HEARINGS BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY UNITED STATES SENATE

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000500030098-1
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 183
• Document Creation Date: December 12, 2016
• Document Release Date: November 9, 2001
• Sequence Number: 98
• Publication Date: June 19, 1959
• Content Type: REGULATION

c sew 4I t IN,
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RDP64B00346R 9gdJ11 STATI NTI
FREEDOM CO .MISSION
AND FREEDOM ACADEMY , j_
HEARINGS
BEFORE THE
UBCOMMITTEE TO INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ATD OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
COMMITTEE ON , THE JUDICIARY
UNITED STATES SENATE
EIGHTY-SIXTH CONGRESS
FIEtST SESSION
ON
5. 1689
:'?" TO CREATE THE FREEDOM COMMISSION FOR THE
b1VEL6PMENT OF' TH,E SCIENCE OF COUNTERACTION
TO THE WORLD COMMUNIST CONSPIRACY
Printed for the use of the Committee on the Judiciary
UNITED STATES
GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE
JUNE 17, 18, AND 19, 1959
WASHINGTON : 1858
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COMMITTEE ON TIIE JUDICIARY
JAMES 0. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
ESTES KEFAUVER, Tennessee ALEXANDER WILEY, Wisconsin
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina WILLIAM LANGER, North Dakota
THOMAS C. HENNINGS, in., Missouri EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas ROMAN L. IIRUSKA, Nebraska
JOSEPH C. O'MAHONEY, Wyoming KENNETH B. KEATING, Now York
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina
JOHN A. CARROLL, Colorado
THOMAS I. DODD, Connecticut
PHILIP A. HART, Michigan
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY
ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS
JAMES 0. EASTLAND, Mississippi, Chairman
THOMAS J. DODD, Connecticut, Vice Chairman
OLIN D. JOHNSTON, South Carolina ROMAN L. HRUSKA, Nebraska
JOHN L. McCLELLAN, Arkansas EVERETT MCKINLEY DIRKSEN, Illinois
SAM J. ERVIN, JR., North Carolina KENNETH B, KEATING, New York
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J. Q. SOURWINE, Counsel
BENJAMIN MANDEL, Director of Research
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CONTENTS
Testimony of- Page
Cherne, Leo, Washington, D.C139
Grant, Alan G., Orlando, Fla------------------------- _ _ _
.......... 10
Herlong, Hon. A. S., Jr., U.S. Representative from Florida--------- 1
Hunter, Edward, Port Washington, N.Y------------------------- 99
Jackson, C. D., New York, N.Y___------- ______ 59
-----------------
Judd, Hon. Walter H., U.S. Representative from Minnesota-------- 119
McDowell, Arthur G., Philadelphia, Pa__________________________ 73
Niemeyer, Dr. Gerhart, South Bend, Ind________________________ 67
Philbrick, Herbert A., Rye, N.H134
Possony, Stefan, Washington, D.C------------------------------- 79
Statements:
Bennett, Chas. E., U.S. Representative from Florida--------------- 156
Biemiller, Andrew J., Washington, D.C-------------------------- 56
Brune, Hon. Frederick W., Baltimore, Md-------- ________ 38
Dobriansky, Lev E., Washington, D.C------------------------- 159
Douglas, Sen. Paul H____________
---------------------------- 163
Hook, Sidney, Now York, N.Y__________________________ 56
Kornfeder, Joseph Z., Detroit, Mich_____________________________ 113
Manchester, Lt. Col. M. H., Washington, D. C -----------
_ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ _ 153
Mundt, Sen. Karl E-_________ ____161
Payne, Mrs. E. Wyatt----------------------------- 156
Sarnoff, David New York, N.Y___39
Stough, Mrs. laude, St. Louis, Mo----------------------------- 57
Walsh, Hon. Lawrence E., Washington, D.C---------------------- 39
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
WEDNESDAY, JUNE 17, 1959
U.S. SENATE,
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT
AND OTIIER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS,
OF TIIE COMMITTEE ON TIIE JUDICIARY,
Washington, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to notice, at 10:55 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd (vice
chairman) residing.
Present : Senators Dodd and Hruska.
Also present : J. G. Sourwine chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel,
director of research; Frank W. Sclhroeder, chief investigator.
Senator DODD. The subcommittee will be in order.
I am sorry to be a bit late, but I was attending another meeting. We
on the committee are very pleased to have Congressman Herlong
here.
It is a personal pleasure to welcome you and hear you.
Senator HRUSKA. I would like to join in that, Mr. Chairman. I
know both of us recall with pleasure the time we served in the other
body with the distinguished gentleman.
TESTIMONY OF HON. A. S. HERLONG, JR., A REPRESENTATIVE IN
CONGRESS FROM FLORIDA
Mr. HERLONG. Mr. Chairman, first I should like to say that I am
here in the interest of S. 1689, a bill which has been introduced by
Senators Douglas and Mundt for the purpose of establishing what is
called the Freedom Academy.
(S. 1689 reads as follows :)
[S. 1689, 86th Cong., 1st sees.]
A BILL To create the Freedom Commission for the development of the science of counterac.
tion to the world Communist conspiracy and for the training and development of leaders
in a total political war
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress assembled,
SHORT TITLE
SECTION 1. This Act may be cited as the "Freedom Commission Act".
CONGRESSIONAL FINDINGS AND STATEMENT OF POLICY
SEc, 2. (a) The Congress of the United States makes the following findings:
(1) The Soviet Union and Communist China are waging a total political war
against the United States and against the peoples and governments of all other
nations of the free world.
1
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2 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND (FREEDOM ACADEMY
(2) Unlike the free world, the Soviet Uni n has systematically prepared for
this total political war over several decades. Drawing on the experience of previ-
ous conquerors and upon their own elaborat studies and extensive pragmatic
tests, the Soviet leaders have developed their conspiratorial version of political
warfare into a highly effective operational cience. Recognizing that political
warfare is a difficult science making unusua demands on its practitioners, the
Soviet Union and Communist China have e tablished an elaborate network of
training schools, within and without the free world, in which have been trained
large numbers of highly skilled activists. These activists continue to receive
intensive continuous training throughout the! party careers.
(3) In this total political war the Soviets permit no neutrals. Every citizen,
every economic, cultural, religious, or ethnic group is a target and is under some
form of direct or indirect Communist attack The battleground is everywhere,
and every citizen, knowingly or unknowingly, through action or inaction, is in-
volved in thiscontinuous struggle.
(4) Since the end of World War II, the So lets, taking full advantage of their
better preparation and often superior organi ational and operational know-how,
have inflicted a 'series of political warfare de eats on the free world. The total
sum of these defeats is nothing less than a disaster for the United States and
the free world and the continuation of this political war by the Soviets confronts
the United States with a grave, present, an continuing danger to its national
survival.
(5) In order to defeat the Soviet politics warfare offensive and to preserve
the integrity and independence of the nations of the free world, it is imperative-
(A) that the knowledge and understa ding of all the peoples of the free
world concerning the true nature of the i ternational Communist conspiracy
be increased as rapidly as is practicable ;
(B) that private citizens not only u iderstand the true nature of the
international Communist conspiracy, but that they also know how they can
participate, and do participate, in this ontinuous struggle in an effective,
sustained, and systematic manner ;
(C) that Government personnel enga ed in the cold war increase their
knowledge of the international Communi t conspiracy, develop a high esprit
de corps and sense of mission and a high degree of operational know-how in
counteracting the international Communi it conspiracy.
(b) It is the intent and purpose of the Congress that the authority and powers
granted in this Act be fully utilized by the hereinafter created Commission to
achieve the objectives set forth in the pr ceding subsection (a) (5) of this
section. It is the further intent and purpose of the Congress that the authority,
bowers, and functions of the Commission and the Academy as hereinafter set
forth are to be broadly construed.
DEFINITION
SEC. 3. When used in this chapter-
(1) The term "Commission" means the Fre om Commission;
(2) The term "Academy" means the Freedo A Academy ; and
(3) The term "joint committee" means the Joint Congressional Freedom
Committee.
ESTABLISHMENT OF THE FREEDOM COMMISSI N ; COMPOSITION ; CHAIRMAN AND
ACTING CHAIRMAN ; QUORUM ; OFFICIAL SPOKESMAN ; SEAL
SEC. 4. There is established in the executive branch of the Government an
independent agency to be known as the Fr edom Commission which shall be
composed of six members and a Chairman, each of whom shall be a citizen of
the United States. The Chairman may from time to time designate any other
member of the Commission as Acting Chair an to act in the place and stead of
the Chairman during his absence. The Ch irman (or the Acting Chairman in
the absence of the Chairman) shall preside at all meetings of the Commission
and a quorum for the transaction of busines shall consist of at least four mem-
bers present. Each member of the Commis ion, including the Chairman, shall
have equal responsibility and authority in a decisions and actions of the Com-
mission, shall have full access to all inform tion relating to the performance of
his duties or responsibilities, and shall have ne vote. Action of the Commission
shall be determined by a majority vote of th members present. The Chairman
or Acting Chairman in the absence of the C airman) shall be the official spokes-
man of the Commission in its relations with he Congress, Government agencies,
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 3
persons, or the public, and, on behalf of the Commission, shall see to the faithful
execution of the policies and decisions of the Commission, and shall report
thereon to the Commission from time to time or as the Commission may direct.
The Commission shall have an official seal which shall be judicially noticed.
MEMBERS; APPOINTMENTS; TERMS; COMPENSATION; EXTRANEOUS BUSINESS
SEC. 5. (a) Members of the Commission and the Chairman shall be appointed
by the President, by and with the advice and consent of the Senate. Not more
than four members, including the Chairman, may be members of any one political
party. In submitting any nomination to the Senate, the President shall set forth
the experience and qualifications of the nominee. The term of each member of
the Commission, other than the Chairman, shall be six years, except that (1)
the terms of office of the members first taking office shall expire as designated
by the President at the time of the appointment, two at the end of two years,
two at the end of four years, and two at the end of six years ; and (2) any
member appointed to fill a vacancy occuring prior to the expiration of the
term for which his predecessor was appointed shall be appointed for the re-
mainder of such term. The Chairman shall serve during the pleasure of the
President. Any member of the Commission may be removed by the President
for inefficiency, neglect of duty, or malfeasance in office. Each member, except
the Chairman, shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,000 per annum ;
and the Chairman shall receive compensation at the rate of $20,500 per annum.
(b) No member of the Commission shall engage in any business, vocation,
or employment other than that of serving as a member of the Commission.
Size. 6. The Commission is authorized and empowered to establish under its
supervision and control an advanced training and development center to be
known as the freedom Academy. The Academy shall be located at such place or
places within the United States as the Commission shall determine. The prin-
cipal functions of the Academy shall be-
(1) the development of systematic knowledge about the international
Communist conspiracy ;
(2) the development of counteraction to the international Communist
conspiracy into an operational science that befits and bespeaks the methods
and values of freemen, and to achieve this purpose the entire area of coun-
teraction is to be thoroughly explored and studied with emphasis on the
methods and means that may best be employed by private citizens and
nongovernmental organizations and the methods and means available to
Government agencies other than the methods and means already being used ;
(3) the education and training of private citizens concerning all aspects
of the international Communist conspiracy and in the science of counter-
action to that conspiracy ;
(4) the education and training of persons in Government service concern-
ing all aspects of the international Communist conspiracy and in the science
of counteraction to that conspiracy to the end that they can be more useful
to their Government in defeating the international Communist conspiracy.
ACADEMY STUDENTS ; SELECTION ; GRANTS AND EXPENSES ; ADMISSION AS NONIMMI-
GRANT VISITORS ; DEPORTATION
SEC. 7. (a) Academy students shall be selected, insofar as is practicable and
in the public interest, from a cross section of the diverse groups, within and
without the United States, in which the total political war is being fought.
Before accepting any student for training who is an officer or employee of a
Government agency, the Commission shall first obtain the concurrence of that
agency. Persons in Government service coming within the provisions of the
Government Employees Training Act may be trained at the Academy pursuant
to the provisions of said Act. All other agencies and departments of Govern-
ment are authorized to aid and assist the Commission in the selection of students.
(b) The Commission is authorized to make grants to students and to pay
expenses incident to training and study under this chapter. This authorization
shall include authority to pay travel expenses to and from the Academy or other
authorized place of training under this chapter. and authority to give financial
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Assistance to the dependents of students dur ng the time they are undergoing
training' authorized under this Act. Forei students selected for training
under'this Act shall be admitted as nonimmi rants under section 1101(a) (15)
of title 8, United States Code, for such time nd under such conditions as may
be prescribed by regulations promulgated by he Commission, the Secretary of
State, and the Attorney General. A person admitted under this section who
fails to maintain the status under which h was admitted, or who fails to
depart from the United States at the expirat on of the time for which he was
admitted, or who engages in activities of a litical nature detrimental to the
interest of the United States, or in activities n conflict with the security of the
United States, shall, upon the warrant of the Attorney General, be taken into
custody and promptly deported pursuant to s ctions 1251-1253 of title 8, United
States Code. Deportation proceedings under his section shall be summary and
findings of the Attorney General as to matter of fact shall be conclusive. Such
persons shall not be eligible for suspension of deportation under section 1254 of
such title S.
NONACADEMY TRAINING OF ACADEMY STUDENTS
SEC. 8. The Commission is authorized to pro ide students selected for training
at the Academy (either before, after, or dur ng Academy training) with such
additipndl education and training at colleges universities, or technical schools
other than the Academy, or with such on-the-job training in industry and busi-
ness as `the Commission shall determine to be in the public interest.
AUTHORIZATION TO ESTABLISH AN INFORMATION CENTER
SEC. 9. The Commission is authorized to e tablish an information center at
such place or places within the United States is the Commission may determine.
The principal function of the information ce ter shall be to disseminate with
or without charge information and materia s which will assist persons and
organizations to increase their understanding of the true nature of the inter-
national Communist conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating that con-
spiracy. In carrying out this function, the Co mission is authorized to prepare,
make, and publish textbooks and other mater als, including training films, suit-
able for high school, college, and community level instruction. The Commission
is authorized to disseminate such Information and materials to such persons
and organizations as may be in the public int rest on such terms and conditions
as the Commission shall determine.
RESTRICTIONS ON DISCLOSURE OF INFORMATION
SEC. 10. Nothing in this chapter shall autho ize the disclosure of any informa-
tion or knowledge in any case in which such disclosure (1) is prohibited by any
other law of the United States, or (2) is in nsistent with the security of the
United States.
SECURITY CHEOX OF ]PERSONNEL
SEC. 11 (a) Except as authorized by the Co mission upon a determination by
the Commission that such action is clearly consistent with the national interest,
no individual shall be employed by the Co nission until such individual has
been investigated by the Civil Service Commission to determine whether the
said individual is a good security risk and report thereof has been made to
the Freedom Commission. -
(b) In addition to the foregoing provisi s, the Commission may request
that any individual employed by the Comm ssion, or under consideration for
employment by the Commission, be investiga ed by the Federal Bureau of In-
vestigation to determine whether the said individual is a good security risk.
GENERAL AUTHORITY OF T E COMMISSION
SEC. 12. In addition to the authority already granted, the Commission is
authorized and empowered-
(1) to establish such temporary or permanent boards and committees as
the Commission may from time to time deem necessary for the purposes of
this Act;
(2) to appoint and fix the compensation of such personnel as may be
necessary to carry out the functions of the Commission. Such personnel
shall be appointed in accordance with th civil service laws and their com-
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
pensation fixed in accordance with the Classification Act of 1949, as
amended except that, to the extent the Commission deems such action neces-
sary to the discharge of its responsibilities, personnel may be employed and
their compensation fixed without regard to such laws : Provided, however,
That no personnel (except such personnel whose compensation is fixed by
law, and specially qualified professional personnel up to a limit of $19,000)
whose position would be subject to the Classification Act of 1949, as amended,
if such Act were applicable to such position, shall be paid a salary at a rate
in excess of the rate payable under such Act for positions of equivalent diffi-
culty or responsibility. The Commission shall make adequate provision for
administrative review of any determination to dismiss any employee ;
(3) to conduct such research, studies and surveys as necessary to carry
out the purposes of this Act;
(4) to make, promulgate, issue, rescind, and amend such rules and regu-
lations as may be necessary to carry out the purposes of this Act;
(5) to make such expenditures as may be necessary for administering
and carrying out the provisions of this Act;
(6) to utilize, with the approval of the President, the services, facilities,
and personnel of other Government .agencies. Whenever the Commission
shall use the services, facilities, or personnel of any Government agency for
activities under the authority of this Act, the Commission shall pay for
such performance out of funds available to the Commission under this Act,
either in advance, by reimbursement, or by direct transfer ;
(7) to utilize or employ on a full- or part-time basis, with the consent of
the organization or governmental body concerned, the services of personnel of
any State or local government or private organization to perform such
functions on its behalf as may appear desirable to carry out the purposes
of this Act, without said personnel severing their connection with the fur-
nishing organization or governmental body ; and further to utilize personnel
of a foreign government in the same manner and under the same circum-
stances with the approval of the Secretary of State ;
(8) to acquire by purchase, lease, loan, or gift, and to hold and dispose
of by sale, lease, or loan, real and personal property of all kinds necessary
for, or resulting from, the exercise of authority granted by this Act;
(9) to receive and use funds donated by others, if such funds are donated
without restrictions other than that they be used in furtherance of one or
more of the purposes of this Act ;
(10) to accept and utilize the services of voluntary and uncompensated
personnel and to provide transportation and subsistence as authorized by
section 73b-2 of title 5, United States Code, for persons serving without
compensation ;
(11) to utilize the services of persons on a temporary basis and to pay
their actual and necessary travel expenses and subsistence and in addition
compensation at a rate not to exceed $50 per day for each day spent in the
work of the Commission.
GENERAL MANAGER ; APPOINTMENT ; COMPENSATION
SEC. 13. The Commission is authorized to establish within the Commission a
General Manager, who shall discharge such of the administrative and executive
functions of the Commission as the Commission may direct. The General
Manager shall be appointed by the Commission, shall serve at the pleasure of the
Commission, shall be removable by the Commission, and shall receive compen-
sation at a rate determined by the Commission, but not in excess of $18,000 per
annum.
SEC. 14. There is established, the Joint Congressional Freedom Committee
hereinafter referred to as the "joint committee" to be composed of seven
Members of the Senate to be appointed by the President of the Senate, and seven
Members of the House of Representatives to be appointed by the Speaker of the
House of Representatives. In each instance not more than four Members shall
be the members of the same political party.
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AUTHORITY AND DU' Y, OF J INT COMMITTEE
SEC. 15. The joint committee shall make continued studies of the activities of
the Commission and of problems relating to the development of counteraction
to the international Communist conspiracy. During the first sixty days of each
session of the Congress the Joint committe shall conduct hearings in either
open or executive session for the purposes o receiving information concerning
the development and state of counteraction The Commission shall keep the
joint committee fully and currently 'informed with respect to all of the Com-
mission's activities. Ali bills, resolutions, a d other matters in the Senate or
House of Representatives relating primarily the Commission shall be referred
to the joint committee. The members of the joint committee who are Members
of the Senate shall from time to time report to the Senate and the members of
the joint committee who are Members of the House of Representatives shall
from time, to time report to the House, by bi 1 or otherwise, their recommenda-
tions with respect to matters within the jurisdiction of their respective Houses
which are' referred to the joint committee, o otherwise within the jurisdiction
of the joint committee.
CHAIRMAN AND VICE CHAIRMAN OF JOINT COM ITTEE; VACANCIES IN MEMBERSHIP
SEC. 16. Vacancies in the membership of t e joint committee shall not affect
the power of the remaining members to exec to the functions of the joint com-
mittee, and shall be filled in the same manner as in the case of the original se-
lection. The joint committee shall select a chairman and a vice chairman from
among its members at the beginning of each Congress. The vice chairman shall
act in the place and stead of the chairman in the absence of.the chairman. The
chairmanship shall alternate between the Senate and the House of Representa-
tives with each Congress and the chairman shall be selected by the members
from that House entitleA to the chairmanship. The vice chairman shall be
chosen from the House other than that oft chairman by the members from
that House.
SEC. 17. In carrying out its duties under his chapter, the joint committee,
or any duly authorized subcommittee thereof , is authorized to hold such hear-
ings or investigations, to sit and act at such laces and times, to require by sub-
pena or otherwise, the attendance of such wi nesses and the production of such
books, papers, and documents, to administer uch oaths, to take such testimony,
to procure such printing and binding, and to make such expenditures as it
deems advisable. The joint committee may make such rules respecting its
organization and procedures as it deems nece sary : Provided, however, That no
measure or recommendation shall be report from the joint committee or by
any member designated by him or by the jo nt committee, and may be served
by such person or persons as may be design ted by such chairman or member.
The chairman of the joint committee or an member thereof may administer
oaths to witnesses. The joint committee ma use a committee seal. The pro-
visions of sections 192-194 of title 2, United tates Code, shall apply in case of
any failure of any witness to- comply with subpena or to testify when sum-
moned under authority of this section. The expenses of the joint committee
shall be paid from the contingent fund thE~ Senate from funds appropriated
for the joint committee upon vouchers appro ed by the chairman. The cost of
stenographic services to report public hearings shall not be in excess of the
amounts prescribed by law for reporting th hearings of standing committees
of the Senate. The cost of stenographic services to report executive hearings
shall be fixed at an equitable rate by the join committee. Members of the joint
committee, and its employees and consultants, while traveling on official busi-
ness for the joint committee, may receive either the per diem allowance author-
ized to be paid to Members of Congress or is employees, or their actual and
necessary expenses provided an itemized Statement of such expenses is attached
to the voucher.
STAFF AND ASSISTANCE; UTILIZATION OF FEDE AL DEPARTMENTS AND AGENCIES ;
ARMED PROTECTION
SEC. 18. The joint committee is empowered, to appoint and fix the compensa-
tion of such experts, consultants, and staff employees as it deems necessary and
advisable. The joint committee is authorized to utilize the services, information,
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OM I ON AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
facilities, and personnel of the departments and establishments of the Govern-
ment.
CLASSIFICATION OF INFORMATION BY JOINT COMMITTEE
SEC. 19. The joint committee may classify information originating within the
committee in accordance with standards used generally by the executive branch
for classifying restricted data or defense information.
RECORDS OF JOINT COMMITTEE
SEC. 20. The joint committee shall keep a complete record of all committee
actions, including a record of the votes on any question on which a record vote is
demanded. All committee records, data, charts, and files shall be the property
? of the joint committee and shall be kept in the offices of the joint committee or
other places as the joint committee may direct under such security safeguards
as the joint committee shall determine in the interest of the common defense and
security.
SEC. 21. There is authorized to be appropriated, out of any money in the
Treasury not otherwise appropriated, so much as may be necessary to carry out
the provisions of this Act.
Mr. HRRLONG. I appreciate very much the interest of the subcom-
mittee in this subject which prompted these hearings on what I think
is a most important and maybe already too late to solve problem.
We think legislation in this field is a must.
We are grateful to you for the privilege of presenting our views to
you.
What I have here is a part of the correspondence I have received on
this bill. It comes from all parts of the United States, and, in fact,
from some other countries.
I won't go into the details of the bill at this time because there are
others who are going to testify after me, who are prepared to discuss
the technical aspects of the bill.
I shall simply talk about the general principle that is involved and
hope that we have at least developed a framework in this bill from
which legislattion can be drafted which will fill this much needed
vacuum in the area of fighting the cold war against the Communists.
In this file here, I have correspondence endorsing this legislation
ranging all the way from the eighth. de geography class in the
Chadwick School in Rolling Hills, Calif, f.to the endorsements of Life
magazine. Quite a number of those who have written me have ex-
pressed the desire to be among the first to apply for admission into
this Freedom Academy, if it should become established, and we cer-
tainly hope that it will.
Hardly a day passes that I don't have one or more people represent-
ing national organizations come to me and ask what they can do in
order to help get this plan moving, because they realize the importance
of time in getting this school established.
I am sure, too, that you are aware of the very broad bipartisan
character of support for this legislation.
Mr. Judd and I introduced companion bills in the House, and since
that time identical bills have been introduced by Senators Mundt and
Douglas and Representative Bennett, of Florida, and Representative
Jackson, of California.
Likewise, the editorial support shows a broad range of political phi-
losophy as attested to by the endorsement of legislation in my own
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8 FREEDOM CO SSION AND I EEDOM ACADEMY
State by three newspapers of widely di ergent political philosophy;
the St. Petersburg Times, the Tampa Tribune, and the Orlando
Sentinel Star.
would like to read to you, Mr. Chair an, some brief excerpts from
editorials which have been in the press endorsing this legislation.
From the New York Daily News of rch 9, 1959, I quote :
A much sounder cold war strategy, we belie , is embodied in this legislation.
We trust that Congress will give some of its best attention to this bill. From
here, a Freedom Academy sounds like a college which we could well use.
From the Citizens News in Hollywood, Calif., March 10,
In the struggle for control of Iraq, the issue is whether this oil rich, strate-
gically located middle eastern country will come under the domination of the
Soviet Union.
For many years, the Communist agents ha e been busy there. We do not
know how active the free world has been them, but the situation gives support
to a law like the one proposed by Congressme Herlong, of Florida, and Judd,
of Minnesota.
,From the Parkersburg News of Westirginia, Monday, March 16,
1959:
Never before has any action or any political movement employed the weapon
of infiltration as extensively as the Communists now are employing it.
Never before have we faced so serious a threat to our way of life. Ideological
`armament has become as necessary, as physical rmament.
The Freedom Academy might provide the rallying point for a new, to us, and
immensely important type of warfare.
From the Fairbanks, Alaska, Daily News-Miner, an editorial of
March 25, :
In the minds of many, the Herlong-Judd b 11 will enable us to close the po-
litical warfare gap in many areas of the world hich is, in the long run, as serious
as the missile gap.
The Lewiston, Idaho, Morning Tribu e of February 19, 1959, said
'editorially :
This bill should be supported by all wh take the Communist threat as
seriously as the Communists intend it.
The Tulsa Tribune of March 7, 1959, editorialized :
A full-time devil can beat a part-time angel my day. We need some full-time
angels.
To this end, a bill has been introduced in Co gress by Representatives Herlong
of Florida and Judd of Minnesota which won d set up a Freedom Academy not
only for the training of U.S. diplomats, but or citizens of other nations who
seek better methods of combating subversion confusion, and the big lie.
It would, in short, develop a technique for the big truth. It is a good idea.
The Lewiston, Maine, Daily Sun, on arch 7, 1959, had this to say :
So that the West can battle the Reds on their chosen battlefield, Representa-
tive Judd and Representative Herlong propos d establishment of what they call
a Freedom Academy, which Life magazine calls a West Point of political war.
A successful institution of this sort would a more significant than a victory
over West Berlin.
We urge Congress to debate the bill fully, endorse it, and finance it.
Now Mr. Chairman, I have given yo excerpts from a few of the
editorials that have been written endorse g this proposal.
I have taken them from every sectio of the country purposely so
that you can see that the support forte bill isn't just sectional.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM AC
We don't know that what we have proposed is exactly what should
be done, but we do know, as I said a few moments ago, that there is
a vacuum in the area of counteraction against communism; that we
are not doing the job in fighting the cold war that we are capable of
doing if we had trained people to help in this battle.
I would like very much to see this committee go into this matter
thoroughly. If the legislation that we have proposed isn't what is
proper, we hope that you will come up with something that will do
the job and let us get on our way, because the Communists have a
headstart of some 50 years on us in this type of ideological warfare
and we have to catch up.
Just yesterday, the committee of which I am a member reported
a bill to the House again raising the national debt limit. The tem-
porary debt limit is up to $295 billion. This is something, of course,
that we have to do because of the tremendous expenditures which we
have had to make and a great portion of it is brought about by the
military and defense costs.
I submit, Mr. Chairman, that a program of the type, suggested
in this bill, properly handled, will greatly reduce the necessity for such
large defense expenditures when we get to the point where we can fight
the cold war on even terms with the Communists. Until we reach
that point, we are going to have to continue these enormous defense
expenditures.
I submit further that we have here an opportunity, by spending
just a little money, to save billions of dollars and also assure, or to
come more nearly assuring, the preservation of the freedoms of the
countries of the free world.
Senator DODD. Well, Congressman Herlong, we are very grateful
to you.
It is a most serious matter and we expect to hear from a great num-
ber of witnesses.
Senator Hruska, do you have any questions?
Senator HRUTSKA. No questions, except to repeat your appreciation
for the appearance here of Congressman Herlong.
He has been. very helpful and has laid a good foundation for the
testimony we will hear later and I know both the chairman and the
Senator from Nebraska will be interested in learning how later
witnesses implement the objectives you set forth so well.
Mr. HERLONG. Thank you very much.'
IL Senator Karl E. Mundt, cosponsor of the bill, appeared. before the subcommittee in
earlier hearings on antisubversion legislation to ask for favorable action on the Freedom
Commission Act. Two other witnesses in those hearings commented on the bill.
Roger Fisher, of the faculty of Harvard University Law School, said : "We, today, are
fighting on many fronts and I submit that one of the most critical ones is the battle for
men's minds. The battle can be won on the kind of issues that S. 1689 * * * deals with,
affirmative furthering of the Ideas of freedom, convincing the world what this country is
all about. We must make the image of the United States so clear that no one in Europe
or Asia or Africa could fail to understand the difference between our system and the
Soviet system."
Loyd Wright, former Chairman of the Commission on Government Security, said : "I
cannot too strongly support the obvious desirability of the proposed Freedom Commission.
Whether it is possible to indoctrinate peoples who have an entirely different philosophy
of government * * * Is something that the Congress must determine. At first blush it
appears to me, however, that some difficulties might arise in those foreign countries where
the control of government vacillates so frequently."
written statements also were submitted by other witnesses, and were included in the
earlier hearing record.
Attorney General Louis Wyman, of New Hampshire, said, that the basic purpose of
S. 1689 11 appears i:o me to be sound, but I am not sure whether this is something that is
best done by Government or from private sources." Mr. Wyman said that, generally
speaking, he opposes the creation of additional agencies. But, he said, if the Department
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10 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Senator DODD. Mr. Alan G. Grant is ur next witness.
Good morning, Mr. Grant. We are lad to hear from you and look
forward to your testimony. Will you state your name and address
for the record?
TESTIMONY OF ALAN G. GRANT, ORLANDO, FLA.
Mr. GRANT. My name is Alan G. rant, 860 Metcalf Building,
Orlando, Fla. I am a practicing attorney in Orlando, and one of
Congressman Herlong's constituents.
Sentor DODD. Do you have a statement ?
Mr. GRANT. Yes sir, I do.
Senator DODD. do right ahead with it.
Mr. GRANT. Mr. Chairman, I wish express my appreciation to
this committee for affording me the pri ilege of testifying before you
today. For the record, I am appearing as a representative of the
Orlando Committee for the Freedom A ademy to speak on behalf of
the Freedom Commission Act, S. 1689, hich the Orlando committee
drafted.
Some of the members of the Orlando ommittee have been working
with the basic .proposal before you sinep, 1951. This legislation pre-
sents a new idea, a new procedural con pt in the cold war.
Since it is new, we feel it is of some i portance for this committee
to understand the considerable history of the proposal which led to
the present bill and to know some of he thinking which has gone
into this proposal over the last 8 years.
I therefore ask this committee's inch gene while I read the some-
what lengthy statement which the Orlando committee has prepared
in compliance with the rules of your co ittee.
The origins of the Freedom Commi sion Act go back to the late
summer of 1950. American forces in Korea had been pressed into the
Pusan perimeter and we faced a seri us military situation. But
more important, it had by then beco plain that the Soviets had
thrown an across-the-board challenge a the West which would test
our national character and every part f our free society as it had
never been tested before. The. stakes ere national survival and the
challenge would tontine indefinitely conceivably for the remainder of
this century, or longer.
of Justice and the FBI and other interested groups are unopposed, he does believe "some
positive action should be taken to wage the battle or minds and consciences of mankind
a little more positively than we have done to date." The personnel of this agency would
have to be of the "highest quality and ability," Mr. yman said.
Frank B. Ober, of Baltimore, author of Maryland' antisubversion legislation, suggested
that the proposed joint congressional committee m ht conflict with the activities of-the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and the Ho a Un-American Activities Committee.
"I hope the jurisdiction will be clarified," he said.
Dudley B, Bonsai, president of the Association f the Bar of the City of New York,
expressed hope for a broad study program, including istory and techniques of communism,
political history of the United States and the w rid, constitutional law and rules of
evidence, "because the real nature of the Communis conspiracy becomes more apparent to
the student who is also thoroughly grounded in our constitutional system." Mr. Bonsai
also said he assumed that the joint committee woul take the place of the existing Senate
and House committees in this area and thought sue a move "wise, as providing an oppor-
tu$ity for pooling the efforts of the two Houses of ongress, consolidating of staffs, etc."
Dean Abner McCall, of Baylor University School of Law, said the program outlined
in S. 1689 "would furnish a needed supplement to the programs of the various govern-
me ltal agencies now engaged in resisting the Commu 1st conspiracy."
Alfred Kohlberg, of New York City' said In a tatement that "the Idea motivating
S. 1689 is sound and long overdue." He added tha some such plan "must be effectuated
if the confusion in the public mind, and especi Ily in intellectual circles, is to be
overcome."
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 11
This challenge placed a unique burden on our citizens, for they
would be required to make unusual sacrifices over long periods with-
out the unifying stimulus of a general hot war. This was something
the American public had not Teen called on to do before. If our
people faltered, if they became apathetic under the diminishing
impact of repeated crises, if they began to concentrate more and more
on the material joys of an abundant society and less and less on the
survival problems, then the free world would be in grave peril.
The long-term challenge was above all a challenge to the American
educational system which must produce citizens willing to make
the sustained sacrifice necessary to meet the total challenge.
In the late summer of 1950, a small group of Orlando citizens or-
ganized themselves into a committee called the Know Your Enemy
Speakers. This committee believed that as an absolute minimum
our high school seniors should be given a broad survey course on
world communism (in addition to courses in American history and
civic courses to show the advantages of an open society) so they
could understand something of the frightful challenge-political,
scientific economic, and military-facing their Nation, and as a re-
sult would better understand the unique obligations of American citi-
zenship. Our committee soon learned our high school teachers were
not prepared to give such a course, and it was up to us if anything was
to be done.
To avoid controversy, our committee was quietly organized on a
broad bipartisan basis to include management and labor, the major
religions, and both political parties. Our object was to create a
committee on which there would be at least one person in whom each
member of the, community would have confidence, and a committee
of which the community as a whole could say, if these representa-
tive people can agree that this is the correct method to teach the facts
about communism and the Soviet challenge, then it must be the right
method, or at least an acceptable one.
During the 5 months from the formation of the committee to the
beginning of the lecture series, we were careful to explain the pro-
gram to the many organized groups in the Orlando area, and the
Sunday before the kickoff the local newspaper ran a full page story
explaining how the subject matter would be handled. Thanks to
this careful public relations no opposition developed even though we
were "bringing; communism into the classrooms."
The program ran 3 years. The first year we had seven lectures.
By the third year the subject matter was broken down into 5 group
areas and ran a total of 17 hours. This included 2 hours in group I
on the historical development of communism from Marx to Stalin;
4 hours in group II on Soviet Russia covering such matters as the
NEP, the 5-year plans, forced collectivization, slave labor, the secret
police, the position of the party, and the arts and sciences under com-
munism; 2 hours in group III on the satellites and particularly
Poland from -1939 to the present; seven lectures in group IV on the
organization, strategy and tactics of the Communist conspiracy in
which we described the open and secret structure of the party, the
methods by which an idealist is recruited into the party and then con-
verted into a hardened conspirator, how the party sets up a front
organization or penetrates an existing institution and then manipu-
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12 FREEDOM COMMISSION, AND, FREEDOM ACADEMY
lates the membership, the meaning of ommunist terminology, and
sgmething of the Soviet espionage ap aratus; finally, in group V a
survey of Communist strength on both ides of the Iron Curtain and
a summation of the total challenge too r society and the special obli-
gations of U.S. citizenship in the years ahead.
In preparation the committee gave e ch speaker a lengthy reading
assignment, including at least 1 book i each of the 5 group areas,
and from 5 to 20 in his assigned area.
The program was, of course, inadequate. But we like to think it
gave the small number of students wh were able to hear the entire
series an insight into the survival problems and a sense of urgency
and challenge. More important waste education of the speakers
themselves.
This school program demonstrated several points which I believe
will help this committee better understand the Freedom Commission
Act and some of the things it can accom ish.
