THE CHANGING SITUATION IN CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP65B00383R000200230009-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: June 4, 2004
• Sequence Number: 9
• Publication Date: October 5, 1962
• Content Type: OPEN

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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 21383
The motion was agreed to; and the
Presiding Officer appointed Mr. EAST-
LAND, Mr. JOHNSTON, Mr. MCCLELLAN, Mr.
HRUSKA, and Mr. KEATING conferees on
the part of the Senate.
NOTICE OF INTENTION TO FILE RE-
PORT ON SUPPLEMENTAL APPRO-
PRIATION BILL
Mr. HOLLAND. Madam President,
earlier in the day a colloquy ensued on
the floor of the Senate relative to the
last supplemental appropriation bill. I
have already advised the Senator from
Georgia [Mr. RussELL] and the Senator
from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] that I in-
tend to file the report on the bill without
fail as soon as possible after the conven-
ing of the Senate on Monday, or even
prior thereto, if that be within the rule.
I desire that all Senators be advised of
that fact.
Mr. SMATHERS. I thank my col-
league.
NOMINATION OF REPRESENTATIVE
KATHRYN GRANAHAN, OF PENN-
SYLVANIA, TO BE TREASURER OF
THE UNITED STATES
Mr. SCOTT. Madam President, I
heartily endorse the nomination of Rep-
resentative KATHRYN E. GRANAHAN, Of
Pennsylvania, to be Treasurer of the
United States. Her nomination was re-
ported favorably this afternoon by the
Committee on Finance and will be on
the Executive Calendar on Monday. I
am certain that she will do honor to the
post of Treasurer of the United States.
I served in Congress for many years
with KATHRYN GRANAHAN. She is a wo-
man of very attractive personality and
has made innumerable friends.
The nomination of a woman to this
high Federal post is recognition of the
fact that there are many more quali-
fied women who could and should be ap-
pointed to more posts in Government
than are now being appointed.
NEED FOR REVISION OF SENATE
RULES
Mr. SCOTT. Madam President, I de-
sire to echo the statement made by the
senior Senator from New York [Mr. JAv-
ITS] that we must again do our level
best to amend the archaic and often in-
operable rules of the Senate. I believe
a hard battle must be waged next Janu-
ary for the amendment of rule XXII. I
think it is obvious that only the absten-
tion of certain Senators from the floor
enabled the cloture petition to succeed
this year. I believd the original ob-
stacle still prevails, so far as the clear-
ance of civil rights measures to the floor
is concerned. In that and other mat-
ters, I believe the rules of the Senate
should be made more realistic in accord-
ance with the needs of Congress and the
rights of the people involved.
PROPOSED AMENDMENT OF
CLOTURE RULE
Mr. HUMPHREY. Madam Presi-
dent-
Mr. SMATHERS. Madam President, the attention of the Senate and the Na-
I ask unanimous consent that I may tion the difficulties which are presented
yield 4 minutes to the Senator from when a majority of the elected Members
Minnesota. of this body attempt to get to a vote,
The PRESIDING OFFICER. With- after a full and fair debate, on a proposi-
out objection, it is so ordered. tion to which there is strong sectional
Mr. HUMPHREY. I thank the Sena- opposition.
tor from Florida. Madam President, the precedents al-
Madam President, it was the hope of ready established at the opening of Con-
a number of Senators that the sine die
adjournment would occur tomorrow.
However, we now know that will not be
possible.
However, before the sine die adjourn-
ment of the 87th Congress, certain Sen-
ators, including myself and the Senator
from Michigan [Mr. HART], wish to know
about the situation in regard to the de-
termination of certain Senators to work
for a change in rule XXII at the be-
ginning of the 88th Congress, in Janu-
ary 1963. A letter signed by the Sena-
tor from Michigan [Mr. HART] and my-
self has been sent to certain Senators, in
order toalert our colleagues as to our
intention to request their support of our
effort in January 1963, to bring about
a change in rule XXII.
There has been a clear demonstration
of the need for a clear-cut antifilibuster
rule which would permit a, majority of
the Members of the Senate to proceed
to vote after full and fair debate. The
time to make this - proposal is at the
opening of a new Congress. We hope
other Senators will join us in supporting
that effort.
It is said that the successful cloture
vote this year demonstrates the work-
ability of the present antifilibuster rule.
However, I disagree with that argument.
It is apparent that the- present rule will
not be successful if there is strong op-
position to ending debate on a measure
of considerable controversy. For ex-
ample, I do not believe that under the
present rule there is a real chance to
obtain the necessary two-thirds vote in
order to end debate and obtain action on
meaningful civil-rights legislation.
The letter which has been sent is very
much in line with the statement I am
making now. As I have said, the letter
was signed - by the. Senator from Michi-
gan [Mr. HART] and myself.
We are seeking the advice of Senators
in regard to how to proceed in ,January.
We hope that in January we shall be
able to arrive at a consensus of opinion
as to the type of rule change to be pro-
posed, and we hope to be able to enlist
the support of the overwhelming ma-
jority of Members of the Senate. We
rule is needed; and I shall do my best Michigan [Mr. HART] have sent -out. + At
to secure the adoption of a rule change the moment I can name only -four of
which will make it possible to have the those five; they are the Senator from
vote on a controversial measure taken California [Mr. KUCHELI, my colleague
after full and fair debate has been had, [Mr. KEATING], the Senator_ from New
so that a majority of the Senate will be Jersey [Mr. CASE], the Senator from
able to work its will. Pennsylvania [Mr. ScoTT], and myself.
Mr. HART. Madam President, as the In this connection, we have an infor-
Senator from Minnesota has said, he mal liaison with Senators on the Demo-
and I have addressed to a number of our cratic side; and we shall give our utmost
colleagues a letter indicating our inten- support in the fight to amend rule XXII.
tion again to join-at the opening of the I hope that the change in the rule
next Congress-in the endeavor to ob-. which will be made in January will be
tain an effective anti-filibuster rule. in accordance with the so-called Douglas
Very considerable progress has been plan, which provides that after 30 days
made in the past 10 years in bringing to of debate, debate may be ended by the
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gress in previous years clearly indicate
that this is the orderly,and proper time
for the Senate to consider the rules which
- will govern its procedures. Both party
"platforms support a change in the anti-
filibuster rule. Both party platforms
support meaningful - civil rights legisla-
tion. There is no doubt in my mind that
a further modification of rule =II must
occur if, in fact, we expect the Congress
to meet its responsibilities in the area of
long overdue civil rights legislation.
Efforts have previously been made to
change the rules. The record shows a
growing number of supporters. Such a
rule change was first proposed at the
opening of Congress in January 1953. In
that year, those seeking to take up the
rule question at the opening of the 83d-
Congress mustered only 21 votes. In
January 1961, 48 Senators wanted to
change the rule at the opening of the
87th Congress.
There are those who would argue that
the experience this year on the cloture
vote during the debate on the com-
munications satellite bill demonstrates
the -workability of the present rule. But
I believe it would be a real pipedream
to imagine that the filibuster used today
by those who represent strong sectional
interests could be effectively broken
under. the present cloture rule.
I hope that in the weeks and- months
ahead we shall be able to develop sup-
port for such a change. At the opening
of the 88th Congress, the Senate will
have an opportunity to free itself from
a most restrictive practice, one which
prevents the Senate from meeting its re-
sponsibilities at mid-20th-century in the
critical area of legislation necessary to
protect basic human and civil rights.
Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, will
the Senator from Minnesota yield?
