CUBA

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Approved For Release 2004/06/23 : CIA-RDP65B00383R000200230013-3
21650 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
' problem for all the states. of this,hemisphere.
If the Cuban, regime is sincere in its re-
- trtiebt for negotiations, and wishes to lay
- Its grievances before the appropriate forum?
the Organization of American ?States--I
Would suggest the Cuban Government might
start by some action calculated to awaken
the confidence of the inter-American system.
- The obvious place to begin would be the
? -severing of its multiple ties to the Soviet
bloc,
Let no one mistake the impact of this
Soviet intervention in Cuba pa the hope we
all share for world peace. If the Soviet
Union persists in the course it has chosen,
if it continues to try to prevent the peace-
ful social revolution of the Americas, it will
Increasingly excite the deep indignation of
the, people of my country and of other
American States. The result will, be to make
the resolution of issues far more difficult in
every other part of the world. A consequence
of this gratuitous Soviet initiative is to
poStpone even further the hope for world
stabilization. I cannot state this, point with
?- sufficient gravity.
The tradegy of Cuba is AM unfolding.
_
How .short has been the time since,the two
countries of the Western Hemisphere ac-
claimed the downfall of the Batista dictator-
- ship and hailed what promised to be,a demo-
cratic and progressive revolution. How
- quickly that promise was replaced by a reign
? of terror, confiscation, and the ,suppression
of political, intellectual and religious free-
orn,
as fear is the first Price of oppression,
It would, also have been the final price, if
'the Cuban oppressor had not been _saved from
'the Cuban people by the Soviet Union. How
many times in history has fear of the people's
wrath driven tyrants to sell their nation to
MorepoWerful tyrants?
Can the Cuban electorate send-the Russian
forces home? Do the Cuban leaders dare
face ?their people without these alien pro-
tectors? A_ country bristling with Soviet
-missiles and, protectors is your answer.
? 'We will constantly work to reassure the
Cuban people that they have not been for-
gotten or abandoned, and make clear to
-freedom loving Cubans, both within and
'Without that country, that they can count
on the sympathy and support of the American
-people in their efforts to escape the grip of
Soviet domination and recapture their own
revoltition. We did this for those who
sought the overthrow of Batista. We can do
no less today.
The Foreign Ministers meeting at Wash-
ington voiced the fraternal affection of all
American peoples for the people of Cuba, and
fervently wish to see them embraced again
,in the American family of nations. The
United States joins wholeheartedly in this
-desire.
If the Cuban regime wishes to establish
nonnal 'friendly relations in this hemisphere,
let it return to the concepts and obligations
of the inter-American system; let it cease its
subservience to the Soviet Union?let it cease
to be an avenue of intervention, which
threatens the fundamental principles and the
peace and security of all its neighbors with an
alien doctrine.
The way is clear, and the choice Is Onba's.
Mr. MORSE. In MY judgment, the
Lippmann article and the Stevenson
statement make perfectly clear to the
4rne4Pan people that we have no inten-
tion of following an aggressive course
of action aganst Cuba, in spite of the
lies spoken yesteyday by the President
,Cub,a 1,t,t the United Nations, but that
_ intgnd to stop any agression on the
,part: of Cuba Against either the United
ratates_or any of our allies in the Western
Hemisphere.
That is American policy. That is
sound policy. It is within the frame-
work of international law. I highly
commend the President of the United
States for his statesmanship in the field
of foreign policy.
USE BY STATE AND JUSTICE DE-
PARTMENTS OF DOSSIERS FROM
TRUJILLO FILES
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, in the September 18, 1962,
issue of National Review Bulletin there
. appeared a certain article from which
I quote:
According to reliable sources, the State
and Justice Departments are making good
use of dossiers taken from the files of the
Trujillo regime. These dossiers show that
the late Dominican dictator had a regular
price list for U.S. legislators: $10,000 for a
congressman, $25,000 for a senator or Com-
mittee chairman, more for those with real
political muscle. The names of those "on
the take" are known, and it is charged that
they reach very high in the congressional
hierarchy. This information, if blasted out,
could create a first class political scandal,
but so far it is being used to condition the
thinking of those involved when they become
obstreperous over "must" legislation.
This is a rather serious charge, and
recognizing it as such I forwarded a
letter to the Attorney General under
date of September 20, incorporating this
charge, and asking him to look into it
and to comment.
I ask unanimous consent that both
my letter and the Attorney General's
reply thereto, as received by me on
October 2, be printed at this point in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the letters
were ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SEPTEMBER 20, 1962.