First, it is possible for a broadly representative group of private
citizens to work together harmoniously n an important anti-Commu-
nst project. It has been a heartening si ht to watch liberals and con-
servatives drop their other differences nd pull together to meet the
Soviet challenge, once they have comple ed their reading assignments
and acquired a common fund of knowle ge. At the community level
at least, we have been able to demonstrat that in relation to the Soviet
conspiracy our pluralistic society can ork together as a team. The
key to this training is the common and of knowledge acquired
through an extensive reading and discussion program which gave the
committee a common framework of re erence and a mutual insight
into the survival problems and a sense o urgency which subordinated
differences that might have otherwise f actured the group. There is
a;remarkably broad consensus of opinio among Americans who have
done their homework in this area.
Second, a project like the Orlando p ogram is only possible when
there are one or more persons in the community who have been in-
tensively trained in the broader aspects f communism and the Soviet
challenge and are willing to submerge tl eir other interests in order to
meet this primary threat. This condi ion existed in Orlando, but
ulider'present circumstances it is a rare phenomenon. Other commu-
nities tried to copy the Orlando program, but not one succeeded, be
cause they lacked the trained leaders a d the sense of urgency neces-
sary to put in the thousands of man-hour .
Third, once you have a trained, repr entative leadership group at
the community level, then the communi y can make its weight felt in
the cold war. Our community has been fascinated by the number and
variety of important cold-war projects at become possible once you
have trained community leaders. With ut such trained leaders, com-
munity participation in the cold war i severely limited. Our com-
mittee is convinced there is a huge, unt peed, and almost unexplored
reservoir of anti-Communist orgamzat' nal strength in our private
citizens and institutions which can su port and supplement the ac-
tivities of our cold-war agencies. This can be tapped by properly
trained leaders. Whether we train these leaders in time can have
a,decisive effect on the cold war.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 13
While the school program was in progress, we made inquiries to
learn what other communities were doing to inform our youth of
the Soviet challenge. It appeared that very little was being done.
No one had had the foresight to teach the teachers to give such courses
and the school administrators, the PTA's, and the general public felt
no urgency in the matter. Furthermore, little was being done to
reach the undergraduates in our colleges and universities. True, as
part of a course on political thought in the 19th and 20th centuries
the student might read the Communist Manifesto and State and
Revolution, or in a history course he might study a few chapters on
Russia after 1917, but this told him almost nothing of Soviet conflict
techniques or of the total challenge facing his country. To us this
was an appalling situation. Here we were deep in a total political
war, for national survival in which this Nation's ability to survive
would depend very much on the temper and attitude of its citizens-
a cold war which would directly or indirectly affect every part of the
future of every high school and college graduate. Yet our educa-
tional system was being run as though the Soviet challenge did not
exist. The failure to familiarize our youth with the character and
methods of the Soviet enemy, the failure to impress upon our youth
the total character of the challenge, this could only have a serious
effect on the Nation's ability to respond to the challenge.
The educational failure has manifested itself in many ways. We
have seen it in the difficulties our cold war agencies are having in
recruiting our most talented people. After all, why should they
give up the abundant life to fight a cold war which to them is vague,
unreal, and far, far away. We have seen it in Korea where one-third
of all captured GI's collaborated in some degree with the enemy,
and where few of our troops were prepared to cope with the political
arguments of their interrogators. We have seen it in the failure of
our young leaders at the community, State, and national level to in-
volve themselves and their organizations in the survival questions.
Above all, we have seen it in the bottomless pit of public apathy which
is erodin our entire position.
In Orlando we asked how can this educational failure be corrected.
How do you go about training thousands of high school teachers or
hundreds of college level instructors to give these courses? What is
the best method of building a nucleus of trained leaders in each com-
munity? What organizational forms will be required? Can this
best be done by private means or public legislation?
More appalling to us than the educational" failure was the overall
cold war position of the United States which seemed to be gradually
weakening in relation to the Soviets.
All our reading and study pointed to the central fact that the Soviets
were winning the cold war, because they had systematically prepared
themselves over many decades to wage total political war, while the
West had not. To the Soviets, political warfare or psychopolitical
warfare is an all encompassing concept which gives direction and
orientation to everything they do. They consider it the most impor-
tant of the sciences. In the West it has been a neglected stepchild.
Soviet concentration on political warfare has given them three
important operational advantages and a tremendous lead time. While
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14 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
these three advantages may appear o vious, nevertheless they are
matters, the implications of which the West has not faced up to in
terms of counteractivity. I would like to list these three advantages
briefly, because they will help pinpoint t e specific problems which the
Freedom Commission Act will help sol e.
First, the Soviets have developed t eir conspiratorial version of
political warfare or psychopolitical wa rfare into a true operational
selence. To wage this new dimension o warfare, they have designed
And field tested a broad spectrum of p litical weapons and political
weapons systems. They have thought ut the many open and covert
organizational forms and operational chniques by which a highly
trained, though small, power elite can cquire maximum power and
influence in any given society or situati n. Finally, the Soviets have
meshed their psychopolitical warfare nto their overall long-range
strategy of protracted conflict, in which we are never given a sufficient
provocation to use massive retaliation, but where, nevertheless, our
overall position gradually weakens in relation to the Soviets. There
is not time to make any detailed comments on Soviet operational
methods and I don't believe that is necessary before this committee.
However, because so little has been written about Soviet conflict tech-
niques, that is, communism as a metho , I would like to respectfully
refer this committee to three books which the Orlando Committee be-
lieves do this much needed job. They are "Protracted Conflict," just
published by the Foreign Policy Resear h Institute at the University
of Pennsylvania; "The Organizational eapon," a 1952 Rand Corp.
study, and "A Century of Conflict," by r. Stefan Possony, of George-
town.
Second, the Soviets have trained the most, skilled, dedicated, and co-
hesive political warfare cadres and lea ership groups the world has
known. They simply fight harder and w th more know-how than their
opponents. From the beginning Communist leaders have realized
that political warfare is a sophisticated cience which makes heavy de-
mands on its practitioners. Perhaps no other area of human activity
requires a greater personal commitment. This is not something which
can be intrusted to amateurs or dilettantes. It requires intensively
trained, fully committed professionals.
To train their cadres and leadership groups, to give them intense
motivation and a high degree of opera Tonal know-how, the Soviets
have established an elaborate system o training schools within the
free world and behind the Iron Curtain. While the Soviets take every
precaution to conceal the existence of these, schools, much is known.
I would like to list a few examples which have come to the attention
of the Orlando Committee.
Father de Jaegher, a Belgian Catholic missionary, who spent many
years in or near Communist-controlled areas of China, prior to 1948,
has described the seven levels of politica training schools from village
to Moscow through which the top cadr s of the Chinese Communist
Party have passed. After many years of intense schooling, the end
distillate, the Moscow-trained man, is in the words of Father de
Jaegher, a new type of Chinese, a man who lives only for the cause,
and literally burns himself out in hi passion to turn first China
and then the entire world into a comple ely communized state.2
9 See "The Enemy Within," pp. 165-169.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 15
Daniel James, a leading authority on communism in Latin America,
in a 1954 Post article, described a training center in Prague devoted
exclusively to the training of Latin American Communists and Euro-
pean Communists who would be working in Latin America. Accord-
ing to James, the enrollment was 750, and political warfare was the
primary subject. Presumably many thousands of Latin Americans
have now received advanced training at this center and have been
redeployed throughout the fabric of our southern neighbors. Re-
cently there have been published reports of another training center in
Prague for African Communists with facilities for 3,000 students.
I call your attention to the Alsop column for June 13, 1959, which is
attached to this statement.
Last November, Time magazine reported the Argentine police had
accidently uncovered an advanced Communist training school located
in a walled estate near a small provincial town. The students came
from all over Central and South America, and included school-
teachers, university professors, lawyers, doctors, and labor leaders.
The course was 6 months long, 7 days a week, and covered a variety
of political warfare subjects. Presumably certain graduates went
on to Prague and Moscow.
Professor Alexander, of Rutgers University, in his book, "Com-
munism in Latin America," mentions briefly a whole system of train-
ing schools by the Chilean party to increase the sophistication and
know-how of its members.
Herbert Philbrick, in "I Led Three Lives," has described the secret
district training school, run by the party in the Boston area to train
party cadres. This school was considered sufficiently important to
rate the personal attention of Jack Stachel.
Joseph Z. Kornfeder and William C. Nowell, alumni of the famed,
but little understood Lenin Institute, have told us about the training
in political warfare the present leaders of the various Communist
parties received in Moscow in the twenties and thirties. In the Sep-
tember 1955, issue of Facts Forum, Montgomery Green has written
a revealing article on the system of political warfare colleges operated
in Russia. The article begins with these words :
Perhaps the most closely guarded secret of world communism, cut off from
view by the Iron Curtain and shrouded in unbelievable security precautions, is
the system of colleges for professional revolutionaries that annually turn out
thousands of skilled agitators to bedevil the free world. Although this educa-
tional program has been in action for 30 years, and has graduated political
saboteurs estimated to number a minimum of 100,000, its very existence is
unknown to most people in the West.
The reason for the supersecrecy with which these schools have been surrounded
is that they constitute the most successful cold war weapon yet developed by
world communism.
Third, they have a superior organization which is skillfully de-
ployed throughout the fabric of each nation to obtain maximum power
and influence for the numbers involved. This organization, manned
by trained political activists, permits the Communists to take full
advantage of the infinite variety of organizational possibilities in-
herent in a total political war, whether setting up a front to organize
and manipulate a previously unorganized sector of a given society,
infiltrating an existing institution, or recruiting student leaders for
a guided tour of the "New China." It is significant that an advanced
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16 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
textbook. on Bolshevik strategy and tactics is called "The Organiza-
tional Weapon"-Selznick, McGraw-Hill, 1952.
Finally tremendous resources within Russia and China have been
mobilized to support Communist political warfare efforts. This is
seen in their extensive language training program which emphasizes
the numerous languages and dialects of Asia and Africa, and in the
training of engineers and technicians beyond internal needs. This
enables the Soviet to flatter and impress Indians by furnishing tech-
ncians to erect a steel plant who can speak the local dialect and can
mix effectively with the local populace. It is seen in the systematic
training of cultural groups and athletes for political effect. In the
words of one expert, hinese and Russian cultural groups touring the
Near and Far Fast are so numerous and diversified, they amount to
a."cultural cold war." It is seen in the huge effort in the publishing
field where hundreds of party line books and magazines are trans-
lated into numerous languages, to be used in the underdeveloped areas.
It is seen in the rapid increase in the size and diversity of Soviet
aid programs which now exceed our own in carefully selected target
nations (Iraq, Afghanistan, Ceylon, Indonesia, and so forth). We
can expect Soviet political warfare to become even more deadly as
their fast rising production curve gives them not only a new propa-
ganda theme but the means to supplement their psychopolitical tech-
niques with ever-increasing economic subversion.
The Communists have been aptly described as the masters of "con-
flict management." With their superior operational science, with
their skilled cadres and leadership groups, with their sophisticated
organizational forms, the Soviets are able to achieve their short- and
long-term objectives through an amazing variety of means. Their
overall attack is so diverse only a trained individual can begin to iden-
tif its.many forms.
he. Soviets can, for example, slow down the development of a
new weapon, like the H-bomb, by skillfully playing on the guilt com-
plexes of Western scientists and opinion makers through a number
of, open and covert means, or they can teach sophisticated guerrilla-
political techniques to a nationalist revolutionary movement and
then penetrate and manipulate that movement in order to freeze out
American bases, or they can contrive a racial bombing in the United
States, and through their deep penetration of news media in Asia
and Africia obtain major propaganda effect., or by skillfully recruit-
African students into the French Communist Party in the thirties
and forties they can vitally affect African history in the fifties and
sixties.
In summary, Soviet cold war gains have been made possible by the
systematic development of the science of political warfare and con-
$ict management, by the intensive long-term training of leadership
groups in this science, and by the creation of the diverse organiza-
tional structure which can fully utilize the new science and the su-
perbly trained cadres and leadership groups.
These Communist strengths highlight the basic United States and
free world weaknesses which underlie many of our cold war defeats
and are severely handicapping .our long range efforts.
I would like to list.these weaknesses briefly as the Orlando com-
mittee sees them, because I believe this will help your committee
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY Y
understand, our thinking and will lead to a fuller understanding of
the Freedom Commission Act.
First, there has been no overall, intensive, systematic effort to de-
velop counteraction to the Soviets into an operational science which
will meet fully the Soviet's total political warfare and protracted
conflict strategy and techniques. When I say "counteraction" I mean
both the so-called positive and negative aspects and also counter-
action in the private as well as the governmental sector. Also, and
this is important, I mean an operational science which fits within
democratic morality and concepts-not a conspiratorial science to
fight a conspiratorial science.
During the past few years a great deal has been written about Rus-
sia, China, and communism, but strangely almost nothing has been
written which attempts to develop an operational science for the
'West which will fully meet the total Soviet challenge. This is of
course, a tremendous challenge which, in its details, is beyond the
capacity of anyone man.
As far back as 1952, Dr. Stef an Possony, professor of political
science at Georgetown and adviser to the Defense Department on
Soviet Affairs, wrote in his pioneering book, "A Century of Con-
flict," and I quote :
Only fools refuse to learn from their enemies. There is no reason why we
should not pick up some of the Communist tricks and use them, if and when
they fit into the framework of our own requirements and morality. If only
for defensive purposes, we must understand Soviet procedures. The Western
World must urgently develop a new synthesis of the operational art.
Possony goes on to say this must be the subject of another book.
Unfortunately, he has never gotten around to writing that book, nor.
has any other political scientist, to our knowledge.
You can go to most good libraries and pick up any one of dozens
of books containing a scholarly description of some, aspect of com-
munism. In the final chapters the author often feels a need to suggest
free world countermeasures. But, at this point, the scholarly, analyt-
ical mind seems to run into a mental roadblock. We are seldom given
anything more helpful than broad generalities. While the author
may set forth commendable goals, he does not describe any realistic
means by which we can achieve these goals. It does no good to say
repeatedly that the free world must develop its own operational art,
unless we describe the organizational means which will make this
possible. For 15 years our political science community has turned its
back on the greatest challenge to political thought in our age. This
is a fantastic situation.
Second,' there has been no broad gaged, systematic effort to train
private citizens and cold war agency personnel in the tremendously
complex and difficult science of counteraction. There are no free
world counterparts to the elaborate system of political warfare train-
ing schools the Soviets have been running for 40 years-other than
the limited facilities of the CIA which is in the covert area. We
have specialists on various aspects of communism. We have almost
no experts or trained leaders in the area of counteraction. Nor is any
program underway to develop such experts and leaders. After all
you can't train people in a science which has yet to be developed.
Moreover, not only have, we failed to train in counteraction, but very
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
few of our cold war agency personnel are well grounded in com-
munism, particularly Soviet conflict techniques. Even fewer are well
versed in,the interrelated military-economic-political aspects of the
problem.
Attached to this statement is a memorandum prepared by Dr. Ed-
ward P. Lilly of the Operations Coordinating Board which sum-
marizes all cold war educational activities of the Federal Govern-
ment with the exception of the CIA and the FBI. This shows that
present training is conducted along conventional lines and almost
nothing is being done to give systematic training to cold war agency
personnel in counteractivity. The same gap exists in the private
sector. This will be developed by Dr. Gerhard Neimeyer, professor
of political science at Notre Dame and current lecturer at the Na-
tional War College.
The result of this training failure is that too often we find well
meaning amateurs competing with fully committed professionals.
Third, we have not created the organizational forms, particularly
in the private sector, through which we can counter the total Soviet
threat.
Because we have not done these three things, our Government has
had to rely on the conventional means of diplomacy, military and
economic aid, and intelligence. But these conventional means, re-
gardless of the skill with which they are employed, fail to engage
the Communists on much of the battleground. We simply lack the
operational know-how, the trained manpower, and the organizational
forms necessary to cope with many forms of the Soviet's psychopoliti-
cal warfare.
` In hearings this spring before the House Appropriations Sub-
committee, the State Department asked for funds to set up small staffs
which could work full time to counter Soviet political and economic
warfare. During the hearings Douglas Dillon made this startling
and revealing statement :
We feel that it is necessary to have some staff or some group responsible for
giving full time to these matters, planning action, following it up, and working
out what we should do to counter the Soviet threat.
I have felt the need for this for some time and last year, when the business
advisory group looked into the problem they felt the need for it. It was found
that there was no place in the Government, in the State Department or anywhere
else, concerned solely with this problem and what to do about it. It has been
handled, to the extent it has been handled, in the different regional bureaus
where they frankly emphasize only what is happening in their own respective
areas. They do not exchange views on various parts of the world. They do not
know the total Communist drive that may be behind particular actions and I
do not think that their results have been anywhere near as effective as they
should be.
We have talked over this problem a little bit with some of the countries that
are interested and one of the conclusions we came to was that we were not
well enough organized ourselves to know intelligently exactly what we wanted
to do about a number of these problems. About 6 or 7 months ago I came to
the conclusion we do need a full-time staff to work on this subject.
But suppose these staffs are set up. Suppose they do fully under-
stand what the Soviets are doing on a world scale. They will still lack
the trained manpower and the organizational forms to meet this new
dimension of warfare. They will be a general staff without any army.
The Orlando committee predicts many breakdowns from sheer frus-
tration.
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The pattern of Soviet penetration in Asia, Africa and Latin Amer-
ica is by now becoming known. The groundwork for this penetration
was laid by decades of intensive cadre training and the careful testing
and perfecting of a broad range of psychopolitical weapons. The
tragic situations in Cuba and Iraq are not the result of any sudden
Kremlin brainstorm. Their history goes back to the Lenin Institute
in the twenties and thirties and the schools in Prague and Argentina
in the fifties. Hundreds of intensively trained cadres, toughened by'
Tears of political warfare and underground work were poised to step
in and develop any revolutionary situation. Conventional diplomacy
and economic aid cannot cope with this. Our virtual helplessness in
the face of those developing crises is a direct result of our failure over
the past decade to develop counteraction and to get down to the hard,
practical work of training leadership groups.
The Soviet challenge requires planning in terms of decades by sys-
tematically trained persons who understand the full spectrum of coun-
teraction, both what can be done by government and what can be done
by private citizens and organizations. The Cubas, the Iraqs, the
Keralas of a decade from now may be lost because we are not training
and deploying the people today who could be changing the whole cli-
mate of opinion and creating the anti-Communist strength in these
target nations which would prevent the situation from ever develop-
ing to crisis proportions.
All of these matters deeply concerned our small group in Orlando.
To us, the indispensable keys to our long-range victory against this
new dimension of warfare were the rapid development of our own
operational know-how, the training of leadership groups, and the cre-
ation of new organizational forms. But we searched in vain for any
sign that a determined effort was being made along these lines either
by the Government or by private institutions. It seemed ridiculous
that a small group in Orlando should have to take the lead in such
an obvious matter.
To us the time factor was becoming urgent. We could no longer
afford to develop counteraction through costly trial and error or
through isolated, piecemeal research on bits and parts of the problem.
We needed an intensive, concentrated effort to develop counteraction
and to train leaders.
We believed. this could best be accomplished by establishing an ad-
vanced training and development center where we could bring to-
gether in a single institution the wide diversity of knowledge and
talents necessary to develop fully the science of counteraction, and
then to train leadership groups on a. large scale.
In 1953, we discontinued the school program in order to spend
all of our time developing this concept. A new committee was or-
ganized, called the Orlando committee, and, by the spring of 1954,
this committee had produced a 50-odd page report recommending the
establishment of a privately financed academy, which we first called
the Lincoln-Petkov Academy and later the Free-World Academy.
Petkov, of course, being the Hungarian patriot executed by Commu-
nists in 1947.
We sent this report to Robert Cutler, who then headed the planning
board of the National Security Council, with the idea that if the
administration agreed with us, it could quietly recruit a board of
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
distinguished private citizens in whom the country would have faith
and who could raise the large sums needed.
Cutler circulated our proposal through the various cold war agen-
cies and, in July 1954, the Operations Coordinating Board set up a
conference which I attended for the Orlando committee. There were
wide differences of opinion among the participants as to details of the
proposal and as to the urgency of establishing an academy. This
resulted in a noncommittal, least common denominator report going
back to Cutler, instead of the strong action report we were seeking.
Frustrated in Washington, the Orlando committee revised the pro-
posal and, in November 1954, mailed it to approximately 160 persons
and organizations. This mailing list included a cross section of poli-
tical thinking and a number of the most experienced anti-Communists
in the country. The response was heavy and generally favorable.
We were particularly pleased to note that liberal, moderate, and con-
servative anti-Communists all seemed to be in basic agreement on
the urgent need for the academy.
On the basis of this favorable response, the Orlando committee
,field three all-day conferences in New York City in the winter of
1955. These conferences were attended by a well-balanced group of
distinguished liberal, moderate and conservative anti-Communists.
Again, there was broad agreement on the pressing need for the acad-
emy and much work was done to activate the Orlando proposals.
At the end of the first conference, John K. Jessup, chief editorial
writer for Life magazine, told me he was surprised that so repre-
sentative a group of anti-Communist thinkers, some of whom had
been fighting each other for years, could be brought together in one
room., He was astounded when they were able to work together all
day with hardly a scratch of the pen passing between them. This
strengthened the long-held belief of the Orlando committee that per-
eons of widely divergent backgrounds and political viewpoints can
agree on a wide range of action in this area once they have done
their homework and so have a common framework of reference and
an understanding of the critical problems to be solved.
Despite general agreement among the conference experts, our at-
tempt to establish the academy at that time failed because we were
unable to produce adequate financing.
From late 1955 until last September, very little was done to push
the Orlando proposals. We felt we would have to wait until there
Was a chance in the climate of opinion. By last September we began
to detect a shift in the attitude of, an increasing number of our fellow
citizens. The stoning of Nixon nd our severe setback in Iraq was
having its effect. Sam Lubell, the pollster, noted a vague and as yet
iiiarticulate fear that the situation was getting beyond our ability
to control and that the United ' States was gradually being pushed
into a corner.
For the first time, the members of the Orlando committee felt there
was `a :reasb'nable chance to create the academy through public legis-
lation. On October 2, we met with our Congressman, A. S. Herlong,
Jr., and briefed him on our ideas. He agreed to introduce legisla-
tion-in this session.
' Along'with other members of the Orlando committee, I have been
thinking and worrying about the Freedom Academy for a number
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
of years. I wish there was time to outline our complete concept of
what the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy can be and
to pass on our many ideas and suggestions. If I were to do so, how-
ever, there would be no time left for other witnesses. Attached to this
statement is the floor speech made by Congressman Herlong at the
time of the introduction of the companion bill in the House on Feb-
ruary 2. This speech outlines the substance of the bill and makes
suggestions regarding the Commission, the joint watchdog committee,
the academy curriculum, the academy faculty, and the student body.
It also suggests some of the many benefits which can be expected.
I would like to comment on the bill very briefly
The heart of the Freedom Commission Act is section 6, which sets
forth the principal functions of the academy.
_ Subsection 1 empowers the academy to develop systematic knowl
edge about the Communist conspiracy. A great deal has already
been done in this area, especially during the past decade, but there
is a need to bring together all of this material in a single center where
it can be systematized and put to use. Too much valuable work is
now gathering dust on library shelves. Also there are still important
aspects of the Communist problem which have not been adequately
researched or described, particularly material which presents and
interrelates the full spectrum of Communist operational strategy and
techniques.
Subsection 2 authorizes the Academy to explore and develop the full
range of counteraction in both the civilian and governmental sectors,
and to achieve a new synthesis of the operational art for the free world.
This of course, is the vital area, where very little has been done. We
would anticipate the Academy, for example, making a survey of all
types of private organizations at the community, State, and National
level to determine how they can participate in the cold war in an effec-
tive, sustained, and systematic manner. We would expect the Acad-
emy to look several decades into the future and to develop programs
now which will bear fruit in the sixties and seventies, as well as pro-
grams which can meet immediate pressing needs. The Academy would
not be engaged in a general search for knowledge for knowledge's
sake. It would be seeking the practical, concrete means to meet the
total Soviet challenge-the operational techniques and the organiza-
tional forms, which can activate and utilize every possible source of
strength.
Developing counteraction into a science will be largely an academic
accomplishment, unless we take the next step and get down to the
practical work of training private citizens and Government personnel
in this new science. We must get the material off the library shelves
and pump it into our great civic organizations and Government agen-
cies. This is provided for in subsections 3 and 4. There is little point
in'working out an inspired program for private organizations, unless
there is a realistic training program which will provide them with the
trained leadership which can give intelligent, bipartisan guidance.
Since the Communist organizational weapon is working within a mul-
titude of political, religious, economic, and ethnic groups, counter-
action must be carried out by leaders of these same groups. This calls
for a broadly representative student body and a training program
tailored to a variety of conditions and circumstances.
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22 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Before closing this statement I want to comment on two objections
which have come up to the present bill.
First, there seems to be a fear that, somehow, the joint watchdog
committee might supersede and take over the functions of the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee and the House. Un-American Activi-
ties Committee. When the Orlando committee first heard this, we
thought somebody was pulling our leg. However, this report has
persisted and the Orlando committee has asked me to make this point
clear: While we consider the joint committee highly desirable, we also
consider it to be the least essential part of the present legislation. If
the retention of the joint committee creates an obstacle to the passage
of this act, then, for heavens sake, drop it.
The joint committee proposed in this bill would not be engaged in
investigating the Communist conspiracy within the United States,
nor would it be concerned with drafting or amending security laws.
That would be the business of the Senate Internal Security Subcom-
mittee and the House Un-American Activities Committee. The last
thing we want to do is interfere with those committees in any way or
to preempt their jurisdiction. If the language of section 15 needs
any amending to make this absolutely clear, then it should be so
amended.
What the joint committee would do is to make continuing studies
of the work of the Commission and the Academy to see that the intent
of Congress is carried out and that an intensive, practical effort is
made to develop counteraction and to train relevant personnel. The
most important reason for the joint committee is to increase public
confidence in the Commission and the Academy. We are aware of
the reluctance of the House and Senate leadership to establish further
joint committees. We believe an exception is indicated here.
Second, the Justice Department, in a letter to the House committee
which has the companion bill, suggests that all the functions of the
Commission and Academy can be handled by existing departments
and agencies and with less confusion and overlapping. This would be
fatal.
It is already very late. We must develop counteraction on a crash
program basis. To do this we must assemble at the Academy persons
with a wide diversity of knowledge and talents, who have been relieved
of other responsibilities and can work full time on this problem. This
is not something which can be scattered among the different depart-
ments and agencies, to be worked on piecemeal by different technicians
and desk-level people whenever the day-to-day problems ease up.
In counteraction, every part affects and influences every other part.
The State Department has admitted, in the already mentioned hear-
ings before Congressman Rooney's subcommittee, that it has made a
serious error in compartmentalizing its planning and direction of
counteractivities to Soviet political and economic warfare. A far
greater error will be committed, if we try to divide up the develop-
ment function into neat little watertight packages to be farmed out to
different agencies. This area cries out for an operational science
which can closely intermesh the whole range of private and govern-
mental counteraction. This can best be done by a single organization
able to consider all aspects of this infinitely complex and sophisticated
problem.
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Furthermore, no one, to our knowledge, has drafted or is intending
to draft legislation to give these other departments and agencies the
necessary authority and funds. The fact that these agencies have not
sought such authority indicates they are not "hot" to undertake this
challenging added burden. Rather, they appear to be fully engrossed
with the day-to-day problems, and their whole setup is unsuited for
either the development or training functions.
The Orlando committee has worked long and hard on the present
proposal at a considerable sacrifice to business and professional careers.
Certainly, the present legislation is not perfect but we are getting a
little tired of nit pickers who have no counterproposals. This is war.
There is no time to wait for the perfect bill. Let's get on to the job.
The bill can be amended at later sessions.
Thank you very much.
Senator DoDD. We are very grateful to you. That is a very
impressive statement. I have read it, and I must say, I think it is a
most impressive statement, and we are grateful to you for appearing
here today to help us out.
Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions?
Mr. SouRwINE. I have some. Would the Chair wish to order a
copy of the text of the bill S. 1689 to be printed at the begining of
these hearings?
Senator Donn. Yes. It is so ordered.
Mr. SOURwINE. You say the Orlando committee drafted this bill,
Mr. Grant?
Mr. GRANT. Yes, sir.
Mr. SOURWINE. So it would be proper to ask you about the inter-
pretation of certain provisions in the bill?
Mr. GRANT. Yes, sir.
Mr. SOURWINE. First, just a couple of technical points. Directing
your attention to section 2 (a) 4 which begins at the bottom of page 2.
I will read this passage :
Since the end of World War II the Soviets have taken full advantage of their
better preparation and often superior organizational and operational know-
how * * *. The total sum of these defeats is nothing less than disaster for the
United States and the free world.
Do you consider that there is any possibility that the enactment by
Congress of what I have just read would furnish propaganda ma-
terial for the Soviets throughout the world?
Mr. GRANT. Well,
Mr. SOURWINE. Or would it be desirable to delete that and to let
subsection 4 begin with the words, "The continuation."
Mr. GRANT. Well, undoubtedly, the Soviets would try to squeeze
that for any propaganda advantage they could. While this would
represent a possible limited disadvantage, the advantages of putting
that in there, and facing up to our situation in legislative form, far
outweigh any propaganda advantages which the Soviets can get out
of that statement. In fact, I think those statements in the bill em-
phasize the part of their procedures the Soviets do not like to have
known and brought to the public's attention. Very likely, they would
not try to make propaganda out of this, to the extent I think you have
in mind. By publicly admitting what we have failed to do in the
past, we can pinpoint the specific problems this bill will correct. It
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
will clear the air. It will show we mean business and it will help
to forestall any attempt to convert the Academy into an innocuous
academic undertaking.
Mr. SorRwINE. Directing your attention to page 7, if you look at
lines 20 and 21, the bill speaks of using means available to the Gov-
ernment agencies other than the methods and means already being
used. Undoubtedly, you have in mind there, the avoidance of all
dupplication. On the other hand, if Government agencies are pres-
eritly using certain means and methods which are good, you would
not mean to exclude those, would you?
Mr. GRANT. That is correct. What we had in mind there was that
we wanted all possibilities fully explored. Obviously, we want to
perfect and further improve the means we are already using, and the
Academy can make a oreat contribution here.
,.:Certainly, the Academy, with the type of faculty which we propose
to have, should address itself to the problem of further perfecting the
conventional means we are presently employing, but it should also
explore all other possibilities, operational techniques, organizational
forms, which the cold war agencies could use, as well as those which
The' ate organizations can employ. That is what we had in mind here.
Academy should explore the entire spectrum of counteraction,
with special emphasis on the methods and means we are not presently
employing.
Mr. SOURWINE. If this language I have quoted to you should upon
close examination appear to foreclose a certain area, that is, the area
of those good methods which are now being used, then you would
favor other language, would you not?
Mr. GRANT. I certainly would.
Mr. SOURWINE. Now, directing your attention
Mr. GRANT (interrupting). Let me just add right here if I may,
in relation to this act, generally, the members of the Orlando com-
mittee are not experts on drafting Federal legislation. We felt it was
necessary for us to more or less take the bull by the horns and produce
the basic bill, which we hoped your committee would perfect. We
don't maintain this is a polished document.
Mr. SOURWINE (continuing). Directing your attention to page 18,
lines 17 and 182 you have here a subtitle which reads, "Staff and
Assistance; Utilization of Federal Departments and Agencies; Armed
Protection." '
I find nothing in the subsequent section which has anything to do
with armed protection. I wonder why that is in there.
Mr. GRANT. As you probably noticed, Mr. Sourwine, we adopted
this part of the act setting up a joint committee from the Atomic
Energy Act and in typing the bill, those two words, "armed protec-
tion,' were accidentally left in there. They should be deleted.
We caught that, and I planned to write you a letter about it. I
simply has not gotten around to doing that. I might also add, going
back to section 17, part of a sentence has been left out of the House
bill. When I checked the Senate bill, I found it was copied verbatim
and the. same clause was left out of the Senate version. I will give
the wording to you but you can simply refer to the Atomic Energy
Act.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 25
Mr. SOURWINE. What line is that, that you refer to? I have to
read it to find it. Just a minute. After the word "Committee" in
line 19
Mr. GRANT. The deletion begins after the word "Committee" in line
10. It does not make sense the way it is.
Mr. SouRwINE. You will supply the language that you suggest?
Mr. GRANT. Yes sir.
Mr. SoURwINE. (ou say it should follow the corresponding section
of the Atomic Energy Act?
- . Mr. GRANT. Yes. That section follows verbatim the corresponding
section of the Atomic Energy Act .3
Mr. SouRWINE. Now, some general questions, Mr. Grant.
Do you consider it of any importance to erect safeguards against
possible political control of the organization you would set up here?
Mr. GRANT. Direct safeguards against political control? Do you
mean by that, Republicans, Democrats, or pressure groups or some-
thin of that nature?
Mgr. SouRwINE. You want it to be nonpolitical, do you not?
Mr. GRANT. Yes.
Mr. SouRwINE. You spoke of bipartisanship in one part of your
statement. There is a difference between bipartisanship and being
nonpolitical. It is nonpolitical that you are aiming at, is it not?
Mr. GRANT. That is correct, sir. If I may interrupt just a min-
ute.: That is the reason, I think I emphasized before, why we think
a joint Senate-House committee to make continuing studies of the
Freedom Commission is very important. I think if it is turned
over to the executive branch of the Government and it is controlled
exclusively by the executive branch-except of course as to amend-
ments or getting appropriations-the public would have less confi-
dence than if there is also this joint committee to check on the com-
mission, and the Academy, and see what it is doing. Getting that
full public confidence in the Commission and the Academy is the most
important reason for having this joint committee.
Senator HRUSKA. Why did you suggest a division of 4 to 2?
Mr. GRANT. I am sorry. I am a little hard of hearing.
Senator HEUSKA. In the bill I notice that it calls for a 4-to-2 divi-
sion in the committee. Four members of one party and not less than
two in the other.
Mr. GRANT. Well, first of all, we thought that seven would be an
ideal number. We went back to the original thought of the Orlando
committee in. setting up our committee down there. We tried to
make the committee itself as broadly representative as possible and
we thought the same idea, of course, should be carried into the Free-
dom Commission itself. If you had four or five members, that would
not be quite enough appointments to make it broadly representative.
Secondly, we thought we would like to apportion the membership
$ The complete sentence, beginning at line 15 of the printed bill, and. the following
sentence, as they appear in the December 1958 committee print of Atomic Energy legisla-
tion; at p. 68, read as follows : `The Joint Committee may make such rules respecting its
organization and procedures as it deems necessary: Provided however, That no measure
or recommendation shall be reported from the Joint Committee unless a majority of the
committee assent. Subpoenas may be issued over the signature of the Chairman of the
Joint Committee or by any member designated by him or by the Joint Committee, and
'nay be served by such person or persons as may be designated by such Chairman or
member.'
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between the two parties. Possibly 3 to 3 and the chairman from the
majority party would be the best division.
Senator HRUSKA. Why did you not make it 4 to 3?
Mr. GRANT. I believe we did. I think that is the way we have it
drafted. You will note that the division of the Commission, as dis-
tinguished from the joint committee, is four to three. You will also
note that there are seven Senators and seven Congressmen on the joint
committee and no more than four from either house may be from the
same party. This is the four to three division. We followed the
Atomic Energy Act almost verbatim in establishing both the Commis-
sion and the joint committee.
Mr. SOURWINE. Isn't it clear to you, Mr. Grant, that a committee or
a joint committee of Congress has to be political? There will always
be one party in control.
Mr. GRANT. Well, I believe that is partially true; yes.
Mr. SOURWINE. It is wholly true ; is it not?
Mr. GRANT. Well, I don't know that I am an authority to argue that
particular point.
Mr. SoURWINE. Isn't it perfectly clear you cannot have a con-
gressional committee which is not dominated by one or another of
the major political parties?
Mr. GRANT. I think that is correct; yes.
Mr. SoURwINE. So, in setting at the top of this pyramid a joint con-
gressional committee, you are making it essentially and inescapably
a political matter; are you not?
Mr. GRANT. Well, I don't like to look at it that way.
Mr. SoURWINE. Well, how else can you look at it?
Mr. GRANT. Well, we like to look on this joint committee as being
made up of elected representatives of the people and it gives the people
the best immediate direct check on what the Commission and the
Academy are doing.
We believe the joint committee and the Commission can and should
be above partisan politics when dealing with this area. I like to be-
lieve they will set an example for the rest of the country to follow.
Our experience has been that once a representative group had done its
homework in this area, then its liberal and conservative members can
agree on a surprisingly broad range of anti-Communist action. I be-
lieve that will be done in the case of the Commission and the joint
committee.
Mr. SOURWINE. But the committee itself would necessarily be a
political committee in the sense that it would be nominated by the
Reppublican Party or by the Democratic Party.
I Ir. GRANT. Yes; to some extent I suppose we can expect that.
