personal interest in this subject or his
own pecuniary interest, or that of his fellow
member on the Commission who was equally
busy in the Philippines soliciting these.
claims.
"This was a racket, and a concealed. racket.
The administration did not know it. It was
not revealed until almost collaterally and
incidentally to a broader investigation by the
Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
II
The House should concur with the Senate
amendment
The House was subjected to the same
pressures and deceptions as the Senate. The
House should conclude, as did Members of
the Senate, that, had it known the facts
which have since been disclosed, it would
not have passed the 1982 act in the form
in which it was passed. It should decide
that the best way to correct the situation is
to change the 1962 act by amendment into
the form providing for payment directly to
the Philippine Government.
The House has had grave doubts as to
making further payments to private.claim
ants. It defeated one bill for that purpose
May 9, 1962, by a record vote of 201 to 171.
It certainly would not have subsequently
passed another similar bill had it known the
facts which have since been disclosed.
If it did not pass that form of bill, it would
have passed a bill providing for payment to
the Philippine Government, as the previous
administration had virtually promised such
a settlement, and had recommended it to
the Congress.
In 1959 the United States negotiated set-
tlement of 19 outstanding Philippine claims,
one of which was for additional war dam-
ages. In a note of August 4, 1959, to the
Philippine Government, under the saluta-
tloli, "Excellency," it said (Foreign Relations
Committee hearing, June 12, 1962, p. 20) :
"With respect to the Philippine claim for
payment of additional war damage compen-
sation In accordance with the Philippine Re-
habilitation Act of 1946 (Public Law 370,
79th Cong.) the executive branch of the U.S,
Government will at the next regular session
of the Congress, and in connection with the
legislative program for fiscal year 1961, re-
quest appropriate legislation enabling the
settlement of this matter on the basis of
$73 million, which amount reflects the sta-
tutory maximum of unpaid private. claims
according to the reports of the War Damage
Commission: By a settlement, made directly
with the Philippine Government, the U.S.
Government will consider itself completely
divested of all responsibility for payment of
individual private claims. A memorandum
showing the computation of the amount un-
paid under the Philippine Rehabilitation Act
is enclosed. No further request of the U.S.
Government relating to war damage compen-
sation will be entertained other than to sup-
ply any records which might be appropriate
and be needed by the Philippine Govern-
ment."
The House should now concur in the Sen-
ate amendment which would bring about
settlement in that manner-by payment to
the Philippine Government.
1. It is not enough merely to attempt to
cut Off further fees to the lobbyists.
That probably cannot be done effectively,
anyway. The right objective is to undo the
effect of the improper practices and decep-
tions which le*d to passage of a bill for pay-
ment to claimants which would not have
been passed had the deceptions been known.
Senator SPARKMAN, who presided at the
Senate hearings on the legislation said:
"I would not have voted for that bill. I
would have voted for the bill which would
have provided payments directly to the
Philippine Government."
The proper corrective measure is to amend
the 1962 act so that it will provide for pay-
ment directly to the Philippine Government.
2. Settlement by payment to the Philip-
pine Government is acceptable to that Gov-
ernm nt.
Under Secretary Harriman told the Foreign
Relations Committee, with reference to two
bills;, one for payment to the Philippine
Government, and one for payment to private
claimants (hearing, June 12, 1962, p. 14) :
"The' (Philippine) Government itself has
stated that it will accept either bill with
good will."
3. Settlement by. payment to the Philip-
pine Government would carry out the pur-
poses of the Philippine Rehabilitation Act
of 1946 better than would further payments
at this late date to private claimants.
The main purpose of the Philippine Re-
habilitation-Act of 1946 was to rehabilitate
the war-torn economy of the Philippines.
Payment of private claims for war damages
(whether caused by the United States or
not) was chosen as a means to get the money
quickly into the stream of. the Philippine
economy. The money had to be spent, or
have been spent, for replacement and repair
of the damages.
The 1962 act contains a similar require-
ment, but over $30 million will go to 287
-claimants who have large claims of $26,000
and over (hearings, Foreign Relations Com-
mittee, June 12, 1962, p. 4). It is clear that
most of them will long ago have made the
replacements and, repairs, so that the new
payments will b2 windfalls.
Payment to the Philippine Government
on the other hand would be a direct help to
the Philippine economy, and so'.more in
keeping with the purpose of the 1946 act.
4. The claimed saving to the United States
as a result of paying private claimants is
far outweighed by other considerations.
The 1962 act appropriated about $73 mil-
lion for payment of private claims, with a
provision that any amounts left over after
such payments, would revert to the U.S.
Treasury. If settlement of the war-damage
claims issue were made by payment to the
Philippine Government, the money would
all be used for such payment.
Those who favor payment to private
claimants make much of the possible saving
resulting from lost claims caused by disap-
pearance of claimants, etc.
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A?A4 ` CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 13
But even if a few more million dollars
might go to the Philippine Government, if
payment were made to St, than would go to
private claimants, that fact assumes slight
importance when it i8 recalled that since
1946 the United States has furnished over a
billion dollarp of aid to the Philippines and
is still furnidhing aid In large amounts.
That fact is far outweighed by the con-
sideration that payments now to private
claimants would in many cases be windfalls,
whereas payments to the Philippine Gov-
ernment would carry out the purpose of the
1946 act of aiding the Philippine economy.
Under the Senate amendment providing for
payment to the Philippine Government, that
Government would be free to ure the money
for rehabilitation or in such manner as it
saw At.
Fifth. If the House would not have passed
the 1962 act had it known the facts re-
cently disclosed, it should now change the
form of that act to provide payment to the
Philippine Government rather than to pri-
vate claimants.
Those who oppose the Senatq amendment
argue that the 1962 act should not be
changed merely because of some wrongful
lobbying. Other lobbyists, they say, have
made campaign contributions and been ac-
tive in sponsoring legislation. The news-
papers have made much of campaign contri-
butions, which make good stories, but It is
clear that what moved the Senate to con-
clude that it would not have passed the
1962 act had it known the facts recently dis-
closed was mainly based on other considera-
tions: with Mr. O'Donnell's and Mr. Del-
gado's activities in promoting a demand for
war claims legislation, both here and 19, the
Philippines; with their employment on
claims legislation shortly after leaving the
Commission; with their spearheading of
testimony before the Congress favorable to
that legislation without disclosing their pri-
vate interest; and with their efforts to shape
the legislation in such a way that It went
to Individual claimants, resulting in the lob-
byists' private gain, rather than to the
Philippine Government-in abort, with im-
proper pressures and deceptions which led
Senator HIcxENLOOPER to say. "The situ-
ation stinks" (CoNGRESSrONAL RECORD, p.
7163).
nI
Background facts as to opposition to further
payments of private claims
The previous administration strongly op-
posed further payments to private claimants
at this late date, and the House defeated one
bill for that purpose.
The crucial issue was as to the alleged
moral obligation to make such further pay-
ments. The disclosures in the Senate Inves-
tigation have cast doubt on previous testi-
mony on this Issue, much of which came
from the three lobbyists mentioned above.
They even claimed that a "promise" had been
made for further payments, and that such
payments were a "debt."
In other respects, arguments previously
made against further payments to private
claimants have been strengthened and justi-
fied by the recent disclosures.
Those arguments were-
1. The private claims being brought for-
ward were not "war damage claims" In the
r A.
f th d
t
d
function of the payments is to assist and
encourage rehabilitation and rebuilding of
the economy and social structure of the
nation.?
3. Further payment of private claims
would not accomplish the main purpose of
the 1946 act. The Bell Mission to the Philip-
pines of 1950 reported (Foreign Affairs Com-
mittee Supplemental hearings on June 9.
1960, p. 21) :
"That further war damage payments to
individuals would not contribute materially
to economic development In the Philippines,
and that continuing assistance by the
United States should be for development
projects In agriculture and Industry related
to the specific needs of the Philippine econ-
omy rather than as additional war damage
payments to Individuals."
Since then over $1 billion of U.S. aid has
gone to the Philippines.
On March 3. 1960, Mr. Douglas Dillon,
Acting Secretary of State, wrote to the
Speaker of the House:
"The executive branch believes that re-
building, replacement. or repair of war-
damaged private property In the Philippines
Is no longer practicable. Moreover. In view
of the time which has elapsed since the
original claims were approved, and since
the U.S. Philippine War Damage Commis-
sion went out of existence on March 31,
1951, it is not considered practicable for the
U.S. Government to assume any responsi-
bility for the payment of the balance of
approved individual private property claims."
4. The Philippine Rehabilitation Act of
1946 did not create an obligation for further
payments of private claims beyond the $400
million then provided.
This was the crucial Issue. The 1946 act
provided `400 million for payment of private
claims. It contained a provision that the
balance of the money left after the payment
of small claims in full should be used toward
payment of certain other claims up to a max-
imum of 75 percent. The $400 million was
insufficient to pay that maximum.
Proponents of the I962 act claimed that
these provisions indicated an obligation to
pay up to 75 percent. Opponents maintained
that the Intent of the 1946 act was to set up
a method of disbursing 4400 million, and not
a method of paying claims up to 75 percent.
The record of hearings, reports, and de-
bates relative to the 1946 act can fairly be
said to show that a majority of the members
of the committees In both branches did not
Intend to create a further obligation beyond
the 1400 million authorized although a few
committee members insisted that the in-
tent was to pay up to 75 percent.
CONCLUSION
The only record House vote on this legis-
lation was against further payments to pri-
vate claimants. a vote of 201 to 171 on May 9,
1962 (CONGRESSIONAL Rzco5, p. 7349). Since
the recent disclosures in the Senate Investi-
gation. there are strong additional reasons
for standing back of that vote, and for voting
to concur In the Senate amendment.
H. R. GROSS.
WAYNE L. HAYS.
RoeEaT R. BARRY.
sense o ose wo
e
generally accep
(which refer to claims based on regal liabil- Cold War Veterans
ity-but were based on voluntary gifts made
by the United States to rehabilitate the
Philippine economy.
2. The real purpcse of the Philippine Re-
habilitation Act of 1916 was rehabilitation,
and payment to private claimants was a
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JACOB K. JAYITS
vehicle to accomplish that purpose. The 07 NEW YORK
report of the House Foreign Affairs Com- IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
mittee on that act stated: Monday, May 13, 1963
The bill is not a private claims measure
to reimburse Individuals or organizations Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, I ask
for damage incurred in war. The primary unanimous consent to have printed in
the Appendix of the RECORD a resolution
which was unanimously adopted by the
AMVETS National Executive Committee
in April, 1963.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
Whereas American servicemen are daily
risking life and limb on numerous cold war
fronts throughout the world; and
Whereas in many instances the service
performed by the men serving in these
cold war areas is more hazardous than that
performed by many wartime veterans; and
Whereas S. 1011 introduced in the Senate
of the United States recognizes the hazard-
ous nature of this service: Now, therefore,
be it
Resolved, That AMVETS National Ex-
ecutive Committee assembled in Washing-
ton, D.C.,' at the Mayflower Hotel, April 5
through 7, 1963. support S. 1011, a bill to
provide wartime benefits to veterans and
their dependents who serve in an area desig-
nated by the President as an area of hostili-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. J. ARTHUR YOUNGER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. YOUNGER. Mr. Speaker, in view
of the secrecy whicstill surrounds the
the Bay of Pigs inv ton, it seems to me
important that the article by Robert S.
Allen and Paul Scott on this subject be
brought to the attention of every Mem-
ber of Congress.
The article appeared In the Arlington -
Northern Virginia Sun on May 8. 1963:
ALLEN-SCOTT REPORT-BAY OF PIGS SIIRVIVORS
OFT NEW ULTIMATUM ON INVASION
(By Robert S. Allen and Paul Scott
The heroic survivors of the Ill-fated Bay
of Pigs Invasion are faced with a crushing
now ultimatum.