Hon. ROBERT P. KENNEDY,
Attorney General,
Department of Justice,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR MR. ATTORNEY GENERAL: In the
September 18, 1962, issue of National Review
Bulletin, there appears on page 5 the fol-
lowing paragraph, which is quoted in full:
"According to reliable sources, the State
and Justice Departments are making good
use of dossiers taken from the files of the
Trujillo regime. These dossiers show that
the late Dominican dictator had a regular
price list for U.S. legislators: $10,000 for a
Congressman, $25,000 for a Senator or com-
mittee chairman, more for those with real
political muscle. The names of those "on
the take" are known, and it is charged that
they reach very high in the congressional
hierarchy. This information, if blasted out,
could create a first-class political scandal,
but go far it is being used to condition the
thinking of those involved when they become
obstreperous over 'must' legislation."
It seems to me that this is a most serious
charge to have published in a nationally
circulated publication_ and it should not go
unchallenged. I ask you, therefore, to ad-
vise me as soon as possible whether the in-
formation contained in the paragraph quoted
above is or is not true.
I cannot overemphasize the seriousness
which I attach to these charges and believe
that if they are not true a prompt denial
should be made public.
Yours sincerely,
JOHN J. WILLrams.
October 2
OFFICE OF THE ATTORNEY GENERAL,
Washington, D.C., October 2, 1962.
Hon. JOHN J. WILLIAMS,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: This is in response to your
letter of September 20, 1962, re the para-
graph in the National Review Bulletin of
September 18.
I know of no list or information, such as
that referred to in the article mentioned.
Whether or not there is such a list is one
of the matters being looked into in connec-
tion with the current investigation of the
Galindez case. Up to this time, no such
information has been developed.
I appreciate your interest in bringing this
to my attention.
Sincerely,
Roam' F. KENNEDY,
Attorney General.
CRITICISM OF DEMOCRATIC LEAD-
ERSHIP IN THIS SESSION OF CON-
GRESS
Mr. WILLIAMS of Delaware. Mr.
President, this week some of us hope to
bring to a close what has been one of the
longest, most quarrelsome, and most
frustrating peacetime sessions of the
Congress.
Adjournment has been unduly delayed
as the result of a series of revolts of the
Democratic membership against the
leadership of the Senate and their own
President. It is ironical that this revolt
stems, not from the opposition party but,
rather, from within its own ranks.
For instance: First, appropriation bills
were held up months as the result of a
picayunish dispute between the chair-
men of the House and Senate Appropria-
tions Committees as to who should sit at
the head of the table during the con-
ferences. Now two subcommittee chair-
men are feuding, which means more
delays.
Even the secretary of the Democratic
conference committee of the Senate is
leading a revolt against the President and
threatening to hold Congress in session
indefinitely in an effort to force him to
sign or veto a pet bill before adjourn-
ment. This is a bill which had been on
the Senate Calendar for more than a
year, and no one was even interested
enough in the legislation to move for its
consideration until a couple of weeks ago.
In fact, less than a month ago the spon-
sors of this same bill voted against it
when it was offered as an amendment to
the regular tax bill.
Suddenly this bill assumes great im-
portance, and one wonders whether it is
the bill that is so important or whether
some of the Democratic Members of the
Senate are just using this as an excuse
to show their resentment against some
of the arrogant demands which the
President has made on this Congress.
With a 2-to-1 majority in the Senate
and a 3-to-2 majority in the House one
would think that they could have
finished the business of the Congress on
schedule.
To make the situation even worse, the
President, rather than' staying on the
job in Washington, has just been using
the White House as a stopover between
weekend vacationing at Hyannis Port
and political junkets around the coun-
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1962
patrol boats and anti-aircraft equipment
would be just exactly what he would need
to repel another landing by Cuban exiles.
The present Cuban military buildup is not
only not capable of offensive action, but also
it is not capable of defensive action against
the United States.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE 21649
Let me read the final paragraph:
It follows that as long as there is no direct
military aggression by Cuba, as long as we
are limiting ourselves to measures short of
war, one of the best responses is to force the
Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc to carry
the whole burden of Cuban reconstruction.
That is the intent of the shipping measures
now being formulated. They will not de-
stroy the Castro regime now. But they will
make it much more expensive and incon-
venient for the Soviet Union to make Castro
succeed.