Mr. So1RwINE. Your chairman and vice chairman would be from
the party which was in power at the Congress at the time. Is that
right ?
Mr. GRANT. That is right.
Senator HRUSKA. I don't suppose that is of too great importance.
When you drafted the bill, you did not consider that a major problem,
Itake it?
Mr. GRANT. No.
Senator HRUSKA. I don't know. Sometimes around here, they tell
me that when one party or the other gets so heavy a majority, it is
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difficult to tie this committee 4 to 3; but that would not trouble you
too much if you had six Democrats and one Republican, would it?
Mr. GRANT. Well, I am a registered Democrat myself but in this
area, I try to remain entirely bipartisan or nonpartisan, except as to
the Soviets.
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Grant, as the bill is drafted, the watchdog com-
mittee would have both legislative and investigative functions. Isn't
that right?
Mr. GRANT. Well, investigative only to the extent of investigating
what the Commission, the Academy, and the Information Center are
doing. That is what we primarily had in mind, although presumably
it would be helpful to the joint committee if they were able to call in
independent witnesses to develop various aspects of counteraction.
All laws or amendments to laws dealing with the Commission and
the Academy would be sent to the joint committee, just as all laws
dealing with atomic energy are sent to the Joint Atomic Energy
Committee.
Mr. SouRWINE. The duty which you impose upon the committee is to
make continued studies of activities and problems relating to the de-
velopment of counteraction to the International Communist con-
spiracies. Would that not embrace a great deal of what the existing
House Un-American Activities Committee and the Senate Internal
Security Subcommittee now do?
Mr. GRANT. I did not interpret it that way but since apparently,
it has been subjected to that interpretation, I frankly think that that
language should be modified to make it quite clear and quite plain
that it will not supersede nor interfere in any way with the activities
of the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee or the House Un-
American Activities Committee.
I am sure this committee can redraft sections 15 and 17 to take care
of that matter.
We do not envision the joint committee investigating communism in
the United States or drafting security laws. That is the business of
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee and the Un-American
Activities Committee. The last thing we would want to do is to
interfere with these committees.
Mr. SouRWiNE. As your bill is drafted, it provides for a systematic
selection of those who will attend the Academy. It would not, there-
fore be open to all, or to all who have certain academic background.
Is tU in your opinion, desirable? Is this the democratic way to
proceed?
Mr. GRANT. Well, I don't believe that we should have the Commis-
sion and the Academy open to just anyone who wants to attend it,
any more than West Point or Annapolis or the Air Force Academy
are open to anyone who wants to attend.
We have, regardless of the size in which this is undertaken
Mr. SouRWINE. Let me interrupt you. Of course, it is open to
anyone who passes an examination and is physically qualified and
nominated by a Member of Congress?
Mr. GRANT. Which is a method of selection, sir.
Senator HRUSKA. It is much broader than this one which you
suggest in this bill.
Mr. GRANT. What specific terminology do you refer to, Mr. Sour-
wine?
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'Mr. SoURWINE. In selection, you do not spell out precisely how that
selection shall be accomplished. You do provide for selection, pre-
sumably to be in accordance with the rules and regulations fixed
by the Commission. The Commission would have the authority to
select in accordance with whatever standards it set up. It seems to
be aimed at the creation of an elite corps and I wondered if that was
what you had in mind.
Mr. GRANT. Not elite, in the sense of being exclusive. Now, you
notice the language provides Academy students are to be selected, in-
sofar as practicable and in the public interest, from a cross section of
the diverse group within and without the United States in which the
total political war is being fought.
'Mr. SounwINE. Does that mean you have to have so many Catho-
lics; so many colored persons; so many persons with brown skin;
so many persons that belong to particular organizations? Does it
mean that?
Mr. GRANT. No. Not at all. It means that the cold war is being
fought in all types of organizations and all types of institutions.
The people who can best lead counteraction, or develop strength
within those organizations, are members of those very organizations.
Consequently, those are the people in the private sector that we want
to bring into the Academy and train.
Mr. SOURWINE. Well, the cold war is being fought for example,
in the PTA. Would you say there had to be a certain proportion of
pe__opple from the PTA in the Academy?
Mr. GRANT. No. Not a certain fixed proportion, but we would
certainly like to have a number of people from the PTA come in and
attend these courses.
Mr. SOURWINE. Since the cold war is being fought among all the
minority groups, would you have representatives from all the mi-
nority groups in the selected student body?
Mr. GRANT. I would certainly hope that eventually we would get
members of all those minority groups to attend the Academy so they
could go back and focus the attention of their organizations on the
survival question and inform them of the character and methods of
the Soviet conspiracy and provide their organizations with informed
leadership which could show them how they could participate in the
cold war.
Mr. SOURWINE. Is this what you mean by cross sections?
Mr. GRANT. Yes, sir; always keeping in mind you don't want to
bring a dodo or a moron into the Academy and try to train him. He
has to have some ability before you spend the Government's time
and money on him.
Mr. Soui wINE. Would you resist the idea of fixing certain mini-
mum standards and then letting the Academy be open to all who
could meet those standards?
Mr. GRANT. No. I would have no objection to that. I think those
standards might be a little difficult to set up. The Orlando commit-
tee has not specifically explored that precise problem. I believe it
would be wise, however, to give the Commission broad authority in
student selection, keeping in mind the general policy directive set
forth by the Congress in sections 2 and 7. The cold war situation is
constantly changing and presumably the makeup of the student body
would also change to some degree to meet new situations.
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Mr. SOURWINE. Now, do you have in mind that the primary ob-
jective here would be propaganda, or education?,
Mr. GRANT. Well, the word "propaganda" has certain inferences
and implications which I don't like. What we are emphasizing here
is developing methods and means by which freemen can defend them-
selves against the total Soviet threat. I think propaganda is an ex-
ceedingly poor term to describe that. What we are using is the truth.
We are not compelled to use the-conspiratorial forms or the conspira-
torial. techniques or to adopt the false propaganda poses of the Com
munist, insofar as this Academy is concerned. I presume the CIA
is engaged in certain affirmative covert political activities. I don't
know. I presume that. I hope so, anyway. This is not the area of
the Academy. The Academy is entirely in the open area.
Mr. SOURWINE. You are going to teach.
Mr. GRANT. I do not think of it in terms of teaching these people
propaganda to use in the sense of trying to present any distorted
picture.
Mr. SOURwINE. Well, truth is the best propaganda, is it not?
Mr. GRANT. It certainly is.
Mr. SOURWINE. Propaganda is simply the dissemination of infor
mation designed to effect the thinking and attitudes of people, is it not?
Mr. SouRWINE. If the information you disseminate is the truth, it
is best calculated to achieve that purpose, and permanently retain its
effect, is it not?
Mr. GRANT. That is right.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You spoke of creating a group of people able to
fight the cold war. Are you going to exclude teaching them conspira
torial techniques ?
Mr. GRANT. Certainly, as part of their training, they will have to
understand ,Soviet conspiratorial techniques. Now, in defending
itself, obviously, a free world or a free country or a Democratic coun-
try, particularly when it is faced with the sort of challenge we are,
would be foolishly naive if it tried to confine itself entirely to open
methods. The CIA operates in the covert area ; not only in intelli-
gence but probably in affirmative political activity. As far as the
Academy is concerned it would not be operating in that field. The
Academy is primarily concerned with the open part of the problem.
But students should understand the covert part of the problem.
Mr. SouRWINE. Are we not caught in a little semantic trap here?
Conspiracy car.L be open as well as covert. Conspiracy simply means
the grouping together of individuals with a purpose of common action
toward a.common objective. Is that not exactly what we are doing
here when we are trying to fight the world Communist conspiracy?
We. are entering into a conspiracy of our own, open, if you please, and
avowed, but for the purpose of making our joint effort come to bear
upon the joint objective of defeating the world Communist conspiracy.
Is that not true?
Mr. GRANT. 'Yes sir. I agree with that completely.
Mr. SouRwIrrE. So that in that respect, you cannot be afraid of the
word "conspiracy," at its basic meaning. What we will be teaching
here are the techniques of conspiracy against communism. Isn't that
right?
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Mr. GRANT. Well, you have explained conspiracy in such a way
that I think it takes most of the onus off the term. We are seeking
here to develop the organizational forms and the operational tech-
niques b which freemen can organize anti-Communist strength
against the total Soviet conspiracy. I think that is a better way of
expressing it. We urgently need to develop all the latent areas of
strength, and this can be done by using methods which do not do
violence to our morality and ethics. Again I am speaking of what
the Academy will train people to do, not what CIA does where their
people must have a "cover."
Mr. SOURWINE. All right, sir. You spoke of indoctrination of
members of the Armed Services. How will the Freedom Academy
accomplish that?
Mr. GRANT. Well, there are a number of ways that immediately
come to mind. For example, the Department of Defense and the
Armed Forces run a very considerable education and information
program.
Mr. SouRwINE. They do.
Mr. GRANT. I think that many of the officers within the Armed
Forces who conduct that, who give lectures to troops, and so forth,
if they would attend the Academy for 3 or 4 months, it would help
them considerably in what they are doing.
Mr. SOURWINE. Have you any appraisal of the value of the pre-
indoctrination program in the Armed Services? Do you think it is
good or bad?
Mr. GRANT. I have made no study of that, sir.
Mr. SouRwiNE. You don't know .
Mr. GRANT. I understand they have a very good Director and
Deputy Director over there, John Broger, on that program.
Mr. SOUR-WINE. You don't know whether they would need the guid-
ance or, control of the Academy in order to do a better job or to do
their job at all?
Mr. GRANT. I have not made a specific study of that problem. I
prefer not to comment on that at this time. However, John Broger
is very much in favor of this bill and has told me it will help them
with their program. I understand this is the general feeling at the
Pentagon. The Academy would not control any other department
or agency, but the operational science developed by the Academy
would be utilized by other agencies and they would use the Academy's
training facilities.
Mr. ouRwINE. Do you regard the Freedom Academy as, in any
sense, a` counterespionage agency?
Mr. GRANT. No; I do not.
Mr. SOURWINE. You do not. I think you said something which indi-
cated that you thought that the Freedom Academy would produce a
group or a cadre of professional political warriors.
Mr. GRANT. Well, I certainly think that those who are operating in
our Government cold war agencies should be developed to the very
hi hest professional levels. Obviously, many private citizens who
will attend the Academy, particularly those who are taking shorter
courses-I think the Academy would give some courses, of 1, 2, or 3
months' duration-will not reach professional level, but will prove
very useful. For example, suppose an oil company wants to send
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people to Latin America. They may be willing to send them to the
Academy for 1 month. Even in a month they can receive sufficient
training to greatly increase their usefulness. High-school teachers
might want to attend summer courses and take 2 or 3 months of
training in this area, so they can go back and organize courses. In
2 or 3 months, you cannot raise these people to professional level.
But we also need people, both in private life, and government, who
will receive 1, 2, 3, even 4 years' training in this Academy and related
schools so they can understand the overall problem, and intermesh the
whole spectrum of counteractivity into a true operational science
which, at that level, will certainly require a high level, professional
type of person.
Furthermore, it is of utmost importance that Academy training be
of a caliber and intensity which will inspire true dedication in the
students and a determination to do whatever is necessary to meet tte
total Soviet challenge. Counteraction can no longer be entrusted to
half-committed people. To paraphrase Lenin, we need people who
Mr. SouRwINE. Would there be any effort to keep liaison with and
control over the graduates of the Freedom Academy so as to direct
their activities toward a coherent operation?
Mr. GRANT. Not directly. I think that if that was done-while
you can argue it either way, if that were done, there would be many
objections raised: that there was too much Federal interference an
the private sector; it would be asserted that we were trying to set
up a super organization that is interfering in private sectors or inter-
fering in foreign countries, and so on.
You can imagine how the Communists could pick up that propa-
ganda ball and run with it. However, instead of that, what we have
proposed is the establishment of an information center. The infor-
mation, center would provide materials to any interested group or
individual who is working against the Soviet conspiracy and to this
exent could give organizational support to Academy graduates. Let
me give an example.
Back in 1950, when we set up this school program, there was no
place we could turn to for help. In the course of 2 years, a couple of
us read just about everything that had been printed in the English
language on the subject of world communism that was available in
.our libraries. We used to start out at 7 in the evening, and read
until 3 and 4 in the morning, and put in a full day in the law office
the next day. Unfortunately, I don't think there are too many
groups who would be willing to spend that amount of time preparing
but, in the future, when a group like the Orlando Committee wants
to set up a school program like that, there ought to be some central
organization they can turn to for top level help and material. They
have not even produced textbooks in this area yet. The information
center, authorized in section 9, would fill this urgent need. The infor-
mation center working with the Academy and Hollywood, could, for
example, turn out a series of high-caliber training films to be used by
high schools, colleges, and community study groups.
There ought toe textbooks to guide teachers; all types of visual
aids and training aids including films and so forth, available. The
will devote to counteraction not merely their spare evenings, but the
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information center can provide these and also suggest programs. The
Freedom., Commission and the Freedom Academy would not be en-
aged in operations other than that. Everything they are doing is in
the development and training area; not in the operations area. So
there is no overlap. That type of operation will not conflict in any
Way" with the U.S. Information Agency. One of the objections
raised was overlapping here, and duplicating. I think we very
clearly are not.
Getting back to your question : Congressman Herlong, in his maiden
floor speech on this bill, stated that Academy graduates would have
no strings attached when they left the Academy. But we can expect
those. who have trained together to cooperate with each other when
they have left the Academy. This is most desirable. We can expect
'them to form their own liaison committees without any intervention
by this Government. Unless they do this on a voluntary basis, their
training has not been very effective.
Does that answer your questions?
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes sir.
You are speaking of getting people from foreign countries, making
them good cold war fighters, then sending them back. Is there any
danger that, in the first instance, the efficiency of such people as
fighters of communism would be circumscribed because they would be
labeled in their countries as American spies?
Mr. GRANT. Certainly that is a possibility, and it is something we
have thought about along time. Back in 1953 and 1954, when we
were: originally considering the academy as a private institution, we
considered setting it up in the Philippines or in Switzerland, for
example, just to prevent any possible onus from having attended a
U.S. political academy. On the other hand, I think we can get overly
defensive about this matter. We can think of all the things, the clubs
that the Communists are going to pick up and hit us with. As a
'result, we get completely frozen in place. We think, "My God,
when we do this, the minute those people go back, they will be
branded covert agents of the CIA," and so on, regardless of what
we do. But that mere possibility should not stop us from going
ahead and establishing an academy which we think is desperately
needed. The danger exists, but I am sure the Commission can find
the means to reduce this danger.
You should also keep in mind that once a foreign student has
received Academy training, he will know how to handle any accusa-
tion that he is an American spy. He will keep the other side on the
defensive.
Let me given an example of where we can get students. There are
between 35,000 and 40,000 exchange students in this country at all
times. Now, I believe that a significant number of those students
would volunteer to attend this Academy. Not necessarily for 1, 2, or
3 years, but possibly for a 3 months' course or a 6 months' course, and
if they did that, they would be so much more effective in preserving
the free world than they are now, where we simply send them back as
individuals without any idea of what they are going to do or sense of
mission. I understand many of them join the Communist Party when
th?y get back because the ommunist Party appears to be the only
group that has a dynamic program, and knows where it is going.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 00
In addition to that, I am certain there are many persons overseas
who would like to volunteer to come to this Academy. Originally, the
Orlando committee thought one of our greatest problems would be
recruiting overseas students to come here. Obviously, any recruiting
overseas world have certain propaganda overtones that could be used
against us, but I have discussed this with other people who are in
contact with overseas organizations. They tell me our problem is not
going to be to get enough students but trying to select from the many
applications we have, the few that we will be able to train. In other
words, we will have so many people applying, we will not be able to
train all those who want to attend this Academy.
Mr. SoURwINE. I have just one more question.
In your provision for bringing in foreign students, the bill calls for
admission of those foreign students who are selected; as presently
drafted this would appear to override the authority of the Immigra-
tion and Naturalization Service and of the Attorney General. I take
it, you would have no objection to amending the bill so no one could
come in unless they meet the regulations of the immigration law?
Mr. GRANT. That section was adopted, almost verbatim, from that
part of the U.S. Information Service Act which sets up the student-
exchange program, and provides the same safeguard-namely, that
students shall be admitted as nonimmigrants under such circumstances
and conditions as may be prescribed by the regulations of the Com-
mission, the Secretary of State, and the Attorney General. They
can be deported at any time if they engage in adverse political
activity.
Senator HRUSKA. Isn't that what we do now with other students?
We bring them here for health purposes ; research.
Mr..GRANT. We have no objection to such an amendment. I wanted
to point out that section 7 is adopted from the U.S. Information
Service Act, setting up the student-exchange program, and has the
same safeguards.
Senator IIRUSKA. I don't think you have any great problem there.
I think you have a very good idea. If it does nothing else, I hope
it will 'put an end to the constant apology, "We did not know about
the Communists, when they did these things." This has been going
on. for 25 years at least. We would have a place where everybody can
get the information. It would be given out every day. If we can do
that, we would have done something worth while, in my judgment.
I think your testimony is very good and very impressive and very
helpful. I am grateful to you.
STATEMENT OF CHARLES WESLEY LOWRY, CHAIRMAN, FOUNDA-
TION FOR RELIGIOUS ACTION IN THE SOCIAL AND CIVIL ORDER
(FRASCO)
Senator HRUSKA. You are chairman of the Foundation for Reli-
gious Action; is that right?
Mr. Lowu . That is correct. Yes, sir.
Senator HRUSKA. Good of you to take your time to help us out. Will
you state your name and address for the record?
I am sure you have a prepared statement.
Will you give it to us, too?
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34 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Mr. LOWRY. Charles Wesley Lowry, 1112 Dupont Circle Building,
Washington 6, D.C. I am chairman and director of the Foundation
for Religious Action in the Social and Civil Order, commonly called
FRASCO. This is an all-faith organization, dedicated to combating
communism with spiritual weapons, and to launching a spiritual intel-
lectual counteroffensive against communism.
' Senator HRUSKA. I have to make a telephone call. I have a copy
of your statement. I am coming right back. You go right ahead.
Mr. LOWRY. Certainly. Thank you very much, indeed.
(Senator Hruska retired to an anteroom, returning within a few
minutes.)
Mr. LOWRY. I am very much privileged to have the opportunity of
supporting S. 1689, commonly referred to as the Freedom Commission
Act. I would like to say, in starting, that I personally believe that we
can win the cold war if we have the will to win it. The thing that I
think has, to a great extent, been lacking in the free world, and even
in the United States, is a definite, strong will to face the situation,
to exert the power necessary-and I use power very generally there to
cover more than simply physical or military power-to win this,
struggle. I think we can win it, provided we have the will and pro-
vided we effect the necessary concentrations of power. Using it
again in that general sense, the paramount issue before mankind, I
believe, is freedom; its security, survival, renewal, and extension as
the divinely ordered, fundamental form of human existence alike for
individuals and societies.
There is an ideology of freedom with an unlimited potency of moral
force and psychological appeal, provided that the inheritors of free-
dom in this country and the world awake to the realization of what
they have in their hands and provided, also, that free men face
realistically, before it is too late the gigantic scope and organized
character of the counteroffensive launched in our advanced 20th cen-
tury after 300 years of relative passivity and quiescence, by the
massed forces of despotism and total tyranny.
In very truth, freedom has not known such peril since the westward
thrust of the Ottoman Turks in the 15th and 16th centuries, perhaps
since the battle of Tours in 732, possibly since the days of the Caesars
and the persecution of Christianity prior to the conversion in 311 of
Constantine the Great.
I have discussed the ideology of freedom at some length in a con-
saltation on June 5, 1958 with the House Committee on Un-American
Activities-a document published as "The Ideology of Freedom ver-
sus the Ideology of Communism." To emphasize also the necessity of
the positive side of this whole issue-that there is an ideology of
freedom-in the earlier discussion with the House committee, I tried
to bring out the cardinal import of the American experience and con-
stitutional tradition for the right understanding of freedom. And I
believe this is a too much neglected, or at any rate, too little drawn
out and explicity developed aspect of this total issue.
Now, in what I have to say today, I would like to emphasize the
peculiar configuration of the forces that threaten freedom, democracy,
and religion under the name of a new "ism"-totalitarianism. This
"ism", which could perhaps be defined simply as a total state tyranny,
is a product in part of advanced technology and applied psychology.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 35
Karl Marx had a prophetic understanding of the role of technology
and its use by capitalism. Contemporaneously with him, of course,
he also believed that this commanded the future. I think as we look
on the great technological achievements of communism today, we
should remember this was a division of the founders of this extra.-
ordinary ideology. Here is a passage from the "Communist Mani-
fests" which has been, in my opinion, insufficiently noted. I quote :
The bourgeoisie has been the first to show what man's activity can bring
about. It has accomplished wonders far surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman
aqueducts and Gothic cathedrals; it has conducted expeditions that put in
the shade all former exoduses of nations and crusades.
The Russian physiologist, Pavlov, and the American psychological
behaviorist, Watson, contributed to the belief widely entertained by
scientists and sociologists that the human being is essentially plastic
and malleable and can be indefinitely conditioned and conformed
according to patterns desired by those in a position to experiment.
This belief underlies the techniques subsumed under the phrase "brain-
washing," given wide currency, I believe, by the writings of Edward
Hunter.
Actually, all this was based on a false view of man. The East
German uprising in 1953-and the anniversary of which we observe
today, incidentally, June 17-the reaction of Russians, even party
leaders, in the years following the death of Stalin, and the Polish
and Hungarian revolutions of 1956, all gave the lie to the idea that
man is in nature exactly as an animal or a thing and can, therefore,
be indoctrinated away from the desire and love of freedom. One of
the most brilliant women of our time, Miss Hannah Arendt, has said
that the 12 days of the Hungarian revolution contain more history
than the 12 years after the Red army supplanted the Nazis. At the
same time, she warns, imperialism has a much greater chance of suc-
cess when directed by a totalitarian government. And in many ways,
that is our problem. We are democratic, a free society, engaged in
a struggle with the most highly developed form of totalitarianism
of all times.
This is a subject I have given a great deal of thought to. Totali-
tarianism is the genus or broad class; the species or specific instances
under this class are communism, fascism, socialism-national social-
ism-and, I would add, Peronism, with its utilization for the first time
of the feminine element in mass psychology and tactics of government.
No doubt there are and will be other instances. The important thing
to note now is that communism was the first experiment in totalitarian-
ism. It began with Lenin in Russia in 1917. It has outlived the other
major experiments in state tyranny under modern conditions and
communism has managed to get itself into a position of enormous
power, politically, economically, and internationally, with the result
that.the Marxist-Leninist vision of world revolution and universal
communism is more than an assertion of a specter, haunting Europe-
it is a tangible force moving out everywhere like an octopus, threaten-
ing all unstable societies and haunting, without exception, all non-
Communist governments.
Why has Communist totalitarianism contrived a success so shatter-
ing in its assault on free institutions, free civilization, and the very
citadel-the ideal of freedom itself? The answer is to be found in
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
3
the fact that communism combines a materialistic ideology adapted
,an "age of great material forces with an organizational weapon and
to*
subvgrsive genius unmatched in the long human story. Add to this
the vast unrest of our. disordered aroused time, expressing itself in a
world outreach toward human dignity, freedom, independence, and
decent living standards-incidentally, largely inspired by the ideals,
the traditions and the accomplishments of the United States of
America-and you have a description of an unprecedented configura-
tion of history-making forces.
3 ' This configuration of forces could make our age the greatest the
world has-ever known. , This will happen if freedom does indeed have
a iiew birth, both as, a compelling ideal and in practical effectiveness.
On the other hand, communism is poised with its doctrine of world
reVolution developed into a system of nonmilitary warfare that
ainbiYnts`to a technical breakthrough. Many factors favor it. There
is much to justify the pervasive pessimism alike of liberals and con-
servatives in our society and throughout the free world. Unless the
giant, America, the creation of men who believed in God, in freedom,
and in the moral law, awakes and rises to the challenge of a new breed
of political and technical titans, our age will prove to be the graveyard
of humanism, reason, and democracy, and the world will be engulfed
in . a ;i ew; 'u d uncharted Gotteidammeruno, a twilight of the gods.
And this will happen, ironically-as an abe student, himself trained
i an earlier period of his life in the Leninist Academy in Moscow, has
wdd, strikingly-it will happen just when the ideological gods are
moving westward.
This is by way of stating, and, as it were, laying out before you
diagrammatically, the position and point of view in relation to world
affairs which I hold and from which I speak in advocating, emphati-
cally and strongly, the Freedom Commission Act which is now before
the Senate Internal Security Subcommittee.
In view of the analysis just offered, you will not be surprised when
I say that the proposed legislation setting up a Freedom Commissson,
with a directive to establish a Freedom Academy, is, in my judgment,
ona of the most important, indeed momentous, developments in nearly
14.years of cold war. And may I add that political warfare began,
in its present phase, in 1940-1939 and 1940-it did not really begin
as late as 1945. The great disaster from our standpoint was that the
Soviets had the courage, they had the guts, they had the insight to
wage political warfare from the onset of World War II. Now, if
Congress adopts this legislation, it will, in my opinion, be a wholesome
indication that the United States means business in the most positive
seise with regard to the world struggle for liberty. If Congress
adopts this legislation in its essential from, it will demonstrate con-
cretely that we have accepted the hard fact that we are in for a cold
war of indefinite duration. It will be a welcome and encouraging
sigh that we intend to win the total political war that has been thrust
upon tis and all independent states.
Up to this time, it seems to me, Mr. Chairman, that our people,
though in many ways their response to the problems and crises of a
troubled period has been excellent, yet, up to this point, our people
have not been clearly told that we are in a continuing national and
world emergency, and that business as usual is not enough. I speak
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here with very special conviction and, I hope, some authority. For
more than 10 years I have believed that we must devise and adopt
extraordinary measures to meet the situation of unending emergency.
Otherwise, we are certain to lose what is in effect a planetary civil
war, for our enemy is mobilized and is directed at every point by a
fanatical ideology expressing itself in a revolutionary psychology.
And it is right here, the matter of ideology and psychology, that we
lack it seems to me, so much from the standpoint of our mobilization.
I Lave believed that this doctrine of the indefinite emergency must be
accepted by our churches, our universities and schools, and our busi-
ness and industrial concerns and labor unions, and our civic and
voluntary associations as well as by the Government of the United
States. Under the influence of this conviction, I kept a copy of the
Communist Manifesto by my beside table for 9 months in 1950-51;
I wrote in 1951 my book, "Communism and Christ," which, Dr. Billy
Graham later sent to every Member of Congress as a present; and I
resigned in 1953 as rector of a marvelous parish in Chevy Chase to
throw my whole weight into the emergency and to organize, with Dr.
Edward L. R. Elson, the Foundation for Religious Action in the
Social and Civil Order, FRASCO. This foundation, of which I am
chairman and executive director, is an all-faith action organization,
dedicated to opposing communism with spiritual weapons and to
working for the moral and religious revitalization of American
democracy.
I need not repeat what I said earlier, except, looking back now
over a decade, I believe that I have been abundantly vindicated as a
prophet. We believe we must not only oppose communism but we
must find a way to revitalize, spiritually, our democracy and whole
concept of Democratic government and a free society in our world.
But I am compelled to conclude that a more powerful concentration
of force is necessary than any voluntary association or coalition of
associations is likely to bring about. So far there has not been any
significant, concentrated mobilization of power directed to the world
emergency in the voluntary sector of American society or that of the
free world. On the contrary, private efforts have become more frag-
mented and duplicative, possibly because of the very stimulus of
crisis and danger.
It follows that there is a vacuum in the power structure which must
be filled if we are to survive, let alone fulfill our true mission as a
leader nation. This can be done satisfactorily only if an organ of
government like that of the proposed Freedom Commission be set up
with the authority and the financial means to utilize, on a voluntary
basis in a Freedom Academy, the best talent available, with a view
to thinking through the problems of total political warfare and de-
vising appropriate methods and techniques, both of concentration and
of positive, originative, creative action.
There are, I am sure, many details in the proposed bill which raise
questions. Perhaps there are some substantive issues inevitably pre-
sented by any legislation in this field. I shall be glad to give my
views on such matters if they are desired, not as an authority on
legislative questions as such, which I am not, but as an ordinary citi-
zen deeply concerned with the gravest crisis the United States has
ever faced. In any case, I would like to emphasize the importance,
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in all discussions of what is proposed, of keeping the main object in
view and not losing sight of the woods by getting too close to one tree.
Details should be revised where experience and more careful con-
sideration indicate such to be desirable. Means should be refined
and improved wherever possible. But the heart of the bill, which
is the Freedom Commission, with large powers in a carefully deline-
ated area, and the Freedom Academy, is so evidently necessary and so
imperatively urgent that I hope and pray for its speedy enactment.
Thank you very much, gentlemen, for your courtesy in according
me this opportunity to appear before you on behalf of S. 1689.
Senator TiRnSKA. We are grateful to you, rather; no thanks to us.
This has been valuable testimony and we appreciate the fact that you
took the time to come here and tell us your views.
Mr. Lowai. I was happy to do it.
Mr. SouRwINE. Mr. Chairman, there are several communications
which should be offered for the record.
This is a letter from Chief Judge Frederick W. Brune of the Court
of Appeals of Maryland, which expresses his views with regard to
this bill.
Senator HRUSKA. It may be included in the record.
(The letter of Chief Judge Brune reads as follows:)
COURT OF APPEALS, MARYLAND,
Hon. J. G. SoURWINE Baltimore, Md., April 27,1959.
,
General Counsel, Subcommittee on Internal Security,
Committee on the Judiciary,
New Senate Office Building, Washington, D. C.
DEAR MR. SoURwINE : I have received your letter of April 24 and have read
S. 1689 enclosed therewith. This bill lies almost entirely, I think, outside of
the field with regard to which I testified on April 23, and the comments below
are offered only in response to the direct request of the committee.
I would suggest that section 2(a) (4) be amended by striking out all the text
except the last clause, which begins in line 4 on page 3, so that paragraph 4
would read : "The continuation of this political war by the Soviets confronts the
United States with a grave, present, and continuing danger to its national
survival." It seems to me that the portion of paragraph 4 which I would
suggest be omitted, might have a considerable propaganda usefulness to the
Soviets.
In section 6(2) on page 7, lines 20-21, I suggest that it might be advisable to
omit the concluding phrase "other than the methods and means already being
used." I suppose that the purpose of this exception was to avoid possible con-
flict or overlapping between different Government agencies, but it would seem
to me that if our Government is already using desirable methods and means
it ,would be advisable to include any instruction therein which could be given
without danger to our national security, and perhaps the Academy could de-
velop suggestions for improvements in methods or means already in use.
I am pleased to note in section 12(7), page 13, that the program contemplates
making use of the cooperation of State or local governmental agencies.
On page 18, is the heading of section 18 correct in including the term "armed
protection"? I find no specific mention of such protection in the body of section
18, though it may be included in the general authorization for the utilization of
services, information, facilities and personnel of the departments and estab-
lishments of the Government.
I am generally in favor of the bill.
I wish to take this opportunity to thank you for your courtesies during my
visit on April 23. I trust that you have by now received from the University of
Chicago a copy of the monographs which I promised to have sent. You will
note that the volume as published contains several monographs or addresses
to which I did not refer last Thursday, as well as those which I did mention.
I believe that some relatively minor revisions have been made. For example, at
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pages 44-45, Professor Oramton has brought his comments down to date by
including the decisions of the Supreme Court in the Beilan and Lerner cases.
These had not been rendered at the time of the preparation of his original
monograph.
Sincerely yours,
FREDERIc$ W. BRUME.
Mr. SOURwINE. A letter from the Deputy Attorney General,
Lawrence E. Walsh, on this bill.
Senator HnusxA. It shall be included in the record.
(The letter of Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E. Walsh reads
as follows:)
U.S. DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE,
OFFICE OF THE DEPUTY ATTORNEY GENERAL,
Washington, D.C., May 15,1959.
Hon. JAMES 0. EASTLAND,
Chairman, Committee on the Judiciary,
U.S. Senate, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR: This is in response to the request of Senator Dodd, Vice Chair-
man of the Internal Security Subcommittee, for the views of the Department of
Justice concerning the bill (S. 1689) "To create the Freedom Commission for
the development of the science of counteraction to the world Communist con-
spiracy and for the training and development of leaders in a total political war."
The bill would create a Freedom Commission with responsibility for training
Americans and selected foreign students to better understand the nature of the
international Communist conspiracy and for developing effective methods for
combating it. The Commission would function, to a large extent, through a
Freedom Academy and information centers which it is authorized to establish.
A Joint Congressional Freedom Committee would also be established, to. make
continued studies of the activities of the Freedom Commission and of problems
relating to the development of counteraction to the international Communist
conspiracy.
The Department of Justice is wholly in accord with the view that a greater
awareness throughout the free world of the extent and operations of com-
munism and methods of combating it is most desirable. However, there would
seem to be no need to create a new agency in order to accomplish this objective.
Rather, existing agencies, for example, the U.S. Information Agency, and others
in the security field, could be utilized with less risk of confusion, overlapping of
responsibilities, and duplication of effort.
Accordingly, the Department of Justice is unable to recommend enactment of
this bill.
The Bureau of the Budget has advised that there is no objection to the sub-
mission of this report.
LAWRENCE E. WALSH,
Deputy Attorney General.
Mr. SoURwINE. Here is a letter from Mr. David Sarnoff, chairman
of the board of Radio Corp. of America, together with a copy of
his brochure "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Com-
munism."
Senator Hi USKA. They shall be included.
(The letter of David Sarnoff and the brochure above referred to
read as follows:)
RADIO CORP. OF AMERICA,
New York, N.Y., May 1, 1959.
Chairman, Senate Judiciary Committee, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR DASTI,AND : I beg leave to put on record my personal endorse-
ment-in principle-of the Freedom Commission Act, S. 1689, on which, I un-
derstand, your Internal Security Subcommittee is planning to hold hearings.
I say "in principle" not because I have any reservations on the basic pro-
posal but because I have not yet had an opportunity for close study of the bill.
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My purpose, therefore, is to support the proposal in general rather than in
detail.
On April 5, 1955, I submitted to the President of the United States a memo-
randum entitled "Program for a Political Offensive Against World Com-
munism," which was later made public. (A copy of this memorandum is at-
tached hereto.)
T,b.e,.memorandum emphasized the magnitude of Communist strategy and
organization for the conduct of political and psychological warfare-what is
generally called the cold war-against.the free, world and especially against
our own country. It argued that this type of warfare is not a sideshow but a
life-and-death threat to the survival of our, civilization-that if we lope this
contest in the cold war, the defeat could be as final as if we had lost a hot
war.
Because our understanding of this challenge and our counteraction have been
inadequate, the memorandum declared, we have been losing its battles by de-
faillt; and unless we did grasp the urgency of the contest and acted boldly to
meet its challenge on a scale geared to victory, we could lose the entire strug-
gle by default.
Accordingly, I outlined a course of suggested action, part of which is per-
tinent .to the bill togfore you. Under the caption "Training of Cadres," I said
impart t
The, immediate and prospective activities of the cold war offensive will re-
quire ever larger contingents of specialized personnel for the many tasks; to
.provide leadership for resistance operations; to engage in propaganda * * *,
lntration o theenemy, of cetera.
"Already, limited as our political efforts are, there is a shortage of competent
personsnel. Meanwhile thousands of younger men and women among the emigres
are being lost to factories, farms, menial jobs. This amounts to squander-
ng of potentially important human resources.
`We need a network of schools` and universities devoted to?training cadres
for. the cold war. The objective is not education in a generic sense, but specific
preparation, for ,the intellectual, 'technical, 'intelligence and similar require-
ments of the ideological-psychological war.
".This training, of course, should not be limited to people from the Soviet
treas. A sort of `West Poin:t' of political warfare-analogous to the Lenin
haal of. Political Warfare in Moscow-might be established. Staffed by the
a,7est ,Specialists obtainable, it would seek out likely young people willing to
nna e, the struggle against communism `their main ar sole career."
e I'reedflm Commission Act, it appears to me, goes a substantial distance
toward implementing his suggestion. T note, indeed, that Life magazine, in
an editorial. approving the act, has used the very phrase I did to describe the
Academy envisioned by the 'bill `. namely, "a West Paint of Political Warfare."
La the. 4 years since the memorandum was submitted, I believe the issue has
become even more Important; the need for action even more pressing. Com-
munist depredations by techniques that are essentially political-although often
supported by force of the threat of force-have in this period been accelerated.
he.,Western position in the Middle East has been deteriorating. Communist
infiltration of , the newly independent countries of Africa has gained momentum,
and similar penetration of non-Soviet areas is underway in varying degrees
throughout the free world, in other parts of Asia and Africa, in Indonesia and
Ceylon and India, in Latin American countries. Moscow and Peiping have con-
fronted us with a series of crises, provoked by them and timed by them (Quemoy,
Lebanon, Berlin, Iraq, etc.), all calculated to keep the free world off balance and
troubled.