This latest "surrender", demand, as the
Cuban veterans bitterly call It, is from the
Kennedy administration in the form of a
blunt order to completely refrain from hav-
ing anything to do with attacks against Cas-
tro's Communist regime.
Penalty for disregarding this secret edict
Is immediate loss of the monthly payments
they are receiving from the Government,
This harsh crackdown is being explained
individually to every member of the Cuban
brigade by representatives of Attorney Gen-
eral Robert Kennedy. These officials are con-
veying their orders orally and with no one
present other than the freedom fighter hear-
ing them.
Word of this extraordinary backstage de-
velopment has reached the Senate Armed
Services Subcommittee investigating the
administration's failure to get the thousands
of Russian troops out of Cuba.
One letter sent the Senators recounts in
detail how the Invasion veterans are sum-
moned and singly informed that their
monthly allowances, ranging from $100 to
$250, will be discontinued unless a cate-
goric pledge of "no action" against Castro
is given. If an exile balks, his name Is
forthwith stricken from the payroll.
Significantly, this ironhanded undercover
pressure Is being exerted on brigade mem-
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Y p~ CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
bers at the very time Attorney General Ken-
nedy is publicly calling for. unification of
Cuban refugees in an organization that
"could speak with one voice and have some
relationship" with the_ United States and
other countries, I
Congressional sources close to the White
House are saying privately that the Attorney
General is spearheading a drive inside the
administration to set up a new Cuban
"front" under the leadership of Manuel Ray,
member of the first Castro cabinet.
Also that only exile groups willing to go
along with the President's "let the dust set-
tle" policy are being asked to join this new
organization and hold key posts in it.
Main purpose of the new "front" is de-
scribed as aimed at expanding "contacts"
with the Cuban underground which is to
receive some financing as long as Its opera-
tions remain secret. However, the organiza-
tion will be barred from conducting raids or
attacks on Cuba or Russians stationed there.
The administration's action in cutting off
the $81,000-a-month allowance to the Cuban
Revolutionary Council is part of this un-
announced new policy.
Meanwhile, Russia is taking full advantage
of the protection the United States is giving
its shipping to Cuba. More than a spore of
Soviet freighters unloaded cargoes in Cuban
ports in April.
At least half of these Communist vessels
sailed through the Panama Canal, raising
speculation among intelligence authorities
that Russian may be opening a new Cuban
supply route from Vladivostok.
Until last month most of the Red ships
came from either Russian ports on the Black
Sea or Baltic Sea ports of the satellites.
. Military experts estimate that more than
half oil the Soviet ships are being used to
rotate and supply Russian troops in Cuba.
Latest estimate of the number of these
forces is being revised upward by the Defense
Intelligence Agency.
The Anti-Southern Prejudice
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. STROM THURMOND
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN. THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. THURMOND. Mr, President, the
Columbia Record, of Columbia, S.C., is
recognized in South Carolina and
throughout the Southeast for its consist-
ently outstanding editorial page, and I
have likewise been impressed with the
editorial page of this splendid newspa-
per. In the May 8, 1963, edition of the
Columbia Record, my attention has been
called to an excellent editorial entitled
"The Anti-Southern Prejudice." I ask
unanimous consent that this editorial be
printed in the Appendix, of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
,THE ANTI-SOUTHERN PREJUDICE
One of the Nation's most extensive, per-
vasive prejudices, antisouthernism, con-
tinues to be neglected by behavioral science.
Yet the evidences of the syndrome mount
daily in the utterances of national leaders
and in the publications of the mass com-
munications media.
If social science is truly not "a scholarly
arcanum, but an organized part of the cul-
ture which exists to help man in continually
understanding and rebuilding his culture,"
then social sciences must explore the prej-
udice as a preview to understanding.
They must codify and relate the sociology
of antisouthernism through American his-
tory and the sociology of modern anti-
southernism. Its origin, religious and polit-
ical aspects, economic influences and future
must be adequately researched,
The urgent necessity for. such a study is
brought to mind by three recent stories, two
from this country and one from Britain.
Each, in its way, Is exemplary of anti-
southernism.
In a recent editorial, the influential New
York Times concluded that emerging Re-
publicans in the South were trying to "out-
segregate'.' Democrats, In complete disregard
of the facts. Motivating the Times was the
prejudicial belief that all changes in South-
ern political thought must be intimately in-
volved with the racial question. The Times
ignored the basic truth that the South no
longer continues to be a political whole and
that, in the majority of the States of the
old Confederacy, race has ceased to be the
major issue.
Republicanism in the South has grown be-
cause of the party's appeal to economic con-
servatism, the necessity for a two-party sys-
tem, and the enduring dialog over Federal-
State-individual relations.
The second item, a story out of London,
related that the most controversial show in
British television history, "That Was the
Week That Was," was going off the air for the
summer.
"The bitterest episode" of the BBC series,
an account read, "centered on the murder of
William Moore, the Baltimore postman shpt
in Mississippi during a protest march against
racial discrimination, In the best minstrel
tradition, Millicent Martin, the show's sing-
Ing star, and a blackfaced chorus, asked to
go back to Mississippi, 'where the Mississippi
mud mingles with the blood of niggers hang-
ing from the branches of the trees."'
Here is the anti-South prejudice working
at its worst. In the first place, the tragic
and deplorable murder of the postman took
place not in Mississippi, but in Alabama.
. Why, then, did the show err in placing the
even in Mississippi? Because; in its propa-
ganda, the Communists have consistently
singled out Mississippi as a specific example
of southern race relations and because of the
recent collision on the Ole Miss campus.
Social scientists. should not overlook the
countless cartoons of "niggers hanging, from
the branches of the trees" in Mississippi as
pictorial summaries of white-Negro relations
in the entire South.
The third item is one of the cover stories
of the May 21 issue of Look magazine. On
the cover, the reader is asked to Inspect "The
South's War Against Negro Votes," beginning
on page 38.
If one reads the article, he'll find that the
story involves only the State of Mississippi
and not the entire South, as is alleged by
the title. (Southwestern Georgia is men-
tioned only incidentally.) Despite the fact
that South Carolina, and most of the rest
of the section, insists upon no discrimina-
tion in voter registration and subsequent
balloting, the entire South stands condemned
by the article and its title.
Nowhere does the author even suggest to
the readers that Negro registration and vot-
ing rights are being vigorously protected in
Florida, Virginia, South Carolina, Tennessee,
Texas, Arkansas, Oklahoma, or North
Carolina.
The antisouthern prejudice demands that
the entire section be condemned.
Antisouthernism Is not compatible with
American democracy or Western culture.
One should hope that its definition and erad-
ication would come swiftly.
A Hospital in Haiti
A2949
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HARRY FLOOD BYRD
OF VIRGINIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. BYRD of Virginia. Mr. President,
in view of the current events in Haiti,
I ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the Appendix of the RECORD an article
entitled "A Hospital in Haiti" by Mr.
Clayton Willis.
The article was published in the
March. 14, 1963, issue of the Fauquier
Democrat, of Warrenton, Va, Mr. Willis
is a reporter for the paper, and news di-
rector for radio station WEER, also in
Warrenton.
This well-written article describes the
fine work of Dr. William Larimer Mel-
lon, ,Jr., and Mrs. Mellon, at the Albert
Schweitzer Hospital at Deschapelles,
about 85 miles from Port-au-Prince in
Haiti, which Dr. Mellon founded and
operates.
There being', no objection, the article
was ordered to. be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
A. HOSPITAL IN HAITI
(By Clayton Willis)
(EDITOR'S NOTE.-Clayton Willis has visited
Haiti five times. A former Newsweek staff
writer, he has traveled throughout Latin
America, visiting every country in the West-
ern Hemisphere. He speaks French and
Spanish fluently. This is the story of the
Albert Schweitzer Hospital in Haiti and the
man who built it, Dr.. William Larimer
Mellon, Jr.)
PORT-AU-PRINCE, HAITI.-One of the most
amazing hospitals anywhere is the Albert
Schweitzer Hospital.- It is located in- the
disease ridden, poverty stricken Artibonite
Valley of Haiti,
1. went through the beautifully equipped,
one-story glass and stone building with Dr.
Willian Larimer Mellon, Jr., a quiet, dedicated man who built the hospital in the sun
parched, valley in 1956. Dr. Mellon is a
cousin of Paul Mellon of Upperville.
The site of the Albert Schweitzer Hos-
pital is about 85 miles from Haiti's capital
city of Port-au-Prince and about midway
between this city and Cap Haitian, the coun-
try's second city.
Except for witch doctors, 52-year-old
Larimer Mellon is reported to have been the
first regular full-time physician in the dense-
ly populated valley.
I saw 10 tiny babies with lockjaw in 1
room of the. hospital. A Haitian nurse
picked up one of them. It was- as stiff as
a ,board. Dr. Mellon said the unknowing
mothers use mud packs as antiseptics on
the.unbilical cords of the babies after birth.
Mellon told me that two-thirds of the babies
leave the hospital cured. The others just
don't make it.
Since most of the patients can't read and
write (about 10 percent are literate in Haiti),
Dr. Mellon has the signs marking the exami-
nation rooms of his hospital painted different
colors. He explained that the patient is
told to go to a certain colored sign, not to
the pediatrics department, because he can't
read the word "pediatrics."
The Albert Schweitzer Hospital at Descha-
pelles, Haiti, asks patients to pay if they
can. If they can't, Mellon reaches into his
pocket and foots the bill.. He has done
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A2950
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX Airy .t ;
this so much, in fact, that Mellon has had
to have outside help. The Grant Founda-
tion of Pittsburgh, Pa., is a big backer. Pub-
lic contributions supply the rest.
But, Haiti needs more than a hospital.
So, Larry and his wife, Gwen, started teach-
ing English and vocational skills In addition
to the work they did in community develop-
ment. Mellon and his wife, both members
of the Disciples of Christ, arranged for reli-
gious activities at the hospital. The com-
munity development projects stemming from
the hospital extend for a 40-mile radius.
These Include desperately needed schools.
To boot, the hospital has a veterinary shop.
In it the burros (the Haitian ambulance in
that part of the country) that bring patients
are treated. Mellon noted that each burro's
saddle is removed when he arrives so that
his back can be checked.
Dr. Mellon has made many sacrifices to
take on his Nobel Prize caliber work In Haiti.
A grand nephew of the late financier, An-
drew Mellon, Larimer Mellon in 1947 left a
comparatively easy ranch life in Arizona to
go to primitive Haiti. His wife Gwen be-
came so III before Christmas that she had to
spend some weeks In a New York hospital
getting over a mysterious disease. Mrs. Mel-
lon has resumed her work at the hospital on
a part-time basis.
As we were going through the airy build-
ing together. I said to the doctor what a
wonderful job he bad done with his hospital.
Humble. soft-spoken Dr. Mellon replied:
"I'd like to see 10 more like it in Haiti."
Roy L. Whitman
SPEECH
or
HON. ROLAND V. LIBONATI
Or ILLIHOIB
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday. April 30,1963
Mr. LIBONATI. Mr. Speaker, our
good friend Roy L. Whitman, Official
Reporter of Debates, served his last day
In the House on April 30. I join his
many friends in paying tribute to the
dean of Its Reporters.
His magic pen has moved steadily
throughout these many years-since
1932-inking the history of the House
in debate and recording for all time the
business of the greatest deliberative body
in the world.
Only an individual of great patience,
alert dexterity of hand and finite mind
could have survived those many years
of trying experiences-noting the rav-
ings of fork tongued orators whose fiery
words spilled in multisyllabic phrases
that would deaden the blast of a French
horn and stultify the mind of even Noah
Webster, the ruler of theworld of words.