In January of this year the Senator
from Ibwa [Mr. lirciamoopral and I
were the two delegates from the Senate
to the Punta del Este Conference. We
listened to the diatribes and the Com-
munist propaganda of the President of
Cuba in a series of speeches at Punta
del Este.
The ?RESIDENT pro tempore. The
time of the Senator has expired.
Mr. MORSE. I ask unanimous con-
sent to continue for I more minute.
The PRESIDENT pro tempore. With-
out objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MORSE. He put on a repeat per-
formance yesterday at the United Na-
tions, about which we read in the news-
papers today. He was answered, in a
prepared statement that was circulated
throughout the United Nations, by our
brilliant and great statesman, the Amer-
ican Ambassador to the United Nations,
.Adlai Stevenson.
I ask unanimous consent that Mr.
Stevenson's statement of yesterday be
printed in the RECORD at this point.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
OCTOBER 8, 1982.
STATE'MENT BY AMBASSADOR ADLAI H. Srevasv-
soN, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO TM therrEn
NATIONS, IN PLENARY Seas-tow
Mr. President, I have asked to speak to a
point of order. For 17 years we have come
to expect that when a Chief of state asks
for the privilege of this podium, he has an
obligation not to abuse it, and not to de-
mean the United Nations and the dialog
Of diplomacy, but to speak here in a Con-
structive and a statesmanlike manner.
But the President of Cuba, Mr. President,
speaking as chief of state on a ceremonial
occasion, has seen fit to use this rostrum to
attack my country with unparalleled ca-
lumnies, slanders, and misrepresentations
for 1 hour and 45 minutes.
Yet, Mr. President, I will not claim a right
of reply from this platform this morning.
Instead, I shall respond to his intemperate
and false charges outside of this hall and at
once. And, with your permission, Mr. Presi-
dent, I will have my response placed be-
fore the members of the General Assembly in
printed form during the day.
Mr. President, the traditions of etiquette
and of good taste which have been estab-
lished here have built respect for this or-
ganization and, for my part. I do not want
to descend even by reply to the levels of the
chief of state we have just heard on this
ceremonial occasion.
He is right, however, on one point. The
last word will be written by history.
STATEMENT BY AMBASSADOR ADLAI STEVEN-
SON, U.S. REPRESENTATIVE TO THE UNTTRD
NATIONS, IN REPLY TO PRESIDENT OORTICOS
Slander and invective are no substitute
for facts and the weaker a case is the longer
it takes to present. I think I can be very
brief, Indeed.
The charges just rehearsed by President
Dorticos of Cuba against my government
are neither original nor true. Four times
within the last 8 months, once in the Special
Political Committee of the Assembly, once
in the Plenary, and twice in the Security
Council, the United Nations has decisively
rejected accusations similar to those we
have heard today.
I repeat the policy of the United States: .
The Government of the United States, like
the governments of the other independent
American Republics, will honor Its commit-
ments to the 'United Nations Charter and to
the Inter-American system. As we have
stated so often, the United States will not
commit aggression against Cuba. But let It
be equally clear that the United States will
not tolerate aggression against any part of
this hemisphere. The United States will
exercise the right of individual and collec-
tive self-defense?a right expressly recog-
nized in the charter?against aggression in
this hemisphere.
The charges made by Cuba against the
United States are dictated by two factors.
One is that the Castro regime has associated
itself with the Communist bloc in its pursuit
of world domination. A tactic always used
in seeking this objective is to ridicule,
malign and vilify anyone with the courage
to oppose them.
The second factor is Cuba's self-inflicted
exclusion from the American family of na-
tions. The Castro regime has turned its
back on its history, tradition, religion and
culture. Cuba has turned away from its
neighbors, and it is at the mercy of the
political riptides that sweep through the
Communist world with such frequence.
Thus the other nations of the Americas
are understandably anxious and alert. But
vigilance cannot and should not be equated
with Intervention, nor alarm with aggression.
The hemisphere?and the world?were
prepared to accept the original promises of
the Castro government that economic and
social justice would be brought to the Cuban
people. But its original pledges have now
been discarded by the Cuban regime, and we
condemn with all the force at our command
the violations of civil justice, the drumhead
executions and the suppression of political,
intellectual, and religious freedom which
have been inflicted on the Cuban people.
But even these excesses would not con-
stitute a direct threat to the peace and inde-
pendence of other states. However, Cuba
has been opened to a flood of Soviet weapons
and "technicans." and to the Soviet Union's
so-called fishing fleet which is a long way
from the fishing grounds off the north shore
of Cuba.