Mr. HUMPHREY. I yield.
Mr. JAVITS. Madam President, on
our side, in the asbence of the Senator
from California [Mr. KucHEL], who is
taking the lead in the matter on our side,
I wish to state that five of us are today
sending to our Republican colleagues a
letter which is precisely the same as the
letter which the Senator from Minnesota
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21384 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE October 5
affirmative votes of a constitutional ma- fags by former vice President Nixon and strates a unanimity which has thus far
jority of the Senate. according to the Constitution-is the been lacking, and demonstrates an
At the time of the debate on the satel- proper time to do so. awareness on the part of the countries
lite bill and the successful cloture vote Mr. HUMPHREY. That Is correct. of Central and South America of the
in connection with that bill. I said I Mr. JAVITS. I thank the Senator real menace of communism in Cuba to
thought the invoking of cloture at that from Minnesota. all those countries.
time would not be harmful to the at- Mr. KEATING. Madam President, I was delighted to see that such coun-
tempt we proposed to make in January will the Senator from Minnesota yield tries as Brazil, Mexico, and Argentina
1963, to amend rule XXII. I stated that to me? were willing to go along with such a
I felt sure that the cloture vote on the Mr. HUMPHREY. I yield. strongly worded resolution. I think,
satellite bill would clearly indicate that Mr. KEATING. In January, when we overall, it means that great progress has
an attempt to invoke cloture under the make our bipartisan effort to change been made.
present rule could be successful only rule XXII, we shall surely be met with I think much of the credit for it is de-
when a very special situation existed; the argument that in 1962, the effort to served by the President of the United
namely, only when a substantial num- invoke cloture was successful, and there- States. I was not privileged to be at the
ber of Senators were willing to absent fore no change in the rule is needed. luncheon which was held in the White
themselves, rather than participate in However, that is a fallacious argument. House on, last Tuesday, I believe, at
the vote on the question of invoking All of us know that the method by which which he invited an the foreign ministers
cloture; and I said that that situation cloture was obtained in 1962 could have of the Western Hemisphere. It is my
was a clear Indication that, in terms of been successful only on this one issue, information that he talked to them -in
dealing with legislative proposals gen- and only then because a substantial rather straightforward and stern lan-
erally, it is necessary that rule XXII be number of Senators were willing to guage about the need for action on the
amended. In short, I stated that the absent themselves from the Chamber and part of the Central American countries
action taken by the Senate in Invoking not participate in the cloture vote. It particularly the Caribbean countries,
cloture in connection with the debate on would not enhance the prestige of the and all the other countries in the West-
the satellite bill constituted an important Senate to continue under a rule that ern Hemisphere for united and strong
precedent in favor of effecting an necessitates that if cloture is to be in- action In opposing the Communist gov-
amendment to rule XXII. voked, certain- Senators must absent ernment of Cuba. What he had to say
I hope that we shall be able to repeat themselves. Obviously, this is the only In the White House had a great deal to
that argument most strongly at the time way by which cloture could have been do with the satisfactory results which
of the convening of the new Congress obtained in the debate on the commu- we saw were accomplished only yester-
In January, which is the proper time, ac- nications satellite bill. day, when the foreign ministers wound
cording to the rulings by former Vice in short, it is still absolutely essential up their meeting.
President Nixon, for changes in the rules that a meaningful change be made in I also wish to take a moment to con-
to be made. rule XXII to make possible the enact- gratulate the Secretary General, Mr.
Mr. HUMPHREY. Madam President, ment of meaningful civil rights legis- Jose Mora. for his leadership and his ex-
I loin the Senator from New York in lation. pressed belief that the time had long
expressing the hope that by means of a I am sure that the rule envisioned by since passed when all the countries of
bipartisan effort, we shall be able to the distinguished assistant majority the Western Hemisphere, all the coun-
succeed in this endeavor. leader and the other interested Senators tries of the American States, should do
Mr. JAVITS. I thank the Senator will allow more than ample time for more than they had done with respect,
from Minnesota. debate on any issue on earth. I stress first, to proscribing Communist activ-
Madam President, as I have said, the that I am referring to earth-bound sties in the Western Hemisphere, and,
Senator from California [Mr. KUCHELI, issues, like civil rights, not esoteric second, getting rid of communism In
who is taking the lead on our side in subjects that are off in outer space. Cuba, I congratulate Secretary General
connection with the letter, is due to Madam President, certainly there must Mora for the statement he made and the
return to the Chamber In a moment or come a time, in a government of the leadership which has been provided.
two. people, when their legislative body can My only regret now is that it did not
Mr. HUMPHREY. Madam President, come to grips with this very fundamental occur a little sooner. However, I am
I discussed this subject with the Senator problem. It must not be stymied by p happy that it has finally happened,
2 days ago, and it was clearly understood minority, with the result that minority In that connection. I ask unanimous
that on the Republican side, action simi- rule, rather than majority rule, exists in consent to have printed at this point in
lar to that already taken on the Demo- the Congress. the RECORD an editorial which appeared
cratic side would be taken. In short, we I pledge myself to the majority leader in the Washington Evening Star of
are working together, and also with our and to the other Senators that I will Thursday, September 27, 1962, entitled
respective groups; and, as I have said, exert my full efforts to bring about a "The Menace in Cuba."
In January the Senator from Michigan meaningful change In rule XXII at the The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mrs.
[Mr. HART], the Senator from Illinois beginning of the next session. NEUBERGER in the chair). Is there ob-
[Mr. DOUGLAS]. myself, the Senator from jection?
Oregon [Mr. Moass], the Senator from There being no objection, the editorial
New Mexico [Mr. ANDERSON]-who has HE CHANGING SITUATION IN was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
been a strong leader in this fight-and t1 CUBA
other Senators will join forces in the ef- THE MENACE IN CUBA
fort to agree on the rule change we Mr. SMATHERS. Madam President, I The threat In Cuba grows apace. Now we
shall propose and to agree on the strategy wish to discuss for not more than ap- have been told by Fidel Castro and his
we shall follow; and, in light of our ex- proximately 15 minutes the changing mentors in the Kremlin that a special port
perience during the past year, I think situation In Cuba. Is to be built down there to service and sup-
that at that time we shall be in a better At the outset I wish to state that, like ply a Soviet "fishing" fleet made up of as
course,
position than ever to proceed with the many others, I am greatly pleased with many as to trawlers. Department has Actually, of Indicated and
fight to makesuch a change in the rule. the progress which has been made In as the State as pentagon sources have warned, the de-
Mr. JAVITS. Yes. Does not the recent days, and particularly with the velopment certainly Involves much more
Senator fromMinnesota agree that it is announcement made yesterday by the than a desire by the Russians to catch sea-
fair to say that we are pledging a bi- Secretary General of the Organization food in waters they have never tried before.
partisan effort to amend rule XXII, in of American States and by our Secre- To begin with, the following facts, among
order to endeavor to reduce the power of tary of State. Dean Rusk, at the conclu- others, need to be kept in mind: (1) The
the filibuster, and in order to give us a sion of the meeting of foreign ministers normal Soviet fishing grounds In this hemi-to now to the
sph
effective means of effecting cloture; representing the Latin American coun- N rth have Most up trawlers
and we are pledging that we will under- tries. are semimtlttary In the sense that they are
take that effort at the openingof the new I cannot help but think that the reso- elaborately equipped with radar and other
Congress, which-according to the rul- lution which they have adopted demon- devices designed to spy upon such things
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 1962 Approved For Release 2004/06/23 : CIA-RDP65B00383R000200230009-8
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE 21385
as our Polaris missile launchings. (3) A thus stands unanimously judged a satellite munism in Cuba. I think we need to go
Cuban port for these vessels could easily ac- for a hostile foreign power-and the fact further.