But perhaps the antidote was at hand
In the soothing gentleness of the melodi-
ous voices of the orators of yesteryear.
Their sweet-sounding phrases from mel-
liferous lips must have had a soothing
effect on an authority in grammatical
Instruction like Roy, who revered spiced
descriptions of heavenly thoughts as a
cultural contribution to the beauty of
the language.
Roy was very cooperative In solving
the many problems brought to him for
solution by Members of the House. He
was unselfish and obliging in the cor-
rection of statements attributed to the
contributor on the floor. He was zealous
in calling attention to a slip of the tongue
in debate.
His long and varied experience in his
profession (over 51 years) established
him as an authority.
His long service in the "Cave of the
Winds"--enduring the stunning babble
of ear-splitting voices and straining for
the whispering Inaudible nothings of ill-
prepared readings earned for him his full
retirement. He and his darling wife,
Erie, who also was his helpmate in his
professional life are deserving of this
new happiness-a healthy and perma-
nent vacation. May the blessings of God
and well wishes of the Nation keep them
with one another and their love of family
for many years.
Pentagon Budgeteering
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT L. F. SIKES
OF rLOLIDA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday. May 2,1963
Mr. SIKES. Mr. Speaker, under per-
mission granted me to extend my re-
marks, I submit herewith for reprinting
in the CoNGnasaxoNAL RECORD, an article
from the pen of Neal Stanford entitled
"Pentagon Budgeteering," which ap-
peared in the Christian Science Moni-
tor, May 4, 1963:
i From the Christian Science Monitor,
May 4, 19631
Ps er cosr BuooErsxsnva
(By Neal Stanford)
WASSINaz0H.-Something quite unusual,
If not unique, Is happening in the Pentagon.
For the first time that newsmen can recall,
the military brass and the civilian chiefs in
drawing up a new defense budget practically
we eye to eye at the start.
The budget in question is that for fiscal
year 1905, which does not really take shape
until next December.
But every year about this time the mili-
tary -chiefs start planning for what they
want In the next budget, and since billions
are Involved it takes not weeks but months
to get It all down on paper in final form.
Actually the description seeing "eye to eye"
is only figurative. For in the first "go-
around" on the 1985 budget now underway
the military and civilian bosses in the Penta-
gon were #2 billion apart.
That $2 billion Is hardly peanuts--except
by comparison.
As Defense Secretary Robert McNamara
told the newspaper editors here last week, It
was quite a different story a year ago.
Then. In preparing for the fiscal 1984
budget the three military departments came
up with requests for over #67 billion for
defense.
After Secretary McNamara and his civilian
aide got through with that massive military
blueprint they had cut it down to nearly
#54 billion.
In other words the difference last year In
these first estimates was over #13 billion.
Actually the #54 billion was still 42 billion
more than the then current defense budget,
though #10 billion more than when Mr.
McNamara took over in the Pentagon.
There are a number of explanations why
Initial expenditure estimates drawn up a year
ago by the civilian and military chiefs dif-
fered by $13 billion and those drawn up
this spring showed only a $2 billion differ-
ence.
The two most obvious are: Secretary of
Defense McNamara and Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Maxwell Taylor.
The service chiefs have had 2 years of
learning Secretary McNamara's ways of doing
business. They have faced tp to his in-
sistence on dollar economy in military plan-
ning. They have learned through the In-
numerable studies he has ordered them to
make on weapons costs, manpower needs,
strategic concepts, what he expects of them.
Presumably, they have adjusted their think-
ing to his concepts.
Then, Gen. Maxwell Taylor has become
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff.
General Taylor is an able, articulate, ex-
perienced military officer. He has greater
prestige than his immediate predecessors.
He did not become Chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff by moving up from the job
of chief of staff of one of the services (the
Army, in his case) but by stepping down from
his White House post as special military ad-
visrr to the President. (Actually he had
earlier retired from the job of Chief of Staff
of the Army over differences with President
Eisenhower.)
It is no secret that It Is General Taylor's
view that a Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
of Staff should be more than Chairman in
name. Some people have said he must have
knocked a few heads together to get such
near unanimity so early among the service
chiefs as to defense needs for fiscal 1965.
A more reasonable explanation Is that by
his power of persuasion and his skill and
knowledge In military matters he convinced
his colleagues that it would be smarter for
themto tailor their requests to more nearly
what they might get than to let the clyilians
do it.
There are, of course, other explanations of
this unusual situation so early in the defense
budget-making picture.
One is the fact that some costly weapons
systems programs now in process have passed
their peak In cost requirements. Another is
that new weapons systems are being ex-
plored more fully In the research and de-
velopment stage rather than being rushed in-
to production.
One example Secretary McNamara cites of
money down the drain was development of
the atomic airplane, on which $1 billion
was spent before it was washed out. Re-
search should have shown up its defects be-
fore development got underway.
A third is service agreement on military
planning, on joint procurement of many
items, With the Army planning on a long
war of attrition and the Air Force on a
short war of nuclear bombardment, it was
Inevitable that military demands from the
services would be chaotic and conflicting.
The result of all this is little short of as-
tonishing, Rather than the civilian and
military chiefs starting some $13 billion
apart in defense concepts, as they did last
year, they are starting this year only $2
billion apart.
By next December they should really be
seeing eye to eye, or should one say "eyeball
to eyeball"?
Rose Haven Queen
EXTENSION OF REMARKS.
HON. RICHARD E. LANKFORD
Or MARYLAND
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. LANKFORD. Mr. Speaker, it
gives me great pleasure to announce to
my colleagues that one of my conatitu-
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
ping in their favor. A member of the Eng- ment employees. Today there is 1 for every
lish -Fabian Socialist Society has written, 17. Now I don't mean that this should be
"Of course, we don't want k Russian vic- taken as a blanket indictment of all those
tort'-but we don't want an American victory who serve the public in positions of Gov-
either." ernment trust. As a matter of fact, the
They see their Utopian dream coming true many fine public servants employed at all
through the efforts of Americans who only levels of Government are the first to suffer
advocate the liberal welfare
hiloso
h
N
p
p
y
ow
. let me from this unwarranted growth of Govern-
make it plain-I don't think the over- ment. All too often they're denied a fair
whelming majority of liberals would know- return for their labor because of the neces-
ingly support a socialist or Communist take- sity of sharing public funds with needless
over. I believe they are sincere, patriotic employees, with duplication and with waste.
and motivated by the most humanitarian Secretary of Commerce Hodges recently re-
ideals. It would be immoral and foolish to ceived front-page attention when he said
infer otherwise. But it would be equally that he could run the Department of Com-
foolish to lot them have their way without merce with 10 percent fewer employees than
opposition. If someone is setting fire to the were now in that Department. And 1 month
house it doesn't make much difference later he'd added 1,600 new employees.
whether he is a deliberate arsonist or just At this moment for every six people earn-
being careless with matches-the end result ing a living in the United States: one is em-
4 th
A Z" 73
Improve his fishing fleet, a fleet equally use-
ful in running guns to create trouble in Cen-
tral America. The project also Involves im-
proving Cuban ports, which may, wind up
servicing Soviet submarines.
As the old saying has it, never give a suck-
er a break. We're the suckers.
Washington: On the Potential Power of
the Moderates
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. BOB WILSON
s e same. ployed by Government. Every five of us OF CALIFORNIA
Plutarch said, "The real destroyer of the earning a living are paying the full salary of IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
liberties of the people is he who spreads , a sixth employee. Today there are 48 million Monday, May 13, 1963
among them bounties, donations and bene- Americans receiving some direct cash pay-
flts.'r Thomas Jefferson predicted future. ment from Government and 38 -million of Mr. BOB WILSON. Mr. Speaker, un-
happiness for the people if, "We can prevent these are receiving it from the Federal Gov- der leave to extend my remarks in the
government from wasting the labors of the ernment. Federal welfare spending in the RECORD, I Include the following article
people under the pretense of taking care of last 10 years has multiplied and increased from the New York Times May 12, 1963:
them." eight times as much as the increase in o u-
Those who see only government as an an- lation. Now, in the District of Columbia, in WASHINGTON: ON THE POTENTIAL POWER of
swer to human misery, should ask them- the shadow of the Capitol, they are investi- THE MODERATES Reston)
selves, what happens to freedom when the gating the recipients of public welfare. Of (By
James Reston)
executive branch of government can use the the people interviewed so far, 58 percent have WASHINGTON, May 11.-The greatest poten-
power granted it by the people, and the tax been found to be receiving tial force for commonsense in this country
money collected from the people, to coerce dishonestly. public welfare lies with the detached, unorganied, and usu-
the people. Government tends -to- grow. ally inarticulate moderates.
Government programs take on a weight and When these busy but normall
momentum of their own, and they assume ~'----'~~ y quiet men
an immortality that gives the life beyond the I~1nerlCan People-Paying fo Castro of business are startled out of their personal
and professional preoccu
duration of the em
atio
t
p
n as
ergency that brought them
hey were
, into being. We see today a permanent strut- Buildup this week in Birmingham, Ala., they can be
ture of government so big and complex it is immensely effective. But when they avoid
almost beyond comprehension and beyond EXTENSION OF REMARKS left the to the struggle, re they often do, the field is
the control of Congiress: extremists.
The Rural Electrification Administration or Unfortunately, at this period in the Na.
is an example -of this seeming immortality. HON. BRUCE ALGER tion's life, commanding national . figures y.
Twenty-five the professions seem to be in short supply.
years ago to live on a farm was OF TExAS Nobody in n the the law aw quite fills the role of the
to be without the advantage of electricity. IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
The Rural Electrification Administration time. Henry Stimsons
few ewRoots she edd volcar
There are oare or a Elihu
was created and, together with public and Monday, n extinguished May 13, 1963 around, like John L. Lewis, but the
investor owned utilities, it has brought about towerin
but the
the almost complete distribution of elec- Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, under the g preachers, editors, university presi-
dents, to rural areas. Ninety-eight percent no-policy of the Kennedy administra- and labor-union leaders of the past seem to have been of the farms in America have power. But tion, the taxpayers of the United States dent and less outspok nlama gers more pru-
Rural Electrification Administration does not are pouring billions of dollars into our There are exceptions,. of course, but more
go into retirement or even settle back to a defenses against communism and at the often than not the best lawyers do not speak
minor role of supervision now that the job saute time, through the U.N., we are for?the law, the best doctors do not speak for
has been accomplished. This year its budget pouring millions into het
went up another $170 million to almost A pine t- the medical profession; each group has its
half billion per year. strengthen the Communists. The fol political leaders, and the moderates tend to
Our government today is engaged in oper- lowing editorial from the Chicago Trib- stand aside.
ating and running more than 17,500 busi- une, May 13, reminds us "we are the THE QUIET CAMPAIGN
nesses covering 47 different lines of activity. suckers" in the worldwide shell game: Fortunately, this did not happen to the
sa In These businesses operate tax free, rent free U.N. SUBSIDIES FOR COMMUNISM Mmand e extent i - Bwas mingham
aneths d. weekRoger'
with our taxpaying citizens close iti almost as many bit- Nations has gone ahead and signed an agree- with the moderates of his vast steel enter-
ess, each dollars as are coil almost as the Fed- ment to give Communist Cuba $ly/z million prises in Birmingham and appealed for corn-
lions Gfvrnmen from all to the personal
for an agricultural research institute. The promise. The leaders of the big chain stores
.eral income tax. U.N. Food and Agriculture Organization will with branches ir_ Birmingham -did the same.