The cod and the herring, gentlemen, are a
long way from the new fishing fleet's head-
quarters. Cuba has not only armed Itself to
a degree never before seen in any Latin
American country, but it has also welcomed
penetration by the foremost exponent of a
doctrine condemned in this hemisphere as
"alien" and "incompatible." What we can-
not accept?and will never accept?is that
Cuba has become the springboard for aggres-
sive and subversive efforts to destroy the
inter-American system, to overthrow the
governments of the Americas and to obstruct
the peaceful, democratic evolution of this
hemisphere toward social justice and eco-
nomic development.
The statements of the President of the
United States on this subject, and the recent
joint resolution of the Congress of the
United States amply attest to this concern.
Nor can these developments be ignored by
the American Republics as a whole. Let
there be no doubt as to the solidarity of
the nations of this hemisphere on the prob-
lem of Cuba.
The foreign ministers and special repre-
sentatives of the American Republics have
just concluded 2 days of informal discussion
on Communist Intervention in Cuba. Speak-
ing unanimously, they declared that the
most urgent problem facing the hemisphere
Is this foreign intervention in Cuba and its
threat to convert the island into an armed
base for penetration and subversion of the
democratic institutions of the hemisphere.
The hemisphere representatives unani-
mously affirmed their will to strengthen our
common security against all aggression and
all situations threatening peace and secu-
rity in this hemisphere. Noting the special
characteristics of the Inter-American re-
gional system, they stated that a military
intervention by Communist powers in Cuba
cannot be justified as a situation analogous
to the defensive measures adopted in other
parts of the free world in order to resist
Soviet imperialism.
The communique issued by the foreign
ministers in Washington last week reflected
the sense of increased gravity with which
the American States have witnessed a suc-
cession of developments in Cuba since the
Punta del Este meeting, where the Com-
munist government of Cuba was found to be
incompatible with the American system.
In the face of this threat, the foreign min-
isters have again unanimously reaffirmed
their will to strengthen the security of the
hemisphere against all aggression, from in-
side and outside the hemisphere, and against
all developments and situations capable of
threatening its peace and security.
The historic support of the members of
the Organization of American States for the
principles of self-determination and non-
intervention are well known. These prin-
ciples have been enshrined in acts of inter-
American conferences, antedating by decades
even the conception of the United Nations.
The United States has already begun to
take effective measures concerning shipping
and trade with Cuba, and the surveillance
of traffic in arms and other strategic items
in accordance with the discussions of the
ministers of foreign affairs, the resolutions
of the eighth meeting of consultation and
other Inter-American instruments.
The purpose of these measures is the col-
lective defense of the hemisphere. As I have
said, these measures have no offensive pur-
pose.
There was incessant talk this morning
about economic strangulation and economic
blockade. Neither of these terms has any
application to this case.
The current regime in Cuba has pro-
nounced its intention to overthrow other
governments in this hemisphere. Could any-
one, therefore, take part in any trade, or
aid trade designed to boost the Cuban
economy, and to arm its military services?
To say that our self-protective actions are
aggressive or a warlike gesture is absurd. It
is the most normal, and indeed the least
violent way, in which we can express our
strong disapproval of the threats and sword
rattling emanating from Cuba.
No threat to peace in this hemisphere
arises out of the unanimous determination
of American Republics in this regard.
The President of Cuba professes that Cuba
has always been willing to hold discussions
with the Ignited States to improve relations
and to reduce tensions. But what he really
wishes us to do is to place the seal of ap-
proval on the existence of a Communist
regime in the Western Hemisphere. The
maintenance of communism in the Americas
Is not negotiable. Furthermore the problem
of Cuba is not a simple problem of United
States-Cuban relations. It Is a collective
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SEN uctober 9
thped States. In absolute terms, however,
the gap between the two nations has wid-
ened. U.S. GNP, at the year's start, was
$491.4 billion greater than that of Japan.
Eight years ago, the 'U.S. lead was only 8342.6
billion. At last count U.S. GNP was more
than 10 times Japan's.
"It's impossible to say for certain how fast
we should expand?there's a tendency to
pick a figure out of the air," asserts F. L.
Simmons, vice president and economist of
Morgan Guaranty Trust Co., New Xork. "The
statements made, moreover, often reflect the
political underpinnings spe kers."