commodate Red submarines and Red tor- that Mexico, Brazil and Chile joined in this
pedo boats. And (4) the ports thus could condemnation should have massive impact in that tion, I ly deal-
intro-
serve the Kremlin as a sort of naval base on hemisphere opinion. duced in the e Senate two resolutisolutions deal-
that would be almost within shouting dis- The declaration also opens the way for the ing directly with Communist Cuba.
tance of our shores and capable of threat- kind of collective response envisaged by the One resolution called for U.S.
ening the Panama Canal, vital inter- Rio Pact, a response that would comport recognition of a Cuban revolutionary
American shipping lanes and places like with international law and not violate a government-in-exile. The second urged
Cape Canaveral. single treaty. While the United States did
True,
True, It may be argued that the United not obtain agreement on an airtight eco- the Ut Supter the estab-
States-with its base at Guantanamo, its nomic embargo at this stage, a consensus alliance.
of an inter-American military
awesome arsenal of nuclear weapons, its is. forming that will surely lead to collective alliance.
wide variety of missiles, its great fleet of sanctions. Meanwhile, bilateral agreement If adopted, I believe that these resolu-
bombers, and _ its amphibious forces-has ought to be reached with Chile on ending tions would be positive and effective
little or no reason to fear the building of yearly purchases of some $10 million worth steps leading toward the eradication of
such a port, which could be wiped out as of Cuban sugar.
easily and as swiftly as a fly can be swatted. Meanwhile, the proposed closing communism from are this hemisphere.
But that is not the real point of-the matter. ports to foreign ships 'carrcin of U.B. I think they t sae logical next
of our steps
bThe real point is that the Kremlin, with Cuba could also have a palpable psy holog- which we should take in view of oeo-
studied arrogance, has chosen to be deliber- ical effect In releasing North American frus- jective and the objective of the free peo
ately provocative to an exceptionally intense tration. If European countries do not re- pie of this hemisphere in getting rid of
and dangerous degree, It has done so by spond to requests for an embargo, the United Castro communism in Cuba.
ostentatiously ridiculing the Monroe Doc- States can show the earnestness of its In- More important even than that, these
trine, by using the insufferable Fidel Castro tent by unilateral action. Hopefully this recommendations would demonstrate
to make captives of the betrayed Cuban peo- can demonstrate to the Europeans that that the American people have made up
ple, and by planting itself, noisily and inso- Washington does not see the Cuban con- their minds on a vital issue-that we will
lently, on a foothold in the Western Hemi- diet in terms of a feud with a flyweight no longer tolerate the existence of ag-
sphere-a foothold from which it apparent- dictator but rather as a direct confrontation
ly intends to launch a war of subversion and with Soviet power. gressive communism in any form in any
indirect agression against the Americas. , Despite expectations to the contrary, the part of this hemisphere, and that we
All this brings to mind these recent words informal foreign ministers meeting did yield have set about to do something realistic
of President Kennedy: "If at any time the important results. Credit for this belongs to about it.
Communist buildup in Cuba were to en- all who participated, but it is noteworthy Once that resolve is made, then the n any
that
the
ommuni
reflecte dayg* or*ith enethis lcountry willidoiwh t- g stions made on Sunday by Secretary Gen- viable par which I offered can y made a
ever must be done." Unhappily, that time eral Jose Mora of the Organization of Amer-resolutions are resole pars aour national t anal policy. These
seems to be rapidly approaching, if it is not ican States. Let It also be remarked that not a magic formula.
already here. Qur friends and allies should Secretary of State Rusk showed sure po- They are not a roadmap to utopia. They
respond accord#ngly. Some of them have litical instincts in helping to find the uni- are a means to an end-if we choose to
suggested that only the United States needs fying denominator in an assembly of 20 take action against the Communists.
to worry about the matter. They could not nations. There ' -
be more wrong. The menace is global, and it e- o is, of hing. another al ay, to
must- be .met head on by all men and na- Mr. SMATHERS. Madam President, sire-to do nothing. That is to say, to
tions who still cherish freedom. before I discuss the resolutions which I sit and hope, and wish that Castro would
Mr. SMATHERS. Madam Pproposed in the Senate, I wish to say fall and communism will disappear, and
also aunanimous consent President,
have that while we greatly appreciate what let it go at that. If that is our choice,
also ask this point in tRECORD to an have has been stated at the foreign min- then communism will soon dominate, in
I pri ted which appeared int in the his morn- isters' meeting and the demonstration my judgment, other sections of our Wett-
ing's Washington Post, n this of a hardened attitude with respect to ern Hemisphere through subversion and
One Voice," which Post, attention entitled to the Fidel Castro and Communist Cuba on Red-fomented internal upheaval, and
great oih cl on of the the part of those countries, I am sure we- the threat to the peace and security of
great statement h made by Western H the emisphere. also appreciate the fact that the admin- our neighbors to the south, and to us,
atsThesn t being the no objection, the editorial istration recently announced that it will be increased 100 times over that
was ordered to be printed in theeditoffal would be the policy of our Government which it is today.
was : to tell the other nations of the world But assuming that action of some kind
WITI3 ONE VOICE whose shipping has been carrying goods will be taken, and that it will be intelli-
in an admirable show of unanimity, lq into the Communist-controlled country gent and reasoned, looking toward elimi-
Latin Amadmir rle i have joined with of Cuba, and then has come to the nation of communism in Cuba, then I
the United States in emphatically, clearly, United States to pick up additional goods strongly recommend consideration of my
and bluntly condemning Sino-Soviet inter- to carry back home, that their ships will two suggestions embodied in the two
vention in Cuba.. There are no weasel Words no longer, be welcome in our ports; that, resolutions.
in the final communique released by the in some measure, ships that deal with With regard to the resolutions, I ask
foreign ministers who have been informally Cuba and carry goods into Cuba, no mat- unanimous consent that Senators BUT-
conferring in Washington. Messrs. Castro ter of what nature, will be looked upon LER, HOLLAND, HICKEY, LONG of Louisi-
and Khrushchev have accomplished the un-- as outlawed ships as far as the United ana, SCOTT, THURMOND, TOWER, and
likely miracle of bringing countries as diverse States is concerned. I think that will of as co-
as Costa Rica and Brazil, Mexico and Uruguay YOUNG s North Dakota be named Co-
Into
into fundamental accord on the single most have a salutary effect on the free people sponsors of Senate Resolution 393, intro-
question before the hemisphere. of this hemisphere. I think it will duced by me on September 18 resolving
The communique explicitly condemns So- further restrict the activities of Fidel that it be declared to be the sense of the
viet intervention in Cuba and states that Castro- and communism in Cuba. It will Senate that the U.S. Government should
the threat this poses to the hemisphere re- put great pressure on him. I congratu- support the formation of an inter-Amer-
quires ? the adoption of special measures, late the administration on the adoption ican military alliance joined by all na-
bath individual pgei e." It hemis here governments to Intensify coun- of that particular program. I am happy tions in the Western Hemisphere who
termeasures against Communist-Cuban sub- that I, along with others, recommended voluntarily wish to do so, take such ac-
version. Significantly, the declaration ex- that such a course be adopted by, the tion as may be deemed necessary to drive
tends sympathy to "the victims of the present administration 'about 2 or 3 weeks ago. communism out of this hemisphere.