But some tell us that Government send- supply experts for the staff, and it was said `Private professional - men called to one
spend- no U.S. dollars would be used to pay them. another across the geographic and racial bar-
ing is a necessity. That in this near theory The money comes out of the.United Na- riers. Lawyers here and in the South ap-
of Government it is Government spending tions special fund. The United States con- pealed to old classmates in Birmingham.
that stimulates the economy and brings tributes 40 percent of the fund's finansial re- Ministers cried to the Negro preachers there
about growth and prosperity. Well, let's sources, and in the last 6 years has donated for caution. Top Government officials here
take a look at. some of this Government - $100 million to the fund. When the U.N. called the bankers of the South and urged
spending and what a stimulant it has been. says no American dollars will go to the them to speak out for time, if not for com-
There has been no greater spending in any Cuban project, it is like saying that the promise.
single area of the United States than has money you earn is not being spent when your Maybe in the end the truce will break
been done over the last couple of decades - wife writes checks against the account. down, but the Nation has had a glimpse in
by TVA-The Tennessee Valley Authority- This is only i of 16 projects for which Cuba this crisis of what could be done If somehow
the great power trust of our Government. is receiving U.N. aid. - Representative Dun- the moderates could find time in their busy
And yet in the 169 counties of that, area, in WARD G, HALL, of Missouri, has listed some lives to work for moderation and reconcilia-
spite of all this spending, the Labor Depart- of them. We are paying for the revision of tion.
ment declares that 50 percent of those coun- Cuban schoolbooks which will glorify com- The Government in Washington has an
tries are permanent areas of poverty, distress , munism. We are paying so that Cuhn.n,, -1 and unemployment.
---y -4 uva ro speak out.
Waauung center in Mexico City. The planes The Federal
executive can act when Federal
employees. In 1942 there was 1 op-salaried have military capabilities. We are helping law is violated, as at-the University of Miseis-
executive among them for every 89 Govern- provide a fishery study for Castro which will sippi, but many. of the dversit problems
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A2974 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX y
Into end
that remain are likely to respond more to Under the Neutrality Act, we have the right
cooperation among moderate private in- and probably the duty to keep any armed
dividuals than to pronouncements or troops excursions against Fidel-land from being
out of Washington. staged on our shores by Cuban patriots.
Paradoxically, the conservative business- But what they do beyond Our territorial
men of the South are probably having more waters is strictly none of ar business, aand nd Moscow effect on producing compromise in many our groveling apologies
delicate situations now than the liberal Havana make us appear weak (and ridicu-
politicians in the North. They may not Ious) in the eyes of the world.
want racial integration but they want busi- CAST&O DOESN'T APOLOGIZE rof HIS ADVENTURES
ness, and they want the South to benefit Has Castro rushed forward with any official
There have been many other times in the Has he apologized for the confiscation with-
past when the American businessman has out recompense of many hundreds of mll-
found that he had to take part in public lions of dollla4 worth of has docaniaproperty
affairs to protect his own Interests. Some- In Cuba. recedo. A All r eoms for the prisoners
times on the old frontier this took the form an unprecedented
of buying up legislatures to assure the pass- of the Bay-of-Pigs fiasco-and to exact a ribute
from
y Cuban age laws that were not always in the public American citizentwho leaves hiennew Com-
in re
st
T
odaa, however, g many see that businessmen the munist e but a number of Americans have
serving
South are beginning by
the public interest and nd defending the law been shot down in flights over Communist
they are serving their own interests and the territory. We don't recall that Castro
development and prosperity of their region. apologized for the death of the Virginia
Beyond the tragic field of racial conflict, major whose flight finally established
however, this moderate force in American beyond doubt that Russia bad sneaked off en-
life can serve the national Interest more sive missiles and bombers Into ready posi-
than it Is. For example, the letters to the tions in Cuba-although the major's body
editors columns, dominated in so many cities was returned as an "act of kindness."
by propagandists and crackpots, are open to AMERICAN rLlsas NE IR ssTVSW MOM RUSSIA
the moderate lawyers and doctors and teach- A number of American fliers--some of
ers, so many of whom reserve their opinions them trapped into flying over the Turkish
for the dralife, room. border
amhInto ave never spurious aIivedor
Political life, too, as President Eisenhower
has been saying, is too rerlous a business to dead.
be left to the professional politicians. And Yet several weeks ago, RuFSian planes flew UNITED NATIONS, N.Y.-When His Excel-
moderates in business and in labor unions over Alaska for almost half an hour. They lency Muhammad Zafrulla Khan, the sagely
have had the opportunity to see In recent were intercepted. but not downed or cow- bearded president of the General Assemb"y,
days what can be done If they will not pass polled to land. Our State Department do- calls that organization to order in special scs-
by on the other side. livered a protest over what itcalled the first Sion Tuesday, the United Nations will return
g ues-
This country is not as divided as It sounds. overflight of American territory-and the once again to wrestling the w or dtpa thorny q
onRussians ly seems because the extremists or- dent ba takenp denied that any such lace- Should the rich pay most of the bill? The
not, and speak out and the moderates do haddt nee ra beenl loser thane 75 smiles 75 miles none or next to none? Should cold-war
not. and our vital installations there. parties be liable for higher assessments bc-
a
?
Al
as
we accepted the note, while someone in cause they magnify the e icing atty?
Washington mumbled something about its Should aggressors pay pen
having been bad weather. Should victims be exempted? Should the big
ian bombers (used for powers have more say in peacemaking deci-
R
uss
Long-range
EXTENSION OF REMARKS reconnaissance purposes) have leisurely alone if they pay more?
Or flown over two of our biggest aircraft carriers, or should all the UN's members pay the
H n iii t+ taking pictures to their hearts' content. unexpected costs for policing the trouble
HON. PETER H. DOMIN[CK They were escorted, to
erccpuse he tor nts, and e Wash- st lpsr-att their regular rates of taxation a In
or COWRIMO term by American
hastily pointed out that the Russians the world community?
IN THE SENATE OF THE THE UNITED STATES had every higrt to be there. Our Chief of This special session of the General Ass-m-
1iSoriday, May 13, 1963 Naval Operations went on to say that "we these has been called to find an nswer amo g
questions. Specifically, the UN is
than heg " I
n
Mr. DOMINICK. Mr. President. I re-
cently received an editorial from the
Cincinnati Enquirer of March 31, 1983,
entitled "We Apologize Too Much." The
editorial deals with the bewilderment of
the people of the United States in con-
nection with our foreign policy apropos
of Castro and Cuba. Since the editorial
summarizes the feelings of so many frus-
trated but freedom-loving Americans, I
should like to draw it to the attention of
Senators. I ask unanimous consent that
it be printed in the Appendix of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the REcoRD-
as follows:
WE APOLOGIZE TOO MUCH
is the supreme, overriding consideration
in Washington to save face for Nikita Khru-
shchev and his Cuban stooge, Fidel Castro?
Certain events would make it appear so.
all
our Government seems todbe aallingg on
over itself to curb any Spore
the new Communist island fortress, lest it
enrage Castro and upset our relations with
Khrushchev (whatever they may be).
g
learned more
For one thing-although this obviously was sacking a solution to the problem o pay
not what he meant-the Russians seem to the Congo and Middle East bills for the last
be able to pinpoint our big flattops in the half of 1963. But beyond the short term
bastnees of the oceans. The atom-powered answer, many members of the world orga-ii-ents ConstellafiOa was off Midway and the Enfer- mhtlon hope help unomea pr pedei g
prisap- e was performance, al nn This was a 78- duties In the future without risking in-
parent difficulty In spotting in spo otting hijacked our ocean solvency to the process. And officials h-pe
p
liners and Incoming freighters filled with to begin breaking the general logjam of un-
mtssiles and bombers on their decks. And paid back dues.
it to hardly enough to say that in wartime After Korea the Soviets lost part of the
the 4Lunslan Bears would have been shot effectiveness of their veto in the S
down before reaching the carriers, Under Council under the "uniting for pe
war conditions. once located, the carrier lotion which transferred peacekeeping power Securit would have been attacked by missiles, not to the General Assembly mEyy wsencehthe Comy
lumbering bombers of the Bear type. Council is stymied.
We have photographed the imitation fish-, munists have been tryiingtonecovne~ the rol
As-
Ing vessels loaded with photographic and of such operations by asserting
electronic gear that have anchored off the sembly had no power to assess members to
coast of Florida and rponitored our missile pay for the policing.
firings, and those that have deployed In the There have been three major points of
Pacific to check on our atomic tests. but it view here on paying for peacekeeping opera-
escapes us what we have gained in the proc- tions like the Congo, and many variations.
ess. If the Russians had an Immense new prttaln's compromise plan beitsweessentially In-
atomic-powered aircraft carrier on the high tended to bridge the gap
Sete, we wonder they would hahic runs Am~can one. If itdoeseso, the third view-
over as many as a nine es. After over It by American planes, all, they point, the Soviet's bloc's (with which France,
repeatedly have "buzzed" ordinary transport Portugal, South Africa, and several non-
planes flying the prescribed routes n out of West Berlin. And never apologized,
On etiquette, we're outdoing them. But
the Communist have not yet given any in-
dication that Little Lord Fauntleroy be-
havior impresses them. Strangely enough,
they often interpret it as a sign of weakness.
United Nations Special Session May 14
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. DONALD M. FRASER
or Mn1NESOTA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. FRASER. Mr. Speaker, tomorrow
the 110 members of the United Nations
General Assembly will meet in New York
in special session. Their business is to
reach agreement on how much each na-
tion will pay to the cost of U.N. police
and peacekeeping forces ordered into
troubled areas. An excellent summary
of the choices facing the Assembly ap-
pears in the May 13 Christian Science
Monitor.
In slightly shortened form the article
reads as follows:
WHO PATS THE WORLD POLICEMAN?
(By Earl W. Fae11)
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX A2977
that there has been between our two coun-
tries and our two governments, and to the
deep and abiding interest of the free Jewish
communities of your country in what we in
Israel have been seeking to do with our inde-
pendence in the interests of the Jewish peo-
ple and of the Jewish future. In view of
that, there is no need for me to speak very
long.
We are a small country living in a turbu-
lent area and I suppose it is natural that
during the last few weeks in particular
people have been asking me primarily about
the external problems of Israel. Permit me
to say that I don't regard these external
problems as being the decisive questions for
our future. I hold to the view that in the
uncertainty and unpredictability of our
times, the factor that is decisive for a peo-
ple's future and for its destiny is its internal
health; the nature of its sense of national
purpose; the quality of the dedication of its
people to the attainment of that purpose;
the degree of its alertness to'danger_and the
extent of the will and the determination of
its people to meet that danger.
After 15 years of ouf independent existence
as a nation, I think I. can say to you, and
not in a spirit of boastfulness, that I can
report very positively on those points. The
purpose of Israel is positive and not negative.
We hate no one. We are not at war with
anyone. Our fight in Israel is against the
pockets of backwardness among our own peo-
pie and against the desert area which still
remains in our land. Our battle is with
disease, ignorance, and the desert. Inde-
pendence for us is not an end In itself, but
an instrument in the hands of the people to
improve its condition and assure its pos-
sibility of self-expression in freedom. It is
in that spirit that we have dedicated our-
selves in these last 15 years to the rebuilding
of our people and the rebuilding of our land.
In our tradition, the absolute value is
life, human life, lived as it should be lived
by people who conceive of themselves as
having been fashioned and created in the
image of God. It is this passion for life
which has carried the Jewish people through
its tortuous course of history, from Haman
through Hitler and past him, and which will
carry it into the future.