Mr. MORS Wiresid?, one of
the most scholarly and penetrating anal-
yses of the Cuban issue is contained in
an article by Walter Lippmann which
was published this morning in the Wash-
ington Post. I ask unanimous consent
that the article be printed at this point
in the RECORD, as a part of my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
ON WAR OVER CUBA
(By Walter Lippmann)
On the question of going to war ?ger Cuba
(by blockade or invasion) we now have avail-
able a summary of the intelligence findings
on which the administration is acting.
'These facts explain the President's decision
to confine himself at this time to measures
which are short of war. The facts were put
on the record last Wednesday, October 3,
before the House Select Committee on Ex-
port Control by 1Vir. George Ball, the Under
Secretary of State.
This intelligence estimate is based on an
elaborate system of surveillance by sea, by
air and by land, and there is every reason to
think that its accuracy is very high. For
Cuba is an island easily within reach of the
Navy and the Air Force, and with the modern
apparatus of electronic and photographic in-
telligence, little of military interest can hap-
pen without our knowing it. We do not
have to guess about what is being landed
at the Cuban ports or about what is being
constructed on Cuban territory. We know.
And anyone who chases to question the
basis of our present policy must begin by
proving that the intelligence estimates are
wrong.
So I shall quote in full Mr. Ball's testi-
mony on the crucial question of the Cuban
military buildup. "Since July, when the
volume of Soviet military shipments to Cuba
suddenly vaulted upward, 85 shiploads ar-
rived in Cuban ports. Many of them carried
military items, supplies and personnel.
These shipments have consisted, in part, of
types of weapons previously delivered to the
Cuban armed forces, including more tanks,
self-propelled guns, and other ground force
equipment. The major tonnage in tecent
shipments, however, has been devoted to
SA-2, surface-to-air missiles (SAMS)?to-
gether with all the related gear and equip-
ment necessary for their installation and op-
eration. To date, 15 SAM sites have been
established, in the island. We estimate the
total may eventually reach 25. These are
antiaircraft missiles having a slant range of
20 to 25 miles.
"In addition, three and possibly four mis-
sile sites of a different type have been iden-
tified. These sites are similar to known
Soviet coastal defense missile sites that are
believed to accommodate antishipping mis-
siles with a range of 20 to 35 miles. quite
likely several more such sites will be in-
stalled.
"Cuba is now estimated to have 60 older
type Mig jet aircraft. In addition, at least
one advanced jet-interceptor has recently
been received, and probably several more are
in the process of assembly. This type of ad-
vanced jet-interceptor is usually equipped
with infrared air-to-air missiles. We esti-
mate that the total of these advanced inter-
ceptors in Cuba may eventually reach 25
to 30.
"In addition, 16 'Komar' class guided mis-
sile patrol boats, which carry 2 short-range
missiles (11 to 17 miles) were included in
recent shipments.
"About 4,500 Soviet military specialists
?have arrived, including construction men
and technicians."
The military buildup, in short, consists of
weapons for the army, antiaircraft missiles,
coastal defense weapons, some short-range
patrol boats, a few fighter interceptors and
some 4,500 Soviet specialists, technicians,
and construction men. What is it all for?
To attack the United States? Obviously not.
The United States, using only conventional
weapons, could dispose of Cuba in a few
hours. Is the buildup to invade a Latin
American neighbor? Conceivably, but only
if Castro was prepared for the enormous
punishment that would follow. It is obvious,
I submit, that Castro is being armed against
a rerun of the raid on the Bay of Pigs in
April 1961. Tanks, coastal defenses, patrol
boats, and antiaircraft equipment would be
just exactly what he would need to repel
another landing by Cuban exiles.
The present Cuban military buildup is not
only not capable of offensive action, but also
it is not capable of defensive action against
the United States.
What then is Mr. Khrushchev up to in
Cuba? Secondarily, perhaps he is baiting a
trap for us which, if we fall into it, would
throw the whole Western Alliance into con-
fusion and disorder just at the time when
a Berlin crisis is developing.
But primarily Mr. Khrushchev is in Cuba
because he has talked so loudly about helping
revolutions. Castro has thrown himself into
Khrushchev's arms, and is blackmailing him.
The Castro regime has made itself the prime
and public test of whether international
communism is a real force or a lot of words.
Unless Castro can be made to succeed in
Cuba, the revolutionary propaganda among
the backward countries in the rest of the
world will be greatly weakened.
So Mr. Khrushchev, despite what was un-
doubtedly much reluctance, is entangled in
the fortunes of Fidel Castro. He must pour
into Cuba oil and machinery, raw materials
and food, and technicians and know-how,
and money in order to demonstrate that com-
munism can do better and faster in Cuba
what the United States and the Alliance for
Progress are trying slowly, but by peaceable
means, to do elsewhere in Latin America.