More, than ever before, we need to see the larger pattern, of which such crises
are only parts. Only a clear comprehension of the total and permanent Com-
munist.straIegy will enable us to deal with it effectively. The Academy proposed
by the act could make a vital contribution in this respect.
In these 4 years, moreover, progress in the development of devastating nuclear
weapons, both by Soviet Russia and free nations, has tended to create a balance
of dreadful terror which is likely to inhibit nations from touching off a world
war. However, I do not rule out the possibility of such a war, which could come
through miscalculation or accident. It is self-evident that our country must
make the necessary sacrifice to maintain maximum military preparedness tq
provide for our national security and to deter aggression.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 41
The risks involved in a hot war that would be unleashed by a major power
today or in the foreseeable future are indeed great. The logical consequence
of this is that struggle by methods, short of war-political, economic, psycho-
logical-attains greater significance than ever in the past. It is the area of
action in which I believe there exists the greatest danger for us as a Nation as
well as for the rest of the free world. Again, therefore, an Academy of Political
Warfare can play an exceptionally useful role. Not even the sponsors of the bill,
I feel sure, would claim that it is the whole answer to our problem, but it is an
important step in the right direction.
There is good reason to believe, indeed, that the work of such an Academy,
over and above its direct contribution, will help alert the public and Government
to the larger need for a complete and effective answer.
Respectfully,
DAVID SARNOFF.
PROGRAM FOR A POLITICAL OFFENSIVE AGAINST WORLD COMMUNISM
A Memorandum by David Sarnoff, April 5, 1955
INTRODUCTION .
Our best and surest way to prevent a hot war is to win the cold war. Indi-
vidual Democratic leaders have long been aware of this truth, but it has not yet
been fully grasped by the free world.
Because the label is of recent coinage, many people assume that the cold
war is a new phenomenon. Actually it has been underway ever since the
Bolsheviks, entrenched in Russia and disposing of its resources, launched the
Third or Communist International.
World communism has been making war on our civilization for more than
three decades. And the term "war" is not used here in a merely rhetorical sense.
It has been a war with campaigns and battles, strategy and tactics, conquests
and retreats. Even the postwar years, it should be noted, have seen Red re-
treats-in Greece, Iran, Berlin, for instance-as well as victories ; but such re-
treats have occurred only when the West acted awarely and boldly.
There have been intervals of truce in the cold war but not of true peace.
Periods of seeming Communist moderation have been used as a cover for frantic
buildups and deployments for the next big push. There has not been a single
year when the Kremlin did not, with single-minded concentration, make the
most of its opportunities by methods short of general war.
Not a single country today under Communist rule was conquered by outright
military, assault. Russia itself fell to the Bolsheviks through a political coup,
after other parties had overthrown the old regime. The East European satel-
lites were placed behind the Iron Curtain by cunning diplomacy and brute ex-
tortion. China was joined to the Soviet sphere by "rear operations" performed
from inside.
It is useful to break down Moscow's political-psychological techniques for
easier observation. But it should be remembered that they are all inextricably
intermeshed, that they are stepped up or soft pedalled as required, that they
are supplemented with physical force and the menace of such force according to
circumstances. The listing that follows is therefore overlapping.
1. Propaganda
The massive use of all media of communications by the Soviet Government,
its puppet governments, local Communist parties, and by ostensibly independent
groups under Moscow control or influence, is vast but impossible to measure.
In 1948 Soviet broadcasting to foreign targets totaled 528 hours per week.
By 1954 this figure was increased to 1,675 hours. In addition, the Soviet news
agency Tass broadcasts 121 hours daily to the foreign press. By comparison,
the Voice of America broadcasts only 716 hours a week.
It is estimated that over 1,000 Soviet transmitters are engaged in "jamming"
our signals. The Kremlin spends more for jamming it than we spend on all
operations of the Voice of America. The Soviet and satellite expenditures in
all types of foreign propaganda cannot be accurately gaged-nearly everything
Communists do has a propaganda content-but these costs run into billions or
dollars annually.
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Printed matter in tremendous quantities pours out of the U.S.S.R. into the
non-Soviet world. Several large publishing houses in Moscow and elsewhere
do nothing else but feed this flood. Besides, the Kremlin operates a chain of
large publishing enterprises on foreign soil. Their Red tide of books, pamphlets,
reports, posters, etc., inundates the world.
In nearly every non-Soviet country and region there are newspapers, maga-
zines, radio and TV stations, either overtly under pro-Communist control or in
"liberal" disguises. These speak in local tongues, but the voice is Moscow's.
In addition, thousands of Kremlin-oriented individual writers, commentators,
editors, and trained propagandists are smuggled into strategic non-Commu-
nist spots to plug the current Moscow lines.
All available forums, from the United Nations to cultural and sports gather-
ings, are exploited to advance the battle for men's minds.
Special emphasis is given in Communist plans to what is called the "propa-
ganda of acts"-strikes, riots, demonstrations, mass meetings in support of
Soviet objectives or in protest against local policies distasteful to the Soviets,
and contrived events of every kind.
Soviet films are rated high in the Communist propaganda plans. Pure enter-
tainment in films, of course, is almost nonexistent. The result is that any
and all pictures made in the Soviet sphere, however disguised as art, contain a
message which contributes to their cumulative effort to brainwash the non-Soviet
world.
2. Infiltration and subversion
Through Communists, fellow travelers and assorted sympathizers, there is
a :systematic "colonization" of governments, labor unions, educational and
scientific institutions and social organizations. The goal is to weaken the
infiltrated bodies or to use their leverage to influence public opinion and
official policy in the Kremlin's direction ; to undermine traditions and subvert
loyalties which block the road to Communist thinking.
In the infiltration of government agencies, espionage is by no means the
chief purpose. Far more important to the Soviets is the subtle pressure an
infiltree can bring to bear upon the shaping of national policy and the influenc-
ing of national moods. The theft of secret documents is routine. The sub-
version of a government's self-interest, the sowing of disunity, the careful
sabotage of policies unfavorable to Soviet interests-these require and receive
more polished methods.
3. Fifth columns and false fronts
Communist Parties, whether legal or proscribed, are the primary fifth column.
They function under direct instructions from Moscow headquartes, usually
under leaders assigned from outside.
But this is the beginning, not the end, of the apparatus of power reaching
into every corner of the free world. Innumerable committees, congresses,
leagues are set up, outwardly devoted to legitimate and even noble causes like
peace, race equality, antifascism, but actually controlled and manipulated by
Communists for strictly Communist objectives.
These false-front outfits are spawned continually, discarded when their purpose
has been served. In the United States, where this technique has been widely
practiced, they have run into scores. Every new situation produces its organiza-
tional instrument. At times a front started for one purpose is shifted overnight
to its opposite: thus fronts for keeping America out of the war during the life
of the Moscow-Berlin pact were converted into fronts for putting America into
the war after the Germans attacked Soviet Russia.
Besides creating these fifth-column devices, the Communists also are expert
at "capturing" organizations started by others. By joining some existing society
or committee, acting as a disciplined minority bound by caucus decisions, a dozen
persons have frequently succeeded in taking effective control of organizations
with thousands of members.
4. Sabotage and terror
The use of these weapons in time of war is familiar, but its systematic use in
peacetime is the great Communist innovation. In all free countries the main
targets of infiltration are defense industries, communications, transport, and
police systems-all of which offer ample opportunity for mischief affecting
a nation's security. Strikes at strategic points and strategic times, as well as
overt physical sabotage, can slow up a country's preparations for defense or
actual warmaking capacity.
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In regions where it is useful and feasible, the Communists do not disdain raw
terror : incendiarism, kidnapping, assassination. A special research section of the
MVD (Soviet secret police) is devoted to developing murder weapons, poisons,
and the like.
5. Civil strife
Internal discontents and economic crises are stimulated and then systematically
exploited to produce inner disunity, chaos and actual civil insurrection. Guerilla
forces under professional military leaders are frequently reinforced by "volun-
teers" from outside.
Paramilitary formations, underground organizations of every variety in line
with local conditions and opportunities, are standard techniques. Genuine
grievances are channeled and exploited through local "nationalist" or "anti-
colonial" and "antiimperialist" movements, either started by the Communists or
infiltrated and captured.
6. Preparation of "cadres"
In Soviet Russia and now in its colonial states there are schools and univer-
sities of revolution. Students, drawn from all countries, are taught the theory
and practice of political warfare, sabotage, guerilla operations, propaganda
methods.
Virtually all heads of Red satellite states and insurrectionary movements in
Europe, Asia, Africa, and Latin America are products of such institutions. Tito,
dictator of Jugoslavia ; Ho Chi Minh, No. 2 Communist of Indochina ; Rakosi, the
top leader in Red Hungary ; Bierut, President of Red Poland ; Liu Shao-Chi,
,Vice President of Communist China, and General Liu Po?-Cheng, one of the fore-
most military leaders of Red China. The same is true of many leaders of Com-
munist Parties in non-Soviet countries.
The job of preparing cadres to implement the cold war and to provide general-
ship for civil conflicts and other revolutionary actions has been going on since
the 1920's. Even during the last war, while the Kremlin ostensibly was on terms
of friendship with its allies, the training of leaders for revolutions in the
allies countries was not slackened.
7. Preparation of reserves
The Communist high command does not depend only on the faithful Commu-
nists. It attaches great value to its peripheral reserves-groups of sympa-
thizers or innocent collaborators willing to travel along the Communist road part
of the distance. These are mobilized and brainwashed through the false-front
organizations, united- and peoples fronts, the spread (as required) of pacifist or
neutral sentiment, doctrines of class struggle, belief in the inevitable collapse
of capitalism and free societies.
In advanced countries like the United States, Britain, France, some segments
of the so-called intelligentsia have proved especially vulnerable to Communist
indoctrination. Not only their self-doubts and frustrations but their most
generous idealistic instincts have been canalized and perverted to promote vic-
tory for the Soviets in the cold war.
The turnover in these reserves is of course high. Fellow travelers by the
thousands are likely to become disillusioned with every new Soviet policy zigzag.
But expert manipulation of public opinion serves to retrieve such losses.
8. Treacherous diplomacy
In its cold war operations the Kremlin enjoys the advantage. of working on
two levels-as a conventional state dealing with other states and as a conspira-
torial movement embracing the whole globe. In its guise of just another gov-
ernment the Politburo can make promises and engagements which world
communism is under orders to violate.
Soviet diplomacy takes full advantage of the moral code and political naivete
of some free countries and especially of their eagerness for peace, sometimes
peace at any price. It uses the threat of war as a species of blackmail, and is
past master at playing off one country against another. It appeals to. the profit
motives of competitive economies, and in general exploits what it refers to as
the inner contradictions of the free world.
It can make the most of amorphous slogans like "peaceful coexistence"-a
phrase coined by Lenin, repeatedly used by Stalin and candidly defined in Com-
munist literature as a "tactic" or "stratagem" to gain time, deploy forces, under-
mine enemy vigilance.
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In the arena of foreign relations the Kremlin can blow hotor cold, inflame our
fears or our hopes to any required temperature, and use trickery to induce its
enemies to drop their guard. Its announcements of policy, negotiations and
talk of negotiations, tourists to Red areas, artistic and cultural missions
abroad-everything is grist for the cold war mills.
The Communist high command recognizes no restraints, no rules of fair play,
no codes of civilized behavior. It regards its great "historical mission" as a
ina8'date which cancels out traditional values in the relations between man and
Man or country and country. In pursuance of that commitment it considers any
cost in life and substance to be justified. A system of power which has not hesi-
tated to liquidate millions of its own citizens cannot be expected to hesitate to
wipe out lives anywhere else.
Moscow has brought one-third of the human race under its iron control by
means short of a hot war-by shrewd diplomacy, deception, propaganda, the
blackmail of threats, fifth-column subversion, guerilla forces and, where expe-
dient, localized shooting wars. These political and psychological methods-
the coldly war-have paid off, at smaller risk and infinitely lower cost than a hot
tsar would ejtail.
Accordingly they are being applied without stint to the conquest of the rest
of mankind. For world communism, with its high command in the Kremlin in
Moscow,, the cold war is not a temporary or holding operation, nor a prelude
to a hot War. It is the main bout, the decisive offensive, conducted on an
ti}~limited scale, with total victory as its goal.
In a decision of the. U.S. Supreme Court (vol. 339, May 8, 1950), an opinion
written by the late Justice Robert H. Jackson stated the case against commu-
nism in language that is clear and penetrating. He said :
"The goal of the Communist Party is to seize powers of government by and
for a minority. rather than to acquire power through the vote of a free electorate.
lilt' purposes forcibly to recast our whole social and political structure after
the l[uscovite model of police-state dictatorship. It rejects the entire religious
and cultural heritage of Western civilization, as well as the American economic
and political systems. This Communist movement is a belated counterrevolu-
tion to the American Revolution, designed to undo the Declaration of Inde-
pendence, the Constitution, and our Bill of Rights, and overturn our system
of free, representative self-government.
"Goals so extreme and offensive-to American tradition and aspiration obviously
could not be attained or approached through order or with tranquillity. If, by
their better organization and discipline, they were successful, more candid
Communists admit that it would be to an accompaniment of violence, but at
the same time they disclaim responsibility by blaming the violence upon those
who engage in resistance or reprisal. It matters little by whom the first blow
would, be struck ; no one can doubt that an era of violence and oppression, con-
fiscations and liquidations would be concurrent with a regime of communism.
"Such goals set up a cleavage among us too fundamental to be composed
by democratic processes. Our constitutional scheme of elections will not settle
issues between large groups when the price of losing is to suffer extinction.
When diasensions,,cut too.deeply, men will fight, even hopelessly, before they
will submit., And this is the kind of struggle projected by the Communist Party
and inherent in its program.
"Violent and undemocratic means are the calculated and indispensable methods
to attain the Communist Party's goal * * *, In not one of the countries it
now dominates was the Communist Party chosen by a free or contestable elec-
tion ; in not one can it be evicted by any election. The international police state
has crept over Eastern Europe by deception, coercion, coup d' etat, terrorism,
and assassination. Not only has it overpowered its critics and opponents ; it
has usually liquidated them."
IX. WE DARE NOT LOSE TEE COLD WAR
If.we ignore these facts, or do not counteract them effectively in good time, we
shall lose the cold war by default. For the United States and other free nations,
defeat of this sort would be as catastrophic and as final as defeat in a shooting
war, Whether, we freeze to death or burn to death, our civilization would be
equally dnished.
Were the Communists willing to settle for a permanently divided world, each
half pledged not to interfere with the other, they could readily arrange it. But
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they are not interested in a stalemate. In the nature of their ideology and world-
wide apparatus of action, they must continue to drive relentlessly toward their
ultimate objective. They are irrevocably dedicated to winning the cold war.
They prefer to attain world dominion by nonmilitary means because :
(a) They consider themselves masters of cold war techniques pitted against
those whom they regard as amateurs ; their chances of victory seem to them in-
comparably greater than in a conventional military showdown.
(b) Political warfare does not directly endanger their own territories, in-
dustry, manpower and above all, their mechanism of dictorial power.
(c) Clear-cut victory in the cold war would give them access to our technology
and resources, our great cities and treasures, intact and ready for exploitation ;
whereas a military victory would give them only the ruins of nuclear devastation.
Now as in the past, they proceed in the conviction that they can gain world
hegemony by methods that, in the phrase of Leon Trotsky, constitute "neither
war nor peace." For Moscow, the real alternative to a nuclear showdown is not
"peace" but political-psychological warfare of a magnitude to weaken, de-
moralize, chip away and ultimately take over what remains of the free world.
III. TO PREVENT A IIOT WAR, WE MUST WIN THE COLD WAR
Political psychological offensives are not new. They have frequently been
employed in wartime to supplement ordinary military action. We used them
ourselves in both World Wars. Their purpose has been to soften up the enemy's
will to resist, to win friends and allies in hostile areas, to drive wedges between
belligerent governments and their citizenry.
The democracies are familiar with warmaking in the normal military sense,
and hence do not hesitate to make huge investments and sacrifices in its name.
They do not shrink from the prospect of casualties. All of that seems natural.
But they are startled by proposals for effort and risk of such dimensions in the
life-and-death struggle with nonmilitary means.
Under these circumstances it has become incumbent upon our leadership to
make the country aware that nonmilitary or cold war is also terribly real-
that the penalty for losing it will be enslavement.
Hot war is always a possibility. It may come through farce of circumstances
even if no one wants it. Limited, localized wars are also a continuing threat.
Nothing in this memorandum should be construed as a substitute for adequate
military vitality. On the contrary, superior physical force in being is the indis-
pensable guarantee for effective nonmilitary procedures.
We must maintain our lead, and accelerate the tempo of progress in the race
for ascendancy in nuclear weapons, guided missiles, airpower, early warning
systems, electronic know-how, chemical and bacteriological methods of warfare.
We must maintain adequate and well-balanced forces for the ground, sea,
and air. These conventional military forces must be ready and capable of de-
terring or meeting an outbreak of peripheral or small-scale wars this side of a
general showdown. They will be indispensable in a general war if one should
be fought without nuclear weapons. We must stockpile and protect the sources
of vital strategic materials.
But short of a blunder that ignites the third world war which nobody wants,
the immediate danger is the debilitating, costly, tense war of nerves that is part
of the cold war. Because there is no immediate sense of overwhelming menace,
no thunder of falling bombs and daily casualty figures, we are apt to think of
this period as peace. But it is nothing of the sort.
The primary threat today is political and psychological. That is the active
front on which we are losing and on which, unless we reverse the trend, we shall
be defeated. Its effects are spelled out in civil wars in parts of Asia, legal
Communist Parties of colossal size in some European countries, "nationalist"
movements under Communist auspices, "neutralism" and rabid anti-American-
ism in many parts of the world-in pressures, that is to say, of every dimension
and intensity short of a global shooting war.
Unless we meet this cumulative Communist threat with all the brains and
weapons we can mobilize for the purpose, the United States at some point in
the future will face the terrifying implications of cold war defeat. It will be
cornered, isolated, subjected to the kind of paralyzing fears that have already
weakened the fiber of some technically free nations. We will have bypassed a
nuclear war-but at the price of our freedom and independence. I repeat : We
can freeze to death as well as burn to death.
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46 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Our counterstrategy
Logically we have no true alternative but to acknowledge the reality of the
cold war and proceed to turn Moscow's favorite weapons against world com-
munism. We have only a choice between fighting the cold war with maximum
concentration of energy, or waiting supinely until we are overwhelmed. Our
political counterstrategy has to be as massive, as intensive, as flexible as the
enemy's.
' We must meet the cold war challenge in our own household and in the rest
of the world, and carry the contest behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains. We
must seek out and exploit the weak spots in the enemy's armor, just as the
Kremlin has been doing to us these 30-odd years. We must make our truth as
effective and more productive than Moscow's lie.
Our political strategy and tactics should be in terms of a major enterprise, on
a scale for victory, with all the inherent risks and costs. We cannot fight this
light with our left hand, on the margin of our energies. We have to bring to it
resources, personnel and determination to match the enemy's. This is a case
where, as in a military conflict, insufficient force may be as fatal as none at all.
If obliged to make tactical retreats, moreover, we must not bemuse our-
selves that they are enduring solutions. To do so would be to disarm ourselves
and open ourselves to new and bigger blows. This is a principle of particular
importance during intervals when negotiations with Moscow or Peking are being
discussed or are in progress.
The question, in truth, is no longer whether we should engage in the cold
war. The Soviet drive is forcing us to take countermeasures in any case. The
question, rather, is whether we should undertake it with a clearheaded deter-
mination to use all means deemed essential, by governments and private
groups-to win the contest.
Our countermeasures and methods must be novel, unconventional, daring
and flexible. They must, moreover, be released from the inhibitions of peace-
time, since it is peace only in outer forms.
Almost against our will, in point of fact, we have launched more and more
cold war activities. But they have been piecemeal, on a inadequate scale and
often without the all-important continuity of action. Worst of all, they have
not been geared for total victory, being treated as extras, as harassment opera-
tions, while hoping against hope that there will be no outbreak of war or that
there will be a miraculous outbreak of genuine peace.
Our current posture shares the weakness inherent in all defensive strategy.
The hope of a real compromise is a dangerous self-delusion. It assumes that
Soviet Russia is a conventional country interested in stabilizing the world,
when in fact it is the powerhouse of a dynamic world movement which thrives
on instability and chaos.
Our duty and our best chance for salvation, in the final analysis, is to prose-
cute the cold war-to the point of victory. To survive in freedom we must win.
The enemy is vulnerable
The free world, under the impact of Moscow's cold war victories, has tended
to fix attention on Soviet strengths while overlooking or discounting Soviet
weaknesses.
The Communists expertly exploit all our internal tensions, injustices and dis-
contents. Yet within the Soviet empire the tensions are incomparably greater,
the injustices and discontents more vast. Our opportunity, which we have failed
to use so far, is to exploit these in order to undermine the Kremlin, exacerbate
its domestic problems, weaken its sense of destiny.
The nature of a malady can be deduced from the medicine applied. In its
'fourth decade of absolute power, the Soviet regime is obliged to devote a
major portion of its energies, manpower, and resources to keep its own subjects
andcaptive countries under control, through ever larger doses of terror. There
we have the proof that the Communists have failed to "sell" their system to
their victims.
Even a ruthless police-state does not maintain gigantic secret-police forces,
special internal security armies, colossal networks of forced-labor colonies just
for the fun of it. These are measures of self-defense against actual or poten-
tial internal oppositions. After all discounts are made for wishful thinking
and error, ample evidence remains that in the Soviet sphere the West has
millionsof allies, tens of millions of potential allies.
Whether the potential can be turned into actuality, whether the will to
resist can be kept alive and inflamed to explosive intensity, depend in the
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first place on the policies of the non-Soviet world. Our potential fifth columns
are greater by millions than the enemy's. But they have yet to be given
cohesion, direction, and the inner motive power of hope and expectation of
victory. -
No one knows whether, let alone when, the internal Soviet stresses can reach
a climax in insurrectionary breaks. It would be frivolous to count on such
a climax. But we have everything to gain by promoting a spirit of mutiny,
to keep the Kremlin off balance, to deepen existing rifts, to sharpen economic
and empire problems for them.
For the purposes of our cold war strategy it suffices that the potential for
uprisings exists. Soviet economic conditions are bad, particularly in the do-
main of food production. Nations which used to be exporters of bread (Hun-
gary, Poland, Russia itself) now lack bread for themselves. As Secretary of
Agriculture Benson said recently : "Failure of the Soviet system to provide
for the basic needs of its own people could be one of the most important
historical facts of our time."
The Soviet peasants, still the overwhelming majority of the Kremlin-held
populations, are everywhere bitter and restive. The Politburo knows that it
cannot count implicitly upon the loyalty and allegiance of its subjects. At
the same time it has failed utterly to assimilate the captive countries, so
that it has no allies but only sullen colonial puppets.
. In the last war the U.S.S.R. fought on two fronts-against the foreign
invaders and against its own people. There is reason to believe that Hitler's
psychological blunders, in insulting and alienating the Russian peoples, helped
save the Stalin regime from destruction by its own subjects. In the present
cold war, too, the U.S.S.R. must maintain its fight against the Soviet citizenry,
and at the same time deal with seething dissidence in the subjected countries.
The basic conditions for successful cold war counterstrategy thus exist.
Guidelines for political offensive
Our guiding objectives in an all-out political offensive are fairly obvious.
They must include the following :
1. To keep alive throughout the Soviet Empire the spirit of resistance and
the hope of eventual freedom and sovereignty. If we allow that hope to expire,
the Kremlin will. have perpetuated its dominion over its victims.
2. To break the awful sense of isolation in which the internal enemies of
the Kremlin live--by making them aware that, like the revolutionists in tsarist
times, they have devoted friends and powerful allies beyond their frontiers.
3. To sharpen by every device we can develop the fear of their own people that
is` already chronic in the Kremlin. The less certain the Soviets are of the alle-
giance of their people, the more they will hesitate to provoke adventures involv-
ing the risks of a major showdown.
4. To provide moral and material aid, including trained leadership, to opposi-
tions, undergrounds, resistance movements in satellite nations and China and
Russia proper.
5. To make maximum use of the fugitives from the Soviet sphere, millions in
the aggregate, now living in free parts of the world.
6. To appeal to the simple personal yearnings of those under the Communist
yoke : release from police terror, ownership of small farms and homes, free
trade unions to defend their rights at the job, the right to worship as 'they please,
the right to change residence and to travel, and so forth.
7. To shatter the "wave of the future" aura around communism, displacing the
assumption that "communism is inevitable" with a deepening certainty that
"the end of communism is inevitable."
8. To inspire millions in the free countries with a feeling of moral dedication
to the enlargement of the area of freedom, based on repugnance to slave labor,
coerced atheism, purges and the rest of the Soviet horrors.
This inventory of objectives is necessarily sketchy and incomplete. But
it indicates the indispensable direction of the cold war effort.
IV. THE MESSAGE OF FREEDOM
We must be quite certain of our destination before we can begin to figure out
means of transportation. There is little point in discussing the how of it until
a firm decision for an all-out political-psychological counteroffensive is reached.
In hot war, you need a weapon and means of delivering it to the target. The
same is true in cold war. The weapon is the message; after it has been worked
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48 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
out, we can develop the facilities for delivering it to the world at large and to
the Communist-captive nations in particular.
The essence of that message (and its formulation Is the critical first step) Is
that America has decided, Irrevocably, to win the cold war ; that its ultimate
aim Is, in concert with all peoples, to cancel out the destructive power of Soviet-
based communism.
Once that decision is made, some of the means for implementing it will become
self-evident ; others will be explored and developed under the impetus of the
clear-cut goal. Agreement on the problem must come before agreement on the
solution.
"To be effective," as one student of the problem has put it, "our decision must
be as sharp edged and uncompromising as the Kremlin's ; it must be spelled out
as unequivocally as the Communists have done in the works of Lenin and Stalin
and the official programs of the Comintern and Cominform?"
Adjustment of our thinking In accord with such a decision to win the cold
war demands clarity on at least the following points :
1. The struggle by means short of general war is not a preliminary bout but
the decisive contest, in which the loser may not have a second chance.
2. It must therefore be carried on with the same focused effort, the same reso-
lute spirit, the same willingness to accept costs and casualties, that a hot war
would involve.
8. In order to establish credence and inspire confidence, our conduct must be
consistent. Our philosophy of freedom must embrace the whole of mankind ; it
must not stop short at the frontiers of the Soviet sphere. Only this can give our
side a moral grandeur, a revolutionary elan, a crusading spirit not only equal to
but superior to the other side's.
4. We must learn to regard the Soviet countries as enemy-occupied territory,
with the lifting of the occupation as the overall purpose of freedom-loving men
everywhere. This applies not only to areas captured since the war, but includes
Russia itself. Any other policy would turn what should be an anti-Communist
alliance into an anti-Russian alliance, forcing the Russians (as Hitler forced
them during the war) to rally around the regime they bate.
0. The fact that the challenge is global must be kept clearly in view. Red
guerrillas in Burma, Communists in France or the United States, the Hnks In the
Philippines, Red agents in Central America-these are as much "the enemy" as
the Kremlin itself.
We must realize that world communism is not a tool in the hands of Russia-
Russia is a tool in the hands of world communism. Repeatedly Moscow has
sacrificed national interests in deference to world revolutionary needs. This
provides opportunities for appeals to Russian patriotism.
`!. Though the Soviets want a nuclear war no more than we do, they accept the
risk of it in,pushing their political offense. We, too, cannot avoid risks. (It
~ght become necessary, Mr. Dulles said recently, "to forgo peace in order to
secure the blessings of liberty.") The greatest risk of all, for us, is to do less
than is needed to win the cold war. At worst that would mean defeat by de-
fault ; and at best, a situation so menacing to the survival of freedom that a
hot war may become inevitable.
,Our present lead in the possession of nuclear weapons and the ability to use
them may be matched by the Communists in the next few years. This is the view
expressed by competent statesnien,'scientists, and military experts. If and when
nuclear parity is reached, the enemy's fanatics (and there may be a powerful
mgdman-a Hitler-among them) might be tempted to use them against us by
throwing a sneak punch. Since our policy is not to throw the first nuclear punch
but only to retaliate if it is thrown against us, we may find as more horror-
Weapons are unfolded, that to yield to the enemy the initiative of the first offen-
sive punch, is tantamount to national suicide. All this further emphasizes the
vital need for winning the cold war and preventing a hot war.
1. Organization
An organizational framework for fighting the cold war already exists. It
needs to be adjusted and strengthened in line with the expanded scale and in-
tensity of operations.
.iA Strategy Board for Political Defense, the cold war equivalent of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff on the military side, is suggested. It should function directly
under the President, with Cabinet status for its head. Top representatives of the
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State Department, the Defense Department, the Central Intelligence Agency, the
U.S. Information Agency, should sit on this Board. Liaison on a continuous
basis should be maintained with all other agencies which can play a role in the
overall effort.
There will be various operations which the Board would undertake in its own
name, with 'its own facilities. But its primary function should not be opera-
tional. It should be to plan, initiate, finance, advise, coordinate and check on
operations by other groups and agencies, whether already in existence or created
by the Board for specific undertakings.
One cannot, however, be too specific at this point about the organizational
forms. John Foster Dulles wrote in 1948:
"We need an organization to contest the Communist Party at the level where
it is working and winning its victories. We ought to have an organization dedi-
cated to the task of nonmilitary defense, just as the present Secretary of De-
fense heads up the organization of military defense. The new department
of nonmilitary defense should have an adequate personnel and ample funds."
2. Financing
On the matter of funds, likewise, one cannot at this stage offer specific esti-
mates. But let us recall that appropriations over the past 4 years for our mili-
tary defense averaged approximately $45 billion annually. In contrast, it is
significant to note that for the fiscal year 1955 the total appropriation for the
U.S. Information Agency was $79 million, of which $17 million is available for
the worldwide activities of the Voice of America.
As a working hypothesis it is suggested that a specific and more realistic ratio
between military and nonmilitary appropriations be worked out : say an amount
equivalent to 5 or 71A percent of military defense appropriations to be granted
to the Strategy Board for Political Defense-this, of course, without reducing
the military budget and not counting foreign military aid and point 4 types of
expenditure.
I am convinced that if the American people and their Congress are made fully
aware of the menace we face, of the urgent need for meeting it, and the possi-
bility of doing so by means short of war, they will respond willingly as they
have always done in times of national crisis. They will realize that no invest-
ment to win the cold war is exorbitant when measured against the stakes in-
volved, and against the costs of the bombing war we seek to head off.
S. Implementing the counteroffensive
We must go from defense to attack in meeting the political, ideological, sub-
versive challenge. The implementation of the attack would devolve upon spe-
cialists and technicians. In gearing to fight a hot war, we call in military
strategists and tacticians. Likewise, we must have specialists to fight a cold
war.
This implies, in the first place, the mobilization of hard, knowledgeable anti-
Communists who understand the issues and for whom it is not merely a job but
a dedication. The specialist in communications is important ; but the message
to be communicated is even more important.
The main weakness of our efforts to date to talk to the masses-and even Ingre
so to the elite groups (Army, intelligentsia, etc.)-in the Soviet camp is that
we have not always been consistent in what we had to say to them. Our mes-
sage has been vague and subject to change without notice. As long as we regard
Communist rule as permanent, we can have no strong psychological bridges to
those who are under its yoke. The only free-world goal that is relevant to them
is one that envisages their eventual emancipation.
With the formulation of a message, we will at last have something to say
that interests them, not only us, and can devote ourselves to perfecting the
means of delivering the message.
Before essaying a breakdown of cold war methods and techniques, we should
recognize that many of them are already being used, and often effectively.
Nothing now underway needs to be abandoned. The problem is one of attaining
the requisite magnitude, financing, coordination, and continuity-all geared to
the long-range objectives of the undertaking. The expanded offensive with non-
military weapons must be imbued with a new awareness of the great goal and a
robust will to reach it.
No outline such as follows can be more than indicative. Operations are
necessarily related to current developments and opportunities opened up by
events.
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In all categories the arena of action is the whole globe. Our cold war targets
are not only behind the Iron and Bamboo Curtains, but in every nation, the
United States included. In the battle for the minds of men, we must reach the
Soviet peoples, our allies, and the uncommitted peoples.
The agencies involved will be both official and private. The objectives must
aim to achieve dramatic victories as swiftly as possible, as a token of the
changed state of affairs. While the Kremlin has suffered some setbacks and
defeats, its record in the cold war has been strikingly one of success piled on
success. This trend must be reversed, to hearten our friends, dismay the
enemy, and confirm the fact that Communist power is a transient and declining
phenomenon.
4. Propaganda
If the weapon is our message, one of its basic elements is propaganda. It is
the most tamiliar_ element, but we should not underestimate its inherent difficul-
ties. Hot war is destructive : the killing of people, the annihilation of material
things. Cold war must be constructive : it must build views, attitudes, loyalties,
hopes, ideals, and readiness for sacrifice. In the final checkup it calls for
greater skills to affect minds than to destroy bodies.
Propaganda, for maximum effect, must not be an end in itself. It is a prepa-
ration for action. Words that are not backed up by deeds, that do not generate
deeds, lose their impact. The test is whether they build the morale of friends
and undermine the morale of foes.
No means of communication should, be ignored : the spoken word and the
written word ; radio and television ; films ; balloons and missiles to distribute
leaflets ; secret printing and mimeographing presses on Soviet-controlled soil ;
scrawls on walls to give isolated friends a sense of community.
5. CommunLst targets
The Communist sphere must be ringed with both fixed and mobile broadcasting
facilities of a massiveness to, overcome jamming. The Voice of America will
acquire larger audiences and more concentrated impact under the new approach.
Its name, it is suggested, should be expanded to "Voice of America-for Freedom
and Peace." This slogan added to the name will, through constant repetition,
impress the truth upon receptive ears.
Besides the official voice, we have other voices, such as Radio Free Europe
and Radio Liberation. There are other popular democratic voices that should
make themselves heard-those of our free labor movement, American war vet-
erans, the churches, youth, and women's organizations.
Already there is a minor flow of printed matter across the Iron Curtain, espe-
cially aimed at the Red occupation forces. The volume and effectiveness of this
effort can.be enormously enlarged. Magazines and newspapers which outwardly
look like standard Communist matter, but actually are filled with anti-Com-
munist propaganda, have brought results.
A greater hunger for spiritual comfort, for religion, is reported from Soviet
Russia and its satellites. Programs of a spiritual and religious character are
indicated. They should preach faith in the divine, abhorrence of Communist
godlessness, resistance to atheism. But, in addition, they can offer practical
advice to the spiritually stranded-for instance, how to observe religious occa-
sions where there are no ordained ministers or priests to officiate.
Thg enslaved peoples do not have to be sold the idea of freedom ; they are
already sold on it. The propaganda should, wherever possible, get down to
specifics. It should expose the weaknesses, failures, follies, hypocrisies, and
internal tensions of the Red masters; provide proof of the existence of friends
and allies both at home and abroad ; offer guidance on types of resistance open
even to the individual. It should appeal to universal emotions, to love of family,
of country, of God, of humanity.
6. Free-world targets
The fighting front is everywhere. The program of the U.S. Information Agency
should be reappraised with a view to improvement and expansion. "The Voice
of America-for Freedom and Peace" has tasks to perform in many nations of
the free world second in importance only to those in the unfree world.
Merely to point up the inadequacy of our present effort, consider Finland, a
country on the very edge of the Red empire and under the most concentrated
Soviet propaganda barrage. Soviet broadcasts beamed to Finland total over
43 hours weekly. A television station is now being built in Soviet Estonia which
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will be directed to a million potential viewers in nearby Finland. To maintain
their morale under this pressure, the Finnish people, still overwhelmingly pro-
West and pro-American, have desperate need of our encouragement. Yet the
Voice of America in 1953 was compelled to discontinue its daily half-hour broad-
cast to Finland to save $50,000 annually.
We need in every country, newspapers, magazines, radio and TV stations con-
sciously and effectively supporting our side. Those that exist should be aided
materially to increase their range and vitality; others should be started with
our help. The strongest individual anti-Communist voices must be provided
with better facilities for making themselves heard in their own countries.
Mobile film units are already penetrating backward areas. The operation
should be enlarged, its message and appeal perfected. In addition, mobile big-
screen television units in black and white and in color can carry our message.
Their very novelty will guarantee large and attentive audiences. Vast regions
in Asia and elsewhere, where illiteracy bars the written word and lack of radios
bars the spoken word, could thus be reached. To quote the Chinese saying, "One
picture is worth 10,000 words."