It is for these reasons that I can report to
you after fifteen years in which we have been
surrounded by continuous hostility that we
have grown stronger, both absolutely and re-
latively. The diplomatice offensive launched
against us has not prevented us extending the
network of our diplomatic and friendly
relations with countries In all the continents
of the world. The economic offensive
launched against us has not prevented Israel
from sustaining a continuous economic
growth. And so I believe I can tell you on
this occasion that the evil design of Israel's
elimination is not realistic. We in Israel in
1963 are the only people in the Middle East
which lives in the same place and speaks the
same language as its ancestors spoke in that
place 3,000 years ago. We have roots in this
place and we have deepened and strengthened
those roots during the utilization of our In-
dependence in these past 15 years.
We are not blind to the dangers that sur-
round us at the present time. We are not
blind to the fact that there is an evil design
against us. We are not an anti-Arab people.
We recognize the legitimacy of the existence
of the Arab states in our area and the legiti-
macy of their independence. We strive for
the goal of Arab-Israel cooperation which in
our view could transform the whole character
of the Middle East and give fulfillment to the
dreams and needs of all its peoples and lift it
back again to the proud place. which it
occupied in the history of human civilization
thousands of years ago.
But we see the doctrine of belligerence
repeatedly proclaimed around us, the most
recent example being the declaration,that was
made in Cairo on April the 17th, just a
couple of weeks ago, by Egypt, Iraq, and
Syria, in which- there was talk about the
liberation of "Palestine" as the central pur-
pose of this new Arab unity idea. Whether
there is Arab unity or not in the Middle East
and what kind of Arab unity there is going to
be is not our concern. How the Arab choose
to live among themselves is their business
and not ours. What concerns us is whether
this is a free expression of independent
peoples or the result of an expansionist
policy. end purpose is to be directed against
us, and not only against us in the Middle
East. It is inconceivable to us that the world
in which the only hope for survival is the
doctrine enshrined in the United Nations
Charter should tolerate a doctrine of violence
completely opposed to the principles and the
purposes of the Charter of the United
Nations.
The elimination of.Israel Is an unrealistic
goal. We in Israel are not a Warsaw ghetto.
The danger to the peace of the Middle East
and to the, peace of the world lies in the pos-
sibility of a miscalculation that those who
harbor this desire should be permitted for a
moment to feel that the world would tolerate
their attempt to put into practice, or the pre-
paration on their part so to do.
And so as I thank you for these sentiments
of encouragement and support which have
have been uttered here today on the occasion
of my country's 15th anniversary, I would like
in conclusion, just briefly, to sum up the
basic guiding lines of Israel's policy at this
time,
We in Israel, despite this unremitting
hostility, have kept the minds and hearts of
our people wide open to the vision of peace
with our neighbbrs and we shall continue
to do so. We hope that the whole world will
never cease to remind the countries living in
the Middle East of their obligation to the
world to settle their differences and the dis-
putes between them by peaceful means in the
process of mutual negotiation.
The second basis of our policy is this, 14
years ago we signed armistice agreements
with our Arab neighbors. Those armistice
agreements were envisaged, as all armistice
agreements should be, as being a transient
phase leading from war to peace. We have
continuously asked our Arab neighbors to
move forward to that next phase, to move
forward from armistice to the resolution
of the problems between us by negotiation
looking toward relations of real peace be-
tween them and us. That offer has been
spurned. We have been able to live in this
situation because by and large, with some
violent exceptions, although the armistice
has not moved forward to peace, it was
marked in recent years by a condition of -re-
fraining from the disturbance of our bor-
ders by shooting across them. That is the
only condition which makes this twilight
kind of relationship feasible in our area, as
it is the only condil9lon that makes this twi-
light period in which the whole world is
living in at the present time - feasible.
There is no peace in the world. Life is tol-
erable in conditions of no peace because
there is no shooting. It is the hope of Is-
rael and the purpose of Israel to maintain
this condition of no shooting until we can
move forward toward the transformation
of this situation into a condition of real
peace. .
Thirdly, we see around us the aptive,pre-
paration of the Arab States for war and we
counter these steps on their part by the
building up . of the defensive strength of
Israel. The defense -policy of Israel is not
aimed at making it possible for Israel to win
a war. The- defense policy of -Israel is de-
signed to make it possible for Israel to deter
a war. We have succeeded in this policy
in the past 15 years. It is our hope - and
conviction that the free world will under-
-stand the vital importance of making it pos-
sible for that policy to continue so as to
avoid the point of explosion and remove any
kind of basis for miscalculation.
Finally, I would say this. That while do-
ing all that, while keeping itself open for
peace, while retaining the measure or qui-
escence that exists, while deterring the pos-
sibility of attack against it in the future,
we in Israel as a free people understand that
all this is possible only if, In the process
of doing this, we continue to build and live
the freedom that we are seeking to protect.
And we shall bend all our energies in the
years ahead to continue along that path: to
push back the desert; to replace ignorance
by educated civic consciousness; to move
forward in our endeavor; to repay to the
Jewish people what it has invested in us.
And to continue to satisfy the urgent needs
of large segments of the Jewish people that
look to us for home and for hope.
It is in that spirit, ladies and gentlemen,
that I thank you on behalf of the Govern-
ment and people of Israel for the friendship
of your country, of your Government and
of the great Jewish community of this land
and pledge toyou that the freedom which
Israel has been living and building these
past 15 years will continue to be built and
to be lived in the endless time that stretches
ahead of us as a free and independent peo-
ple. Thank you.
SION OF REMARKS
of
HON. THOMAS M. PELLY
. OF WASHINGTON _
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Monday, May 6, 1963
Mr. PELLY. Mr. Speaker, one after
another high officials of our. Govern-
ment has been saying that Cuba is a
showcase of Communist failure.
This "Red herring" can hardly cover
up the unpleasant fact that in reality
Cuba is a showcase of American failure.
From the Bay of Pigs blot on our his-
tory on down to our present admission
that there are more Soviet troops in
Cuba than previously estimated the ad- -
ministration has continued to take the
self-congratulatory view that- all is well.
The argument infers that President
Kennedy scored a great victory when he -
persuaded Mr. K. to say he would recall
his nuclear missiles. Overlooked, of
course, is our retreat on promised in-
spections to assure that the missiles were
withdrawn and our unwillingness to in-
sist on the Soviets recalling their troops.
Mr. Speaker, as long as the Soviets
hold a - Communist beachhead in Cuba
and as long as the Monroe Doctrine is
being violated-then Cuba is a showcase
of our failure.
Here, Mr. Speaker, is an editorial
from the Seattle Post-Intelligencer
which speaks out clearly on this point:
,WE DISAGREE
We beg to disagree with one of our favor-
ite Washington personalities, Vice President
LYNDON B. JOHNSON. Yes; it is' pleasant to
know that Castro's Cuba is in all- kinds of
trouble and may more of it happen to the
Red murderers who rule the island.
But can you refer - to Cuba as a "show-
case of Communist -failure," as L.B.J. did
in a speech Saturday?
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 13
Not as long as thousands and thousands
of Russian troops-the exact number of
thousands is unimportant-remain there to
strengthen the hemisphere's Communist
fortification with each passing day.
Cuba is a showcase of Red cruelty, repres-
sion and brutality.
But it is a Communist "success" until
the last Soviet soldier Is eliminated one way
or another, and until Castro and his bloody
killers are themselves overthrown.
A Congressman's Duties as Compared to
Those of an Executive
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOE L. EVINS
OF TENNESSEE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday. May 13, 1963
Mr. EVINS. Mr. Speaker, the monthly
newsletter of the Carthage, Tenn., Ro-
tary Club recently carried an amusing
article entitled "What Is an Executive?"
In reading this brief article I was re-
minded of a speech given several years
ago by our late colleague, the Honorable
Luther Patrick, of Alabama, who pointed
out that a Congressman also has a va-
riety of duties as an executive, a legis-
lator, as well as a multiplicity of jobs un-
known and unrelated.
Mr. Speaker, I believe many of my col-
leagues will enjoy reading the article
from the Rotary Club newsletter on
"What Is an Executive?" and also will
find interesting and amusing Congress-
man Patrick's remarks about the duties
of an elected Representative which
might be headed "What Is a Congress-
man?"
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous con-
sent, I insert the excerpts from these
statements in the Appendix of the
RECORD :
(From the monthly newsletter of the Car-
thage (Tenn.) Rotary Club]
WHAT IS AN EXECUTIVE?
He is called by many names: The boss,
top management, head man, the chief.
president, vice president. treasurer, owner,
partner, chairman, his initials, or just plain
"Tom" or "Joe." Each day he lives with
problems and every day he Is on the lookout
for solutions. A good executive is under-
standing, fair, a cajoler, coordinator, arbi-
trator. listener, and decider. In addition he
is efficient, hard-working, patient, impatient.
aggressive, ambitious for himself and for his
firm.
His constant companions are work, too
little time, budgets, taxes. Inventory. Ideas,
new products, production, employee rela-
tions, profit and loss charts, marketing, ad-
vertising, and company dollars. No one
knows better than he the meaning of pres-
sure. He is second-guessed, loved, appre-
ciated. tolerated, respected, blamed, praised.
understood, misunderstood, needling and
needled, but never ignored.
The executive knows the loneliness of man-
agement. For there comes a time for de-
cisions. Despite all the counsel from asso
ciates, above and below, it is he who says
"yes" or "no." He can't afford to err in
judgment, whether it be in the selection of
personnel or the kinds of raw materials that
go into the product. He is always
responsible.
The good executive is the voice of his
company-both written and spoken. Thus,
he is a reader, student, speaker, moderator,
writer ' * * as well as the subject of a
speech or article. He is the product of busi-
ness and means business. What he does can
produce a ripple or a tidal wave of activity.
Although his collar is white and his shoes
are polished, he knows the meaning of long
hours and hard work. For this he has
learned; to get a better job, keep doing a
better job.
That's how executives are made.
WHAT Is A CONGRESSMAN?
(By Luther Patrick)
"A Congressman." he said, "has become an
expanded messenger boy, an employment
agency, getter-out of the Navy, Army, and
Marines, a wardheeler, a wound healer,
trouble shooter, law explainer, bill finder,
Issue translator, resolution interpreter, con-
trovery-oil-pourer, glad hand extender, busi-
ness promoter, convention goer, civic good
will promoter, veterans affairs adjuster, ex-
serviceman's champion, watchdog for the
underdog, symppthizer for the upper dog,
kisser of babies, recoverer of lost baggage,
soberor of delegates, adjuster for traffic vio-
lators and voters straying into Washington
and Into the tolls of the law. binderup of
broken hearts. financial wet nurse: a good
samaritan. contributor to good causes--cor-
nerstone layer, public building and bridge
dedicator, ship christener. To be sure, he
does got In a little flag waving, and a little
constitutional hoisting and spread eagle
work, but It Is getting harder every day to
find time to properly study legislation, the
very business we are primarily here to dis-
charge, and it must be done above all
things "
Hazardous Duty Pay
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
of
HON. OLIN E. TEAGUE
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, May 8, 1963
Mr. TEAGUE of Texas, Mr. Speaker,
during the debate on the military pay
bill last Wednesday. May 8, I spoke on
the amendment offered by the gentleman
from Florida (Mr. BENNETT] to provide
extra pay for hazardous duty. I made
the statement:
I would venture to say that not a single
Member of the House bad had one letter, one
telegram In behalf of combat pay.
Mr. Speaker, under leave to extend my
remarks in the RECORD, I wish to include
a telegram which was delivered to my of-
fice while I was present on the floor, and
which I had not seen prior to my re-
marks. The telegram is from Mr. Fran-
cis Stover, legislative director of the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars and is in support
of combat pay. The text of the telegram
follows : -
MAY 8. 1983.