This is the core of the Soviet-Cuban
alliance. Mr. Ball described the Soviet in-
tervention in Cuba as an effort "to establish
a beachhead for subversion in this hemi-
sphere." This would mean that Cuban fa-
cilities and Cuban connections with other
countries in Latin America would be used
to infiltrate agents and propaganda and small
arms and money. All of this will work only
if in Cuba there is a showpiece of success-
ful communism. It will not work if the
agents come from a land that is in misery
and disorder.
/t follows that as long as there is no direct
military aggression by Cuba, as long as we are
limiting ourselves to measures short of war,
one of the best responses is to force the
Soviet Union and the Soviet bloc to carry
the whole burden of Cuban reconstruction.
That is the intent of the shipping measures
now being formulated. They will not de-
stroy the Castro regime now. But they
will make it much more expensive and in-
convenient for the Soviet Union to make
Castro succeed.
Following the increasing agitation of the
war party in this country, I have turned
once more to a famous passage in Winston
Churchill's writings in which he discusses
the rights and wrongs of going to war.
"The safety of the State, the lives and
freedom of their own fellow countrymen, to
whom they owe their (the statesmen) posi-
tion, make it right and imperative in the
last resort, or when a final and definite con-
viction has been reached, that the use of
force should not be excluded. If the cir-
cumstances are such as to warrant it, force
may be used. And if this be so, it should be
used under the conditions which are most
favorable. There is no merit in putting off
a war for a year if, when it comes, it is a far
worse war or one much harder to win. These
are the tormenting dilemmas upon Which
mankind has throughout its history been so
frequently impaled. Final judgment upon
them can only be recorded by history in rela-
tion to the facts of the case as known to the
parties at the time, and also as subsequently
proved." In the Cuban question the facts do
not now compel a decision to go to war and
there is no evidence whatsoever that war
is inevitable and that it should therefore, be
engaged in at once.
"Those who are prone by temperament and
character to seek sharp and clear-cut solu-
tions of difficult and obscure problems, who
are ready to fight whenever some challenge
comes from a foreign power, have not always
been right. On the other hand, those whose
inclination is to bow their heads, to seek
patiently and faithfully for peaceful com-
promise, are not always wrong. On the con-
trary, in the majority of instances they may
be right, not only morally but from a prac-
tical standpoint. How many wars have been
averted by patience and persisting good
will. * * * How many wars have been pre-
cipitated by firebrands."
Mr. MORSE. Mr. President, I wish
to read two paragraphs from the article,
because in my judgment it is a very
clear and, I believe, unanswerable de-
fense of the brilliant policy which Presi-
dent Kennedy is following in connection
with the Cuban crisis. There are those
who want our country to go to war over
Cuba; but they overlook the fact that
if we do, we shall stand almost alone,
because I think that, at the present time,
world opinion is overwhelmingly against
any such course of action?and rightly
SO.
Lippmann points it out with his keen
mind in a very convincing manner. As
I said before, and repeat today, the
American people have every right to
have confidence in President Kennedy's
position in the Cuban crisis. He has no
intention of allowing Cuba to take an
aggressive course of action, but he has
stated, in a way that is unanswerable,
that even a Communist country has the
sovereign right to build up its defenses.
Lippmann states:
The military 'buildup, in short, consists of
weapons for the army, anti-aircraft missiles,
coastal defense weapons, some short-range
patrol boats, a few fighter interceptors and
some 4,500 Soviet specialists, technicians,
and construction men. What is it all for?
To attack the United States? Obviously not.
The United States, using only conventional
weapons, could dispose of Cuba in a few
hours. Is the buildup to invade a Latin
American neighbor? Conceivably, but only
if Castro was prepared for the enormous
punishment that would follow. It is ob-
vious, I submit, that Castro is being armed
against a rerun of the raid on the Bay of
Pigs in April 1961. Tanks, coastal defenses,
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62 Approved For.ReltefOWLMA4
Pumber of television sets has, Ur/
greatly increased, and that the number
Of washing machines, air conditioners,
sagi so forth, has also greatly increased.
The article also states:
The great burst of consumer goods pro-
duction in recent years far outpaces the
tion rise. Since 1955, the 17.S. po u-
has increased 12 percent. But the
of motor vehicles In use, for exam-
climbed 24 percent. Some 8 million
Mown More than one auto now, nearly
e The 1955 total.