regime" and expresses the hope that the is- However, I think we all recognize that The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
land will soon return to a form of govern- we still need to take further action. So objection, it is so ordered.
inter-American system.
menu compatible with the principles of the far as I am concerned, I do not really Mr. SMATHERS. I also ask unani-
This unanimous declaration makes it believe that, in the final analysis, merely mows consent that Senators ALLOTT,
abundantly clear that the real issue in dis- the adoption of the resolution of the BUTLER, HOLLAND, HICKEY, LONG Of
Pete is not Fidel Castro or the social dis-
tem that foreign ministers of the Western Hemi- Louisiana, SCOTT, THURMOND, TOWER,
prevails in Cuba today. It is in- sphere nations, standing by - itself, will and YOUNG of North Dakota be named as
stead Soviet intervention. The Castro regime bring down Castro or bring down com- cosponsors of Senate Resolution 394,
No. 182-21
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21386 CONGRESSIONAL RECUR R& DP ates during the
every
election or introduced by the sen a of the Senate N zi occuthe do nom stgovernment was occurri g in any government her change
key-
thlving ving that it is
as the the United States should true government of Cuba, a Cuban prior to the invasion, since many ePoliisdh sons of International law, in any such
revolutionary avowed purpose is oe lead thee Cuban mania by thee Germans, andntherexRu- two-nation ile time limit Is agreement, for the duration case people in the liberation and recovery of government was formed by other Polish ofutheanamotreaty-which
c ewashthereaty iat Bay, their homeland. leaders. self holds in force unles it is cancelled
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without Although the United States did not by both parties.
objection, it is so ordered. give formal diplomatic recognition to the That is parties. well established principle of
Mr. SMATHERS? Let us first consid- free French movement during World international law.
er the resolution calling for the estab- War II. in August of 1943 it did recognize practical matter, the upholding
of our treaty rights i Guupholding
lishment of a Cuban revolutionary gov- the French Committee of National Lib- As a
ernment-in-exile. The resolution itself eration-Charles De Gaulle's move- of our t treaty frigh s in G not n the depends says: ment-as administering certain French Castro government's interpretation o
Resolved, That It is hereby declared to be oversee territories. international law, but on the Marine
the sense of the Senate that the United It is for international lawyers to ap- garrison at Guantanamo.
States should recognize as the true govern- preciate these distinctions between for- Therefore, Madam President, I do not
ernmentmeet of Cuba Cuba exile a whose Cuban revolutionary avowed wed purpose goy- is real recognition of an exile government feel that this argument, made against the
purpose a government-in-exile on
groups partial recognition
given to States
and the Cuban people in the liberation by
such exile the
as the basis that we might lose our rights
ecoghniton United
and recovery of their homeland.
Further resolved, , That the United States De Gaulle'S which had neither con- in Guantanamo Bay, has any merit
should recognize only a Cuban revolutionary tinuity nor a relationship with any previ- whatever.
government-in-exile which agrees, prior to ous government In France. The impor- A third criticism of my resolution is
recognition by the United states, that it tent thing is that the United States that recognition of a government-in-
the Ce an pe o- showed its overwhelming desire to co- exile would end the current U.B. repre-
will, liber Cuba, s upon the uthority of
It
ts power and atofre to the Cuban uD operate in an extraordinarily close man- sentation in Havana through the Swiss
pie by the holding e elections. ner with the free French movementand Government, thereby preventing us from
The first objection raised against this its leader who was ready to oppose a the protection, representation, and so
resolution is that there is no precedent totalitarian conquest of his country. forth, of any U.S. citizens remaining in
for the United States recognizing an ex- The term "government-in-exile" may Cuba,
ile government other than one which acknowledgedly be misleading. What Is To this objection, let me say that what-
was established and subsequently was needed is a Cuban juridical personality ever representation we have in Cuba to-
forced to abandon its native territory. under international law; and it Is in this day, through the fine and cooperative
May I say that this statement is In- sense that the resolution should be in- offices of the Swiss Government, in the
correct. For instance, during World terpreted. last analysis is effective only to the ex-
War I, a Czechoslovak National Council It should be noted that this proposed tent that Castro, or more precisely Khru-
was formed for nhe purpose r waging a government or authority Is to be created shchev, wants it to be effective. What-dence war , then ind erely a part for the Austro- and recognized by the United States for ever cooperation we might seek-and
Hungarian merely a pof thAustro- a single purpose, well defined in the reso- there are times when these can be justi-
The Council was lution; to wit: for the purpose of leading fled, such as In the case of American craft
The Coeme woo founded and the Pitts- the Cuban people in the war of national being shipwrecked off the coast of Cuba-
burgh 1918, hie and the unify liberation in which they have been en- can only be obtained at the sufferance of
burgh Pact of which served to unify
gaged during the past 2 years against the Castro government.
1A 1-
diverse exile elements. On September 3,
1918, the United States recognized the.
Czechoslovak National Council as a de
facto belligerent government. This
meant that we recognized an organized
opposition to the de jure government
of the territory in question.
I would like to stress that the United
States took an important hand in work-
ing toward the establishment of this gov-
ernment and that Its founding agree-
ments were signed in two American
cities. I might also add that strong and
effective diplomatic relations were estab-
United States and
h
e
lished between t
this newly recognized government and made to the able -Senator from New
York IMr. KEATING), when he has advo-
loans
S
ix U
i
d
-
.
.
ve
s
that it actually rece
in addition to U.S. recognition, the cated the recognition of a Cuban Gov-
Czechoslovakia National Council was ernment in exile. There are those who
ultimately recognized by Great Britain, say that would give to Fidel Castro au-
France, and Italy. thority to abrogate the treaty which we
A second example occurred during have entered into with the previous Cu-
World War I when the Poles, under the ban Government for a long-term lease
leadership of Paderewski, and with the at Guantanamo Bay.
cooperation and aid of the Polish move- Any government holding itself out to
,
meet in Chicago, formed a Polish NA- be the representative of the state and various eof the exiled groups.
tional Committee for the purpose of at- accepted as such by other states is bound ariousk, elements en Paderewski, and De Gaulle had
taining a free Polish state, since 1863 to observe the rules of international law to struggle mightily for the unity of their
under the occupation of Russia. On and to abide by the treaty obligations
November 1, 1918, the Polish Army was of the state. The continuity and char- people, and It Is s do cult to s say just how by the recognized by the United States as a co- acter of the state as an "International Sinteracted with the unification
belligerent, under the supreme political person" undergoes to change because of States
authority of the Polish National Com- a change in the governing body which attempts.
mittee. - represents it. This is a unanimous ac- The fact remains that the task of
Again during World War II another cepted principle of international law. exiles to form a united political front
Polish government-in-exile was recog- Were this not so, treaties would be abro- Is an extremely delicate anI thorny one,
their Communist oppressors. ouch a" . To me plea tab ,,, r.c
authority, it must be clearly understood, nizing a government-in-exile, be jeo-
cannot and shall not pretend to govern pardizing the safety of Americans still in
the Cuban people, once their liberation Cuba, I recall on several occasions the
has been assured. It was for an identi- State Department has urged that Ameri-
cal purpose that the United States recog- cans should leave the country and that
nized and supported the Czechoslovak the U.S. Government could no longer
National Council in 1918. guarantee their protection.