Hon. OUN E. TEAGunt,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
Veterans of Foreign Wars greviously
shocked that H.R. 8866 excludes hostile fire,
or combat pay. Combat veterans are be-
wildered that reported bill has made no pro-
vision for this small group who are doing the
fighting and dying but does have over $600
million in extra pay for other types of per-
formance. The VFW urgently requests
your support and vote in favor of amend-
ment to have the administration's recom-
mendation to include extra pay for those
who are guarding our freedoms all over the
FRANCIS W. STOVER,
Director, National Legislative Service.
California Editor Looks to Barry Gold-
water To Give America Needed Leader-
ship
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BRUCE ALGER
OF TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. ALGER. Mr._ Speaker, one of the
most powerful voices of public opinion in
the United States are the community
newspapers, published in the small towns
of America, most of them on a weekly
basis. In the opinions of the nearly
10,000 editors of weekly newspapers we
find the real grassroots sentiment of this
country, far closer to what America is
thinking than in the much publicized
opinion polls, sometimes slanted to bring
about a desired decision.
I take this opportunity to pay tribute
to the smalltown newspapers of this
Nation and the courageous editors who
have helped shape the destiny of Ameri-
ca since the first days of our fight for
independence and the establishment of
a new kind of government of, for and by
the people.
It is because I have such a thorough
respect for the opinions of the small-
town editors and their influence in the
communities they serve, that I insert as
a part of these remarks, the following
editorial from the Delano Record, De-
lano, Calif., concerning the lack of lead-
ership under the Kennedy administra-
tion and the need for the kind of leader
America will find in BARRY GOLDWATER:
THE OTHER SIDE
(By Met Baughman)
Where is America going?
The question stems from the current con-
fusion and contradictions in the day-to-day
operation of our Nation's Government, which,
if their implications were not so serious for
the future of this Nation, would almost be
funny.
A year ago we were treated to the spectacle
of the awesome power of the Presidency
being used to deny a hike in steel prices.
Today, deeper in the semantic swamps to
which we have been taken by the New
Frontier, we see that steel makers will be
allowed "selective Increases" In prices. Gov-
ernment by man's whim and fancy replaces
government by law. Forces of a free market
economy remain bound by Lilliputian
bureaucrats.
Years ago we were told that defense must
not be restricted by consideration of the
balanced budget. Today, in the TFX affair,
tactical and strategic considerations and
battle-tested military opinion are ignored
in the McNamara monarchy's insistence on
"commonality."
Months ago we were told that foreign aid
would be essential at the level proposed by
the President In his January budget. Yet
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A2969
"The Republicans feel that the way to
create in the RECORD. I, therefore, ask unani- standing in line with their hands clasped
this condition is to unleash buss-
ness mous consent that this editorial be on their heads. After so long a time, the
and to encourage the private sector of
the printed in -the Appendix of the RECORD. position gets to be agonizing.
economy. "I am There being no objection, the editorial "One by one, the prisoners were jerked
against the approach of Govern- forward and told to lean against a wall.
ment finding people jobs in Government was ordered to be printed in the RECORD, Then a marshal would loosen the captive's
initiated programs," he said as follows: belt, pull his trousers halfway down, and
The third problem he considered was the YES, IT WAS PLAIN POLICE BRUTALITY dump the pockets on the floor. Thus frisked,
effectiveness of the Congress. "Is it One needs to do no more than read the the captives then were escorted, or shoved,
equipped to transmit the will of the people Associated Press account we published on into ail interrogation room.,
into action?" Mr. CLEVELAND asked. page 1 recently to know that there is sub- "After a while, they were marched in
"There is a strong feeling that it is not,, stance to the report of a special Mississippi groups, hands again clasped above their
was his answer. legislative committee that prisoners taken heads, to another room downstairs. Except
"One of the problems is this: Tools of the by the U.S. marshals last fall on the Uni- In a handful of cases, no charges were filed
Congress have not been developed, and this versity of Mississippi campus were mis- against any of them. From the downstairs
is mainly due to the staffing problem." treated. room they were marched to two prison buses
"This has been called a do-nothing Con- They were subjected to what is popularly parked In front of the lyceum, where the
gress," observed Mr. CLEVELAND. "But some- called, police brutality which went far be tear gas was thickest.
times it is a very intelligent thing to do yond that which is generally enough to set "And there they sat, all day, their eyes
nothing-especially in cases of wild presi- Federal agents to scurrying and congres- ' burning, without food, water, or toilet facil-
dential schemes," sional committees to investigating-all at ities, and without opportunity to seek coun-
"If Congress is not coming up with con- the instigation of some self-appointed mi- sel. Late in the afternoon, most of them
structive alternatives to presidential pro- nority advancement or protective group. were released.
posals, it is because of the need for tre- The AP story summarized the charges of "We were there, in the lyceum, at the
mendous staffs. For the Congress to come the committee in the lead, followed with two stroke of noon, when Gen, Ted Walker was
up with constructive alternatives, there paragraphs quoting the Justice Department -hauled away. One marshal would have been
must also be staff people responsible to as denying the truth of the report and went plenty of escort. Mr. Kennedy's burly com-
Republicans. on to give more details from the committee mander, Mr. McShane, felt five husky dep-
"If the Republican Party is going to per- report. uties were required. They shoved Walker in
form the historic function of the minority - That was enough for us at the time, but a bum's rush down the hall, giving him
party, it has got to have the staff to do it. we now have more information from at least plenty of hard elbow in the kidneys, and
In opposition to President Kennedy's or- one person Who was on the scene, one who piled him into a waiting sedan.
ganization of over 10,000 men, such a staff interviewed many more who also were there-, "Then they smacked him with $100,000
is necessary if we are to maintain a gov- and saw phases of the situation that he did bail (convicted Communists, pending appeal,
ernment of checks and balances," concluded not, are free on $5,000 bail), and on the say-so of
Congressman CLEVELAND. And the Office of Bobby Kennedy can call
SENATOR MONAHAN: NEW HAMPSHIRE it slanderous and point out that certain per-
SWEEPSTAKES sons, including Federal authorities, were not
interviewed by the investigators to its
In a preliminary speech, State Senator heart's content.
Robert S. Monahan spoke out against the Whatever the provocation, however unruly
New Hampshire sweepstakes bill which has the mob might have been, the marshals and
passed both the house and the senate. This, to some extent, the combat troops who fol-
the n n.inoted, Qoccuri ed- "despite lowed them in used unduly and unlawfully
Se ator fMonaha
some psychiatrist 2,000 miles away, who read
about Walker in the papers, they jerryrigged
an order to slap Walker in a nut house.
"We were there in the town square of Ox-
ford that, Monday morning, when Federal
troops closed off the area and made it their
own domain. We were there when MP's
with fixed bayonets forced local women and
children out of their cars in order to search
the automobiles.
"Governor King will have b days to act ing caught at or near the scene. remote from the riot, were ordered to close
upon the bill when it reaches his desk. He They were treated as prisoners would be their shops; we were there when law-abiding
has voted for it twice as a house member. treated in Castro's Cuba or Khrushchev's townspeople were denied access to their own
He has not taken a position on the present Russia. Theywere lined up, forced to clasp local courthouse.
bill, but the general feeling is that he will their hand behind their heads and hold "On October 1 and 2, we talked to a score
allow the bill to become law without his them there; and woe be unto him who of newspaper, radio-TV, and magazine corre-
signature," said Senator Monahan. became fatigued and slipped from this un- spondents who had been physically present
"My own feeling is -thot it won't be long comfortable position. on the campus on Sunday night, September
before Federal marshals will check on trans- - They were virtually stripped to be searched 30, when the riot occurred.
portation of tickets across State lines. The and the officers were as careless with their "Overwhelmingly, they agreed that experi-
State,of New Hampshire will be guilty of en- clubs as they were when they fired the tear enced police officers could have prevented the
couraging people to violate Federal law which gas shells point blank into the crowds. . riot by keeping their heads. They did not
prohibits the transportation of these tickets No one in authority has yet denied the exonerate the students, but they put primary
across State lines," stated Senator Monahan. episode of the detainment in a garage-like blame on the trigger-happy McShane and his
building, of many more prisoners than the undisciplined deputy marshals.
place would hold, that they were forced to "This was an, ugly riot. We don't propose
sit for hours in a cramped position, denied to pretty It, up. But in our own view, 'bru-
Use of Federal Force food, water, medicine or sanitary activities tality' is a fair word for the marshals' con-
and shoved or clubbed if they moved. duct. If the shoe fits, Bobby, put it on."
These were mainly college students and Even this isn't all. During Clemson's
EXTENSION OF REMARKS other young people, mind you, and only a hours of trial, we spent an entire evening
of few were toughs from the outside. with two newsmen who had been at Oxford
Among others the Department of Justice and talked with others who had been there.
LION. STROM THURMOND said should have been interviewed were Some of these men received extra pay for
newsmen who were on the scene. Well, we enduring the hazards of a riot,. but they
OF SOUTH CAROLINA just happen have editorial on the wanted no art of another Oxford Incident.
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES ject written b by editor r James J. (Jack) ) Kilsub- - Also, our State editor interviewed and
Monday, May 13, 1963 Patrick of the Richmond News Leader who wrote the story of a student who transferred
arrived on the campus on the Monday morn- from Ole Miss to Clemson at the beginning
Mr. THURMOND. Mr. President, my ing after the worst of the violence. of this semester. This boy was lucky enough
attention has been called to editorial Here, in part, is how he summarized it: not to get caught directly in the disorder,
comments in the Greenville News of "We were there at 7 o'clock on the morn- but as he drove away from the Ole Miss
Greenville, S.C., on the subject of the ing of Monday, October 1, while the tear campus toward his home, he was stopped on
recent report by the State of Mississippi gas still drifted in stir in the open highway by troops. He was forced
pp g g patches across to take all his belongings, clothing and other
on the use of force by the Federal Gov- the university campus. We stayed in the things one needs in sool, out of his car
ernment iri the incident at Oxford, Miss., Lyceum, the university's' administration and spread them out in a pouring rain for
last fall. In- view of the fact that the building, or very near it, until 4 o'clock that afternoon. .
use of Federal force is again being con- There's no need for us here to draw a
templated
use of ted in Birmingham, Ala., -I think "We were in the front hall of the Lyceum contrast between this and what would have
most appropriate that there wink as the marshals lined up their captives. happened if the beleagured police in certain
These prisoners were mostly high school and Southern cities handled Negro- demonstra-
torial comments from the Greenville college boys, with a scattering of scruffy tors even one-tenth as roughly.
News of May 3, 1963, entitled "Yes, It hill-types. 'The mockery of it is that all of it was
Was Plain Police Brutality" be included "All morning long, the marshals kept them done in the name of the law of the land.
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November 2, 1980: "To hold down the
cost of living we must strike at inflation on
all fronts. To do this we should balance
the budget."
Now, this confliot-100 percent-between
expressed convictions makes it impossible to
know what Mr. Kennedy believes. Does a
broken conviction give strength to a second
conviction, which is the reverse? Do two
broken convictions add up to the truth?
Where do we go in the face of a situation
like this?
We seek. we need, we must have guidance
from our President. Congress seeks guid-
ance. In fact, the whole free world seeks
guidance from the President.
We cannot be told one thing on Mondays,
Wednesdays and Fridays and another thing
on Tuesdays, Thursdays and Saturdays.
Neither can the world. And neither can
this practice be permitted among respon-
sible subordinates.
When Treasury Secretary Douglas Dillon
sought confirmation of his appointment
before the Senate Finance Committee. he
stated, "Everything we do depends on having
a sound fiscal system" He called a balanced
budget "essential for national security."