Ilut xi/se of television In recent
Iclameallave sets today, up from
1955
dryers: Nearly a quarter Of
are now equipped with them, up
erce.nt in 1955.
de also points out:
rising research and development
In recent years has laid the ground-
=abet betterment in living stand-
$50 billion so spent in the U.S
sat 4 years is nearly double the sum
Spent in the previous 4 years. This spend-
ing has increased yearly, through recovery
and recession, since totals first were corn-
piled in 1954.
Mr. President, the argument for in-
creasing spending and re5luc1ng taxes has
been based on the notion that our won-
Only has grown far more slowly than
have the economies overseas. But this
Is partly a statistical mirage. As the
article points out:
lhit such comparisons can be misleading.
Many foreign economies were smashed by
World War IL All are expanding from levels
far below the U.S. postwar base
Japan's 014P, for instance, has soared over
180 percent since the mid-1950's, far steeper
thanAe comparable rise of GNP in the Unit-
ed States. In absolute terms, however, the
between the two nations bas widened.
VS 4:314P, at the year's start. was $491.4 bil-
lion greater than. that of Jepan. Eight years
ago, the trnited States lead was oply 1342.8
billion At lest count U.S. GNP was more
than. 10 times Japan's.
Se I believe we should look at the real
facts, and should examine them very
carefully, before we embark on policies
Of deficit spending and of deliberately
IrOhnlanzing the budget in times of rela-
tive prosperity, since the economy has
lkineFItti)-ernely well in the last 8 years.
I ask unanimous consent that the
article from the Wall Street Journal be
printed at this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the REcon,
as follows:,
acorrourc GROWTH --17.a. LIVING STANDARD
StRiX3 Twice ati Fear as m Etats .Posxwsa
8tags-Fienionsi. Income Arras Tams Gams
3.8 Peaceser Di Pam 8 Team. 9 OF 10 HAMM
HAVE TV-PLAW us Cleowszu Cossesiuson
(By Alfred D. Malithre, Jr.)
The American standard of.:11.ving has grown
twice as fast in the last 8 years as in, the first
after World War U..
This fundamental fact Mime throng)x the
fog of Federal statistics in an era of much
fretting over slow growth in the Nation's
economy.
There is no index Of the staruikrd 91 lain&
Igeestuing it precisely is impossible. But one
figure comes close to the rwark., This is per
molt& disposable fororne adjusted for
Changes in the level of, prices. The dispoa-
: pie meant/1.th after all personal taxes.
Siam late. last year thle fimire has htia
above 62.000 fee the first tlinee Weat t414.1
puts it at 0,030 in terms of 1961 prices.
That's an upwara heunce of percent in leas
than 8 years. In the 8 years ended with 1954
It rose less than 7 percent.
The 2.000-plus figure on the statistically
average American's ultimate ability to buy
the goods and services of life Is now nearly
double the $1,212 of prewar 1939. (The 1939
total, to mole it coMParable despite price
rhsngea, is in terms of 1961 dollem. In 1939
diallers it was 0421,1 $9314
EVIDENCE IN HOMES, GOLF COURSES
Evidence of how this great growth in real
buying power has bettered the lot of the
citizen is abundant. It's found in homes
and on highways. In bowling alleys and on
glif courses. It shows In book *Mores and
concert halls. And-for the sick-in hos-
pitals.
The 48 million new United States autos
made in the last Q years alone add up to
twice as many cars as there are toaai on all
the roads of Europe (including Russia).
Ghee-a-Week bowlers In the United States
now at SO million, -double the total of 1955.
The gelling army has grown 2$ percent:
The leap ef living standards goes beyond
the enjoyment of materiel things. Columbia
Records reports the recording of classical
Music is the fastest growing partot its turd=
neas-up 80 percent from the year earlier
period in the first half qf 190. Boole sales._
over $1.2 billion yearly, are twice the 1955
total. The number of persons nOw enter-
ing hospitals is nearly half again' as large as
In the mid 1950's.
Growth of consumer products has acceler-
ated sharply in recent years.
The table below Mown U.S. production of
some familiar goods. The Postwar years,
starting with 1947. have been divided into
two 8-year periods to match recent
output against that in the supposedly fast
growing early years. Totals for 1955-62 in-
clude full-year estimates for this year. Fig-
Urns are in millione of unite.