A second argument raised against my ours would certainly be a hobbled, in-
proposal is that recognition of a govern- effective, and distorted Cuban policy if
ment-in-exile would give Castro an ex- we were to shape it to the needs of a
cuse to abrogate the treaty concerning handful of Americans who have been
the U.S. Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay. urged by our Government ttoo le v e Cuba,
A final argument against a govern-
ment-in-exile is that the Cuban refugees
are too disorganized to form a govern-
ment-in-exile worthy of recognition.
In the previously stated examples of
Czechoslovakia and Poland during World
War I, Poland during World War II, and
the Free French movement during World
War II, there was a great deal of con-
competition, and strife between
troversy
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 Approve
which is disguised by the fact that all
exile elements have a common purpose,.
and therefore should have no insur-
mountable difficulties in working togeth-
er. If recognition were held out as a
promise to the Cuban exiles, the condi-
tion being that they form an effective,
unified, viable organization, it would
necessarily exert tremendous pressures
in the direction of this desired unity. As
it stands, there is now no real reason
for unity.
To further supplement that particu-
lar argument, I point out that we should
remember that at the time of the unfor-
tunate Bay of Pigs invasion all the Cu-
ban exile groups at that particular mo-
ment, when they realized the battle had
been joined, forgot their political dif-
ferences and immediately joined up,
tried to volunteer, and tried to get into
the fray. Unfortunately, at that time
there was not a sufficiently well-trained
organization to receive them.
At that point I should like to add that
I have heard it said that one of the
reasons. we should not go forward and
exercise any kind of force in the case is
that if we should do so, it might turn
other Latin American nations against
us. It is a significant fact that at the
time of the invasion at the Bay of Pigs,
while the outcome was still in doubt for
some 48 hours-72 hours in- some areas,
in the understanding of some coun-
tries-not a single Latin American coun-
try criticized the action which was
taken. The first time any criticism_
came about was when. it became evident
that the operation was a failure. Many
of my Latin American friends have told
me that when the invasion was in ?prog-
ress and they thought the United States
was really supporting it, they had the
first good feeling that they had had
about the United States and what we
were willing to stand up and do than
they had had in almost 2 years. Many
of them said that they walked down the
street feeling a great deal more proud
of their association with the United
States.
However, unfortunately, when the
operation began to collapse and we with-
drew our support, those people began to
slink back into their corners. It was
then that the so-called liberal forces
far to the left egged on by the Com-
munists, began to get their governments
to criticize the United States for the part
which we had taken, because it then ap-
peared that, the United States would not
stand firmly in support of its friends.
So the contention that we could not
get the Cuban exiles or the Latin Ameri-
can people to stand with us should we
recognize a Cuban government-in-exile
is not borne but by the facts, reason, or
logic.
Today the United States has opened
its military service for the admission of
Cuban refugees. Though the program
has been in effect for only a short time,
already somewhere between 2,500 and
3,000 young Cubans have joined. They
come from every political climate.
What they are interested in is action.
I cannot help but believe that if the day
should come when the United States
should urge upon these foreign political
groups that they get together-putting
them in a room, if need be, and saying,
"You must come out with some leader-
ship or else we will pick someone"-we
would hear no more argument among
the divided political groups, particularly
when they understand that the govern-
ment which is recognized by the United
States is only a government of liberation
and will itself dissolve and not seek po-
litical power after the liberation of Cuba
has been accomplished.
I think it is appropriate to bring up
at this time the fact that one of the
soundest and most influential organiza-
-tions in matters of national security and
foreign affairs is the Veterans of Foreign
Wars of the United States. It is, I be-
lieve, extremely significant that the Vet-
erans of Foreign Wars at its recent na-
tional convention, the latter part of
August 1962, in-Minneapolis, Minn., un-
animously adopted a resolution urging
the recognition of governments-in-exile
as a means of countering Communist
aggression.
This action by the VFW, which has a
national membership of 1,300,000 over-
sea combat veterans, reflects a firm
knowledge and grasp of the issues in-
volved in our continuing crises stemming
from Communist aggression.
Furthermore, this VFW action demon-
strates a clear realization on the part of
this great veterans organization that
there are things that can and should be
done in order to sustain the spirit of
those who resist Communist aggression
to take the initiative from the Kremlin
strategists, and, as a result, enhance our
ability as a nation to persevere through
to victory against the Red tide of con-
quest.
Because of its importance and perti-
nency to the current crisis, I wish to
refer at this time to Resolution 227, call-
ing for U.S. recognition of governments-
in-exile and support thereof.
Madam President, I ask unanimous
consent to have printed in the RECORD
the resolution of the Veterans of Foreign
Wars.
There being no objection, the resolu-
tion was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
RESOLUTION 227-SUPPORTING FOREIGN GOV-
ERNMENTAL LEADERS WHO OPPOSE COM-
MUNISM
Whereas the ruthless march of Communist
aggression has overthrown various govern-
ments which have resisted Communist en-
croachment; and
Whereas various governmental leaders
have left their countries rather than submit
to Communist oppression and serve as pup-
pets of the Red rulers; and
Whereas those who have refused to stay
and serve the Communist cause of conquest
have continued in foreign lands their reso-
lute resistance to communism; and
Whereas the vigorous anti-Communist
actions of such leaders, who have refused to
serve as Red puppets, have been a source of
inspiration to freedom-loving peoples every-
where, and a source of embarrassment to
Communist aggressors; and
Whereas the cause of freedom would be
well served by recognizing the heroism and
determination of such governmental leaders
in exile; and
Whereas recognition of such fighters
against aggression would be both morally
and strategically sound: Now, therefore, be
it -
Resolved by the 63d National Convention
of the Veterans of Foreign Wars of the United
States, That the United States officially rec-
ognize such Red-displaced governments as
governments-in-exile, and extend to such
persons and governments moral, diplomatic,
and material support.
Mr. SMATTERS. At that particular
point, with respect to the Cuban govern-
ment-in-exile, I hear people who are
experts on the question-and increas-
ingly everyone is becoming an expert,
which is only right, because we are giving
the question more and more attention-
say that what we really need is not a
Cuban government in exile, but an in-
digenous revolution from within Cuba.
We are told that that is really the way to
overthrow Fidel Castro.
Madam President, I could not agree
with that statement more. But I main-
tain that the only possible way in which
we shall ever bring about any kind of
successful revolution in Cuba is through
some outside help. I doubt if it ever
could be successful without some out-
side help. But we will not have any
kind of pressure upon the Communists
within Cuba and on Fidel Castro's gov-
ernment until we are able to get some
help to the people of Cuba. They must
have guns, sustenance, and the equip-
ment that is needed to put pressure on
Fidel Castro.
I submit that there is no other way to
get the equipment to the people in Cuba
except through a government-in-exile.
I do not believe the United States
wishes officially to say, "We are going to
try to move in ourselves at this particular
moment," for obviously that would bring
us into open war between ourselves and
Cuba.
What I am about to say is not intended
to be in disparagement of the CIA. I do
not believe the CIA, in the manner in
which it operates, is equipped to bring
large numbers of weapons, ammunition
and. equipment to the freedom fighters in
Cuba. The only way that could be ac-
complished would be through a Cuban
government-in-exile, or whatever else we
wish to call it. It should be a govern-
ment that the United States can recog-
nize as. we recognize the Government of
Chiang Kai-shek. We give to Chiang
Kai-shek upward of $500 million equip-
ment every year to oppose the Red Com-
munist government on the mainland of
China. If we can do that, we can at
least give some amount of help to the
Cuban juridical government, whatever
we wish to call it, and no matter where it
is located.