Within 90 days he was calling deficits "not
a cause for alarm." And to this very day
Dillon is calling the continuing deficits "en-
tirely appropriate."
s Name this performance anything you
wish, it does not contain convictions. For
convictions cannot be manufactured to suit
a moment, a purpose or a person. Convic-
tions can be right. They can be wrong.
But they have to be convictions.
A great storm cloud mounts and darkens
and its crimson rim reaches out to suck
down the sun. The whole, round earth
watches the fire-flinging monsters of the
Kremlin, wondering where trouble will
come and when.
Instead of the four freedoms we have the
four fears: fear of war; fear of inflation.
fear of bankruptcy, fear of defeat. It will
take much careful performance and a great
Maybe the Attorney General acted out of
excessive zeal for civil rights, but he made
a shambles of civil liberty.
And unless the administration supple-
ments its denial with hard factual proof, the
Mississippi report stands as far as we are
concerned. It has been substantially cor-
roborated by what the Department of Justice
called objective observers.
President Kennedy Lacks Consistency
Budget Views
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. BRUCE ALGER
OT TEXAS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. ALGER. Mr. Speaker, much of
the confusion in the United States today
is caused by the lack of consistency of
President Kennedy on fundamental
problems facing us. Nowhere has t'he
President been on more sides of the sub-
ject than he has when discussing the
budget, inflation, fiscal responsibility.
It is impossible to know from one day
to the next what the "party line" from
the White House will be.
To refresh our memories it would be
well to study the many views of the
President on the budget as reported by
Henry J. Taylor in the following column
from the Los Angeles Times of May 6.
Perhaps it is time to ask, Indeed to
demand, that the President stop repudi-
ating his campaign statements and live
up to his promises.
The article follows:
(From the Los Angeles Times, May 8. 1983]
PRESIDENT'S VIEWS ON THE BUDGET
(By Henry J. Taylor)
Our President must turn against every
normal, selfish impulse and return to his
spoken guarantees.
It was on these that he was entrusted
with the care of our Nation and, indeed, of
our very lives.
Many of the guarantees remain unre-
deemed in both the foreign policy area and
economic area. But a start is timely re-
garding the budget, now under debate In
Congress.
Our President is deliberately demanding.
promoting, and fighting for an unbalanced
budget. His arguments supporting this
theory are currgntly famous. And he is
swinging, full punch, at the congressional
resistance.
Yet, it is morally and intellectually Im-
possible for our President to unsay his own
guarantees:
September 28, 1960: "I believe in the bal-
anced budget."
October 7, 1960: "I said last week I be-
lieved In a balanced budget. We can
balance the budget unless we have a na-
tional emergency or a severe depression."
October 13, 1960: "I state again that I be-
lieve In a balanced budget and have sup-
ported that concept during my 14 years in
Congress. Here is where I stand and I just
want to have it on the public record."
October 27, 1960: "Statements have been
made that I am in favor of unbalancing the
budget. That Is wholly wrong, wholly In
error. That is not my view and I think it
ought to be stated very clearly in the
record."
deal of personal carrying power in the Presi-
dent's great name to carry us through these.
The two indispensable ingredients-abso-
lutely Indispensable-are convictions and
integrity. The heart these can sing to is
the heart of America and the heart of the
free world.
In press conferences, on TV. In all media
reaching our people, if the President has
changed his mind on repeatedly stated
fundamentals, we need to be told this. It
is not enough, and certainly not permissable,
merely to rely on the public's forgetfulness-
as about budget convictions, convictions pro-
hibiting the Soviet lodgement In Cuba. etc.-
and then break off on a completely reverse
course.
If credence goes, everything goes. Noth-
ing to so costly to our authority in the
world and, therefore, to peace.
The Kennedy Line o
HON. DONALD C. BRUCE
sponsiblility" and implications that we
are advocating war.
It is interesting to me, therefore, to
read in the Richmond (Va.) News Leader
for April 25, an editorial account of the
President's attitude on Cuba by an un-
named member of the National Security
Council.
This unofficial line reveals some not-
too-surprising attitudes on the part of
the Kennedy administration. It reveals
what the logical extension of the "twi-
light struggle" policy on communism as
applied to Cuba has accomplished-the
tightening of the Soviet grip on the is-
land and the further infiltration of other
Latin American countries from the Red
base in the Caribbean.
This attitude naively regards any crit-
icism of the President as an indication
of lack of confidence or casting of doubt
on his veracity. It cannot tolerate con-
structive criticism by the minority party,
yet it never invites Republicans to partic-
ipate in foreign policy decisions. Then it
demands full support of the woefully in-
adequate policies by all Members of
Congress. I believe it behooves every
Member of the House and Senate con-
cerned with a workable strategy to end
Communist subversion in Latin Ameri-
ca to read the following editorial, "The
Kennedys on Cuba":
IFrom the Richmond (Va.) News Leader,
Apr. 25. 19831 .
TuE KENNEDys ON CUBA
A member of President Kennedy's National
Security Council the other day treated a re-
porter friend of his to a frank but nonat-
tributive discussion of just what the official
line Is on Cuba. While the facts aren't
startling, the attitude is.
First of all, the official line is one of in-
dignation against anybody who doubts the
President's veracity. When the. President
last summer was talking about Russian
"technicians" and "defensive weapons" in
Cuba, that's all that were there. As soon
as the President found out for certain that
Soviet troops and offensive weapons had
been rushed in under closed hatches, he
promptly reported to the American people.
Persons like Senator KEATINo who prema-
turely reported on these same things were
either just guessing or were spreading gossip
from excitable Cuban refugees.
Next, anybody who worries unduly about
the Soviet presence in Cuba lacks "faith"
in America. It's just inconceivable that 17,-
000 Russian soldiers in the Caribbean could
endanger the United States. As to the argu-
ment that Russians are needed to teach
Castro anything about revolutionizing Latin
America, that's silly because Castro is a
pretty good revolutionist himself.
There are many ways (although none were
specified in this talk) by which Cuba can get
rid of Castro. But we can't have a Navy
blockade and we can't tolerate anti-Commu-
nist raiders for one simple reason-some
Russians might be killed. If one or more
Russians were killed, that would endanger
the lives of 60 million Americans who might
be Incinerated in a nuclear exchange.
Finally, the presence of Russian troops in
Cuba Is no more alarming than their pres-
ence in Berlin. Communism is a world-
wide menace, and it isn't at all surprising
that it has spread to an Island that lies off-
shore from Florida.
There Is nothing new in these revelations.
A lot of people who don't like the adminis-
tration have been saying all along that the
Kennedy brothers are peevish about criti-
cism, bankrupt in initiative, disingenuous
In finding excuses and timid about taking
OT INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. BRUCE. Mr. Speaker, for months
Republicans in Congress have been call-
ing for an explanation of the administra-
tion's lack of positive action in dealing
with Soviet influence in this hemisphere.
But our criticism and questions have
been met with countercharges of "irre-
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1963 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD-APPENDIX A2971
action. But to hear it from the horse's
mouth is pretty distressing. And how we
wish it were otherwise.
It would be wonderful to hear from an
inside source that the President had kicked
himself in the pants over past mistakes and
vowed like a man to do better. It would
be good to hear that he went into a justi-
fiable rage at the effrontery of Russia's in-
vasion of our hemisphere. We think the im-
plied idea 'that one Russian death might be
avenged by millions of American deaths
ought to be reversed. Our enemies ought
to be told, and told emphatically, that they
will be held accountable: for every American
life taken or threatened in any part of the
world. This is language, and action, they
can understand.
The True Meaning of "Aloha"
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL K. INOUYE
OF HAWAII
IN THE SENATE OF THE,UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. INOUYE. Mr. President, I ask
unanimous consent to have a speech de-
livered by Gov. John A. Burns, of the
State of Hawaii, printed in the Appendix
of the RECORD as it exemplifies the real
meaning of the Hawaiian word "Aloha."
Too much emphasis has been given to
that word by way of a commercial in-
terpretation. I think the time is oppor-
tune for a real definition of the term
which is so dear to the hearts of all in
Hawaii.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ADDRESS BY GOV; JOHN A. BURNS TO THE
ASSOCIATION OF HAWAIIAN CIVIC CLUBS,
KAILUA-KONA, HAWAII, APRIL 19, 1963
It Is indeed a pleasure to be with you
here tonight, particularly in this setting
and in this place. I have always had a
special fondness for Kona, which represents
to many of us-the idyllic retreat to which
we would like to retire when the cares of
our more urban pursuits weigh too heavily
on us.
It is especially fitting that your associa-
tion selected this site to convene-to reflect
on your achievements to date and to chart
your future course and objectives.
The timing of your convention is also
particularly appropriate. For, once again,
events of recent weeks have focused the spot-
light of public attention on the role of our
Hawaiian friends and neighbors in our com-
munity.
I believe that in the latest and previous
public discussion there has been a tendency
to overlook or minimize what I regard as
the very great contribution which the
Hawaiians have made and are making to
our culture and our way of life.
Our common and popular standards of
accomplishment-our very definition and
understanding of success-all too frequently
emphasize material wealth and professional
and social status.
Fortunately, these values are not accepted
universally as the final measure of success.
Who are we to say whether the home-
steader at Waimea or on Molokai is not as
successful as the business baron of Merchant
Street.
In terms of attitude toward the meaning
of life and values which cannot be measured
by a cash register or a bank account, I con-
tend that Hawaiians are more successful
than the rest of us.
The graceful friendliness, the unhesitat-
ing generosity, which we recognize as the
aloha spirit, are attributes which character-
ize our Hawaiian people. These qualities
have been transmuted throughout the
islands and have served to enrich the lives
of all of us in Hawaii.
Without this spirit-this quality of friend-
liness-these islands would be just so many
volcanic outcroppings covered with trees and
houses and populated by men and women of
no specially noteworthy characteristic.
These Islands would not be Hawaii.
There are other islands elsewhere just as
beautiful or more so.
But there is no other Hawaii, and for this
priceless distinction and heritage we are in-
debted to the Hawaiians.
The fact that "aloha" has been exploited
for commercial purposes beclouds recogni-
tion of the more important and the more
enduring meaning of that word.
The fact that it has very valuable com-
mericial significance cannot be denied, how-
ever. Our tourist industry would not have
the potential that it has without our
Hawaiian spirit aloha.
This same spirit also underlies Hawaii's
future as a center of friendly cultural inter-
change with other Pacific countries. -
So here again we find the Hawaiian heri-
tage given new meaning in our life today
and offering new hope that these islands can
contribute to extension of friendship, under-
standing, and peace far beyond these shores.
In a world ideologically divided, and at a
time when mankind is threatened with ex-
tinction, when there is universal yearning
for answers to human relations, the friend-
ship standards, tolerances and generosity
which we have inherited from Hawaiians are
of far more importance than ever before.
in country after country, we have wit-
nessed repudiation of our foreign policy
when that policy has been based solely on
militarism, materials, and money, which are
commonly and mistakenly identified abroad
as the American way of life.
But when we have attempted, as we are
doing through the Peace Corps, to under-
stand other peoples and their problems and
to help them on the basis of simple friend-
ship on a people-to-people basis, we gain
acceptance and understanding, and we are
able to build for peace.
So, my point here is that even in the
heady and complex atmosphere of foreign
policy we are rediscovering something that
Hawaii and the Hawaiians have known all
along: You can't buy friendship.
Success in life-whether it is life in a taro
patch or life in the United Nations-has no
price tag, in terms of dollar value. or cost
or material' wealth.
Now, having given recognition to the price-
less heritage we enjoy from the Hawaiians,
let's look at another side of the picture.
Let me be very frank about this. I some-
times question whether we are really bene-
fiting our people of Hawaiian ancestry or
the intercultural character of our commu-
nity by our continued, and at times intensi-
fied, emphasis on Hawaiians as a racial group.