Output
1955-62 1947-54
Autos 48.4 40.6
TV sets 51.9 37.7
Washing machines 30.8 29.0
Air conditioners 12.8 3.2
Clothes 10.6 3.3
Dishwaehers- ,? 3,9. .1.6
The quantity of goods produced in the
more recent 5-year span, in every case, ex-
ceeds the earlier output. In two instances-
air conditioners and clothes dryers-1G55-62
production is more than three times the
1947-54 total.
And the list doesn't include many items
not even produced in the early years.
Examples: Washer-dryer combination appli-
ances (100,000 unite sold by manufacturers
last year), electric can openers (1.7 million),
electric knife sharpeners (500,000) ?and tape
recorders (500,000).
otrrerefee Verratirmar Ms*
The great buret af COLLAILITIDI goods pre-
auction in MOM& years far _outpaces the
population. Bee_ Since 1955. the U.S. popu-
lation has increased 12? percent. But the
number of motor vehicles in use, for Cram-
pie, has climbed 34 percent. Some .8 million
families own more than one auto now, nearly
double the 1955 total.
Witness the rise of television in recent
years: wine of 10 homes have sets today, up
from 7 in 10 in 1955.
Or clothes dryers: Ready a quarter of U.S.
households are now equ1pped with them, up
from 8 percent In 1955.
Or beef coneumptIona Per capita, Ameri-
cans ate 67 pounds ?fat lestyear, a 12-pound
lump from the 1958 average.
. The homehundIng surge-over 10 million
new homes In bps pun, e years-has re-
duced "doubling up" among fan:Lilies. In
?
21647
1955, about 1.5 million married couples were
without homes of their own and had to ilea
with relatives or others. The total now is
close to 900,000.
And homes are getting bigger. Floor space
In a new single-family house averages about
1,500 square feet, a third more space than
the average new home contained in. 1955.
DEPRESSING DEMAND?
Paradoxically, the great boom in things for
consumers has caused some fears that con-
sumers no possess so many items there is
little room for continuing strong demand.
Many economists, however, believe such
concern is unwarranted. Norris 0. Johnson,
vice president and economist of First Na-
tional City Bank, New Fork, puts it this
way:
"Human wants are insatiable. If the old
worries about people having everything were
valid, our economy would still be in the
horse-and-buggy stages."
Living-standard growth through access to
more so-called services has been sweeping.
A dramatic example: U.S. hospitals last
year handled a record 25.5 million admis-
sions. That's about 40 percent above the
mid-1950's level.
To supply the growing wants of Americans,
UB. industry has carried out a vast ex-
pansion in recent years. Industry's massive
ability to produce has prompted some con-
cern about "excessive" capacity. But It also
has paved the way for fast growth in the
years just ahead, many experts contend.
ELECTRIC= TO SPARE
Note the gigantic growth in facilities to
generate laborsaving electricity. The coun-
try's generating capacity now exceeds 180
million kilowatts: that's nearly 70 million
above the 1955 level.
"We have the capacity now to handle a
25-percent jump in demand," says an offi-
cial of Edison Electric Institute, a trade
group representing electric utility com-
panies. In the mid-1950's, he estimates,
generating capacity was only 15 to 20 per-
cent higher than demand.
To increase and otherwise improve pro-
duction. the Nation's manufacturers have
pumped $101.3 billion into new plant and
equipment projects since 1955. That's some
$17 billion more than they spent for plant
and equipment in the entire previous post-
war era.
One result of such spending has been a
30-percent leap in production capacity in
basic induatties (metals, chemicals, petrole-
um, textiles, lumber, and cement) in the
past 8 years. These industries as a whole
are now using some 80 percent of their ca-
pacity. according to Government estimates,
down from about 85 percent in 1955.
Rapidly rising research and development
spending in. recent years has laid the ground-
work for further betterment in living stand-
ards. The $50 billion so spent in. the United
States in the past 4 years is nearly double
the sum spent in the previous 4 years. This
spending has increased yearly, through re-
covery and recession, since totals first were
compiled in 1954.
Much of the concern over "slow growth"
In the United States centers in comparisons
between the increase of gross national prod-
uct (the market value of all goods produced
and services performed) in the United States
and in other lands.
GNP in the United States has risen only
2.7 percent annually since the middle of the
last decade (after allowing for price in-
creases), far below the comparable rise in
some other lands.
But such comparisons can be misleading.
Many foreign economies were smashed by
World War U, All are expanding from
levels far below the U.S. postwar base.
Japan's GNP, for instance, has soared over
130 percent since the mid-1950's, far steeper
than the comparable rise of GNP in the
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