We can do It legally. Cubans out-
side their country have ways and
means of sending the equipment into
Cuba. I am told that it is much
more difficult to get the equipment
away from the shores of the State of
Florida. There is much more difficulty
in getting by our own immigration offi-
cials and sheriffs, who try to prevent
Cuban patriots from going to Cuba with
the kind of equipment they expect to use
to overthrow Castro. It is more difficult
to get it out of the State of Florida than
it is to get it to the shores of Cuba.
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If we were to recognize a government-
in-exile, that government could call on
us for help, and we could openly and
frankly give that government the help
which it would require, and it could be
used to bring pressure on Fidel Castro.
My second resolution says "that it be
the sense of the Senate that the U.S.
Government supports the formation of
an inter-American military alliance,
joined by all nations in the hemisphere
who voluntarily wish to do so, for the
purpose of carrying out the principles
previously enunciated."
First, I think it would be well to point
out that the resolution does not contem-
plate a general alliance of the Organiza-
tion of American States within the
framework of the Organization of Amer-
ican States, because such an alliance al-
ready exists.
Nor does time allow the United States
entering into a protracted series of nego-
tiations involving many nations In the
hemisphere which have demonstrated
less concern with the penetration of
Communists Into the hemisphere than
has the United States, and hence do not
consider themselves endangered by the
presence of an extra-continental power
in the Caribbean. This resolution is pri-
marily directed to those nations in the
hemisphere who already consider them-
selves, their governments, and their peo-
ples harassed and menaced by aggressive
Soviet military and subversive power, ex-
ercised through the puppetecring of
Castro Cuba.
The resolution which I offered the Sen-
ate does not propose to exclude any
American state, nor to pressure nor en-
tice those who presently remain indiffer-
ent to the Soviets in the Americas. This
resolution rests on the principle of self-
protection recognized by international
law and by the Charter of the United
Nations. It contemplates a military pact
or understanding which would properly
function when the danger of aggression
becomes imminent.
It has been a traditional practice in
international relations to consider mobi-
lization of military forces by a neighbor-
ing country as a preparation for aggres-
sion, indeed as in itself an act of aggres-
sion. And in such cases, the response
can be no other, pending further devel-
opments, but an equal mobilization on
the part of the country or countries so
menaced. Under the circumstances, and
if the military buildup In Cuba con-
tinues, it is but natural that the Carib-
bean nations proceed without delay to
mobilize their forces of land, sea, and
air at least in the same proportion as
Cuba has already done.
That has already happened. Cuba
has on Its shores many more arms and
munitions and many more men than it
could possibly need for the maintenance
of law and order In Cuba. I do not know
what is a defensive weapon or an offen-
sive weapon. I have never seen a rifle
or a mortar, or even a missile used for
defense which could not be used for of-
fense as well, by aiming it in a different
direction. Certainly the time has come
when the nations of the Caribbean
should be looking to their own defenses
and means of protecting themselves, if
these weapons, sometimes called defen-
sive weapons, which Cuba has in great
abundance, are turned into offensive
weapons.
In other words, it Is time for these
people to meet the challenge of arms
with arms. Any other course on the
part of the governments so affected
would be a delinquency in duties to their
own people. Such being the case, they
not having a Soviet Union to support
them and to supply them with large
sums of money and large stores of equip-
ment, they should join with other na-
tions which are equally endangered; and
It Is likewise logical and proper that they
should join In so disposing their forces
that the enemy may best be deterred
or vanquished.
That is the purpose of the resolution.
I think It Is highly significant that
the Finance Minister of Panama, Dr.
Gilberto Arias, proposed In Miami on
September 23, which was 5 days after
I introduced my two resolutions in the
Senate, a meeting of 10 Central Amer-
lean and Caribbean Nations to establish
a United Front Against Communism in
Cuba. He went on to say that other
Latin-American countries and the Unit-
ed States should be called on to support
measures to contain the Communist re-
gime of Fidel Castro, and he further
urged, according to the front-page arti-
cle in the New York Times of September
24, "the formation of a NATO-type mili-
tary alliance for defensive as well as of-
fensive purposes, if such need arises."
Dr. Arias said that-
Although he could not at present com-
mit the Government of Panama to the 10-
nation meeting, he felt sure the proposal
would have its approval as well as that of
the other regimes concerned.
He declared that the 10 countries-
Panama, Guatemala, El Salvador, Hon-
duras. Nicaragua, Costa Rica, Colombia,
Venezuela, the Dominican Republic, and
Haiti, were "in the path of Communist
aggression and must now take a united
and positive stand to protect their own
security.
We went on to say that-
The recent intensification of the Com-
munist take-over in Cuba once more con-
firms that Moscow proposes to use that
Caribbean Island for the propaghtion of com-
munism throughout the Western Hemi-
sphere. The threat of communism result-
ing from the establishment of a Soviet base
of operations in Cuba could seriously deter
private Investment In the Caribbean area.
The other day I read an article which
apparently was based on facts obtained
from the Department of Commerce, to
the effect that in 1957 there was in-
vested in that year In Central and South
American countries from the United
States $1,200 million. In 1961 private
capital going into Central and South
American countries dropped to $147 mil-
lion. I am satisfied, as we all are, that
the reason we have seen that drop Is be-
cause of the threat of confiscation on
the part of some of these countries and
also the fear that a government of the
type of Fidel Castro's government will
take over in some Central and South
American countries, and therefore peo-
ple up here, who would normally make
October 5
an investment there will not make it tin-
der der the conditions which obtain now.
I point out that the alliance which I
have proposed is different from NATO or
SEATO. NATO assumes that the inter-
ests of all member countries will con-
tinue the same and to the same degree.
However, in the hemisphere, there are
also regional responsibilities and com-
mitments. Those nations in the Carib-
bean which feel themselves threatened
must be permitted to act in their own
defense without the approval, but with
the acquiescence, of the hemisphere as a
whole.
Such an arrangement would be a re-
finement of the Rio Treaty, and perhaps
should be formally written into it at
a subsequent date. It would provide that
those Caribbean nations that feel most
threatened by Castro and the Soviets
would meet to decide on what steps-
diplomatic and military-they should
take. Temporary integration of military
forces, for example, could be undertaken
to meet a specific threat.
Furthermore, there would be no need
for a forum of Caribbean nations, which
would lend itself to debate, evasion, and
delay, as no country would need to par-
ticipate in any action unless it should
feel itself threatened, and feel that it
was desirable for it to participate.
However, some collective defense
mechanism must be formed. The pres-
ence, legally sanctioned, of other Latin
American troops will be extremely im-
portant when the time comes to force
out communism in Cuba. There is also
the point to be made of international
legality in the preparation of a force to
take the island. Castro claims today we
are training an invasion army. If we
recognized an exile government and got
open commitments from Caribbean
allies, we could boast of the fact that we
were taking action to meet a regional
threat.
Regarding my second resolutions, I
have seen and heard much interesting
and some illuminating comment on the
proposal.
But I think none of these is more
pertinent than the urgent recommenda-
tion by Panama, which I cited earlier,
calling for the formation of a NATO-
type organization,
I have since heard that in addition
to the 10 nations cited by the Panaman-
ian spokesman as being most directly
threatened by Soviet Cuba and, there-
fore, most interested in such an alliance,
Peru might also give support to. this
type of endeavor. Of all the commen-
tary that I have heard, none is more
valid or more pointed than the fact that
the nations most endangered are seri-
ously considering joining themselves in
a mutual security alliance.