The so-called backward parts of the world, particularly Asia, are under the
most concentrated Communist psychological attacks. Of necessity the counter-
offensive must take this into account, and develop special techniques for reaching
both the masses and the elite of those areas.
7. Radio receivers and phonographs
Mass production of cheap and lightweight receivers tuned to pick up American
signals are now feasible. They should be made available by the million at cost
or gratis, as expedient, to listeners in critical areas and behind the Iron Curtain.
There are millions of persons in the world who do not have electric power
receptacles, electron tubes, batteries, or any of the electrical and mechanical
marvels which the free world has and takes for granted. A simple, hand-operated
phonograph device costing no more than a loaf of bread, could be produced in
quantities and supplied gratis to millions of people living behind the Iron and
Bamboo Curtains and in other critical areas.
An unbreakable and intelligible record, made of cardboard and costing less
than a bottle of Coca-Cola, could carry our messages to these people. Such
records could be dropped from the sky like leaflets and the messages they carried
could not be jammed.
8. Use of facilities in friendly countries
Nearly all European and many Asian countries possess, broadcasting facilities.
We should seek to enlist their use to supplement and intensify American broad-
casting on a worldwide scale.
In some cases this could be negotiated on a quid pro quo basis where we are
providing military or economic aid ; in other cases we may have to buy the neces-
sary time for transmitting our message. Our friendly allies, such as Great
Britain, have vast shortwave facilities of worldwide scope and range and have
the same reasons as we have for seeking to win the cold war. We need their
help in this field. We are fully justified in asking for, such help and ought to
receive it.
Propaganda is a large concept. In a sense it includes and exploits all other
activities. Its successful use calls for imagination, ingenuity, continual tech-
nical research and, of course, effective coordination with all other operations
that bear on the problems of the cold war.
9. Passive resistance
Pending the critical periods when active resistance in one or another Soviet
country is possible and desirable, full encouragement and support must be
given to passive resistance. This refers to the things the individual can do, with
minimum risk, to create doubt and confusion in the ranks of the dictatorship, to
gum up the machinery of dictatorship government.
The worker in the mine and factory, the farmer, the soldier in the barracks,
the office worker are able to do little things that in their millionfold totality
will affect the national economy and the self-confidence of the rulers. It is the
method that comes naturally to captive peoples, especially in countries with a
long historical experience in opposing tyrants.
Our opportunity is to give the process purposeful direction. In this concept
the individual opponent of the regime becomes a "resistance group of one." He
receives, by radio and other channels, specific suggestions and instructions.
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The tiny drops of resistance will not be haphazard, but calculated to achieve
planned results.
Special action programs of the type that do not require large organization-
or at most units of two or three-would be worked out and transmitted. Our
sympathizers in the Soviet orbit would feel themselves part of an invisible but
huge army of crusaders. Symbols of protest would appear on a million walls.
The rulers' morale would be deliberately sapped by a multitude of actions too
small, too widespread, to be readily dealt with.
The special value of passive resistance, aside from its direct effects, is that
it nurtures the necessary feeling of power and readiness for risk and sacrifice
that will be invaluable when the passive stage is transformed into more open
opposition.
10.. Organized resistance
Pockets of guerrilla forces remain in Poland, Hungary, the Baltic States, China,
Albania, and other areas. There is always the danger of activating them pre-
maturely. But their existence must be taken into the calculations and, in con-
cert with exiles who know the facts, they must be kept supplied with information,
slogans, and new leadership where needed and prudent.
Many of these resistance groups are so isolated that they do not know of each
other's existence. The simple realization that they are not alone but part of
a scattered network will be invaluable ; methods for establishing liaison, for
conveying directions, can be developed.
11. Insurrections
The uprisings in East Germany, the strikes and riots in Pilsen, Czechoslo-
vakia, the dramatic mutinies inside the concentration camps of Vorkuta in the
Soviet Arctic, are examples of revolutionary actions that failed. But they attest
that insurrection is possible.
We must seek out the weakest links in the Kremlin's chain of power. The
country adjudged ripe for a breakaway should receive concentrated study and
planning. A successful uprising in Albania, for instance, would be a body blow
to Soviet prestige and a fateful stimulus to resistance elsewhere. (That little
country is geographically isolated, ruled by a handful of puppets ; able leadership
is available in the Albanian emigration.)
Eastern Germany is among the weakest links. Its revolt would ignite neigh-
boring Czechoslovakia and Poland. The time to prepare for such actions is
now-whether the time to carry them out be in the near or distant future.
Meanwhile we must not allow the Soviet propaganda to make unification appear
as the Communist's gift to the Germans. It is a natural asset that belongs to
West Germany and her allies.
12Collaboration uryit1 emigres and escapees
Tens of thousands of self-exiled fugitives from Communist oppression emerge
eager to plunge into movements for the freeing of their homelands. When they
fall to find outlets for their zeal, disillusionment and defeatism set in.
Maximum exploitation of this manpower and moral passion is indicated.
They must be drawn into specific, well-organized, well-financed anti-Communist
organizations and activities ; utilized for propaganda and other operations;
enabled, in some cases, to return to their native lands as "sleeper" leaders for
future crises.
Officers' corps of emigres can be formed : perhaps groups of only a score to
a hundred, but available for emergency and opportunity occasions. The exist-
ence of such nuclei of military power-a fact that will be widely known-should
help generate hope and faith among their countrymen back home.
131 Planned defection
Escapees have come, and will continue to come, spontaneously, now in trickles,
other times in rivers. Beyond that the need is to stimulate defection on a selec-
tive basis. Individual "prospects" in Soviet missions and legations, in Red
cultural and sports delegations, can be carefully contacted and developed. Types
of individuals needed to man cold war undertakings will be invited to escape,
assured of important work. Special approaches can be worked out to encourage
defection of border guards, Army officers, secret-police personnel disgusted by
their bloody chores, scientists, important writers, etc.
;Escapees today are often disheartened by their initial experience. They are
taken into custody by some foreign intelligence service, pumped for information,
and sometimes then left to shift for themselves. Their honest patriotism is
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IrREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 53
offended by the need to cooperate with foreigners before they are psychologi-
caily ready for it.
It is suggested that emigre commissions be set up, composed of trusted na-
tionals of the various countries. The fugitive would first be received by the
commission of his own countrymen. Only when found desirable and prepared
for the step, would he be brought into contact with American or British agencies.
14. Training of cadres
The immediate and prospective activities of the cold war offensive will require
ever larger contingents of specialized personnel for the many tasks; to provide
leadership for resistance operations; to engage in propaganda, subversion, in-
filtration of the enemy ; even to carry on administrative and civic work after
the collapse of Communist regimes in various countries, in order to stave off
chaos.
Already, limited as our political efforts are, there is a shortage of competent
personnel. Meanwhile thousands of younger men and women among the emigres
are being lost to factories, farms, menial jobs. This amounts to squandering of
potentially important human resources.
We need a network of schools and universities devoted to training cadres
for the cold war. The objective is not education in a generic sense, but specific
preparation for the intellectual, technical, intelligence and similar requirements
of the ideological-psychological war.
-This training, of course, should not be limited to people from the Soviet areas.
A sort of "West; Point" of political warfare-analogous to the Lenin School of
Political Warfare in Moscow-might be established. Staffed by the ablest
specialists obtainable, it would seek out likely young people willing to make
the struggle against communism their main or sole career.
The present "exchange of persons" program is clearly valuable. Hundreds
of foreign students go back hone with a better and friendlier understanding of
America. But beyond that, it is possible and necessary to educate invited young
people from abroad, carefully selected along lines of more direct and specialized
value to the cold war effort.
In a sense these shock troops of democracy would be like the "professional
revolutionaries" on the Communist side. They would be equipped to operate
openly or as secret infiltrees wherever the enemy's assaults need to be neutral-
ized. Trained anti-Communists from Asian areas, dedicated and knowledg-
able, would be available for countries under Red pressure, as today in south-
east Asia ; Latin Americans, Europeans, would serve similar functions in their
respective regions.
-'j -Thus, from a largely amateur enterprise, our counteroffensive would grad-
tially be transformed into a professional undertaking.
15. Campaigns by special groups
An American trade union in the clothing field played a major role in prevent-
ing Communist victory in the Italian elections in 1948. The International Con-
federation of Free Trade Unions (in which both the A.F. of L. and the CIO
are active) is conducting important psychological drives in many countries and
offsetting the mischief worked by the Moscow-controlled labor international.
Speaking as workers to workers, trade unionists have a legitimate approach to
the laboring masses in the Soviet sphere. They have a special justification for
exposing and publicizing forced labor, onerous laboring conditions and laws,
phony totalitarian "trade unions."
In many countries-France and Italy, for instance-there are competing Com-
munist-controlled and democratic unions. Free labor of all countries can throw
its moral and material support to the anti-Communist federations. It can take
the'lead in breaking Moscow's grip on influential segments of world labor.
" Corresponding political campaigns should be mounted on a telling scale by
other nonofficial, popular groups : farmers' organizations and peasant unions
Would concentrate on the evils of Red collectivization; great church groups on
the immoral and atheistic aspects of Communist theory and practice ; youth or-
ganizations on the perversion of youth under communism, etc.
The scope of such focused group and class appeals is enormous. Some of them
are being made already, but without the coordination. of effort and continuity
of impact that is called for.
What a specialized group can achieve has been demonstrated by the society
of Free Jurists in West Berlin, which indicts and condemns in absentia persons
guilty of Communist crimes. Its work is sowing the fear of retribution in East
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54 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Geymany. Radio Free Europe has made successful forays of the same order-
identifying brutal officials, exposing Red agents, etc. But the surface has only
been scratched in this type of psychological pressure.
VI. DIPLOMACY IS A WEAPON
The I%remlin treats foreign affairs as a primary arena of ideological and psy-
chological effort. It makes moves on the diplomatic chessboard for their propa-
ganda impact : to rally its friends in the outside world, to win over a particular
element in some country, to embarrass its opponents. In the measure that demo-
cratic diplomacy fails to do likewise, it is defaulting in a vital area of the cold
war. Let us bear in mind :
1. Day to day conduct of foreign affairs is pertinent to the struggle for men's
minds. The rigid observance of protocol, in dealing with an enemy who recog-
nizes none of the traditional rules, can be self-defeating. We must make pro-
posals, demands, exposes, publications of official documents, etc., that are care-
fully calculated to show tip the true motives of the Kremlin, to put a crimp in
Moscow political campaigns, to mobilize world opinion against Soviet crimes
and duplicities.
For 10 years we have made one-shot protests against Soviet election frauds in
satellite countries, against violations of treaties and agreements, against shock-
ing crimes in the areas of human rights as defined by the U.N. Charter. The
archives are packed with these documents. These should be followed up through
consistent publicity, renewed protests, etc.
> Even when nothing practical can be immediately accomplished, the facts of
slave labor, genocide, aggressions, violations of Yalta, Potsdam and other agree-
ments must be kept continually before the world. Diplomacy must champion
the victims of Red totalitarianism without letup. At every opportunity the
spokesmen of free nations should address themselves to the people in the Soviet
empire over the heads of their masters ; to the people of free countries in terms
ofuniversal principles of morality and decency.
2. The measures of reciprocity should be strictly applied to Soviet diplomats,
trade and other representatives. These should enjoy no more privileges, im-
munities, access to information than is accorded to free-world representatives in
Communist lands. Even socially they should be made aware of their status
as symbols of a barbarous plexus of power. The desire to belong, to be respect-
able, is by no means alien to Red officialdom.
8. Economic leverages, too, must be applied. Trade can be turned into a power-
ful political weapon. The stakes are too high to permit business-as-usual con-
cepts to outweigh the imperatives of the cold war. Where acute distress de-
velops in a Communist country, our readiness to help must be brought to the
attention of the people as well as their bosses. If and when food and other
relief is offered, it must be under conditions consistent with our objectives-to
help the victims, not their rulers.
4. In virtually all countries outside the Communist sphere there are large
or small organizations devoted to combating communism, at home or abroad
or both. There is little or no contact among such groups-no common currency
of basic ideas and slogans, no exchange of experience. Without at this stage
attempting to set up a worldwide anti-Communist coalition, or freedom interna-
tional, we should at least facilitate closer liaison and mutual support among
anti-Soviet groupings already in existence.
VII. SUMMARY
No claim is implied that the foregoing outline is complete, or that all of it can
or ought to be launched at once. The program here suggested should not be
judged on the basis of this or that specific proposal but on the overall concept and
its underlying philosophy. As a practical matter, methods flow from correct
policies, the availabiilty of funds and trained manpower, the existence of lead-
ership and organization prepared to take advantage of unfolding events.
Summarized, my observations and conclusions are:
1. We are in the midst of a cold war which the Communists are prosecuting
vigorously on all fronts in an unswerving determation to win.
2. We dare not lose this cold war, because defeat may be as fatal as would
defeat in a hot war. We can freeze to death as well as burn to death.
8. Our best and surest way to head off a hot war is to win the cold war which
is already in full blast all over the world. But for the reasons mentioned, such
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 55
as insufficient funds and inadequate tools, our efforts in this decisive field are
strikingly little compared with the enemy's and are wholly inadequate to achieve
victory. We must meet the political-psychological challenge of world communism
fully and on a scale geared to winning the struggle.
4. We should Organize our efforts to win the cold war on a basis comparable
to our organization for winning a hot war which we seek to prevent. To this
end it is recommended that a Strategy Board of Political Defense (or some other
suitable name) be set up to function as the cold war equivalent of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, on the military side. Top representatives of the State and
Defense Departments, C.I.A. and U.S.I.A., should be members of this Board.
Its activities must be effectively coordinated with all departments and agencies
of our government concerned with this effort. This new strategy board should
function directly under the President and its head should have Cabinet status.
5. Our decision to win the cold war should be communicated to the entire
world as a fixed goal of American policy. This will not rule out conventional
relations on the governmental level, where the Kremlin, too, functions despite
its clear commitment to world revolution.
6. The American public should be made promptly and fully aware of the na-
ture of the present cold war, the importance of our winning it, the costs
and sacrifices that this may entail. The significance and urgency of the
problem should be conveyed to the American people, through discussion over
radio, TV, and in the press.
7. The idea of our determination to win the cold war must be presented
for what it actually is: a project that can be carried through successfully and
thereby prevent a general war that could force a devastating nuclear show-
down. Once grasped, this prospect would help to offset the fears and frustra-
tions generated in the public mind by constant emphasis on the horrors of atomic
war. The alternative presented is understandable and hopeful. Instead of
concentrating on the perils of defeat, we can dwell on the prospects for victory.
8. Key leaders in Congress should be drawn into the philosophy and purposes
of the cold war counteroffensive from the outset. No program of the scope sug-
gested here can be undertaken and executed without adequate funds that only
Congress can appropriate. In addition to legislative support the Congress
can aid immeasurably by stimulating united, patriotic effort as complete and
nonpartisan as in a hot war.
9. To wrest from the Communists the advantages they gain through constant
use in their propaganda of the appealing word "peace," while casting us in the
role of "war-mongers," it is recommended that the present name of the "Voice
of America" be extended to the "Voice of America for Freedom and Peace."
10. Our diplomacy should be used as a weapon against world communism
and our message to their captive peoples should contain the hope for their
eventual freedom. Our message of truth should tell the world the truth about
Communist Objectives, methods, and practices as well as the truth about our-
selves.
Mr. SOURWINE. A letter from Mr. Andrew J. Biemiller, director,
Department of Legislation, the American Federation of Labor and
Congress of Industrial Organizations.
Senator HRUSKA. It shall be included.
(The letter of Andrew J. Biemiller reads as follows:)
AMERICAN FEDERATION OF LABOR AND
CONGRESS OF INDUSTRIAL ORGANIZATIONS,
Washington, D.C., May 28,1959.
Senator JAMES E.'ASTLAND,
Chairman, Internal Security Subcommittee,
Senate Committee on Judiciary,
Senate Office Building, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SENATOR EASTLAND : I have enclosed a statement on S. 1689, the bill to
create a Freedom Commission and a Free World Academy.
We would appreciate it if this statement could appear in the record of the
hearings on this bill.
Thank you for your consideration.
Sincerely yours,
ANDREW J. BIEMILLER,
Director, Department of Legislation.
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56 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
STATEMENT -OF ANDREW J. BIEMnLER, DIRECTOR, LEGISLATIVE DEPARTMENT, ON
:, l i, 5. 1689
We have examined the purpose and contents of S. 1689, a bill to create a Free-
doh gommission and a Free W9rld,,Acadeiny.
The AFL-CIO concurs in the general aims of this bill and urges its passage at
the earliest possible moment.
the Ap't-CIO has been amoi~,g the first that have consistently pointed to the
threat posed to the free world by the attempt of world communism to conquer and
dominate the world., The Communist conspiracy works on every level and works
2, hours a ,clay. Its agents are bard-working fanatics who have been especially
trained at their jobs of infiltration and'subs ersion. The necessary, effort of
defense and counterattack on our part cannot be successfully achieved by hit
anal miss, uncoordinated efforts. Our country needs a coordinated effort on all
levels, using men well grounded in knowledge of all aspects of Communist
ideology and endeavor, and skilled in countering its agents all over, the world in
their moves on the economic, political, social, religious, moral, cultural fields.
For these,reasons we favor the passage of this bill whose aim is exactly to pro-
vide the means whereby the training of this necessary personnel will be achieved.
'Mr. SOURWINE. A letter from Sidney Hook, head of the All Univer-
sit Department of Philosophy, New York University.
Senator H>;IUSILA. It shall be included.
(The letter of Sidney Hook reads as follows:)
NEw YORK UNIVERSITY,
New York, N.Y., June 12, 1959.
Mr. J. G. SOURWINE,
Chief Counsel, Subcom-m-ittec to Investigate the
Administration of the Internal Security Act,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR 'MR. SOURWINE : In reply to Senator Dodd's invitation to express my
opinion on the bill (S. 1689) to establish a Freedom Academy I wish to transmit
the following communication :
I am firmly convinced that the international Communist movement, centered
in Moscow and Peking, is still unremittingly dedicated to a program of world
domination, During my travels in Europe and Asia I have observed first hand
the highly organized efforts made in all countries to further the Communist
campaign against the free world. What I have observed confirms the con-
clusions I have reached in consequence of a quarter century's study of the
theory and practice of Communist totalitarianism.
"To a large extent the success of the Communist movement and its propaganda
depends upon the ignorance and naivete of those who oppose it as much as of
those who are taken in by it. Few individuals are aware of the variety of
the organizational disguises, the boldness and subtlety of the strategies, and the
$exibility of the tactics which the Communist movement commands. This is
not the whole story of course but at certain times its ideological warfare, open
and concealed, together with its organizational power has a decisive influence.
Particularly adept are the Communists in exploiting the principles and watch-
words of liberalism and harnessing to their own political cause legitimate griev-
ances and desires for greater social justice. They score some of their greatest
successes when they are able to pretend that the issue is simply one of choice
between "reactionaries" and "progressives". They suffer their greatest defeats
when genuine liberals who are informed and active take the lead against them.
The greatest lack in the world today in the struggle against communism is
the absence of a large trained body of men and women dedicated to the ideals
of freedom who are experts in the theory of communism, informed of its prac-
tices, and able to give positive leadership in the struggles against them for a
freer. and better world. The Freedom Academy should be an open, public
center run like a great university where specially gifted and qualified individuals
can study all relevant aspects of the Communist movement. It should under-
take research and publication projects. It should be open to persons who are
scholarship and in pursuit of the truth. Because its objective is the truth
their devotion to freedom more effective by thorough study and training.
It should be organized in such a way as to make it independent of partisan
political control.
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The Freedom Academy should not be regarded as an institution for dissem-
ination of propaganda. Its work should be conducted on the highest levels of
appropriately qualified from all countries of the world who desire to make
about communism and the exploration of the ethics of freedom it will easily
be able to withstand in the court of world public opinion the campaign of
calumny which the Communist world will launch against it.
SIDNEY II00K,
Head of the All-University Department of Philosophy.
Mr. SouRwINE. Finally, Mr. Chairman, here are a number of in-
dividual letters which appear to be identical in text. I respectfully
suggest that the text of only one such letter be printed, and the names
of the other signers of similar letters be appended.
Senator HRU5KA. Very well. So ordered.
(The letter above mentioned reads as follows:)
ST. Louis, Mo., May 19, 1959.
DEAR SiR : We want to take this opportunity to let you know that we favor
the H.R. 3880 bill known as the Freedom Commission Act providing that people
such as Senator James 0. Eastland and Kenneth Goff, an ex-Communist who
has testified many times in Washington, be placed on the committee at least
in an advisory capacity. We feel that only those who have a good knowledge
of how and where communism works should be on the committee.
Please do everything in your power to see that this bill is passed with the
provision stated above.
Thank you very much.
Yours truly,
Mrs. CLAUDE STOUGH,
CLAUDE V. STOUGH.
Similar letters were received from the following :
Mr. and. Mrs. Coats Shiverdecker St. Charles, Mo.
R. A. Adams and Grace Adams, Sit. Charles, Mo.
Rev. James 0. Poe, St. Charles, Mo.
John Hockmeyer and Mrs. Marie Hockmeyer, St. Charles, Mo.
Virgil I.. Miller, St. Louis, Mo.
Senator HRUSKA. We will be adjourned until 9:30 tomorrow morn-
ing
Whereupon, at 12:05 p.m., the committee adjourned to reconvene
at 9 :30 a.m. Thursday, June 18,1959.)
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FREEDOP,I COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
THURSDAY, JUNE 18, 1959
U.S. SENATE,
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE THE
ADMINISTRATION OF THE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT
AND OTHER INTERNAL SECURITY LAWS,
OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,
Washington, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10: 05 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Thomas J. Dodd pre-
siding.
Present : Senators Dodd and Roman L. Hruska.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di-
rector of research; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator DODD. The subcommittee will be in order.
We shall resume our hearings on Senate bill 1689.
The first witness this morning, I understand, is Mr. C. D. Jack-
son.
TESTIMONY OF C'. D. JACKSON, NEW YORK CITY
Senator DODD. Good morning, Mr. Jackson. I am glad you ap-
peared. These are matters on which you speak with authority and
knowledge.
Will you give us your name and address for the record, please?
Mr. JACKSON. My name is C. D. Jackson, and I live at 1 West 72d
Street, New York City.
Senator DODD. Off the record, just a moment.
Discussion off the record.)
Senator DODD. Go right ahead, Mr. Jackson.
Mr. JACKSON. Mr. Chairman, I have a really quite brief statement
that I would like to read, so that I can keep it straight.
Senator DODD. Yes, of course.
Mr. JACKSON. I have given you my name, and my address.. Also,
I am vice president of Time, Inc., which is a magazine publishing
firm.
For the past 16 years, I have been closely connected with the activi-
ty known as "psychological warfare" or "political warfare."
During 1942 and the early part of 1943, I was Special Assist-
ant to the U.S. Ambassador in Ankara, Turkey, Mr. Laurence Stein-
hardt, and there had a general portfolio in political warfare.
From the spring of 1943 until January 1944,1 was Deputy Chief of
the Psychological Warfare Branch of Allied Forces Headquarters
in North, Africa, Sicily, and Italy.
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From 1944 until V-E Day, I was Deputy Chief of the Psychologi-
cal Warfare Division of Supreme Headquarters, Allied Expedition-
ary Force, in London and France, Luxembourg, Belgium, and finally
Germany.
In 1951, I was president of the Free Europe Committee, which op-
crates Radio Free, Europe.
I came down here in 1952 and 1953 to be a member of the-so-called
Jackson Committee. It was so called because William Jackson was
the chairman, not I, and that was to study the entire spectrum of
political warfare and see what was being done, what ought to be
done, and make recommendations.
Then from February 1953 until May 1954, I worked out of the
White house as special assistant to the President in cold war plan-
ning.
Now if there is a single common denominator running through
these.d'ifferent experiences-military, civilian, governmental, and pri-
vaie-it is the difficulty of finding Americans who have not only an
instinct or a flair for political warfare, but also the elementary knowl-
edge and training on the nature of the conflict and how to go about
our end of the conduct of this very real and continuing warfare.
During World War II, both in AFHQ and in SHAEF, had it not
been fo the large number of Britishers and Canadians who had this
political warfare "feel" and knew the technical subtleties involved,
we would have been,hard put to adequately staff the top-thinking jobs.
Since, the war, the same difficulty has continued. But it is a far
more dangerous difficulty now, because our enemy is communism, and
the Communists are the supreme masters and unrelenting practitioners
of political ewarfare. Indeed, it is by the persistent and pervasive
usg of, this weapon, with or without military threats, that the Com-
munists hope to accomplish their ultimate aim of destroying the
United States. Unless we learn to resist and counter their use of
this political weapon, we shall have no recourse, in the long run, ex-
cep~t to military force.
Winning the cold war is therefore the only way we can avoid a
hot war.
But to win the cold war, to master communism in political combat,
we must have more and better trained political warriors. Nowhere
in, the United States today can this art be learned in concentrated and
systematic form. There are many excellent institutions where bits
and pieces of political warfare are taught. And certainly our Ameri-
can press radio, and television "communicate" amply on the subject.
But to the average intelligent, interested, young American, these
constitute disconnected and uncoordinated impressions. Even if he
realizes that the men of the Kremlin are actively plotting his personal
destruction, there is little or nothing he can do about it. There is no
single place he can go to learn all that is known about communism
and how to combat it.
Confronted with the monolithic attack of communism, it is not
enough for Americans to be generally aware of the nature of the
conflict in one glace and at one time, to study the depth and scope
of the Communist conspiracy to destroy the United States and con-
quer the world in another place and at another time, and to learn the
methods by which the Communist conspiracy can be counteracted in
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still another place and still another time. It is only by uniting the
study and teaching of these elements in one place and one time that
the challenge can be fully comprehended and adequate response gen-
erated.
To be a Communist is to make political warfare a fulltime job
and a life commitment. For Americans it is at best a part-time
aspect of some other job, conducted intermittently and with grossly
inadequate training. There are far too few Americans who are both
dedicated enough and knowledgeable enough to combat communism
effectively on a full-time basis. If the Communists are scoring steady
political gains-and we know they are, in all corners of the world-
it is because they take their political warfare seriously and we do not.
Our greatest danger, it seems to me, is that we may let the victory go
by default, simply because too few of us realize the nature and under-
stand the weapons of the struggle.
The Academy proposed in Senate bill 1689 is to my mind, an
intelligent and important step toward rectifying the present danger-
ous situation. It would furnish this country with a professional
and dedicated corps of political warriors-' something we sorely need
and need immediately.
Now, Mr. Chairman, if I may repeat and paraphrase, I am sure
that there is a general impression that adequate instruction places
exist where this art or this profession can be studied. Actually, sir,
there is no existing place where the whole problem is pulled together
and taught in concentrated form and not in bits and pieces. That is
wh I think this is a good idea.
Senator DODD. We are very grateful to you, Mr. Jackson. As I
said when you prepared to make your statement, I feel personally,
and I am sure that my view is shared by other members of this sub-
committee, that you are extremely competent in this field, and your
observations have great weight and influence with us.
Do you have any questions, Mr. Sourwine?
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. Chairman, I should like to ask a few questions.
Senator DODD. Very well.
Mr. SoURwINE. I noted, Mr. Jackson, your stress on "political war-
rior." I suppose you mean enlistment for the duration for Americans,
also. Do you advocate this?
Mr. JACKSON. Well, sir, when-"political warrior" is a sort of catch
phrase to tie in with "political warfare."
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes, I know.
Mr. JACKSON. More Americans should dedicate more time to this
work than has happened in the past. A lot of us sort of dart in and
out of it. We take an assignment for a year or a year and a half. It
will take us the first 6 months to learn what it is all about, and then
for one reason or another, we get out. More of us should spend more
time at it.
Furthermore I use the phrase "political warrior" because there is
another great element of confusion, and that is that there is a funda-
mental difference between diplomacy and political warfare, and most
of the existing institutions teach diplomacy; they do not teach political
warfare.
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A diplomat is in business for a totally different reason. Diplomats
should know about political warfare, but political warriors should
also know about it.
Mr. SounwiNE. What I was trying to get at is whether you feel
that the Freedom Academy, which this bill proposes, might be a
means of getting full-time and dedicated political warriors in this
country ?
Mr. JACKSON. I think so, sir. It is too much to expect that every-
body that goes through it will stay there for life, but it is the first time
that a beginning of a corps of highly-trained professionals in this
work would be available.
Mr. SouRwINE. You think it would be the objective of such an
Academy to create such a corps?
Mr. JACKSON. Yes, sir.
Mr. SouiiwINE. You would advocate, then, keeping contact, main-
taining liaison with the graduates of the Academy, if I may use that
word, raduates" ?
Mr. JACKSON. Yes sir.
Mr. SOURwINE. Would you advocate also a policy of attempting to
place Academy graduates, put them where they can do the most good?
Mr. JACKSON. I think so. I think the answer is yes.
On the other hand, there is such great need for these people in
various private and governmental organizations right now, that I
have no doubt that they would be absorbed, well absorbed, as fast
as they could be turned out.
Mr. SounwINE. Mr. Jackson, do you see this Freedom Academy bill
as in a sense, a congressional declaration that we are in fact in this
cold war and we neeTto fight it?
Mr. JACKSON. I hope it would be interpreted as such, because we
have made noises about being in the cold war, but we have not pursued
it at all times.
Mr. SOURWINE. We have done a few things around the periphery,
without ever
Mr. JACKSON. Well, we are running around the periphery, and every
now and then we dart into the middle, but then we get right out again.
Mr. SoURwINE. Could you tell us something, sir, about what you
would consider to be the qualifications of individuals to be selected
for this Freedom Academy l
Mr. JACKSON. I think that the first qualification is dedication to the
aggressive defense of this country.
Mr. SoITRWINE. In other words, the students should be dedicated
anti-Communists?
Mr. JACKSON. That is right. I do not think it would be serving
its purpose if a student approached this Academy sort of as an, oh,
another way of passing a few months, learning something.
Mr. SOURwINE. You do not want dilettantes?
Mr, JACKSON, No.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you perhaps see this Academy as something for
which definite criteria for entrance should definitely be worked out?
Mr. JACKSON. Yes; but there you run into a difficult human prob-
lem. If I.may speak in sort of first-person-singular experience, in all
these jobs that I have had in this work, you never can tell when the
guy with this particular feel and dedication is going to show up.
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Well, to make it very real, one of the ablest young men that I have
run into in this work-he is not in government-happens to be an ex-
tremely pleasant, handsome, well-educated, rich son of a Wall Street
broker. Only he just happened to have it.
Another associate of his, one of his ablest associates, is a Rumanian
refugee exile who, when he skipped over, was a Marxist, an anti-Sta-
linist, Socialist. Those two are now teamed up into a most effective
pair.
A third one, to sort of give the picture, is a young Harvard doctor
of philosophy in history from upstate New York. If these three men
were to walk into this room, a more unlikely and dissimilar trio just
could not be imagined. But they have that element, and, unfortu-
nately, they had to learn it the hard way-all except the Marxist. The
Rumanian Marxist had it at his fingertips when he skipped over.
The two Americans had to learn it the hard way, whereas had this
Academy existed, and had they convinced the entrance board or the
dean, or whatever the proper official or group would be, that they really
meant to get into this work, they would have been infinitely ahead of
where they were at any given time because of the concentrated learn-
in the would have been able to acquire.
Vr. SouRwINE. On the basis of what you say, do you think that
the selection of students for the Academy should be on the basis of
beating the bushes to look for them, or should the selection be made
primarily or entirely from those who seek entrance to the Academy?
Mr. JACKSON. I would say a little bit of both, sir. I think the an-
nouncement of the existence of the Academy will attract, immediately
attract, a sizable number of young Americans, because there is great
interest in this and a great sense of frustration, a feeling of "what can
I do, where can I go to do something, to learn something?" The an-
nouncement will attract, I am sure, It sizable group.
On the other hand, a certain amount of intelligent bush-shaking
should also be done.
Mr. SouRwINE. Does it correctly reflect your view to say that you
regard the proposed Academy as more than a mere institution of
learning, as a place for training for action?
Mr. JACKSON. Yes, sir; and quite emphatically. I think that per-
sonally, if this were to turn into just another academic machine, it
would not be doing what it is supposed to do. It is not just an aca-
demic machine; it is a place where a concentrated global course on a
little-known subject can give the kind of instruction and produce in
the minds and hearts of the proper group of young people, a knowl-
edge and a feel and a drive that we sorely need. I emphasize the word
"drive" because of your question. If it is to be just another academic
institution, you can emerge from that full of knowledge but not nec-
essarily drive.
If this institution does not also produce the drive along with the
knowledge, I do not think it will be living up to what its sponsors
intend it to be.
Mr. SounwINE. Do you think an institution of this nature can pro-
duce drive, or does it have to find people that have it?
Mr. JAcKsoN. Well, the institution can produce the drive if it is a
wedding of the right kind of management, instruction and student
body, and if right from the beginning, the philosophy of the insti-
tution contains the element of drive.
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Mr. SouRwINE. You think, then, this should be an action insti-
V~Mr. JACKSON. If you mean should these young fellows go out and
put a timebomb under Khrushchev's seat in Geneva, the answer is
"No." But they should be thoroughly indoctrinated with the idea
that political warfare is not a passive action, and that, unless they
have the concept of moving forward in political warfare instead
of constantly fighting these desperate rearguard actions which we are
always fighting, we shall not win the conflict.
Mr. SouRwINE. What I had in mind was that there might be said
to be some question whether political warfare can be learned wholly,
as an art, out of books, or whether there has to be some on-the-job
trainin , so to speak.
Mr. JACKSON. Well, I think there should be on-the-job training,
but you can have the sort of case technique because, from the State
Department, from the Central Intelligence kgency, from certain pri-
vate institutions in Columbia, Harvard, Johns Hopkins, all over the
country, instructors in the case method can be found, and also, just
picking up the morning newspaper and deciding what you would
do if you were in a position to do it constitutes a daily case in politi-
cal warfare, because political warfare is just all around us. We are
living it now.
Coexistence and political warfare are one and the same thing.
Mr. SouRwINE. You spoke, sir, of the need for dedication. There
really is not any way to measure that in a man, is there?
You would not, I take it, advocate limiting the enrollment in the
Freedom Academy to persons who had already demonstrated by vig-
orous activity their anti-Communist attitude?
Mr. JACKSON. No sir.
Mr. SOURWINE. That would pretty well curtail the enrollment.
Mr. JACKSON. It sure would.
Mr. SOURWINE. Do you, sir, see any possibility of disillusionment
and frustration of the graduates from this Academy who might find no
occupational outlet for their training?
Mr. JACKSON. No. As I said, I am pretty sure that both in Gov-
ernment and in private organizations in this work and in U.S. busi-
ness and in industry, there will be plenty of opportunities for these
people to have an operational outlet.
Of course, when you are young, you think that everything can be
settled in 24 hours. Well, they will have the frustration of realizing
that it may take a year, but that is a frustration that we all get, one
time or another.
Mr. SOURWINE. You spoke earlier of the Academy keeping contact
with these graduates. Do you have in mind that there would be any
after-direction of their activities, that is, after graduation, or would
they be turned loose to go, as you say, to business, industry, and
Government, where their activities would be entirely controlled and
guided by the agency they went to ?
Mr. JACKSON. Sir, I think, off the top of the head, I think two
things on that. One is that the basic course, however, long it takes,
ma not, in the case of certain individuals, be the ultimate answer,
and that the Academy might be set up in such a way that beyond
the basic course of x number of months, if a graduate finds that
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 65
he needs more intensive study, more intensive training in some special-
ized branch of this, it ought to be possible for him to come back and
either have a refresher or an extension course.
In the second place, I think the graduates should be kept in touch
with, even if it is on the most elementary level, such as a monthly
bulletin or newsletter, or alumni weekly, or alumni monthly, because
one of the things that I have observed in American efforts in post-
war education of foreign students is that the facilities are superb for
getting them over here, and the facilities of education are superb while
they are here, and everybody pats them on the back and gives them a
great farewell party when they go. But then they go back to France
or Italy or Africa, or wherever they came from, and the institution
does not, keep in touch with them any longer, except in a few cases.
By and large, they do not. Whereas, the Communists' equivalent of
that-and the Communists are training innumerable students, thou-
sands of them all over the world in various institutions-that stu-
dent is never let go of. The Communists don't attempt to control him
in his work in corporation X or activity Y, but that booklet, that
pamphlet, that letter, follows him wherever he goes and furnishes the
emotional and intellectual tie to what he originally learned.
Mr. SOURwINE. Do you see either the Freedom Academy or Free-
dom Commission as in any sense a coordinating agency or directing
agency for Government activity in this whole field?
Mr. JACKSON. I have not thought about that one but sir-again off
the top of the head-I would say that would be a ~ad idea. I do not
think it is the,business, or would be the business of the Freedom Acad-
emy to be an operating branch of Government. It would be a contra-
diction in terms, and the Academy would not last for a year if it
started pushing the State Department around.