I am very proud to have associated with
me in the new State administration several
individuals of Hawaiian ancestry. I regard
these individuals as persons of great com-
petence and integrity.
These include William S. Richardson, the
Lieutenant Governor; Kekoa Kaapu, one of
my administrative assistants; Edwin Mookini,
who I recently appointed as administrative
assistant in the new and highly complex
field of data processing; Kaipo Kauka, deputy
director of the Department of Transporta-
tion.
Also, Val Umi Marciel, the State comp-
troller; William G. Among, director of social
services; and Mrs. Edna Taufaasau, personnel
director.
We associate with these individuals and
work with them as individuals who have the
skills, experience, education and character
we need in government service.
The State needs them. The community
needs people of their talent. They are
serving the community as a whole, They do
not seek and do not receive special consider-
ation because they are of Hawaiian ancestry.
They very competently meet the challenges
of their positions and are secure in the recog-
nition of their abilities.
While I believe in legislation which under-
lies the purpose and need for our Department
of Hawaiian Home Lands, I think that pro-
gram can be improved administratively and
by linking the department's activities more
closely with those of the executive.
We can and should develop a more mean-
ingful contribution to our economy from
this program.
I would like to point out, however, that
when we stop to contemplate what has hap-
pened to the American Indian as a result of
the paternalistic program of reservation and
special treatment and special schools, we have
a very sad' record of accomplishment.
Paternalism and special protection have
really done nothing more for the Indians
than to provide them with what amounts to
custodial care. The program has not inspired
or motivated them, nor has it equipped them
to become a real part of contemporary
American life.
Moreover, overprotection has led to some
cases of exploitation by the more oppor-
tunistic minded.
By contrast, the people of Hawaiian an-
cestry have in large measure adjusted their
lives to changing conditions in the environ-
ment of these islands.
More important, though, is that they have
in the past contributed leadership to change
in the broad interest of the entire com-
munity and are doing so today, and will
continue to do so in the future.
My suggestion is, therefore, that the
Hawaiian societies and various organizations.
which have such a rich and proud history
of endeavor, should not be persuaded by
temporary considerations to fall back into
a defensive posture.
Answers to the problems facing the,
Hawaiians, in my judgment, are not so
unique that they are to be found in reliance
on special protection or paternalistic pro-
grams * * * or in self-pity.
Hawaiian societies will be best serving
their respected members if their goals are
broadened to look forward and outward for
opportunities through which the talents
Hawaiians have may find room for expres-
sion and fulfillment in the interests of the
entire community.
We all owe much to tll,e Hawaiians. These
islands and the new State would indeed be
poor and ordinary without the rich heritage
Hawaiians have bestowed upon us and un-
selfishly shared with us all.
We will continue to move forward as a
community and as a State only to the extent
we continue to be motivated by the
Hawaiian spirit of friendliness and dedica-
tion to the, common good.
I thank you for this privilege of address-
ing you.
My best' wishes for a most successful
convention.
Mahalo.
Shaping the Big Stick
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ESTES KEFAUVER
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. KEFAUVER. Mr. President, I
should like to bring to the attention of
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX May 13
of the Six. Senator KEFAUVER agrees. "We're
delighted to see the determined start that
has been made here," he says. "It's much to
the good for the free world and for business-
men on both sides of the Atlantic." And the
Senator, who intends to hold hearings on the
long-range ramifications of the ECM anti-
cartel policy after he returns to the United
States, adds that "we in the States have
much to learn from the experiment that is
going on here. And perhaps the officials of
the Common Market can find some use In
studying our methods (which are] based on
a much longer experience in the dntitrust
field."
the Senate a very fine article on anti-
trust In the Common Market, entitled
"Shaping the Big Stick," which appeared
in Newsweek magazine on April 29, 1963.
I ask unaimous consent that this arti-
cle be printed in the Appendix of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SHAPING THE BIG STICK
One of the most outspoken critics of big-
ness in American business flew to Brussels
last week to take a look at what the Euro-
pean Common Market planned to do about
bigness In European business. For Senator
ESTER KEFAUVER and his six-man delegation,
the tour was prompted by more than aca-
demic curiosity: ECM's year-old anticartel
policy could eventually hr.ve a mighty influ-
ence on the ability of U.S. industry to com-
pete in the six-nation area. Despite an at-
tack of Asian flu which kept him In bed for
1 of his 4 days In Brussels, the Tennessee
Democrat talked with some 60 ECM officials,
lawyers, businessmen, and economists to And
out just how the Common Market plans to
deal with Europe's age-old tendency toward
cartelizatlon.
Those plans are, in fact, only beginning to
take shape. The Common Market's anti-
cartel division has strongly worded powers;
most agreements In restraint of trade are
banned. But the ability of Its small, 40-man
staff to back up trust-busting decisions is
still untested; It could, for Instance, levy
fines of up to 61 million, but as yet hasn't
moved against any violators. Indeed, ac-
cording to U.S. observers, European policy is
roughly where it was in the United States
before Theodore Roosevelt started brandish-
ing his big stick at big business.
Hans von der Groeben, of Germany, the
Common Market's anticartel commissioner,
quickly pointed out that the ECM does not
oppose bigness per as. "In many cases." he
said, "we favor mergers." But, he added, "we
must proceed an several fronts at the same
time." His point: The Common Market
wants to encourage the industrial bigness
needed to supply the growing mass market of
its members but it must also prevent abuses
that might stem from bigness.
PRECEDENT SETTERS
Of some 40,000 complaints and requests for
exemption brought so far (largely by com-
panies and individuals), only 1 has been
decided by the ECM's High Court of Justice.
In a dispute over exclusive franchises, It es-
tablished the principle that the ECM's anti-
cartel regulations automatically override the
laws of the individual member states.
Another key case now on the docket in-
volves Grtindig. a big German radio and tape-
recorder firm. In 1958, Henri Keller, a
Parisian who sold bridal trousseaux door to
door, started to import electrical appliances
because the advent of the Common Market
allowed him to buy such products In their
country of origin and sell them at reduced
prices in France. ("I do not consider myself
an importer but a wholesaler of European
goods," he said.) Authorized French dis-
tributors of the appliances haled Keller Into
court in an effort to halt his operations.
After contradictory decisions in the French
courts, the matter went to the ECM antitrust
section. A favorable judgment for Keller
would mean. In effect, that exclusive dealer-
ship arrangements cannot be enforced be-
yond national boundaries.
To keep abreast of such developments, five
American law firms have specialists stationed
full time In Brussels. They have already
concluded that the United States might
actually benefit from the anticartel move-
ment, which could well ban existing dis-
crimination against U.S. Imports by nations
Ronald Reagan Speaks Out on F.o?cc'ing
Our Freedoms
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. ROBERT H. MICHEL
Or ILIINOIR
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 13, 1963
Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, on Mon-
day, April 29, 1963, Mr. Ronald Reagan
spoke to a large crowd attending the
honors day activities In the gymnasium
at Dixon High School which is located
In my district. Reagan is a graduate of
Dixon High.
The Dixon Evening Telegraph gave
complete coverage to Reagan's remarks
and covered his entire lecture in four
installments beginning with the May 1,
1963, Issue. Under unanimous consent,
I include the first article In today's REC-
ORD. I will insert the following articles
during the next 3 days we are in session.
I commend Mr, Reagan's very timely
and stimulating remarks to the atten-
tion of my colleagues. The first Install-
meat follows:
WHAT PRICE FREEDOM?
(EDITOR'S NOTE.-This is the first portion of
a four-part installment on the lecture, "What
Price Freedom?" given by Ronald Reagan,
Monday, in Dixon.)
(By Ronald Reagan)
Early in this century a President who
served in a time of easygoing, no crisis to
underline his name in history, revealed
something of the gift of prophecy. He said,
"A revolution Is taking place which will
leave the people dependent on Government.
Finding markets will develop into fixing
prices and finding employment, Next step
will be to furnish markets and employment
or in default pay a bounty or dole. Those
who look with apprehension on these ten-
dencies do not lack humanity but are in-
fluenced by the belief that the result of
such measures will be to deprive the people
of character and liberty."
Today those who "look with apprehension
on these tendencies" are not only charged
with "lacking humanity" but are, more
often than not, assailed as reactionaries and
rightwing extremists. Many people of good
will stand confused in the highly emotional
atmosphere which colors the exchange of
charge and countercharge.
The world today is faced with a choice
between totalitarianism and freedom. All
of us are conscious of the threat of the
bomb. Speaking for the enemy Lenin said,
"If it should become necessary to kill three-
fourths of all the people in the world it
would be worth it If the remaining one-
fourth were Communist." This kind of
threat is easy to understand. Not so simple
Is the relating of our domestic difference
to the world struggle.
We have come to a time for choosing and
we should recognize that two contrary phi-
losophies divide us. Either we believe in
our traditional system of individual freedom
with constitutional limits on the power of
government, or we abandon the American
Revolution and confess that an intellectual
elite in some far distant capital can plan
for xis better than we can plan for ourselves.
Asked how long our Republic would en-
dure, James Russell Lowell, when Minister
to England replied, "It will last just so long
as the people retain the Ideas of the men
who created that Republic." What were
those ideas? Very simply-you and I have
God given rights, among them freedom and
the ability to determine our -own destiny.
Government's only excuse for being is to see
that no individual or group in our midst
and no outside aggressor can take this free-
dom from us, Government is a watchdog,
not a cow to be milked.
There have only been a few moments of
freedom in all man's history and most of
those moments have been ours. But free-
dom is never more than one generation
away from extinction. We can pass it on to
our children only if we are determined to
defend it and cherish it. The late Judge
Learned Hand said, "Liberty lies in the
hearts of men and women. When it dies
there no constitution, no law, no court can
save it."
From our Nation's beginning we have been
warned that freedom can be lost inadvert-
ently by our own acts. A more recent
warning was voiced by Nikita Khrushchev
when he told the Rumanian railway work-
ers. "I am convinced that tomorrow the red
flag will fly over the United States, but we
will not fly the flag. It will be the Amer-
leans themselves."
Today under the unremitting pressure of
the cold war there is a widespread belief that
all the problems of human need can be
solved by Government. We are told that
our traditional system of individual liberty
is incapable of solving the complex prob-
lems of the 20th century, we must have a
'Government-controlled and planned econ-
omy. Howard K. Smith (rather prominent
lately for TV activities), has written, "The
market mechanism and the profit motives
have outlived their usefulness. * * * The
distribution of goods must be effected by a
planned economy. The profit motive must
be replaced by the incentives of the welfare
state."
A U.S. Senator has said, "The Soviet ex-
periment in socialism is no more radical
for these times than was the American
Declaration of Independence in the time of
George III." And White House Adviser Ar-
thur Schlesinger, Jr., writes, "There seems
to be no inherent obstacle to the gradual
advance of socialism in the United States,
through a series of new deals." ? * * He
sees the cold war disappearing, "through a
peaceful transition Into a not undemocratic
socialism." In other words, we will not
stand firm for a choice between our free
system and communism but will move to the
left and the Communists, losing their fear
and mistrust, will come to the right.
What this really means is that we tell a
billion of our fellow humans now enslaved
behind the Iron Curtain, to give up their
hopes of freedom because we've decided to
gat along with their slave masters.
What of this choice they would offer us
as a means of escaping the bomb? True, the
Socialists are enemies of the men in the
Kremlin-but only because they believe
these ruthless men have brutally perverted
the teachings of Karl Marx. The Socialists
themselves are still dedicated to the aboli-
tion of private property, the free economy-
Indeed, freedom itself as we have known it.
And they are not unaware of the tide run-
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