In the Washington Post of September
19, there appeared an article objecting
to my resolution and quoting certain
"U.S. civilian and military officials" as
objecting to the plan, although it did
not give any specific names.
I only bring up this point because in
discussing my proposal with various, and
obviously not the same, U.S. military
and civilian officials, I found that they
held a different view than that expressed
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE 21389
in the article. The military and civil-
ian officials with whom I discussed the
alliance, I might add, were all highly
qualified in their respective fields as well
as being experienced and knowledgable
in Latin American affairs.
Let me briefly answer some of the ob-
jections which have been made to the
alliance which I have proposed..
First, it has been said that such an
organization would circumscribe our
country's freedom of action. This is not
true. No such special alliance in the
past has limited- anybody's country's ac-
tion, and if there were any doubt about
this point, it could be made clear in the
treaty itself that nothing in the treaty
would hinder the taking of unilateral
action by any of its signatories when
anyone of them felt that its security was
endangered, and that the alliance was
not acting fast enough.
If this kind of alliance would inhibit
action, you would find that those who
take the so-called "soft line on Cuba,"
would favor it, while those who take the
so-called "hard line on Cuba" would be
opposed to it. Actually, it is for this
very reason-that the alliance might
hasten appropriate military action-
that we find the so-called soft-liners
against it. I am proud that for 3'/z
years I have either been accused of, or
praised for, being a "hard-liner on
Castro's Cuba."
Secondly, it has been objected that
such an alliance as I propose is not
needed because there are no large enemy
land forces in Cuba or Latin America.
Such an objection is irrelevant. One
of the basic designs of such an alliance
would be not with respect to land, sea,
or air forces, but to the threat of internal
subversion.
It is to meet just this kind of subver-
sion that it is essential that we secure the
assistance of other Latin American pow-
ers so that we will not be required to use
American soldiers in combat. against the
nationals of a once friendly country.
Third, the Washington Post article
contends that the Rio Treaty calls for
"joint military action in the event of
military aggression committed against
an OAS member," and thus, there is no
need for a new alliance.
However, "the fact is that the OAS is
a regional organization with the United
Nations as its parent body. Hence, col-
lective military action cannot be com-
mitted through OAS, because such a
measure would have to be ratified by the
Security Council of the United Nations,
and there, of course, it would be blocked
by the inevitable Soviet veto.
Finally, the purposes of an alliance
such as I propose would be political as
well as military. I do not think there has
been a single NATO commander who has
maintained that his military force. was
alone adequate to prevent Soviet aggres-
sion.
It has rather been the political unity
which this force represented which has
been important-a political unity which
has now led on to an economic unity-
the Common Market, in Europe, with the
promise of further strengthening and
formalizing the political ties of the mem-
ber nations.
There has been much talk about a Cen-
tral American common market. Actu-
ally, our Government has formally ad-
vocated the establishment of a Central
American common market.
Also, there has been considerable talk
about a subsequently to-be-formed
Western Hemisphere common market. I
think all such common markets are
within the realm of possibility within
our lifetime; and it might well be that
such a military alliance as is proposed
could, as was in the case in Europe, lead
to similar economic and political gains,
since the purpose of the alliance, mili-
tary though it may be, must be political
in nature if it is to combat Soviet egres-
sion in the new world.
Mr. KEATING. Madam President,
will the Senator from Florida yield?
Mr. SMATHERS. I am glad to yield
to the Senator from New York, who for
many years has demonstrated a realistic
interest in and understanding of the
problem.
Mr. KEATING. I am grateful to the
Senator from Florida. I shall detain
the Senate but a moment. The purpose
of my intrusion is to congratulate the
Senator from Florida on a very thought-
ful and clear analysis of his views con-
cerning what further action should be
taken,
I am entirely in accord with his views
that the informal meeting of the minis-
ters of the OAS is not sufficient. I am
gratified by the progress which I feel is
now, rather belatedly, being taken. I
congratulate Secretary Rusk on the
achievements to date. I shall discuss
this subject more fully on Monday or
Tuesday-probably Monday. I shall not
go into it now.
I wish to emphasize one thing in par-
ticular which the Senator from Florida
said. My information is exactly the
same as the Senator's. At the time of
the unfortunate Bay of Pigs episode,
there was, as the Senator said, no crit-
icism of the United States until the in-
vasion failed. If we had supported it
and it had succeeded, it is my judgment,
based upon what I consider to be good
information, that the countries which
then began to criticize us would have
supported us. They would have sup-
ported any forceful action. They might
for local political purposes have had some
criticism to voice; but they would in
effect have supported our leadership.
Moreover, they would have respected us
for it.
The Senator from Florida has had
many more dealings with Latin American
nations than I have had, but I am sure
he agrees that they desire to respect the
United States, and that respect is the
most important quality which we can
inculcate in the Latin American coun-
tries, as in any other nation, friend or
foe.
I wish to ask the Senator from Florida
about one phase of his remarks. 'I as-
sume that this subject has been re-
searched by the Senator. It is not clear"
to me that the OAS must have its action
ratified by the United Nations in order
to be effective. In other words, the
Senator's view is that the OAS of its own
initiative cannot take any concerted ac-
tion unless it has been approved by the
United Nations.
Mr. SMATHERS. The Senator from
New York has asked if research has been
done on this subject. It has. The finest
Cuban lawyers now in exile-and they
comprise most of the Cuban bar-and
who live in my State, have taken it upon
themselves to research the subject and
present me with briefs. They came to
the inescapable conclusion that of8-
cially they cannot act in a military fash=
ion without first having the approval of
the United Nations. That is what makes
valid our other military alliance. That
is why we became a party to NATO. We
can thereby have our own organization
and decide on our own volition when we
wish to move.
Mr. KEATING. Is it the Senator's
view that OAS is in a different category
from NATO?
Mr. SMATHERS. Yes. NATO is
merely a voluntary organization entered
into by the countries of western Europe
and the United States. It is military in
its purpose. It is designed to stop Com-
munist aggression, and if need be by
fighting Communist aggression. That is
its purpose.
The United Nations was. established
for many other reasons, as was OAS.
OAS is generally a political-economic-
cultural group having certain military
rights; but those military rights must be
cleared through the United Nations.
I regret to say that in my comments
I did not give the exact section of the
OAS charter which makes reference to
the fact that these types of military
action must be' referred to the Security
Council of the United Nations. However,
I shall supply the Senator from New
York with that information.
Mr. KEATING. I should like to have
it. My thought was that all that was
necesary was to notify the Security
Council of the activities which had been
undertaken. If, of course, the Security
Council could agree on another course
of action, that could supersede OAS
moves, but the Security Council is not
likely to agree on such a point.
Mr. SMAT 3ERS. That was also my
impression, as the Senator will remem-
ber. The Senator from New York and I
on several occasions have talked about
this subject and the need for doing some-
thing about it.
It was a speech I had made, urging the
OAS to do something, which caused the
Cuban lawyers to submit to me the. briefs
which they had prepared. They said, in
effect, "You will never be able to get the
OAS to do anything, because there are
certain large countries that will not do
anything anyway,, including countries
such as Brazil and Mexico." That was
when I shifted from the idea that we
ought to apply pressure to the OAS to
take action.
I said the time had come when another
organization should be established,
similar to NATO, one which would be in-
dependent of the United Nations and
could operate when its members decided
that the time had come to operate in a
military fashion.