Mr. SouxwINE. You do not?. then, like to think of the Academy as
another tier in the bureaucratic pyramid?
,,Mr. JACKSON. No, sir.
Mr. SOURwINE. I note the bill provides rather broad authority for
the Academy or the Commisison for the publication of textbooks and
doing a great many things that might be termed in the psychological
warfare field. That would necessarily make it an operational agency,
would it not?
Mr. JACKSON. I am really not competent-I really do not know the
answer to that. I have read the bill and frankly, sir, I do not know
how that would work. But I am convinced that it would be bad, it
would be a bad thing if the Academy turned into an operating agency
in political warfare or in foreign affairs.
Mr. SOURWINE. Of course, tKe Academy, as a group, would be sep-
arate from the Freedom Commission, although the Freedom Com-
mission would establish the Academy. The bill gives the Freedom
Commission these duties and authorities with regard to publication,
preparation of materials, and so forth. Do you consider that is per-
haps something that the Congress should look at carefully to consider
whether the Commission should do this, or whether this type of thing
should be left to the existin agency of the Government?
Mr.. JACKSON. I think that Congress should look at the whole bill,
and if there is anything in the bill that they think duplicates an op-
erating activity of the Government, or is moving in on the State De-
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part.ment or the CIA or what have you, that should be reworded. I
do not think that the language of the bill as proposed-I did not in-
terpret it as final. I imagined that if the Congress accepted, let us say,
the philosophy which inspired the bill, it would then be able to work
out the details so that the bill would be the right kind.
Mr. SounwINE. I am not trying to put you in a spot.
Mr. JACKSON. I understand, and I am not trying to evade. I just
do not know.
Mr. SOURWINE. The sponsors of the bill are frank to say they do
not think it would be the be-all and end-all, and I am trying to get
for the record your own particular feeling about this phase as an
operating agency, just how much authority should be given to the
Commission in that field. We all know that, if you create an agency
and give it authority, it is going to exercise the authority and prob-
ably expand it as time goes on. I wondered if you could give us just
your own view as to whether the Congress should be careful in limi-
ting that or leave it open. What should be the policy in that one
respect?
Mr. JACKSON. Well, I assume that the reason for setting up this
double-barreled arrangement, the Commission and then the Academy,
was to find a way by which the Academy would not be niched into
an operating branch of the Government. In other words, not an
administrative offshoot of the State Department or CIA or the White
House, or something like that. It was a device. I think that the
Commissioners are given very broad powers in here, and if the Com-
missioners were the right kind of Commissioners, I am sure that the
more freedom they were given, the better the Academy would be.
Mr. SouxwINE. There is one more point I should like to ask you
about, sir. `It has been suggested the creation of a joint congressional
committee as a sort of watchdog over this whole affair involves a
threat to the jurisdiction of existing congressional committees, in
both the House and the Senate, in that the new committee might take
over. functions of existing separate committees. The sponsors of the
bill say that there was no intention to do that. Without any effort to
put you on the spot, I should like to ask you, is this something that you
wood favor-that is, the coordination of the work in a single joint
committee-or do you feel that the existing committees should con-
tinue, andif there is to be a joint committee, it should be made clear
that its ,function has entirely to do with the Freedom Commission
and the Freedom Academy?
Mr. JACKSON. Oh, absolutely the latter. I think it would be in-
conceivable that the joint committee for this Academy should have
any thought of moving into the existing committees. They are in
business for totally different reasons, and it would be very bad if that
were an overt or a covert purpose behind this. This joint committee
should be concerned with the Academy, period.
Mr. SOURwINE. If there is to be a joint committee, do you think it
needs broad investigating powers, subpena powers?
Mr. JACKSON. I just do not know the answer to that. Again, it
read as though this were standard language for committees.
Senator Dove. I think that is true.
Mr. SOURWINE. Perhaps I have overstressed, Mr. Chairman, the
threat to. existing committees in this particular field. It would seem
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rather clear that the joint committee's authority as the bill is now
drafted would impinge on the jurisdiction of various other committees
in the Senate and House-Foreign Relations, possibly Armed Serv-
ices, surely Government Operations, and possibly Interstate and For-
eign Commerce, at least. It is in this whole area that I am inquiring.
Senator Dann. I think something could be worked out satisfactorily
so that we could make rather clear the jurisdictional lines.
Mr. SOURWINE. I have no more questions, Mr. Chairman.
Senator DODD. Once again, Mr. Jackson, we are very grateful to
you. You have been very helpful to us. I have my own views about
this, and think we all do and I thought when you were testifying that,
if this did nothing else, it would put an end to the apology that has
been made for so many years that we did not know about the Com-
munists. It would be worthwhile for that reason if for no other.
There are many other, better reasons, of course.
Mr. JACKSON. Well, actually, Mr. Chairman, not to butter you up,
but you made a fine speech last year on political warfare with respect
to Eastern European satellite countries. Now, if there had been,
if this Academy had been in existence for 5 years,. I do not think you
would have had to make that speech, because that would have been in
operation.
Senator DODD. That would have been a misfortune for me.
Well, we are very grateful to you, and thank you again.
Mr. JACKSON. Thank you, sir.
Thank you, gentlemen.
Senator DODD. Our next witness is Dr. Gerhart Niemeyer.
TESTIMONY OF DR. GERHART NIEMEYER, SOUTH BEND, IND.
Senator DODD. Good morning, Dr. Niemeyer. We are grateful to
you for coming here. I know that you are a member of the faculty at
Notre Dame University. You are also on the faculty of the War
College?
Mr. NIEMEYER. Right.
Senator DODD. We are grateful to you for being here this morning.
Would you give your name and address for the record, please?
Mr. NIEMEYER. My address is 1126 Helmen Drive, South Bend, Ind.
I am very grateful to you for this opportunity, Mr. Chairman. I
submitted to you a statement the day before yesterday, and I would
like to ask your permission to insert that statement into the record and
to summarize its contents.
Senator DODD. That will be fine. I have read your statement, and
I must say that it is an excellent one.
Mr. NIEMEYER. Thank you.
Senator DODD. It will be printed in the record at this point, and I
think it would be helpful to us if you did summarize it.
(The complete statement of Dr. Niemeyer follows:)
STATEMENT IIY DR. GERHART NIEMEYER
In the forces of Soviet communism, we are facing an enemy who has for
half a century perfected his capabilities in political wafare. Tie Communists
ultimately rely on the ruthless and destructive use of force. But in order to
get into a position where they can use force with impunity and without re-
straint, they prefer political methods when seizing power. In coming to power,
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the Communists have used force sparingly and have, where possible, manipu-
lated their enemies into political submission. They did this in Russia in 1917.
More recent examples are East Germany, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, and
Iraq. For East Germany, Wolfgang Leonhard in his "Child of the Revolution"
has told how. German.cadres were trained in special schools in the Urals, thrown
into Berlin in the first days of the occupation, and used to maneuver all po-
tential political groups into a Communist controlled single party. Czechoslo-
vakia was taken over by gradual steps, from one small position of power to
another. Gradual infiltration into the Guatemalan Government put that country
under Communist, control before any one really knew what was going on, and
it. took a revolution to dislodge the Reds there. Regarding Iraq, we have the
recent ]report of a Soviet writer who boasts that the Communists, in Iraq, are
controlling a youth union, a women's league, an organization of "peace sup-
porters," and a peasants' union, the latter with 200,000 members, in addition
to 34 trade unions. The same writer noted that Iraq now has "units of the
people's home guards" which were recently armed. Here we see political war-
farp at work.
What are the Communist capabilities in political warfare? There is no
mystery about this: The Soviets in numerous schools train thousands in the
skills of political action in specific countries. Basically, the Communists have
capabilities in political warfare because they have long been aware that politi-
cal warfare can be planned, taught, and learned. They have put to work as
teachers veterans of political warfare or others who have studied the veterans'
experience. The experts have developed courses through which they teach
their. knowledge to dedicated students. The students emerging from the nu-
merous Communist schools swarm all over the world. They are deeply moti-
vated to fight and win. They have full and detailed knowledge of their victims
as well as of their own party and its goals. They are skilled in the tricks
of their trade, including writing, speaking, organization, and subversion. They
can turn a passing mood into a lasting organizational gain. They can develop
allegiance out of an ideal. They can maneuver their opponents from the places
of control. They can skin their enemy with his own consent. Such people
need force only at the margin of their operations. They are trained to conquer
totally, but, if possible, bloodlessly.
Communist capabilities of political warfare are becoming more important,
as the atomic stalemate inhibits both sides from the risk of a military show-
down. Under the umbrella of the universal atomic deterrent, any territory
the Commuinsts conquer by political warfare drops behind the Iron Curtain for
keeps, unless we succeed in winning it back by similar methods.
Moreover, in a number of countries we are now witnessing a process called
polarization in which the Communist Party becomes the sole available alternative
to the governing party. This is already the case in Greece, India, and Indonesia,
and a similar ,ituation may well develop in other countries, for instance South
Africa and even France. Once the political forces of a country split into two
camps, one'of which is Communist, that country's fate will be decided not by
foreign policies but by internal political warfare. Czechoslovakia may well
be repeated.
How well are we equipped for political warfare? There can be no doubt that
our present capabilities in this field are utterly inadequate. USIA, which is
certainly one of our main instruments of political warfare, may serve as an
illustration. As of a year ago, the personnel in USIA posts abroad numbered
less than 1,000, who were distributed over . more than 80 posts. This number
includes those serving in administrative functions. The rest handicapped by
the fact that they are Americans, officially employed by the U. S. Government, and
moreover rotated from post to post in 2-year intervals so that they are never
able to develop firm contacts in any country. Apart from all that, however, the
capability of USIA is confined to the spreading of information. It does not
give us any capability to organize, lead, maneuver, counteract.
How about our capability to learn about the enemy, and to train great numbers
of people in this vital knowledge? Our universities have a number of centers
of area studies. A number of students are educated there in foreign languages,
the toyyand the institutions of foreign countries. But these students are not
equipped for political warfare. In the first place, their training does not motivate
them to, engage in that ind
k of warfare. Secondly, they are not taught how to
put their knowledge to use in the world Confliet, to engage in intellectual contest,
to argue with conviction for our cause, to find the enemy's weakness.
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Among the citizens of other countries, we have even less capability. Nowhere
is there anything that could be called an "American Party," or even a "Freedom
Party," in the sense in which the Soviets dispose of a worldwide Communist party.
Those citizens of other countries who stand ready to argue, debate, organize, and
fight on our side find that they have no place to turn to. There is no unit, no
organization, no set of leaders whom they could readily identify as their proper
rallying points. What is worse, these people often find that we have not even
provided them with telling intellectual arguments with which they could enter
the fray on our behalf. Paraphrasing a word from the Bible, one could say :
In many free countries the laborers are ready, but no one hires them to gather
the harvest.
The proposed Freedom Academy will cost very little, compared with the costs
of even a single missile. Yet this one lonely Freedom Academy, mobilizing and
gathering people, facts, and thoughts at the expense of a few million dollars,
can without exaggeration be called a potential major weapon of the free world.
Its effect will be a 'multiple of the effort that needs to be put into it. For a few
people, well trained, organized, and disciplined, are a truly powerful force. In
South Africa at present, a fast advancing tide of Communist influence is threaten-
ing. This influence actually comes from no more than 30 to 40 Commuinsts,
nearly all of them foreigners trained in Soviet schools, who are engaged in sys-
tematic and disciplined political warfare. The seeds of a future Communist
control of South Africa does not cost the Soviets more than a few hundred
thousand dollars.
There is no reason why, for a proportionally equally small sum, we could not
do as much for freedom as the Communists do for their goal of world rule.
The very existence of a place where competent and dedicated people gather and
disseminate knowledge of the enemy and are prepared to teach it to those who
have resolved to counteract Communist infiltration, the very existence of such
a place will bean inspiration to the entire free world. A member of a friendly
embassy, commenting on the present bill, said to me : "This bill, if adopted, would
be a major breakthrough."
It has. frequently been said we are ill suited to the business of political war-
fare. Those who say this must really mean : we are ill suited to use lies, subter-
fuge, distortions, blackmail, and fraud to gain our ends. This is the way of
the Communists. But political warfare can be waged in different ways, and we
can and will wage it with methods worthy of freemen. Others say : Our good
cause will prevail by its merit. To have a good cause does not mean that one
should not fight for it. If political warfare threatens the cause of human free-
dom, the defenders of freedom then must become past masters at the art of
political warfare, and do it without in the process of losing the values we protect.
What is more, it is a mistake to believe that our culture dooms us to a second-
rate performance in this field. In the first place, we have working for us what
might be called the natural preference of men : religion, morality, love of native
country and of national independence, and, at least in the West, political tradi-
tion. Those are mighty allies, and they have so powerfully wrought on our
side that even without developing special capabilities for political warfare, we
have by and large held our own against a massive Soviet onslaught.
In the second place, there are several examples of highly successful political
warfare in the West. The unions, once alarmed and alerted, have recaptured
from the Communists the bulk of the positions they had lost to them not only
in this country, but, to some extent, also in Europe. In Germany, the Govern-
ment is running a college at which groups of leading citizens are educated in the
knowledge of communism. This Ostko?lleg in Cologne, together with other
measures of political warfare against German Communists, are conducted in
the spirit and the methods of democracy, even though inspired by a hard-
hitting determination to crush, politically, the totalitarian threat to freedom.
Political warfare is not a field that we need to concede to the enemy. Once
we begin to develop its methods and skills, once we give deliberate thought to
its strategy, it will enable us not only to hold our own but to go on the offensive
against communism. The Freedom Academy is an institution that will im-
measurably help to accomplish this.
Dr. NIEMEYER. Let me give you a few details about my past ex-
perience, which may or may not be germane to this testimony.
I am a native of Germany, and I have lived through the Nazi
dictatorship there, as well as through the beginnings of the civil war
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70 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
in Spain. I came to this country in 1937 and have, since then, taught
at various universities-Princeton, Yale, Columbia, Oglethorpe.
I have been in the State Department for 3 years as a planning
adviser, and with the Council on Foreign Relations for 2 years. I
am now professor of political science at the University of Notre
Dame, where it is one of my responsibilities to teach a full year
graduate course on Communist ideology from the original source
materials.
The main impression, of course, which has been created by Mr.
C. D. Jackson's very able testimony, which I would like to underscore,
is the very strong capabilities of the Soviet Union in political war-
fare, capabilities which have existed because the Soviets have been
aware that one can teach political warfare in courses, and they have
developed the courses, they have developed the teachers, they have
selected the students, they have sent them out, motivated, informed,
'skilled, and organized.
These students swarm all over the world, and instances of which
all of us are aware bear testimony to the effectiveness of this situa-
tion. For example, Czechoslovakia, Guatemala, at present, of course,
Iraq, which is still in the balance. Compared with this, our own
capability is woefully inadequate.
We have, of course, organizations which do dedicate themselves to
political warfare, but to some extent these or anizations are handi-
capped by the fact that their members are official Government em-
ployees of the United States. What we need, in other words, are peo-
ple who are private persons, particularly in other countries, but also
in this country.
In that respect, our universities, which could teach private persons,
simply are not set up to teach about political warfare. Those who do
teach about Soviet affairs teach about the geography and history of
the Soviet Union, but they do not dedicate their teaching and orient
their teaching toward the purposes and needs of political warfare.
In our exchange program, where also we get foreign students who
are trained in this country there is certainly no attempt to indoc-
trinate these students for this particular purpose, or even to indoc-
trinate them for the West. We all know of the painful experience of
these exchange students going back to their countries and going back,
not as advocates of the Western cause, the cause of freedom, but as ad-
vocates of, or as cannon fodder for the Communist machine.
I would like to say that, in my contacts with military people which
I have maintained during this past year, of the National War &llege,
I have found no one who did not feel that special training for po-
litical warfare was needed. I found it particularly true in the mili-
tary missions which I visited during the field trip of the National
War College, that the very important people who are there as part
of our military mission are selected for their military competence, be-
cause they are good commanders, good leaders of troops, and so on,
but not because they are adequately qualified for the role of political
warfare which they are playing, whether they want to or not.
So I,would say, together with Mr. C. D. Jackson, that the very ex-
istence of an Academy of this kind would be a very important step,
and I should like to mention what a diplomat, a high ranking, diplo-
mat of a friendly embassy, said to me when I discussed this bill with
him.
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He said, "If this bill were passed, this would indeed be a major
breakthrough."
Senator DODD. Mr. Sourwine do you have any questions?
Mr. SOURWINE. You mean t~iat the mere act of passing the bill,
being, as Mr. Jackson said, a sort of congressional declaration of the
cold war, would accomplish something for our side?
Mr. NIEMEYER. Indeed it would. This, I think, was also the mean-
ing of the statement which I just quoted by the diplomat. It would
be a recognition that political warfare is a problem, that one needs to
train and equip oneself to deal with political warfare, and it would
be an indication to the world that we mean business.
I would also say that this is particularly important, now that we
are moving more and more under the shadow of the atomic stalemate,
so that political methods become more and more decisive.
Mr. SOURWINE. Instead of leaving this declaration that we are in
the cold war merely implicit in the enactment of the bill, would you
favor putting in the bill a policy declaration which would place upon
all departments and agencies of the Government the obligation to
fight this cold war for all they are worth?
Mr. NIEMEYER. My own feeling would be that the setting up of
the Academy would be an action, and that actions speak louder than
words.
Senator DODD. Would you also agree that this Academy might
serve effectively, what I would describe, for want of a better phrase,
as a massive intellectual conversion?
Mr. NIEMEYER. In the sense of disseminating information about
communism?
Senator DODD. No. I have thought for some time that what we
must do in order to be most effective with respect to the Communists
is convert the many intellectuals who seem not able to comprehend the
nature of the difficulty. This has occurred to me as an ideal means
of doing so.
Mr. NIEMEYER. Yes, in the sense that all the facts about communism
would be brought together into one pattern there, which is very seldom
done. I think this is quite true.
Senator DODD. I do not want to seem to be knocking all intellectu-
als as being ignorant on this, but there: are enough of them who seem
to have trouble understanding, to make me feel that there is need
for what I have described as a massive conversion in that field.
Mr. NIEMEYER. I fully agree. I fully agree, and I would like to
say that, certain instances of cold warfare-concrete instances which
are known to me~-a considerable degree of ignorance about com-
munisrn and, of course, misguided thought vis-a-vis the whole prob-
lem of communism, was a crucially decisive weakness on the West's
side.
I am referring particularly to the situation in South Africa at the
present time, where a friend of mine has been consultant to the Gov-
ernment. He reports that, to, the extent to which the Government
is losing the fight to the Communists, it is doing so because of a really
indescribable Ignorance about communism and failure to appreciate
the true nature of communism. Precisely what you are saying, sir.
Senator DODD. That says it much better than I could. That is
what I wanted to say.
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Excuse me for interrupting.
Mr. SOTRWINE. Sir, do you have views on the question of whether
the Freedom Academy, or Freedom Commission, or either, should
be an action agency in any sense?
Mr. NIEMEYER. I would be inclined to give the same answer as Mr.
C. D. Jackson. In the sense that you place time bombs, no. In the
sense that you motivate students, yes. I would say that the Freedom
Academy and Freedom Commission would both miss the main point
of the whole enterprise if they did not motivate their students to go
out and do something about it.
To the extent that they support their students with continual in-
formation, centralize all information about communism, gather all
this information and make it available to them-to this extent I
think they would be the center of a network of active people.
Whether you would call this an operation agency or not I do not
know. But I would say that the students of this Academy, after they
leave, whether or not they are active in this field, would write back
there, they would get their data there, possibly submit their pam-
phlets to this organization for approval or improvement, and so on.
Mr. SOURWINE. You speak of time bombs, of course, in the literal
sense, but in another sense, when the Communists place a trained,
skilled, and motivated man in our midst, it is a kind of time bomb,
and it might not do any harm if we planted a few time bombs like that
around this country and perhaps the world?
Mr. NIEMEYER. In this sense, I agree with you, sir.
Mr. SouiwINE. That brings- us to another point we have discussed
in connection with this bill, and that is the training of aliens, that is,
nationals of another country than our own, and sending them back to
their own countries.
There has been expressed some fear that this might be taken as the
training of spies and might have a kickback, a reverse propaganda
effect.
Do you have any thoughts on this point?
Mr. NIEMEYER. First of all, I would say that to the extent to which
spies are trained, this is the function of the government, a time-honored
function of any government, and there should be no interference by the
Academy in this. Again, I fully agree with Mr. C. D. Jackson on
this point.
To the extent to which people go back from the Academy to their
own countries, having been trained in the United States, there is, of
course, an element in their background that might strike their own
fellow citizens as alien, and this might be one of the difficulties to
overcome.
In some countries it would not be a difficulty. I think we are quite
mistaken to assume that we do not have people in other countries who
welcome our alliance, our help, in this cold war, and who cry out for it.
To these people, who are to be found in all countries, all free countries
all over the world, someone trained in the United States in what is
really a common cause, would be very welcome.
But, of course, there would be others who would consider this man
as an alien intruder. I think this is one of the difficulties we have to
take and put up with. It is at that, I think, a far lesser difficulty than
the alternative which is offered to us in the war in the cold war and
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 73
the political war, namely, that we have to move in with our troops
whenever a cold war situation has turned against us, which is a
far greater diplomatic and national difficulty than to send these after
all, native citizens, back to their own countries trained in the 1Jnited
States.
Mr. SOIIRWINE. Is it a fair summary of what you have said that
you feel that, on balance, the advantages of training nationals of
other countries greatly outweigh the disadvantages?
Mr. NIEMEVER. Yes, I would say that.
Senator DODD. Well, we are very grateful to you, also, for taking
the time to come here. This is, a very important matter, we think-
we of this subcommittee-and it helps us a lot to get opinions such
as you have given us this morning. I thank you on behalf of the
subcommittee and for myself, personally.
'Mr. NuEYER. Thank you, Senator.
Senator' DODD. Our next witness is Mr. McDowell. Is Mr. Mc-
Dowell here?
TESTIMON1 OF ARTHUR G. McDOWELL, PHILADELPHIA, PA.
Senator DODD. Mr. McDowell, we have a little time problem this
morning. The Senate is convening at 11 o'clock, rather than at 12.
I must be on the floor today. Would it be possible to be through with
your testimony in 10 or 15 minutes?
Mr. McDOWELL. Mr. Chairman, I think I can conclude within 10
minutes.
Senator DODD. I do not want to hurry you. I shall be happy to go
a little overtime, but I am sure that there will be a quorum call,
maybe more. Why not go ahead and give your statement, and if we
have to suspend, you will understand why.
Mr. McDowELL. Very well.
Senator DODD. I thank you for appearing here; we are glad to see
you. Your name is Arthur McDowell. You are executive secretary
of the Council Against Communist Aggression, and I believe your
home is in Philadelphia?
Mr. McDOWELL. Philadelphia.
Senator DoDD. Would you give your full address for the record,
please?
Mr. McDowELL. My name is Arthur G. McDowell, I reside at 574
West Clapier Street, Germantown, Pa. I am employed as the
director of the Department of Civic, Education and Govern-
mental Affairs, and also as director of International Labor Relations
by the Upholsterers International Union of North America, with
principal headquarters at 1500 North Broad Street, Philadelphia,
and auxiliary offices at 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.
. I am authorized and empowered by the organization that employs
me to devote such time as is available and is required for the ad-
ministration of the Council Against Communist Aggression, which
is a voluntary organization of citizens selected from the ranks of
trade union leaders, business people, with some accent on scholars in
International Labor Relations who enter the field, and, in some cases,
because of their special interests, representatives of the clergy.
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74 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
I have prepared a statement which is in the nature of a qualifica-
tion of a witness to give testimony on the essential matter, and I
would like to file that for the record. and merely concentrate on one
summary aspect of that statement.
Senator DODD. Do we have a copy of your statement?
Mr. SOURWINE. Yes, we have copies, Mr. Chairman.
Senator DODD. It will be printed in the record at this point.
(The complete statement of Mr. McDowell is as follows:)
Mr. Chairman and Senators, members of the subcommittee, my name is Arthur
Gladstone McDowell and I reside at.574 W. Clapier Street in Germantown, Phila-
delphia, Pa. I am employed as the director of the Department of Civic, Edu-
cation,and Governmental Affairs, and also as director of International Labor
Relations by the Upholsterers' International Union of North America, with
principal headquarters at 1500 North Broad Street, Philadelphia, and auxiliary
offices at 100 Indiana Avenue NW., Washington, D.C.
Since February 1951, by authorization of the General Executive Board of the
Upholsterers' International Union and its president, Sal B. Hoffmann, ratified
by all the successive conventions of that union, as its supreme governing body,
including the 32d Triennium Convention of that organization in the city of San
Francisco, just adjourned on June 11, 1959, I am authorized to serve, without
pay, as the executive secretary-treasurer of the Council Against Communist
Aggression, with offices, administrative and clerical services furnished by the
union. This is a correspondence organization formulating or furnishing reprints
of study documents on methods of combating Communist aggression and further-
ing world freedom through information and advocacy of policy by American
citizens and to the, extent that they can influence its decisions by information
and discussion, through the Government of ,these United States. We encourage
and maintain fraternal correspondence with similar groups and individuals in
other free countries. Our governing committee is made up of a national com-
mittee, composed of labor union officials, businessmen and industrialists, church-
men, specialized scholars in international affairs, etc.
I appear before your committee to advocate your favorable action in approving
and recommending to the full Judiciary Committee for favorable report and
recommendation for final passage of Senate bill 1689, which has the endorsement
of the National Committee of the Council Against Communist Aggression as of
last November 1958 and of the June 11, 1959, action of Convention of the
Upholsterers' International Union, for both of whom I speak in this matter.
It is my considered opinion that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom
Commission responsible to the Congress for the governance of the academy,
among other matters, is an indispensable course of action for defeat of the
worldwide Communist conspiracy of aggression and survival of the free world,
of which the United States is the core. It is my further observation that the
function sought to be served is not presently being filled by any existing gov-
ernmental agency, nor is there any existing agency prepared or qualified to
discharge the imperatively necessary function proposed for this Freedom
Academy.
,This conviction is based on 30 years' experience almost to the day in a variety
of posts in student organizations, trade unions, political party activity, including
campaigning for office, religious groups, cultural societies, and almost any collec-
tive type of activity you can mention ; in only one of which, to my recollection,
did I function throughout my term without encountering and finding it essential
to resist Communist infiltration attempts to influence by mobilizing opposition
to and, in certain cases,, organizing withdrawal from, or exposure of the group
in order to prevent the subsequent use of such for advancing Communist purposes,
power or propagandawise. It is my observation that in all these years of experi-
ence never was there present at tie .beginning the informed, organized, and
trained personnel equal to those disposed of by the Communist Party or equal
to them in preparation and training and, of course, in nature of our free society
there was never any equivalent in direction, central place for information or
consultation. However, successful was the eventual resistance, it was always
by a pickup team against professionals, and in the majority of cases the battle
once won was never final and had to be fought over again in a few years by
another pickup team, unless the particular organization happened to be one whose
passing nature or dependence on events led to its total disappearance. It was
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 75
always a case of an essentially civilian force fighting an essentially military for-
mation. The Communist enemy always understood this essential difference and
their advantage and the democratic opposing forces seldom or never realized this
or acted upon that realization. We have now come to the point where we must
either provide the purposeful teaching of freemen at all these levels of voluntary
community organizations and institutions, sometimes even more important than
governmental organization in our American society, the nature and tactics and
advantage of our enemy or reconcile ourselves to rear guard actions and ultimate
defeat even on own grounds at hands of the adherents of a new slave society.
If the committee's time can possibly afford it, permit me to cite year by year
experience of an individual. In 1928 I was a beginning student at University of
Pittsburgh, committed to the Methodist ministry as a goal, with a public school
background of leadership in Boy Scouts, YMCA, church young people's society,
and a lively sense of injustice and social conscience. A loved idealistic minister
had signed me up in Methodist Federation for Social Service. I visited their
headquarters in New York and was regaled by the dainty white-haired woman
secretary with stories of her experience attending Communist Party meetings.
I was definitely propagandized and when it was discovered that through friend-
ship with Norman Thomas I had Socialist leanings only, I was scolded and almost
scorned. At my university I became active in the Student Liberal Club, but when
faculty advisers and past officers assumed it a sound idea to place me in presi-
dency, it was quickly clear that a Communist caucus was secretly at work and
the lad who emerged as victor was the son of a Communist textile boss in Lenin-
grad, who was planted in Pittsburgh. When we became embroiled with uni-
versity authorities in the spring of 1929 over student labor agitation, Fred
Woltman, graduate assistant, who subsequently became Pulitzer prize winner for
the Scripps-Howard articles exposing Communist infiltration of unions some
years later, and myself, found ourselves expelled along with the professional
Communist student, but with evidence that a secret strategy board, including
faculty members, had made many of our decisions before we had a chance to.
While the student battle raged, I was asked to do a research job to help a group
of striking dairy unionists in Pittsburgh. In the midst of this work I found my
Communist fellow student and expellee organizing a cabal and trying to take
over the strike or break it up. I began to get interested in this Communist type
of element and competing with it. I joined and became an officer of the Socialist
Party for some 10 years, holding virtually every post except those reserved for
Norman Thomas,
I found Communist infiltrators every step of the way, with no one to fight
them at outset except a few oldtimers who had had a special training in 1919
when they fought off Lenin's attempt to take over the mantle of labor respect
accorded in the United States of America to the remnant of the party of
Eugene Debs. These men and women were already aging and alienated from
younger people coming in.
The battle expanded. I became a correspondent in Pennsylvania Legislature
and saw mass unemployment being exploited, with phony costume party dem-
onstrations at capital. After 1933 partial recovery. Every effort of trade
unions in educational field, such as I participated in through the Chicago Labor
College, the newly organized local of Adult Education Teachers in the Chicago
Federation of Labor, and the new education department of the rising young
United Auto Workers in Midwest were beset with organized attempts at infiltra-
tion and take over by a tireless bunch of operators.
In 1940 I left the Socialist movement and went to work for CIO Textile
Workers' Union and found in St. Louis, Mo., that I had a constant battle with
Communist active elements seeking domination of CIO there. The battle be-
came so fierce that I and my local unions actually were compelled to withdraw
from CIO Council of the city.
Seeing no evidence of will to combat Communist influence as yet evident
in top of CIO ranks in 1945, I resigned from Textile Workers and took director
of organization post with Upholsterers' International Union, which had fought
the Communist drive into unions openly and consciously since it came into
open from underground in 1922. In a few months I found myself getting appeals
for aid from friends abroad over the manipulation In Europe of the service
committee of Unitarian Church, with which I was now affiliated, by Communist
agent Noel Field and his fellow traveler and aid, the very editor of the then
Christian Register. I was in midst of aiding an anti-Communist uprising in
the rival to Upholsterers, the United Furniture Workers,, by 1946, and saw
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ISSION AND FREEDOM ACADE34T
again, firsthand, the effectiveness of Communists when aided by even just
weak and egotistical men at top merely consenting and evading unpleasant
conflict.
I became president of the Men's Society, the Laymen's League of my church,
after finding secret Communist speakers on program without critical wit or
informed opinion present to nail them, where even though the good sound
inembership felt there was something wrong, they couldn't put their finger on
what it was, a common American plight.
I became a candidate for office and an active party Democrat and ran across
a capable Communist operative once eliminated from a group like the Phila-
delphia ADA while I was a member there, well pointed to get places In ward
committee and even a pending appointYnent to judicial bench.
Gentlemen, 30 years are now behind me. Many a warrior trained as I was,
not in theory but in practice, has grown much older. The big main labor fight
is over. No more battlers are being trained there. But the Communist machine
grinds on. There is no answer in even domestic affairs in pickup teams. In
uncommitted nations and untried peoples abroad the trained Communist will
cut like a hot knife through butter. If we are serious about survival, the only
serious approach is this professional one of the Freedom Academy and Com-
mission to train the cadres freedom needs, as does West Point, Annapolis, or
the Air Academy in military affairs. Washington won with a pickup army like
my great-great-grandfather, a Major McDowell, who came from and went back
to the plow. Not today anymore. We train professionally or perish.
Senator DODD. I think it would be helpful if you would give us a
summary of it.
Mr. McDOWELL. My principal point is that it is my considered
opinion that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom Commission re-
sponsible to the Congress for the governance of the Academy, among
other matters, is an indispensable course of action for defeat of the
worldwide Communist conspiracy of aggression, and for survival of
the free world, of which the United States is the core. It is my further
observation that the function sought to be served is not presently
being filled by any existing governmental agency, nor is there any
existing agency prepared or qualified to discharge the imperatively
necessary function proposed for this Freedom Academy.
`May I give a specific instance? I might say that I am at the very
opposite end of the spectrum, as far as activity goes, from the wit-
nesses who presented themselves this morning, who have functioned,
it might be said, in official governmental capacities, and at the top of
the operations that have been concerned with basic security. I have
never functioned. as a representative or as an employee of a Govern-
ment agency. Thirty years of experience in dealing with the problem
have been entirely in the area of participation in voluntary organiza-
tions in the generalized sense of that term. My largest experience, of
course, is within the trade-union movement, but it also included the
area of familiarity with and direct operation against Communist
propaganda and manipulative operations in religious groups, in cul-
tural. groups, and in almost any of those activities in which an active
citizen concerned with public affairs might find himself involved.
I would like particularly, Mr. Chairman, to call your attention to
the fact-that our press, particularly our sports pages, have been con-
cerned since the end of May with the description of certain events in-
volving the International Olympics Committee. This has been marked
by statements from. our official State Department spokesman, Lincoln
White, as press officer, expressing obvious elements of surprise over
the fact that political elements have been interjected into the Inter-
national Olympics Committee.
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Mr. Chairman, I would point out that this is very, very late intelli-
gence as to what goes on in an area as important for its indirect im-
pact on opinion formulation as this. In the summer of 1932, a Com-
munist agent, operating in the Chicago area, organized a counter-
Olympics committee. This would have been analogous, in my ex-
perience, to the policy of that time pursued by the international Com-
munist movement which we would call dual unionism. It involved
the operation of a separate trade union center which was established
and pushed in America from 1929 to approximately 1935, when the
Communist Party line was changed. At that time, within the Ameri-
can labor movement, the purpose of Communist tactics was to set up a
separate trade-union organization. This was done. Communist or-
ganizations were operating similarly in the organized athletics area
in the summer of 1932, which I believe is approximately some 27
years ago, a long time indeed before our official agency expressed sur-
prise that political elements should be found connected with such an
activity as international Olympic events.
Now, I would like also to point out in view-of the lateness of the
hour, that I can remember, as a correspondent in the Pennsylvania
Legislature in the year 1931, we had one of the earlier massive demon-
strations seeking to exploit the large-scale unemployment situation.
As a correspondent, I covered the carefully arranged*
rranged and dramatized
demonstration under Communist auspices that wound into the Penn-
sylvania Capitol in 1931, in the course of the legislative session. At
the head of the procession, seeming quite ludicrous to the newspaper-
men and to the citizens involved, I suppose, who were there as spec-
tators, was a very large and the very first leading banner, entitled
"Hands Off the Chinese People." The fact is, of course, that this is
ludicrous only with a superficial observation, because this was an
index to the fact that, within the body of American public opinion,
there was, however ill-conceived or adapted at the moment, a program
for affecting and directing the course of some section of American
opinion as to the events in China, and it was not considered ridiculous
by the sponsors to put at the head of an unemployed demonstration
a reference to something that was going on 10,000 miles away. As a
matter of fact, I was aware at the time that a certain amount of funds
were being made available through American sympathizers to editors
of labor papers, who would give space in their papers to special mate-
rial on events connected with the clash between the Soviet and Japa-
nese armies in Manchuria. I know some of these editors were ap-
proached. I know the majority of them had nothing to do with it.
These were not the editors of Communist papers, they were trade
union papers' editors, like the organ of Progressive Miners in Illinois,
in 1932, for example, the editor of which was approached on this basis.
Now, this is simply what I seek to emphasize by pointing out that
this is a late approach to meeting an enemy on a field where it is not
a question of excellence of the enemy's tactics or his preparation, but
the fact that he has been operating in this area without any operation
in response. It is not that we have not been effective, we have not
even been there in any coordinated, directed sense, in any informed
sense.
Those of us who have gone through this experience over these years,
and my own experience, in finding Communists in operation within
42731-59--6
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78 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
a religious organization, goes back to 1928, which I believe you will
note is only 9 years after the foundation of the Communist Interna-
tional, discovered it had found a foothold and was already carrying
on an o eration within an outright religious operation.
I referred, of course, in my statement, to the Methodist Federation
for Social Service, of which I was a member in the spring of 1928,
when I visited their office.