Mr. KEATING. That information
comes to me as somewhat of a surprise,
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE October 5
as it relates to International law. I do
not want to end the colloquy on the
thought that there is any difference of
opinion between the Senator from
Florida and myself about the need for
additional forceful action in this crisis.
I should like to have him cite the
reference which he has made and also
should like to see the brief.
Mr. SMATHERS. I shall supply that
information to the Senator.
Mr. KEATING. Again, I commend the
Senator for a highly thoughtful and fine
address.
Mr. SMATHERS. I thank the Senator
from New York for his kind remarks.
Mr. HUMPHREY. Madam President,
I shall take a moment to say a word
about the comments of the Senator from
New York with respect to the views of
the Senator from Florida.
I was not able to hear all of the Sen-
ator's address; but judging from what I
have heard and also from my consulta-
tions with the Senator from Florida, I
know of his deep concern over the situa-
tion in Cuba, in the Caribbean, and
throughout Latin America. I, too, wish
to say that the need for specific, definite,
understandable action certainly exists.
Such action is long overdue. I am
pleased to see that the recent Con-
ference of Foreign Ministers produced at
least a more clearcut statement of policy
on the part of all the participating coun-
tries represented by them, and I am
particularly pleased with the statement
made by our Secretary of State in regard
to shipping to Cuba.
This subject has been discussed at
some length In Congress. I believe these
discussions are really helpful ; I believe
they help point out the possible alterna-
tives to be followed by a responsible
government.
Many times there is criticism of pro-
posals or statements in regard to one
situation or another. Certainly there
have been very helpful discussions in
regard to what should be done about
Cuba and about subversion and possible
aggression by Castro's communism,
based in Cuba. I believe those discus-
sions have given the State Department,
the National Security Council, and the
President a better insight Into the pos-
sible alternatives, and have given op-
portunity for freer discussion of their
possible effects.
It is true that the Senate does not
have responsibility for the Nation's for-
eign policy; but the Senate does con-
tribute to it. The Senate does not ex-
ecute or administer it, but In a way the
Senate helps to design it.
It is my view that although some of
us may be somewhat scarred or cut up
a little, as is said in the political par-
lance, because we offer suggestions, yet
from the trials by fire In debate in the
legislative body, good suggestions can-
and do- come forth.
Mr. SMATHERS. I completely agree
with the able Senator from Minnesota.
He has made many valuable contribu-
tions by means of the suggestions be
has made-as has-the-Senator from New
York [Mr. KEArnvcl, and in some in-
stances I have seen some of the things I
have discussed subsequently become the
national policy. I like to think that the
policies are partly the result of the sug-
gestions we make. I believe it is desir-
able, and is a much healthier situation,
to have suggestions made by Members of
Congress in the discussion of foreign pol-
icy-even though, as the Senator has
said, we do not have the responsibility
for the foreign policy. However, I be-
lieve it is very helpful to have our views
reach the Secretary of State, the Presi-
dent, and his assistants.
I would shudder if I thought the Pres-
ident and the Secretary of State could
obtain Information only from persons
who have long been In the State Depart-
ment. In this connection, I do not criti-
cize any particular person; but I have
long deplored the fact that when a new
President comes into office, of the ap-
proximately 19,600 employees in the
State Department, the new President-
regardless of whether the President be
Mr. Truman, Mr. Eisenhower, Mr. Ken-
nedy, or any other-can appoint fewer
than 200 persons in the State Depart-
ment. Consequently, most of the ad-
ministrative officials in the State Depart-
ment continue year after year, with the
result that some of them strongly de-
fend papers they prepared 10 years be-
fore.
Therefore, if the President and the
Secretary of State obtained their Infor-
mation only from the State Department,
I think the country would be in really
bad state.
So I agree that these discussions are
most helpful. We know the foreign pol-
icy is not our responsibility, In the final
analysis; but I agree that our sugges-
tions can be helpful and constructive.
Mr. HUMPHREY. Several efforts
have been made to delineate the role of
the legislative body In connection with
the formulation of foreign policy. Dr.
Charles Hyneman, whom I knew first
when I was attending Louisiana State
University, is one of the foremost ex-
perts in the Nation in regard to the role
of Congress in the formulation of for-
eign policy. I mention this because if
it is said that the foreign policy is the
responsibility of the executive-although
it is indeed his responsibility In terms
of administration and execution-yet
ultimately a successful foreign policy
must have public support; and In this
country that Is not obtained merely by
announcing the policy and stating, "This
is It." Instead, support for it is obtained
by discussing it, arguing about it, and
putting it together-sometimes even in
a disorderly manner-as the result of
discussions, both public and private.
In that connection, the Senator from
Florida has done very well, indeed. I
suppose that at times we may be in dis-
agreement-but only in degree, not on
the fundamentals, Certainly the Sena-
tor from Florida has made important
contributions.
As to the discussion In regard to the
OAS, I hope the Senator from Florida is
mistaken in the interpretation that the
OAS could take action without the con-
currence of the United Nations, I am
not in a position to make a definitive
statement about that matter; however,
I know that at the recent conference at
Punta Del Este, provision was made for
a group within the OAS to take collec-
tive action for Its common defense.
One of the things I have discussed
with various Senators, including the
Senator from Florida, is the possibility
of a collective-action program with the
Caribbean nations in the immediate vi-
cinity of Cuba. I was delighted to note,
the other day, that the President of
Costa Rica-and, earlier, also one of the
officials of Panama-suggested that
there should be a kind of alliance or
collective-security pact in the Caribbean
area. I believe that should be done.
Furthermore, I believe it should be more
than a political pact; I think it should
have some military overtones.
As my colleagues know, the other day
I was very much surprised to hear a
responsible official of our Government
say that we are now working on a pro-
gram, on a cooperative basis, between
our country and Latin American coun-
tries, for political propaganda. At that
point I "blew my stack," and almost
"went into orbit," as we say, because I
could not imagine that our country
would wait from 1958 to 1962 to put into
effect a counterpropaganda program.
Certainly we should long ago have been
doing that-using pamphlets and jour-
nalists and radio and television commen-
tators-in other words, to make use of
counterpropaganda, call It what one will.
We cannot do that alone. We must do
it in cooperation with our Latin Ameri-
can brothers and neighbors. In fact,
they should be out in front, with our
country backstopping. For example, I
do not think we have done nearly enough
to encourage the freedom fighters inside
Cuba. I believe there is a way to help
the freedom fighters inside Cuba; and if
commentators sympathetic to such at-
tempts-such as Howard K. Smith and
others-have reason to point out the in-
adequacy of what is being done, it seems
to me to be clear that more should be
done, and we should be able to do it.
These suggestions, regardless of their
merits-certainly are-worthy of consider-
ation by the Government; and the Sena-
tor from Florida [Mr. SMATHERS] has
been in the forefront in that connection,
I compliment him for It.
Mr. SMATHERS. I thank the Senator
from Minnesota for his generous refer-
ences to me.
OFFICIAL TRAVEL-USE OF AMERI-
CAN FLAG AIRLINES
Mr. SMATHERS. Madam President,
on September 6, 1962, the Senate passed
Senate Concurrent Resolution 53, ex-
pressing the sense of Congress that, when
travel on official business is to be per-
formed on civil aircraft by legislative and
Government employees, the travel shall
be performed on U.S.-flag air carriers,
except where travel on other aircraft (a)
is essential to the official business con-
cerned, or (b) is necessary to avoid un-
reasonable delay, expense, or incon-
venience.
This resolution passed the House on
October 1. Legislation requiring use of
U.S.-flag vessels when travel is by sea
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