1 ow, this is the substance of what I wish to say, and while I could
give in detail, Mr. Chairman, a great deal of experience over 30 years',
time, specifically in the trade union movement where my experience
has been most definite, I think that this point is sufficiently made. It
is in the area of the private organization, where people flounder hope-
lessly and learn the hardest possible way, as I have, in the case
of my personal experience, but in the case of scores of young people
I knew, drawn into various activities on the most idealistic motives,
and finding themselves, if they did not have their lives wrecked, or
their loyalties compromised, finding at best that they had a long
period of years of the most miserable and trying experience in finding
out even the fundamentals of the nature of the enemy they faced, and
the nature of his operation.
Senator DODD.. If you will excuse me, I have a phone call.
-Mr,, Sourwine, the counsel of this committee, will preside.
(Senator Dodd left the hearing room at this point.)
Mr. SOURWINE. Mr. McDowell, you spoke of the need for coordina-
tion and direction in this effort to fight the cold war on the psycholog-
ical warfare front.
Is it your thought that the Freedom Academy and the Freedom
Commission would provide any measure of coordination and direction?
Mr. MCDOWELL. In many respects, what I meant in terms of coor-
dination is summarized by a little old gentleman who, for years, func-
tioned as the secretary for foreign students under the Rhodes Scholar-
shipp Plan at Oxford University.
So far as I know, there was no staff. I don't think he even used a
stenographer. But those who had been Rhodes scholars were kept
in contact through handwritten letters. It was an amazing per-
formance for an individual without any staff. But it served an obvious
functional purpose in binding together those who had had the advan-
tage of that scholarship in that period into a sort of international
community.
c this had no direct or obvious political overtones, but
Now, of ourse,
this was the sort of thing that I meant. The purpose to be served
by the Academy is obviously the systematic teaching and preparation
of people to discover the things which a few other individuals have
been able, on the basis of pragmatic experience, to discover, but at
a very painful and costly sort of a face and fashion.
Many times, they discovered it too late to save themselves from
individual shipwreck after involving themselves in what was, at the
start, a very normal organizational relationship.
Coordination, yes, but when I think of an institution such as the
Freedom Academy, I am thinking of that little old chap at Oxford
University, who bound together students across a good portion of the
world by correspondence.
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Mr. SOURWINE. You spoke of coordination and direction. Is it
your thought that the direction part of it would be supplied in any
sense by the Freedom Academy and Freedom Commission, or would
that perhaps be supplied indirectly by creating a corps of individuals
who could, in various capacities in government and business and indus-
try, themselves direct?
Mr. MODowEa.L. I am speaking essentially of the Freedom Academy
itself. It does not seem to me that the Freedom Commission's task
or authority should be in terms of the direction of the student body.
That should be a function of people who have taught and been taught
and who have been bound into the process of the teaching of the
Academy itself.
That is why I cited the experiment of that amazing individual at
Oxford University. I have heard many and many a Rhodes scholar
describe his own surprise that one individual was able to keep in touch
with them across the years in that personal fashion.
Senator DODD (now presiding). We are very grateful to you, Mr.
McDowell, for coming here. We have valued your testimony.
We must recess now, because the Senate has been called into session.
We shall reconvene at 1:30 this afternoon.
(Whereupon a recess was taken to reconvene at 1:30 p.m., the same
day.) AFTERNOON SESSION
The subcommittee resumed, pursuant to order, at 1:35 p.m.
Senator HRUSKA (presiding). The subcommittee will come to order.
We shall continue the hearings on S. 1689.
The first witness for this afternoon will be Dr. Stefan Possony, a
professor at Georgetown University.
Will you be seated, professor, and proceed in your own way with
your statement $
TESTIMONY OF DR. S'TEFAN POSSONY, GEORGETOWN UNIVERSITY
Mr. PossoNY. My name is Stefan T. Possony. I was born in Vienna,
Austria. I hold a Ph. D. degree from the University of Vienna. I
was a member of the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, N.J.
In 1946, I joined the Graduate School of Georgetown University.
In 1952, I was a member of the faculty of the National War College.
Since 1955 I have been an associate of the Foreign Policy Research
Institute, University of Pennsylvania.
I have written books and articles on matters concerned with mili-
tary economics, airpower, military history, international relations,
communism.
My books were translated in a number of languages, and I have also
had ample opportunity to study political warfare from original docu-
ments which so far have not been released, most of them in the files
of the German Foreign Office, which were captured during the last
war.
Senator HRUSKA. Where are those documents?
Mr. Posso:xY. Many of those documents are on microfilm in the
National Archives, here in Washington, D.C. The originals are
mostly stored in London.
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80 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
As to my experience : Before coming to this country, I have, of
course, tried several times, rather extensively, to study American de-
mocracy from abroad, and I think I know something of the difficulties
which are encountered in such an attempt.
I have, during the war, had experience in psychological warfare in
France, with the Columbia Broadcasting System, and between 1943
and 1946 with the U.S. Navy. I have frequently traveled abroad and
have. interviewed persons as to their knowledge of the United States
and of communism.
I have frequently interrogated visitors coming to this country. I
also have had foreign students, and I follow regularly the foreign
literature, at least the foreign European literature, which has a bear-
ing on matters which are of concern to this committee.
I shall argue that there is an urgent need for the United States to
set up an Academy or Institute of Political Science, or, as the language
of S. 1689 calls it, a Freedom Academy. This need arises from the
following five reasons, in my opinion :
First, it is necessary to make American democracy better under-
stood;
Second, to improve our own understanding of the multiple threats
facing free government all over the world;
Third, to acquire badly needed theoretical and operational capa-
bilities in the struggle against communism;
Fourth, to enhance the mutual understanding of political leadership
groups throughout the free world; and
Fifth, and perhaps not of least importance, it is necessary to increase
and strengthen the capacity of the free world for reform and mutual
help.
I shall argue further that these purposes can be achieved only
through a genuine educational effort, not through indoctrination.
However, this education must not be restricted to theory, but must
have practical significance and realistic applicability.
Senator, my statement will cover six points, of which three are
fairly long.
The first point will deal with the Communist system of political
education, so far as I could decipher it; second, the state of knowledge
on_ democracy and communism in the United States and the free
world; third, the limitations of the present educational setup and
the need for a . central institution ; fourth, the structure of the acad-
emy; five, principles under which the academy should operate; and
sixth, I will attempt to give a general outline for a suitable curricu-
l um.
Point No. 1 on deals with Communist political education. The
Communists have recognized the problem and the need of thorough
political education. They have a whole network of schools which
teach both. political theory and practice. By practice, which is a
Communist word in this context, they mean operational and organ-
izational know-how.
The Communist system of political education is just as much a
key to the secret of their expansion as scientific-technological edu-
cation has been and is increasingly becoming a key to the mysteries of
their military strength and the incessant growth of their physical
power.
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In 1902, approximately, Lenin hit on the idea that revolution can
only be carried out by professional revolutionaries. This idea was
not original with him. It had many predecessors, but Lenin was
the man who put this idea into the Marxist school of thought.
Professional revolutionaries, in his mind, were people who not
only devote their whale life to the revolutionary cause, but who also,
throughout the entire duration of their commitment to the revolu-
tionary movement, must undergo training and education.
At the time of World War I, when communism-bolshevism-still
was a small group, sect, or coterie of men, there were small schools
run by them. One school was in Bologna, Italy. One was at Long-
jumeau, Paris, and the other on Cappri, the little island outside of
Naples. This school was financed by Gorki's income as a writer. The
men who lectured at these schools included the leading lights of the
revolutionary movement, among them Lenin himself. Some of the
cadres trained by Lenin at Longjumeau played a great role during the
revolution of 1917.
After the revolution, the Communists immediately set up a num-
ber of schools dealing with revolutionary expertise. One of the
most famous schools of this sort was the Sun Yat-sen University,
sometimes called the Far Eastern University. This was one of the
main instruments which allowed the Communists, 27 years later, to
take over China.
Furthermore., there was established the Lenin Institute. I shall
talk about that a little later in a different context.
In the late twenties there was established what is known as the
Institute or Academy of Red Professors. This was essentially de-
signed to teach the teachers and to train the upper crust of gen-
eralists. This school has not survived to this day. The course lasted
3 to 4 years.
In addition to this upper echelon of schools, of course, there are
lower party schools all over the Communist Party organizations :
schools for training organizers, for training people they call agi-
tational and propaganda experts, and specialists in military ques-
tions, and penetration of military forces, specialists in labor unions,
race specialists, and now, presumably, experts in nuclear disarma-
ment. They even have church specialists, as we know from recent
testimony, not to preach the Gospel but to control ecclesiastic organi-
zations and dominate the church by secret atheists.
Many of these schools, I understand, teach, as a matter of course,
political warfare and related topics. The standard procedure for
all Communist organizations is to have such schools at all levels and
places also in the free world. In the United States a number of such
schools have been identified.
Now, in the last 20 to 30 years, the Communist educational system
has been going in the direction of ever greater diversification. For
example, the Frunze Military Academy, for a while, was the highest
institution of military learning. It was established in 1918. This
school was and still is the equivalent of the Command and Staff School
in the United States, something like the Ecole de Guerre in Paris.
For about 16 years that was all the Communists wanted.
In 1936 a new institution was created, the Voroshilov Higher
Military Academy, which is the equivalent, on a somewhat higher
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level, of the National War College. It embraces all three military
services, but, unlike the National War College, which is teaching
essentially on the level of colonels, a great deal of the teaching at
the Voroshilov Academy is at the flag rank level. In addition it
has extension courses, a research institute on doctrine, and also of};ers
refresher courses for earlier graduates.
On the other hand, unlike the National War College, it seems to
be strictly devoted to military problems, while the National War
College covers strategy in the broad sense. The present status of the
two Soviet academies is not exactly known. There seems to be some
political in-fighting going on, and according to recent information
I have seen, it is possible that the Voroshilov Academy was put down
a few notches, but I would consider this to be a temporary mishap,
rather than a significant change.
In addition to these two higher academies, there is the Lenin Mili-
tary Political Academy. It is a specialized academy dealing with
combined political-military problems. It has no equivalent in the
United States. It is interesting to note that, even though there is
extensive testimony on the curriculum of the Lenin Military Political
Academy, to this day, some people ignore or deny its existence. This
is done not just by people who are not knowledgeable on Soviet affairs,
but a first-class expert like Mr. Boris Souvarine, who has written a
biography of Stalin, and who is generally recognized as an expert on
communism, has recently denied that there is such a thing as a Lenin
Academy of Political Warfare. It is, of course, the Lenin Military-
Political Academy and Mr. Souvarine should know about it. This
academy is recognized as an existing institution, it officially exists.
The present boss of the place is a general-colonel-a four-star gen-
eral-by the name of F. F. I~usnetsov. This academy, from what is
known of it, is officially at the university level. Major is the mini
mum rank of the students and usually the rank is higher. The con-
cept is that the commissar types in the Russian military forces, the
men in charge of political indoctrination, political activities, military
government control, those men are getting, in this academy, military
training while military officers-that is, combat soldiers-are getting
political education.
There is also offered--and this is of great importance, at least it
has been offered in the past-joint training in the Lenin Academy,
with foreign Communists, and again there is sworn testimony to this
effect.
In addition to these three military academies, there are six other
military academies dealing with more technical aspects, such as
artillery, armor, airpower, and navy, which I think don't concern
us here.
It should be stressed that the courses in these schools seem to be
generally for 2 years and sometimes for 3-year periods.
Now, all these academies place enormous emphasis on doctrine, the
Communist term for what may be called the art of operating. These
academies are in close contact, and possibly are directed by a special
department within the Armed Forces General Staff. Teaching is
supervised by the Historical Branch of the General Staff which is
an integral part of the staff, not like in the United States, where the
historical branch is more or less an unused appendage. In the Soviet
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Union, the Historical Branch of the General Staff is an integral ele-
ment of the planning function within the staff.
In addition to this school system, there is a political administra-
tion in the General Staff and in all the services and this political ad-
ministration is in close contact with the Armed Forces Department in
the Central Committee of the Communist Party. The significance of
this will come out in a later part of my statement.
The central committee of the Communist Party, which is-maybe
I can define it as the highest body of the Communist Party-of
course, this is a matter of dispute, since obviously, the central com-
mittee is run by the presidium which, in turn, is run by Khrushchev,
but I think you can say the central committee is the highest staff
within the Communist Party, the main organ and the recruiting
ground of the leadership. The central committee has two foreign de-
partments, one dealing with the Socialist countries, the other deal-
ing capitalist countries. These two departments are where po-
litrcal intelligence is received, and where political penetration and
warfare plans are elaborated.
The central committee furthermore has an aggitation and propa-
ganda department, which is divided into the Russian branch and
the Union Republic branch. In other words, these are dealing with
internal propaganda and the breakdown between the great Russian
and nongreat Russian branches indicates the continuance of the na-
tional question within the Soviet Union.
There are, furthermore, between 5 and 8 central committee depart-
ments whose functions have not been disclosed. To judge by the bi-
ographies of some of the department heads, I would guess that quite
a number of the secret departments are engaged in one or the other
political warfare activity.
The sib ificance of the general staff-central committee tie, I think,
can be discerned by a short look back to 1941 and the management
of the Partisan movement during World War II. The Partisan
movement, that is, the guerrillas, originally was planned for, but
when the Germans overran Russia, these plans became worthless.
Guerrillas sprang up more or less spontaneously, but soon thereafter
there was established in the central staff to command the Partisan
movement, not in the armed forces, but an independent central staff
performing, in essence, as a command over a fourth military serv-
ice.. This fourth service was directly under the central committee.
Within the central committee, there was set up a state committee of
defense, which-this is a quote from an unclassified Army pamph-
let-had the function "to direct all the defenses of the nation: mili-
tary, political and civilian." The commander of this central staff
of Partisans, P. K. Ponomarenko, was formerly Prime Minister of
White Russia. He later became a member of the presidium. He was
both a member of the central committee and a member of the de-
fense committee. In other words, you had a bundling of all these
responsibilities in one man, who had access to the highest levels of the
government and the party, and authority to act down to the lowest
level of operations. The double purpose of the Partisan movement
which, as we see, was a military service run by the party, was to aid
the Soviet armed forces in combat, but also to establish political con-
trol in the territories behind the German lines, to set up Communist
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political organizations, to revitalize the Communist Party where it
had been destroyed; in brief, to wage political warfare.-
In addition to this function and to sabotage, this Partisan move-
ment had to scollect _in ll Bence. It is significant that special man-
uals were issued to the Partisans. We have the titles of two of these
maiuals. One is called, the Guidebook for the Partisan Intelligence
Agent, and the other one, and this is very pertinent to this hearing, is
called the Guide for Political,E spionage.
I believe this, structure of World War II is still more or less the
model for_ the Communist political warfare effort, that is, political
warfare in the broad sense of the word, which includes military oper-
ations if necessary. In other words, you essentially have a setup
where the central committee directs the conflict. Inside the central
committee, there is a group which is directing political warfare on a
global scale. Thus Communist political warfare is a centrally di-
rected effort, under a single command, which probably has worldwide
responsibilities. This command is served, intelligencewise and capa-
bilitywise, by the party, the worldwide party organizations and, of
course, the resources of all Communist states.
Senator HRUSKA. At that point, Doctor, you speak repeatedly of one
man being in command, and so on. That sort of implies that these
people under him are not students, necessarily, they are not in school,
they are not being trained; they are already trained, they are doing
certain work. Is that what you had in mind? Is that what the
fact is?
Mr. PossoNY. Well, the people under this man-this man is in com-
mand, as you have a general in command of an army. Of course,
the men under him, depending on their rank, are supposed to have
had the training necessary to accomplish their functions. The point
is that you have a major political warfare effort which is organized
and fully integrated. It is not a hit or miss effort, it is not an im-
provised effort, but a centrally directed effort extending to all fields
pertinent to political warfare. Unfortunately, we do not have the
exact data as to how political warfare is run at present by the Com-
munists. Consequently, we have to go back to historical data.
Senator IRUSXA. Now, the people under this one commander, are
they students, are they trainees, are they accomplished workers, have
they the instruments ready to do what they must, and are they apply-
ing those instruments?
V. POSSONY. Accomplished workers. However, they also are get-
ting on-the-job training. Part of them presumably are products of
special schools.
Now, to come back to the central committee, and I think this will
answer your question a different way, Senator. Under the central
committee, there has been set up a whole system of schools. It is
confusing to the outsider to determine exactly which is which school,
but an effort can be made.
For instance, there is an Institute for Marxism-Leninism at Mos-
cow. Please, this is not the Lenin Institute. This is under G. D.
Obichkin, about whom I know nothing. Then there is another insti-
tute for Marxism-Leninism at Leningrad under S. P. Knyazen.
Whether there are similar institutes in the Ukraine or in the Union
Republics, I do not know. I believe that these institutes probably
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deal with the basic ideology, that is, on the one hand are concerned
with publishing theoretical works by Marx, Lenin, and other Commu-
nists, and on the other hand, presumably deliberately fabricate ideo-
logical variants and even systems. Those are the producers of
ideology.
It would be a bad mistake for us to assume that the Communist
ideology has emerged spontaneously or that it still is the same ideol-
ogy which was laid down by the classics. Current Communist
ideology has been the result of a great deal of planning and staff work
and discussions around the table and reflects what the Communist
leaders estimate constitutes the best ideology at a particular moment
at a given place.
Senator HRUSKA. They are really the rewrite artists?
Mr. PossoNY. That is right. This is a very artistic effort, and
nothing is left to chance.
Furthermore, there is a higher party school under the central com-
mittee..,, This has been, for many years, the highest party school of
the party -school system, as distinguished from the military system.
I have not been, able to find its curriculum, but, from what I gather, it
wives operational training to leading party and Soviet workers, that
s, to members of the party and to state bureaucrats, and also to news-
paper editors. That much has been disclosed. It has an extension
course. One member of the presidium, Madame Furtseva, is a gradu-
ate of the extension courseof the higher party school.
In ] 956-but I am not sure of this date, it could have been earlier-
there.was created an Academy of Social Sciences under the central
committee. The director of that Academy of Social Sciences is a man
by the name of I. A. Dorashev. He also doubles as the editor of the
Communist magazine, "Kommunist." In other words, the social
sciences there are not just for the sake of scientific effort, but they
have a very practical pur ose.
A part of the curriculum has been disclosed. It reads as follows :
Political economy, economics, theory of state, international law, in-
ternational relations, history of the U.S.S.R., history of the Commu-
nist Party-I presume this covers all the Communist Parties. There
is a, major effort right now, this is the major ideological effort at this
point in time, to write party histories. Many directives have been
issued on the point of how a.proper Communist Party history is to be
written.
To continue with the curriculum : dialectic and economic material-
ism, history of Russian and European philosophy, logic, psychology,
thg theory and history of literature, and of art. Art, in other words,
is not what the artist conceives by inspiration and which is accom-
plished for its own sake, but it is something which has to be impressed
into the. service of political warfare.
. There are a large number of additional institutes. For example,
there is au Institute of World Economics. This institute has the
function, so far as I can gather, to analyze economic situations in
foreign countries, with the view in mind of how economic difficulties
may 'e exploited for the benefit of the Communist movement.
There is an Institute on International Relations which has a similar
function.
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Now, the Academy of Sciences, which is a highly important body in
the Soviet Union, and, in fact, operates directly under the Council of
Ministers, also is engaged in this political warfare. It publishes,
for example, a magazine dealing with party history. There are, in
the Department of Historical Sciences, for example, an Institute of
Orientalistics and an Institute of Sinology. These institutes publish
a number of magazines. These magazines are essentially on the nature
of what we would call geopolitics or political magazines. In other
words, they are not devoted to the study of the Han or Ming Dynasty,
or to the study of Cleopatra's nose or other historical problems, but are
largely devoted to a study of current affairs and power relations.
Under the Academy of Sciences, there is also a museum for religion
and atheism. Of course, I do not have to point out to you that
atheism has traditionally served as one of the main instruments of
the Communist movement.
The chief of the historical department of the Academy, is a man
by the name of E. M. Zhukov. He is also a member of the Presidium
of the Soviet Solidarity Committee for the Asian and African coun-
tries, which is a political instrumentality. A leader of this political
instrumentality happens to be the president of a department of the
Academy of Sciences.
There is also the Academy of Pedagogy. Of course, pedagogical
sciences deal with education, the development of the mind, and not
with propaganda, the disorientation of the mind. To what extent
they are involved here, I am not sure, but I would be willing to take a
bet that this particular academy delivers many into political warfare
capability.
We have heard a great deal about a School for Political Warfare
in Prague, Czechoslovakia. This school has been commented on in
the newspapers. Unfortunately, I did not clip the information. But
it seems that in this school the students-mostly from nonbloc coun-
tries-are trained for utilization in Latin America. There could be
other target countries, too, but as far as I remember the articles I
read, Latin America is the main target area.
By contrast, a frequently commented upon school at Tashkent is a
training center for people who would go into the Islamic areas.
Of course, Tashkent is in an area where Islam has always had an
important impact.. Some of the holy places of Islam are in the Russian
part of Central Asia. The penetration of Islamic countries today is
one of the high priority targets of the Soviet Union.
I would add this other point, that all of these schools are backed up
by a very strong publication effort. Every one of these institutes pub-
lishes one magazine, if not more, and a whole stream of books is pub-
lished. dealing with all the conceivable problems that have to be
handled in political warfare. The system is training experts in basic
doctrine, in dialetic methodology of planning, in party history, in
organizational political activities, and in conflict operations. It
thrives, on the one hand, on motivation, and on the other hand, on
what Mr. Hunter has called brainwashing.
The system enhances the exchange of practical political knowledge.
That is, the Russian instructors receive a lot of knowledge from the
foreign students, and the foreign students, in addition to learning
from the Russians, exchange knowledge among themselves and find
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out about local and regional problems all over the world. Thus, this
system strengthens the intelligence at the disposal of the Soviet Gov-
ernment, and undoubtedly improves their ability to make estimates
as to future events. Furthermore, it creates a worldwide network of
operators who know each other and who can depend on each other in
an emergency.
These experts, after they have gone through this technical training,
receive on-the-job training. I should add that, before they get into
these schools, they usuallylave had a good deal of on-the-job training,
and also some training in lower party schools.
.The graduates from those schools are staffing, so far as we can tell,
most or all of the agencies which the Communists are using for the
planning of their strategy and for the management of their conflict
operations.
As I pointed out, this system is like an ameba, it multiplies, becomes
larger, and continuously changes shape. But the substance remains :
history's most elaborate system for creating political warfare capabil-
ities.
In 1958, a network of so-called friendship societies was established;
for example, a society, USSR-France, of which the president is Ilya
Ehrenburg, the writer. There are, or were at last count, 24 such asso-
ciations, and they were all founded "spontaneously," within a few
months' time during 1958. The overall or roof organization of these
24 associations, is under the chairmanship of Madame N. V. Popova,
who used to be the vice president of the International Democratic
Federation of Women, and also was a key member of the World Peace
Council, both important political warfare instruments of the Soviet
Union. The friendship societies indicate that political warfare is
conducted not only functionally as heretofore, for example, through
women, veterans,, scientists, youth, or peace and labor slogans, but also
nation by nation. I do not know whether there is a USSR-United
States Friendship Society.
Furthermore, the following organizations seem to be noteworthy.
There is a Soviet Peace Committee. There is a Society for the Propa-
gation of Political and Scientific Knowledge. This would sound like
a very good idea, to have such a propagation society, until you find
out that it is run by a man named M. B. Mitin, who is a graduate of
the Academy of Red Professors, who formerly was editor-in-chief,
of the Cominforin journal "For Lasting Peace, For A People's Domes-
tic Democracy," and who also happens to be the editor of "Questions
of Philosophy." I am sure his is the type of philosophy which is not
very customary among philosophers in this country.
There is, furthermore, a Slavic committee run by a lieutenant gen-
eral by the name of A. S. Gundorov. This is the agency which cen-
tralizes the Pan--Slav propaganda efforts. It has always been denied
that there is a Pan-Slav movement, but we find that there is an agency
in Moscow which controls this nonavowed movement.
Furthermore, there is the aforementioned Soviet Solidarity Com-
mittee for the countries of Asia and Africa. This outfit is unique,
inasmuch as it has an outlet in Cairo-at least, that is what the in-
formation says--and it has commissions for cultural and economic
collaboration, a 'commission for information, or propaganda, and a
special commission for Africa, which, again, is indicative of the prior-
ity assigned to this target for penetration.
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88 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
I, am sure, Senator, that further research would unearth additional
political warfare capabilities in the Soviet Union, particularly in the
union Republics, and, of course, in China and the satellites. Mira-
beau once said of Prussia that war. was its only industry. I think
that , political conflict and political warfare is the most important
industry of communism, although it is not the only one.
The free -world's problem is to undo or neutralize the work done
by the graduates of this Communist school system. As I mentioned
before, this system does include many schools within the free ' world
itself, some party operated, some under some cover, in what you might
call fellow-traveling outfits. The objective of undoing the work done
by the graduates of the Communist school system cannot be reached
by defense methods; that is, merely by counteraction against the
Communist threat. , Counteraction is important, but a positive ap-
proach also is needed in order to enable ourselves and our friends to
improve security and living conditions in the world.
Our poorly trained people are no match for the thoroughly trained
agents of the Communist world movement, nor are they. in a position
to dandle the challenge of democratic construction-the positive ap-
proach-on a worldwide basis. Tasks of that magnitude cannot be
accomplished by improvisation.
I would like, to make a. brief comment about political schools in
general. ' I have. made a. cursory survey of this, and I remember that
in Vienna, Austrian there used to be, for many years, a. so-called Kon-
sularaka.demie, which was used to train diplomatic and consular per-
sonnel. of many countries. It was not quite as restricted to actual
consular duties as the title would indicate. It certainly imparted a
great `deal of political and practical knowledge, especially about cen-
tral European and Balkan problems.
In BerlIn, there was created in the interwar period a, Hochschule fuer
Politik, which I do not think was too successful, but it was another
attempt on the educational side of political science.
In.. France, there was created in 1871-very sib iificantly, immedi
ately after the Germans won their war with France-the Institut
d'Etudes 1Politiques, or Institute of Political Studies. This institute
is still alive. It had, in 1938, 1,800 students, including 350 foreign
students. In 1945, it was reorganized, and now consists of an institute
of political studies, a national foundation of political sciences, and
a natioi al. school, of administration. It .covers all of the political and
social sciences.
In addition, after the war, the French Army, very much impressed
by the defeat they suffered during World War II, went in strongly
for political and psychological warfare. The French have made very
thorough studies, particularly in Indo-China, of the methods used by
the leader of the Chinese Communists, Mao Tse-tung.
One of the instigators of this effort is a Col. Gabriel Bonnet, who
wrote an excellent. book on revolutionary warfare. I shall mention
some points he made about the war in Algeria. He said, like
Clausewitz, that the impact on the souls of men is the principal ob-
jective in war and that all officers, who, after the war, were educated
in military schools such as the General Staff school and the Ecole de
Guerre, have become much more sophisticated and much more
knowledgeable in human and sociological questions.
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The French Army has set up a fifth bureau, in addition to the
normal four bureaus they always had. This bureau is in charge of
psychological warfare, or what they call psychological action. In
addition, they handle press and more mundane matters like releases
and communiques. The troops-this is very important-this fifth
bureau is not just a staff agency, but controls actual forces. These
troops are organized in what they call light companies, and these
light companies are given a great deal of special equipment.
Now? , in addition to that, they also have set up 630 so-called
specialized administrative sections, abbreviated, SAS. Their func-
tion is to accomplish positive, constructive tasks. These are the
problems : Defensive action, psychopolitical warfare and creative
action. Some of the missions which these SAS units have are to
build and run schools, to restore electricity, look after sanitation,
carry out rescue and relief operations-in other words, to be of actual
help to the civilian population, whether friendly or hostile. Thus the
awareness of psychological warfare is becoming generalized through-
out the world. If France, as a democracy, can handle it, I am sure
that other democracies can, too.
Senator HnuSKA. You have mentioned France. Are there any
other countries which you might want to mention?
Mr. POSSONY. Not off hand. I happened to have this information.
Senatro HRUS$A. Do you feel there have been similar develop-
ments in other countries besides France, in Europe, along the same
line?
Mr. PossoNY. I do,not know. I do not know what the status is
presently in the Italian Forces. I am afraid that the British, in
some instances, are falling down on this job. You may remember
the memoirs by Glubb Pasha, the man who used to be the leading
Britisher in Jordan. He said that the British are losing in the Mid-
dle East because they have had no counter to the activities of Radio
Cairo and similar outlets.
This covers my first point. It was a long point.
Point No. 2, a great deal of knowledge about democracy and com-
munism is available. Some of it is taught, more or less indirectly, in
connection with other courses in the political and social sciences, inter-
national relations, governments and parties and things like that. A
great deal of it is accessible in literature, providing you have the
money to pay for hard-to-get books and provided you have the patience
to dig through very large library holdings, which are very poorly
cataloged and indexed.
There are many shortcomings in the teachings of these subjects,
particularly communism. There are gaps in completeness. Many
subsidiary problems are not covered at all, or are poorly covered. I
think you will find it impossible to discover a discussion on conspiracy
in modern political science textbooks. There are many books on
propaganda and psychological warfare, most of them discussing the
maps and only few even evincing awareness of communism. I do
not think you will find anything, or not very much, at any rate, on
matters such as political warfare. This is an undeveloped subject
if I ever saw one,
Solutions which are applicable in the United States and Western
Europe are not applicable in other countries. There is a great deal of
misleading information all over the world, both on the Soviet bloc and
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90 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
on the United States. There are no textbooks on communism; Dr.
Niemeyer, who testified this morning, is one of the few men who ought
to be congratulated on his effort, together with Father Bochenski in
Fribourg, Switzerland. These men, against incredible odds, put out
an encyclopedia on communism. This unique book is about this
large [illustrating]. It has come out in German, and I hope it will
come out in English. This text is available, but there is a great deal
of trouble keeping it up to date. You get it into print months after
the manuscripts were completed and, but by the time you get it trans-
lated and get it into print the second time, there has been agreat deal
of change.
Senator HRUSKA. Dr. Possony, when you say a book "this large" will
you say it in such a way that we can get it in the record? I assume
you mean that it is very voluminous.
Mr. PossoNr. Yes, it is very voluminous; it is a very large and fat
volume.
Many curriculums in the universities presently do not handle com-
munism. There are no systematic and complete courses on the overall
problem. It is extremely difficult for writers on communism to get
their books published, not because their manuscripts are bad or not
useful. There usually is not too much argument about this point, but
the crux of the matter is that the publisher must sell 3,000 or 4,000
copies before he breaks even. He customarily sells perhaps 1,500
to 2,000 of a scholarly book on communism, so he has to pay the
rest out of his pocket. He can afford this once or twice, but he is not
going to print the third book. It is difficult to obtain financial support
to get books of this sort published. I had an experience with a. student
of mine who wrote a dissertation on the penetration of communism
into military forces. This technique is called revolutionary defeat-
ism or revolutionary antimilitarism and it has been an integral part
of Communist operations and warfare dating back to 1904. There is
no English book on the subject, the security importance of which is
self-evident. The book cannot be published, because no publisher
has as yet been found who has the money to pay for it.
Senator HRUSKA. How big a work is it?
Mr. PossoNy. Four hundred typewritten pages, covering events up
to 1941 only.
Senator HRUSKA. And he is working on later material?
Mr. PossoNY. He is working on later material, and, Senator, you
may remember that, in 1945, this particular Communist effort hit the
United States very badly in the Philippines and Germany and other
places. It was one of the reasons for the rapid and premature de-
mobilization of the U.S. military forces.4
Point three, individual universities cannot handle the job. They
can do a great deal, of course, and some are doing a fair amount.
There is lack of funds and personnel. Special chairs would have to
be set up for this, and they simply do not have the money for special-
ized subjects of this type, or at least this a frequent argument, which
d After hearings in 1954, the Internal Security Subcommittee reported that: "A group
of Communists or pro-Communists infiltrated into controlling positions in the Informa-
tion and Education program (of the U.S. Armed Forces) and brought It about
that 8 million American soldiers were taught the wrong things about communism, the
wrong things about the U.S.S.R., the wrong things about Communist China, and the wrong
things about Americans who oppose communism."
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often is actually valid. In addition there is the problem of docu-
mentation, of which I have spoken and which cannot be solved except
through heavy expense.
Nor could an individual university, however large, handle the job
on a sufficiently broad and sustained basis. There also in the objec-
tive problem : If you go to one university, you have two or three
professors who may be suitable. Actually, this is an optimistic
assumption. These men have their own opinions, specialties and
hobby horses and cannot be expected to provide the wide, broad, all-
directional approach that would be necessary in order to cover all
pertinent problems. Subjects like communism, democracy and polit-
ical warfare are universal encyclopedic subjects. Communism has
penetrated all spheres of life, covers almost a half century of history,
since the Communists seized state control, and over 110 years of Com-
munist history since the Communist manifesto was written, not count-
ing the earlier phases.
The piecemeal approach that presently takes place, in which each
international relations course, or each course on foreign governments,
handles some part of this problem requires a great deal of duplica-
tion in basic information. The basic introductory information is re-
peated time and time again but the payoff phase of the instruction,
the specifics, the details, the ramifications and implications, the final
arguments and the final deductions never are reached. Hence I think
a central instrumentality would be the only effective solution, pro-
vided, of course, it were based on sound principles, and provided it
will be adequately funded.
I think I should make one point on this funding. I have had a great
deal of experience with the cost of research programs. For example,
I ran a research operation for Life magazine, in connection with Mr.
Alan Moorehead's articles and book on the Russian Revolution. It is
amazing how much money you can spend if you need documentation
which is not readily available on the shelves. You have to pay for re-
production, you need reproduction facilities for which you also need
personnel and you have to maintain a staff to correspond with the
various libraries in many countries. There is a problem of the "ero-
sion" of library holdings. Many of the important books are being
stolen out of the libraries, and many times, key books are available
only in single copies in the United States. If you have to find it, this
may be very difficult and costly. If you are in a hurry, only the tele-
phone and telegraph will help ,you.
So, funding, if you really want to establish a real research and up-
to-date inspirational institution, is going to be a crucial factor, and
that on a continuing basis. You need money to set up proper libraries
and proper original documentation, you must keep your collection up
to date and I should think that a Freedom Academy, sponsored by
the United States, should end up with the most significant specialized
library. I may say that there already is such a library; the Hoover
Library on Revolution, World Peace, at Stanford, Calif.
Point No. 4: I now want to talk about what I conceive to be the
more or less ideal form of the Academy. I think we have in this
country a pattern or model for this type of school. Those are the
war colleges-the Army War College, the Navy and Air Force War
Colleges, the Industrial College, and the National War College. These
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92 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM XdADEMY
institutions should not be imitated in every detail but their general
pattern is admirable and should be adopted for the Freedom Academy.
You need a resident faculty, with both permanent and rotating
members. In addition to the resident faculty, you need outside lec-
turers. You should get the best lecturers available in the country.
The war colleges generally have succeeded in getting the best experts
to lecture on their platform on their specific area of knowledge. Cer-
tainly it is possible to get lecturers from among the upper 5 or 10
specialists in the country. Private universities do not have such a
selection of lecturers.
I think the courses should be divided into graduate and under-
graduate courses.
The course work should consist of lectures, which should be fol-
lowed by discussions and seminars. For example, in the War Col-
lege, you have a lecture in the morning, which takes about an hour.
Then the whole class and the lecturer have a discussion which takes
about 45 ' minutes. Finally, the class breaks up into seminars, where
the problem is discussed in detail by the students, with a faculty ad-
viser present.
Furthermore, there should be visits. I would say, for example,
some visits would be useful, particularly when you have foreign
students, to American corporations, to American labor unions, to
Congress, to legislatures, overseas, and so on. There are many
places you can profitably visit, and, of course, war colleges do take
trips at the end of their school year.
You have to provide the students with a great deal of research
data-books, chapters of books, articles and research papers, and
documentary films. One difficulty is that there is a great mass of
material which must be condensed to make it mana.oeable. This is
just one of the jobs that requires a good and strong stat.
I think the courses should be divided, into graduate and under-
graduate courses.
You must see to it that the students do a lot of work in the library,
and perform actual, genuine research. Workshops would be used
to work out joint solutions, and act as simulated staffs, or even gov-
ernments to practice in problem solving. If you have foreign stu-
dents from different countries, working together, Asians and Africans
joining Europeans and Americans, in such workshops this could lead
to excellent intellectual contacts and mutual understanding. This
would be a more effective method to reach this goal of our foreign
policy, about which we do a lot of preaching.
Of course, each student should write an original thesis.
You need a research department to work up all kinds of basic
data, including new information, new documentation, new analyses,
presentations of the historical background, and also preliminary
analyses of newly emergent problems.
You need a translation department, for two reasons. If you have
foreign students, ' for sure you need it. I think one of our great
difficulties at present is that many troubles arise in areas where we
do not have linguistic ability. We can handle very readily European
languages, ')=Russian to a lesser extent, some Chinese, but where the
African and Asiatic languages are concerned, we are in bad shape.
In addition to helping students who have language difficulties, all
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND. FRFFDOM ACADEMY 93
the students need translations from all the significent areas in the
world.
A production department would be needed where textbooks, hand-
books, or treatises can be written.
And lastly--perhaps this requires a bit of imagination-you may
want a setup which could take outside contracts, for example, from
a foreign government or a department or corporation in a foreign
country which wants a program worked out for some reform. Maybe
this department of the Freedom Academy could be of some help in
the application of the principles it teaches.
Senator HRUSKA. You mean if Dr. Castro wanted to get some ideas
on land reform, he could get it there?
Mr. POSSONY. We might be able to help him to accomplish some-
thing of value. Maybe we could tell him how he really could do it
if he has the interests of the Cuban people at heart, rather than carry
out a doctrinaire program.
Who should participate? I think, in the United States, you want
to address yourself to two main groups outside the undergraduates.
First of all, you should have students from the Government and the
military services; in other words, people who, in their professions,
whether they want it or not, are concerned with political warfare. And
you should have professors who are teaching these subjects or related
subjects throughout the educational system of the United States, so
that you have some kind of a snowball effect. In addition, obviously
people from public life, newspapermen, authors, political persons and
traders, and members of industrial corporations-this is very difficult
to organize because these people must have time to attend these schools
possibly some kind of a compromise could be worked out-for example,
short courses for this purpose, or public lectures, or extension and
correspondence courses. These are details I do not think I should go
into except to indicate that solutions should not be inflexible.
Furthermore, you should have students from the free world, in-
cluding the neutral countries. Additionally you should have a goodly
number of political refugees from behind the Iron Curtain.
Point No. 5; the principles of the Academy.
Senator HRUS A. Dr. Possony, before you get to point No. 5, the
principles, in regard to these students, you said some of the under-
graduates would be in universities or colleges?
Mr. POSSONY. No, this would be a university in its own right.
Senator HRUSae,. In its own right?
Mr. PossoxY. Right. This would be a political science school, per-
haps the one political science school in the United States where all-
literally all-of the political and social sciences are brought together.
Students would go to that school for reasons of genuine personal in-
terest. The Freedom Academy should be of the highest attainable
academic standing.
Senator Hxtsga. As far as undergraduates are concerned, how
much preschool. education, or training would they conceivably have?
Mr. Possowr. Well, a B.A., no, before the B.A. I would say this
is a complicated problem, because foreign students have one level
of education and American students have another level at a given age.
You might have to compromise on this. But I have in mind an under-
graduate department in the sense of an American college.
42781-59-7
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Senator HRUSKA.: Well, you see, we run there into a matter of dupli-
cation of facilities and so on. There are certain things which can
be furnished in other universities, if they are nearby, or colleges. May-
be, after all, funds or the availability thereof may be a factor in this
thing.
Mr. PossoNy. That is right.
Senator HRUSKA. I do not know that we are just going to dip into
the Treasury indiscriminately and say, boys, help yourself. So, when
you talk in terms of university, I have an idea that you are going to be
restricted pretty much to the idea that there should not be a duplica-
tion of existing facilities.
Mr. PossoNY. This is probably true.
Senator HRUSKA. So I say, would it be that this school that you
speak of, where would it be located? Would it be located in the
proximity of other colleges or universities where some of these courses,
some of this training might be gotten in other institutions? Not in
the specialized area, but in the c eneral area of education?
Mr. PossoNY. This is true, 'enator. However, this splitting up
into various universities, in order to take courses at several institu-
tions, might not be too ideal or practical, I would say, even when facili-
ties are very close by, because after all you have traffic and scheduling
problems, and you might get the very duplication you want to avoid.
But, perhaps the undergraduates should be on the B.A. to M.A. level,
and the graduates on the M.A. to Ph. D. level.
Senator HRUSKA. That would answer my question, because then
they would come in with certain academic equipment on which they
can build.
Mr. PossoNY. That is right. This may be preferable than to study
more or less advanced political sciences immediately after the high
school level. I think a little more mature background would be better.
Senator HRUSKA. What threw me off was the use of the word "un-
dergraduates." Usually, we consider those who have just completed
their secondary education as undergraduates.
Mr. PossoNY. That is right.
Now, the principles of the Academy, in my opinion, should be as
follows :
There should be no uniformity and no dogmatism in teaching. You
should not put down a party line. This would defeat the purpose.
You should make sure that the various points of view are covered,
really covered, not just simply a theoretical commitment which, in
fact, means that one line is being presented, while the other lines are
being cut out.
The teaching should be factual, objective, and complete as to docu-
mentation. If the proper facts are brought out-if a major effort is
made that all of the facts are brought out-this teaching should be
very effective and we should make precisely the impact we are trying
to make.
There should be ample discussion, completely free. Each student
should be in a position to make his views known, but, of course, the
discussion must be run in an orderly fashion, and if it were used to
make some kind of soapbox oratory, that will have to be cut out, as it
would be in any university.
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There should be complete adherence to the scientific method in fact-
finding and analysis. I should say there should be a full exposition
of the political philosophies involved, those of communism, those of
democracy, and of other political creeds as may be relevant.
There should be a complete exposition, analysis, and discussion of
ethical problems, political ethics, and also an analysis of motivation.
In other words, we should not simply take motivation for granted.
Obviously, we would like to have students, and should be able to get
students who have a certain strength of motivation, but we should not
rely on this motivation as a sort of spontaneous commitment. The
man should know why he is motivated, and his motivation should be
discussed with him. If it is discussed with him thoroughly in a good
factually scientific and moral manner, I think his motivation will be
strengthened.
We should not assume that democracy is a static solution to various
political problems, a solution which was found in the 18th century
and which needs no improvement. Democracy is a continuing chal-
lenge. This is a point of particular relevance to oversea students,
who obviously are not helped by understanding that things work
pretty well in this country, especially when they know also that things
do not work so well over there. Their question is : How are they
going to contribute to make their own system function better? I
think we should address ourselves to this problem in a much more
meaningful way than we have done so far.
The Academy should aim at finding creative solutions which can
be adopted through evolution and reform. We should make sure that
they understand the commitment to revolution is a bad way of im-
proving the political system.
We should insist on completeness of coverage. We should also
adopt the principle of mutual instruction, which is being used effec-
tively in our war colleges.
The student is a man who happens to be a student; that is, he is
not necessarily a man of inferior knowledge. Similarly, the instructor
is a man who happens to be on the faculty. But he is not necessarily
a man with knowledge superior to that of the students. Obviously
all students and instructors in a national war college have a great
deal of practical experience and knowledge. Everybody there is
some sort of expert in one or another field. As they sit down around
the table and discuss large problems, they are instructing each other.
This, I think, is a perfectly good method. Obviously, some man has
to go up and give a speech; he is, in essence, a keynoter. He sets the
pace, defines the problem and initiates the discussion, but he does not
impose solutions. If he preaches panaceas, he is bound to be shot
down. Through this method of mutual instruction, you render the
students sensitive to the one-sided view of "experts" and you teach
them to handle both the details and the generalities of broad problems.
This also bears on the relations between American students and
foreign students. The Americans learn from the foreigners, even as
they are teaching them, and of course, what you really get is a mutual
exchange of information on an international basis.
I think another point, perhaps minor, must be mentioned. The
foreign student should be well qualified in English.
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I think that two-thirds of the course should be mandatory. The
electives should be tied to the subject the student chooses for his
dissertation.
I believe there should be academic degrees, because in my concept,
theAcademy would be providing a bona fide educational effort. If a
man gets a degree in the end, he will be happy, and if not, he would
feel unjustly penalized. I sometimes get a little irritated when I find
out that the National War College does not enjoy the academic recog-
nition it deserves. Any small college seems to be rated by the aca-
demic community higher than the National War College. This is
simply unfair and academically utterly unjustified. If a man is a
good student in the National War College, he can hold his own in any
college in the country. And all universities should be happy to give
him credit for his term in the National War College.
M last point concerns the curriculum. I believe the Academy
should offer a 2-year course. I realize this is long. On the other
hand, we are dealing with a very broad subject, and even if we made
the greatest effort at streamlining data and teaching-and certainly
this should be done-still a lot of subjects would have to be covered.
During the first year, I would teach general background subjects,
such as scientific method and problem solving, ethics and morality,
concepts of political philosophy, history of democracy, history of
communism, including their ideological and organizational histories;
also,.the current status of world democracy, the status of world com-
munism, and the status of emergent nations; other ideologies as may
be necessary; sociology; national psychologyi key topical problems.
such as international trade, investment, agriculture, economic and
industrial problems in general, oil, specific questions such as oil, water
problems, problems of space, nucleonics, problems of military security
and internal security, and so on.
In addition to that-this is still background-methods : How do
you legislate, what are the methods of legislation, how do you obtain
international cooperation? How do you use the instrumentalities of
the United Nations? What is international law giving or denying?
How do you organize politically, what is political organization, how
can it be set up, how should it be run? What are conflict operations,
what are peaceful operations, what are the broad strategies of political
warfare, economic warfare, technological warfare and of limited and
total war? What is meant by these terms. What is being done,
what is the history of the problem, what is the threat to you, to the
other country, to the world, to democracy, to the Communist? What
are the techniques of revolution, how do revolutions come about; do
they emerge spontaneously, or are they organized? How do you run
propaganda and how do you recognize propaganda? I would give
considerable attention to propaganda analysis. How do you vacci-
nate, so to speak, your people against mendacious propaganda, de-
signed to hurt you? How do you carry out a program of evolution
and reform?
The second year would be devoted to special problems. I would
think you should have, within this second year, two or three team stud-
ies on individual but broadly conceived problems. Here is country X,
what are its problems, for example, in agriculture or defense? Here
is a team. They should work out specific or overall plans for this
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country. Here is a problem such as water shortages in the world, or
copper shortages. Does it have a bearing on the political struggle?
What are practical solutions?
Furthermore, I would present analyses of the various regions of the
world. This idea is again taken from War College experience.
When I was there, we started out with an analysis of the United
States, went into the British Empire, then into Western Europe
Soviet Union, satellites, Far East, Africa, Latin America. In brie
we made an intellectual tour of global problems.
All this should lead, in the end, to student presentations of individ-
ual theses and dissertations, both on the platform and in writing.
Now, there may be a third year, for postgraduate instruction of
first-rate students. The student could become a team leader for the
teams which handle the individual problems, or he could write a full
length doctor's dissertation. He needs a little time for that. He
also could become a member of one of the research departments I dis-
cussed. Or he could become a member of the faculty on a rotation
basis, or he could go into writing, perhaps with other members of the
group, and see to it that the things he learned in the school will be
committed to print, to be available to whoever could make use of his
data and his thinking.
This concludes my six points, Senator. The conclusions generally,
are that, in my opinion, an all-around Academy for the sociopolitical
sciences, a Freedom Academy, is needed, that such an Academy is
practical, that it can be operated effectively, and that it must be op-
erated by means of the scientific method and within the spirit of a
free society. This must be an educational undertaking; that is, it
must be designed to broaden and sharpen the mind, and the power
of judgment, not just to impart information, let alone an indoctrina-
tion with any particular party line, be it one to our own liking.
On the other hand, this education should be practical, and should
allow a man to be proficient in a pertinent and practical 'ob. The
Academy should not limit itself to just theoretical knowledge. This
would not do the trick at all, since constructive action must be the
goal of. the entire undertaking. The result of such an effort, in my
opinion would be a great strengthening, not only of the chances of
survival of our free society, but an improvement of the chances of a
better free society, worldwide.
Senator HRUSKA. Thank you very much, Mr. Possony.
Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions?
Mr. SOURWINI. I have just one question. This has been so well
organized that most of the questions have been recognized in advance
and answered without having been voiced.
I was much impressed by what Dr. Possony had to say about the
cost, and I wonder if we could put him on the spot and ask him for
his own judgment, which necessarily does not bind anyone, about
what the minimum cost of establishing-put it this way-of setting
up and operating the Freedom Academy for the first 3 years might
be? Not the most that could be spent, not what you would like to
spend, but what you would consider the minimum, a sum of which
you might wish to say, "If you are not willing to go this far, do
not go.
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98 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Mr. PossoNY. That is a difficult question. I would approach it
this way. Disregarding the pay for the students and construction
cost for the building, I think you would need about 20 men on the
faculty, at a minimum, if you have 200 and not more than 300 stu-
dents. I would say you should have a research department of equal
strength, if not larger, and, of course, the library would require 10 or
15 people. Let me refer to my structure here and see that I do not
forget a major problem here.
A translation department. This probably could be farmed out in
some way, because I do not think you necessarily need a man who
reads Burmese when you have two Burmese translations a year.
Nevertheless, you have to budget for this type of thing. You should
have a budget for the acquisition of books.
Now, we have, at this point, I am sure, at least 70 people. At
$10,000 each, that is $700,000 in salaries alone. For 30 secretaries
you would need about $150,000; reproduction and library, $100,000,
plus 20 percent overhead-a total of about $1 million at a rough esti-
mate or $1,500,000 for 500 students as yearly expense for the staff.
In addition, the cost of plant and equipment, which is nonrecurring.
If you want to do a good job, these are cautious estimates.
In addition, the lecturers would cost between $50,000 and $100,000.
As to textbook production, suppose you want to produce two or
three books per year. This costs you for the printing alone something
like $6,000 or $7,000 per book. That is $20,000, $30,000. You must
have the books written which is another 2-year project and would
cost about $20,000 to $25,000 or about $100,000 for a minimal obliga-
tion program.
So I think, in order to operate this thing right, discounting travel
expenses and students' salaries and voyages and the like, the annual
costs of a 500-student school should run to $2 million or a little more.
Closer inspection may show this to be an underestimation. On the
other hand, if research were contracted out, some of this expense may
be recovered.
Mr. SOURWINE. To which would have to be added, as you pointed
out, the cost of setting up your original library of what is determined
to be needed research material.
Mr. PossoNY. I myself, at this moment, as an individual, spend
about $800 a year on books. The reason for that is that these books
on communism are usually second-hand, and the secondhand book
sellers charge an outlandish price for them. Of course, I do not
cover everything -I just cover books of interest to me.
Mr. SOURWINE. Besides which, it is your understanding, is it not,
that this would not be a tuition-free institution, but there would be
some subsidization of those who came to study?
Mr. POSSONY. The officers, of course of the National War College,
for example, are on military pay. They are of colonel's rank and
usually with between 15 and 20 years' service, so that is a high cost
right there.
Now, if you have a large school, you will want an auditorium and
am le space. But perhaps 500 students should be the maximum.
benator HRUSXA. On the basis of the 20 faculty you mentioned,
how many students would that take care of ?
Mr. PossoNy. 200, at the most 300, but this may be very o timistic.
Mr. SOURWINE. If you want 500, multiply the cost by two
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Mr. PossoNY. You have to organize the faculty from two points
of view, management of students and of expert knowledge. One man
might be an outstanding expert on some special facet though he may
not be able to handle any students. Nevertheless, you may need him.
This is a borderline case. I do not necessarily advocate you should
do that but you. should have creative men on the faculty in addition
to teachers and discussion leaders.
Let us say 10 to 15 students for a faculty advisor is not too bad a
ratio, if all students are Americans. If you have a lot of foreign
students, who have many questions and who cannot quite find their
way through, and if you do not want to lose the foreign students,
you had better have a very comfortable ratio between professors and
students. Incidentally, the students' salaries or stipends would run
to $4 million or $5 million, discounting expenses.
In brief, the total cost, minus nonrecurring expenditures for plant,
will be in the neighborhood of $8 million. This is off the top of my
head-,1 have not studied college budgets.
Senator HRTJSKKA. Doctor, what becomes of these people? You
have taken us through 2 years of academic work, a year of postgrad-
uate, work. What becomes of them when they get through 3 years
of schoolirig?
Mr. PossoNY. The American student would go back to his service
or his.department, or to his school, or whatever his affiliation is. I
would say that you probably will do best to recruit foreign students
from foreign institutions. In other words, I do not think you should
pick them off the streets. You should not take a teacher, for in-
stance, who has no pupils, hence he has nothing better to do than to
come to school. You don't want doctors without patients, lawyers
without clients, and you don't want students of ping pong or bowl-
ing to paraphrase Karl Marx.
I think you should make an effort to take people out of local ad-
ministrations, out of local military services, out of local universities,
people who have a very good chance of making a significant public
career-it is not a problem of free education. Tiose men can go back
and can be expected to have an impact. It is conceivable, of course,
that people go back and do not find their country quite as attractive
as it had looked before. This may be an added motivation to them to
improve their system. But that is the chance you take, namely, that
they become disgruntled. If the Freedom Academy were to live up
to my hopes, I would consider this risk small.
Senator HRUSKA. Are there any further questions?
Mr. SOURWrNE. No, sir.
Senator HRuSKA. Mr. Mandel, do you have any ?
Mr. MANDEL. No.
Senator HRUSKA. Thank you very much, Doctor. You have cer-
tainly made a big contribution to our hearings.
Our next witness is Mr. Edward Hunter.
TESTIMONY OF EDWARD HUNTER, PORT WASHINGTON, N.Y.
Senator HRUSKA. You may proceed, Mr. Hunter:
Mr. HUNTER., My name is Edward Hunter, and I live at 64 Webster
Avenue, Port Washington, N.Y.
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11 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
I have been witnessing, reporting, analyzing, and participating in
psychological ' warfare for practically all of my adult life, the first
years as a passive observer, as a reporter, foreign correspondent, and
analyst, and latterly, as a participant, during World War II and for
a short while afterwards.
Many of my years have been spent abroad. That background en-
abled me to disclose brainwashing, the techniques used in pressures
against the mind, for war against the mind, and also the Pavlovian
aspect to it. I did two books on this subject, and have continued in
that specialty all along. I am concentrating now in analysis, writing,
and consultations on matters connected with psychological warfare.
Senator HRUSKA. You mentioned two books Mr. Hunter. Would
you mind giving us the titles and the year of publication?
Mr. HUNTER. ,Yes, the first book, "Brainwashing in Red China,"
was published in December of 1951.
Senator HRUSKA. By whom?
Mr. HUNTER. By the Vanguard Press. That book was about the
destruction of the mind.
The next book, which I had not anticipated writing, was entitled
"Brainwashing The Story of Men Who Defy It," published by Farrar,
Straus. This was on methods by which a mind can be preserved, a
r 'uch more important matter. Both books were based, not on pent-
house thinking, but on first-hand observations and first-hand experi-
ence alone.
I did a number of other books along the periphery of this subject.
The mere fact that there are hearings being held on such a bill as
the Freedom Commission and Freedom Academy measure is itself
very revealing and significant. One would certainly assume that in
mid-1959, after the rape of Hungary and Tibet, on top of the long
past, our Government, through its various agencies, the public, and
private enterprise through its organizations, industrial, trade, and
labor, would certainly be tackling this biggest menace of all time.
The necessity for a bill of this nature can only mean-and we have to
face this fact-that there is a. deficiency, a critical and dangerous lag,
on both sides, official and unofficial, the feeling that they are not
doing the job.
My personal belief, based on well over a quarter of a century of ob-
servation and experience, is that this distrust is well founded. The
place for such apprehensions to be expressed is certainly in the Halls
of Congress. After all, Congress is a repository of power and policy.
It declares war, it determines budgets. This is the business of Con-
gress, the responsibility of Congress. And it is the public's business
too, when such a feeling exists, to prod Congress into seeing that the
Government takes action. The public and the Government, each
by'itself, cannot accept responsibility alone. Each has to coordinate
with the other. Otherwise there will be catastrophe. The plain fact
is that, as a defensive and offensive tactic, the Reds have infiltrated
all spheres of our society-political, economic, legal, medical, certainly
religious, taking advantage of the unlimited trust of others tradition-
all characteristic of the American way of life.
Senator HRusKA. Mr. Hunter, in that list, you did not list education.
Was that by design ?
Mr. HIINTER. Oh, education, most certainly.
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l4'AEDDOM COMMISSION AND F'RDEDOM ACADEMY 101
Senator HxuSKA. Was that by design that you omitted it?
Mr. HUNTER. Oh, no; it was merely that I am reading from my own
'sketchy, handwritten notes.
This trust, this wonderful trust of the American people, this way
of life, was regarded by Red psychological warfare as simply a vul-
nerability, a weakness to be exploited. As I have personally ob-
served during the past couple of decades, they have been exploiting
it to the fullest, callously bringing us to the plight in which we are
today.
Nothing is so vitally needed as recognition of the fact that com-
munism, in the full sense of the phrase, is "psychological warfare."
We shall go down to defeat, to liquidation, as the Reds term it, if
we' do not face up to the fact that we are in this fight, that we are
fighting communism. This would take our psychological warfare
away from the theoretical, and put it on the offensive, in recognition
of the existence of this form of combat.
The importance of our failure to recognize this is one of our basic
vulnerabilities of which the Reds take full advantage. The fact
that, by a bill of this sort, by action of this kind, we shall be entering,
frontally, anti-Communist activities and teaching, would give tre-
mendous hope once again to people all around the world, would itself
be a most important factor in psychological warfare, helping to
restore the fast-dwindling hope and faith in us among people all
around the world. The whole essence of the Communist psychologi-
cal war today, in which they are succeeding, is to convince the rest
of the world that it can have no hope, no faith in us, that people
1have no alternative but to be extinguished or to join the Communist
side.
This bill brands communism as the enemy. It is also intended,
by this bill, to set up a watchdog system to see that its purposes are
fulfilled. It seeks to put an end at long last to the negative policy
we have been following, negative by being simply inactive, by ignor-
ing the existence of communism as the frontal enemy.
A. bill of this sort is also a matter of financing, of money. There
is, in the United States, strangely enough, very little money available
for aid to anticommunism. That is why a situation such as this
exists, where the Government is, at this late date, having to consider
setting up a psychological warfare academy.
Private enterprise has been checkmated, bluffed into not supporting
anti-Communist activities, because of smear campaigns. At the same
time, fantastic fortunes are available for anti-anticommunism and
even for pro-Communist activity.
Here I might point out where Congress could certainly take action,
a big reason why we have not had more money given by the public
for anticommunism, why there has been comparatively none. It is
the question of tax exemption. I myself have learned something of
it in the past few months. I have done some research on it. In
effect, without anyone realizing it, the Government is actually,
through the way tax exemption is being regulated, squeezing out anti-
Communist activity in favor of anti-anti-Communists. For tax ex-
emption purposes, we do not recognize officially that teaching about
the menace of commuinism is. educational, and, therefore, it is not
owed to he the basis for tax exemption.
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102 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Senator HRusKA. Well, educational projects are considered, are they
not?
Mr. HUNTER. Yes, but they have to teach both sides of the question,
otherwise they lose tax exemption.
Senator HRusKA. How do you get over to the other side, the anti-
communism?
Mr. HUNTER. We have to face certain basic facts. I think this
Freedom Academy measure is a first step toward that, not merely the
first step, but recognition that communism is a menace, and that it
can be spelled out, and that education has a proper role in this. Tax
exemption should include anticommunism. As of today, practically
all efforts by people who have money with which to fight communism
have been abandoned. Even big fortunes are involved. They have
tried to set up publications that would tell both sides, so as to meet
tax requirements, but that defeats their purpose, because at this time,
under the coexistence line of the Communist world network, it exactly
fits into the Red psychological warfare program. The line is "let's
see both sides" permanently and artificially, never coming to a con-
clusion ourselves.
The bill would be incompplete if this tax exemption gimmick were
not remedied simultaneously, to permit such money to be contributed
specifically for anticommunism. Still as of today, when a man pro-
vides money under tax exemption for anti-anticommunism, each of
his dollars goes three or four times as far as a similar expenditure by
someone else who wants to fight communism. This is because the man
wants to fight communism is deprived of tax exemption. The im-
portance to the bill we are discussing is basic. If anticommunism were
included in tax exemption, there is no doubt at all in my mind but
what part of the financing, I believe a very large part, would be gladly
provided by private sources.
Senator HRUSE:A. Even if the bulk of the Academy or school were
taken care of by Government appropriation, do you think there would
be that incentive to do it?
Mr. HUNTER. Frankly I do not believe, in our present climate, as it
will exist for quite a while, enough of a budget would be voted by
Congress and become law to meet the real need. We would again be
doing too little, too late.
If we open the door to private enterprise, to people who are willing
to spend money this way, I believe the solution will be easily met.
Only yesterday and today, when I picked up the newspapers, I saw
stories pointing out what a tremendous amount of money is available.
On the first page of the Baltimore Sun yesterday was an article en-
titled, "Program Provides Millions for Training United States
Leaders." When I saw the headline I said to myself, "Ah, here is a
story that has to do with this new Freedom Academy." Oh no !
Despite the tremendous importance of this project, I have not seen
any reference to it in. the newspapers. This article was about a pro-
gram for adult education that it said "might work out as high as $15
to,$20 million a year," one of the incidental contributions of the Ford
Foundation. But nothing for a Freedom Academy that would fight
communism.
There was. an editorial in the New York Times today entitled
"Studying Freedom," and I thought this surely had to do with what
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is taking lace here today. But no, it was about tremendous founda-
tion funds being provided for just a continuous study of so-called
basic issues. Well, certainly, the Communist war on us is the most
basic issue of all.
The decisive flaw in our Communist approach, in the past and today,
in and out of Government circles, has been lack of coordination and
lack of followthrough. It has not been a matter of lack of people,
of dedicated. knowledgeable anti-Communists. They are not lacking
and also, the Reds carry the ball for each other and have a whole strat-
egy for coordination and followthrough, and we have nothing of the
sort, or do the opposite.
As of now, the unhappy fact is that anti-Communists are being
squeezed out. all along the line here in America while they are being
squeezed out, we are shaking our heads and saying, look, there are no
anti-Communists available who are able and experienced for this job.
There are plenty of them. Plenty of them, to compose the faculty for
this Freedom Academy, plenty to do this job.
The rare exception in and out of Government is anyone who is
permitted to call a spade a spade in this anti-Communist fight.
What do I mean by saying these people are being squeezed out?
I mean just that. I mean in Government agencies-the people who
are anti-Communists, who have the know-how of anticommunism
and are anxious to fight it frontally. And in public agencies, too, on
newspapers, in publishing, in public organizations generally. The
dislike of communism as a theory is permissible, or to generalize about
it, but when one pinpoints the evil, when one goes down to earth by
giving names and dates, disclosing specific things, actually hurting
the Communists, then the roof falls in on you.
Senator H:RUSKA. Who causes it to fall in? You mentioned, a little
earlier, smear campaigns as figuring in the lack of desire for partici-
pation by private enterprise in this anti-Communist combat. Now,
who generates it? Where does it come from? What is the nature
of the smear campaign to which you refer?
Mr. HUNTER. This is part of the Communist psychological warfare
that is being waged on all fronts, exploiting a state of mind which is
not Communist.
Senator HRUSKA. For example?
Mr. HUNTER. This state of mind is based on the way we have
brought up a generation, that the customer is always right, that you
must not be what is called antisocial, that if you are in a group of
people and one person picks up a glass of water and calls it what it
is-a glass of water-and the others say, "Why, that is a flower vase,"
it is considered impolite to disagree. If the person insists it is a glass
of water, he is advised to go to a psychiatrist. All that our young
people who were captured in Korea aid-those who did as the Com-
munists asked-was to follow these teachings given to them in home,
school and church back here in, America, to "get along." When they
-
sm
- -- -
.._---..,..~,..,
,
-- --------a
why, they were just "getting along."
of this really un-American approach. The methods being usedV to
squeeze out numerous anti-Communists who have experience and
capability-you are having a number who are perfectly capable appear
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!104 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
at these hearings-ranges through all the techniques that go into psy-
chological warfare, the teaching of which would be the purpose of this
Academy. Lack of knowledge in it is the reason why you are having
these hearings.
We have been maneuvered into a state of mind, into a political
propaganda climate under which, while the Reds howl murder, purge
and arrest wholesale, and stamp out nests of freedom-lovers wherever
they can, bloodily, for all the world to see, we follow the policy of
not being rude. We do not use, as an important official expressed it
to me only a few days ago, the "sledge hammer approach" of calling
communism communism, because that might upset people. Honey
can attract a bear, is the saying, but I don't believe honey will trap
the Communist bear.
We have psychological warriors, but they are being squeezed out
of the field. We have plenty of activists. Anti-Communist war-
riors, people with know-how, are excluded. A major problem for
such an Academy as this bill proposes is that of placement, after
students learn their subjects, so they obtain the opportunity, in and
out of Government, to perform their work. I mean specifically in
Government, in agencies that range everywhere from USIS and CIA
to some other departments, as well as in private life, in business or-
ganizations and even in labor, and in other institutions. It is very
rare that you find anticommunism being mentioned specifically, the
way it is pinpointed in this bill, because the leadership has been lack-
ing We have not taken this kind of a stand.
What this bill would achieve, what it must be seeking, is a change
in approach, a change in policy, plainly and openly, to becoming
plainly anti-Communist, to going on the offensive against commun-
ism. We have never been on the offensive. We are like a football
team, as described to me in a conversation only a few days ago, in
which the manager of our side instructs his team not to make any
goals, or to kick any goals, oh no, but to make sure that the other
team makes no goals, either. That is containment. Well, we may
be a tremendously powerful football team, but the time will come
when our guard will be down, and the other team will kick a goal.
It is just a matter of time when we agree to such rules.
This strategy of merely being on the defensive results in just what
has been happening all around the world. One cannot pick up a
newspaper any day without seeing somewhere where we have been
given a new setback. Under our strategy, the dice are loaded by our-
selves against ourselves. A psychological warfare training insti-
tution that recognizes that the foe, the basic foe, is communism,
would contribute tremendously toward changing this defeatist out-
look.
We are lacking a psychological warfare strategy, a strategy for
fightin communism. We have no real philosophy for it; we do not
even dare mention it by its true name. We are muffing daily oppor-
tunities for lack of the know-how to utilize the opportunities that
present themselves to us. I have sat time and time again, since I
came back to America a couple of years ago, with groups of people
who only required some sort of coordination of action to be developed
to prevent a Communist victory, and they have been unable to obtain
it. We lack operational facilities.
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OMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
M C
FREEDO
The papers only a few days ago were full of a recent psychological
warfare setback given us-given us by fellow Americans, too-in the
Olympics arrangements. Red China is being enabled, in effect, to
replace the Republic of China. Well, at this very time, I've learned
of still another step that the Communist psychological war machine
is taking to keep us off balance, and ultimately lead to our recognition
of Red China, and what this would mean in the loss of all Asia.
Only a few days ago, in the lobbies of the United Nations, I heard
that the Communist Chinese were recruiting a planeload of come
spondents accredited to the United Nations to go to Red China. No,
the Red Chinese were not themselves doing the recruiting; they had
friends doing it. They had the Indonesian delegates doing it for them.
The propaganda intent is that, when this is announced, the reaction
created in America would be, well, we've been caught with our pants
down again; why didn't we do something like that, and this is exactly
the Communist line. A number of other persons have found out about
this latest conspiracy, too, but nobody knows what to do about it.
Senator HR1JSKA. That is the point I was trying to reach, that I was
trying to think of. You say why did we not think of something like
that? Then your next words are, we do not know what to do about it.
What would you suggest? You have made a great study of this, you
have thought about it a great deal. Where would you send some cor-
respondents?
Mr. HUNTER. Well, the very obvious thing should be not to fall into
the Red-set trap, but to expose the plot, not to become
Senator HRUSKA. To expose what, Mr. Hunter?
Mr. HUNTER. To expose the fact that an enclave on American soil
was being utilized by delegations favorable to a regime-a con-
spiracy-which is not recognized by the United Nations, conducting
what is obviously a plot to push the United States into recognizing
Red China, to blackmail the United States into agreeing to the Red
Chinese forcing their way into the United Nations.
Senator HRUS$A. How would you suggest going about that?
Mr. HUNTER. I believe, and it certainly is what the Communists
would do if it were the other way around, we should come right out,
as soon as we find out these facts, explaining and exposing this con-
spiracy. It certainly is not the intent of the Red Chinese to bring a
group of United Nations correspondents to really see what is hap-
pening in China, on the tortured mainland of China, and to permit
the views to be truthfully portrayed. That is not their intent at all.
Their intent is to keep the United States off balance, the way it was
put off balance in this Olympics scandal, the way it has been kept off
balance by incident after incident so that we finally give up the way
the boys gave up in the brainwashing camps in northern Korea and
say, all right, we give in, let us recognize Red China, waking up only
into recognizing Iced China.
Senator HRUSKA. I do not believe you have answered my question.
How do you go about it?
Mr. HUNTf.R. Well, very simply, Members of Congress, the many
private organizations that are anti-Communist, the Committee of One
Million, all should act on this at once. But they need a channel for
coordination. As the situation is now, there is no such channel for
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an anti-Communist approach, no know-how on how to go about setting
it up, for instance, between the members of the United States Senate
and organizations in private life. Psychological warfare is an un-
charted field and under present conditions, those who mention it,
some lonely Senator or the Committee of One Million in a leaflet, are
woefully insufficient. This is a matter of coordination and follow-
through, the way the Red put on pressure, a snowball effect. One
does not require guns for that, one requires a tongue and printer's
ink, and the capacity which psychological warfare provides, the same
way it is done in business, to alert all in the field who are interested.
This very simple first step, alerting each other, is as of this moment
wholly lacking. We have no facilities for it, and it is the basis of
psychological warfare, something which any academy on psychologi-
cal warfare would have to teach and to develop. The first thing to
do in such an incident as we are referring to is to make it public knowl-
edge and another measure, of course, would be to put pressure on
correspondents who accept such tricky invitations. The ones being
used in this maneuver inside the United States are mostly from for-
eign countries. But if there is utter silence about it, this is encour-
agement to them to go right ahead and do what the Reds want. This
is ust one example, a simple example.
Senator HRUSKA. Are you proposing, Mr. Hunter, that the press
should be discouraged from going on a tour of that kind?
Mr. HUNTER. Into Red China?
Senator HRUSKA. Yes.
Mr. HUNTER. Of course.
Senator HRUSKA. You would rather not have them go, is that it?
Mr. HUNTER. Well, for correspondents to go to Formosa, where
they are able to go about without a stage being set, would be one thing.
But correspondents going into mainland China would simply be fall-
ing for a Potemkin setup, a development of Potemkin villages. We
have already had the horrible experience, have we not, of what helped
bring about the fall of China, when the Communists used our press,
important segments of it, successfully blinding us to the fact that
Mao Tse-tung was a real Communist, and the Chinese Communists
were, only "agrarian reformers." -
Senator HRUSEA. You are discounting the press very heavily when
you say they are going into a Potemkin-like setting and not realizing
it, are you not?
Mr. HUNTER. I am talking about reality. I remember the tour of
Red China a couple of years ago by a group of correspondents and
Labor Party leaders from England, which received tremendous pub-
licity and gave tremendous impetus to the campaign in America by
my colleagues in the press and by publishers-not all of them, by any
means-to be allowed to go into Red China. I was in Asia then. I
read letters from people in Red China who participated, who saw the
way parties were set up, rehearsed ahead, rehearsed for days ahead as
if for a, show, for the reception to these British correspondents and
politicians; how every move was plotted ahead, how individuals were
rehearsed. A Chinese who spoke English would be instructed : you
take such and such a Britisher aside and say this and that to him, and
say, I am talking to you all alone, so you can believe me. Why, this
was all a setup- For us to-go-into a trap of this sort, without our know-
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 1IUU~(
ing the ABC's in psychological warfare, would be tragic and a be-
trayal. The mere fact that you are holding these hearings for the
beginning of an Academy to teach psychological warfare shows how
completely we are lacking in this knowledge.
We are utterly lacking in it all along the line. We are even lacking
a simple college of this sort. An Academy that a bill of this kind
would make possible would teach such basic matters as Communist
language. We do not even understand what the Communists mean by
their own words, by their own dialectical materialist words. In an
Academy such as proposed by this bill, chief among the foreign lan-
guages that might be taught would have to be the Communists' own
language. An editorial I wrote about this was published in the Sat-
urday Evening Post only last June 13. The Reds have a code lan-
guage, possibly the main psychological warfare channel they have into
our minds. We have to learn about this. When the Reds use words
that have one meaning to us but a wholly different meaning to them-
selves, our intelligence people, newspaper correspondents and legis-
lators are fooled. Unless they translate these words from the Com-
munist language, the public is fooled, too.
Senator HRTJBKA. Mr. Hunter, would not one instance of that be some
of the interpretations of the Russian Constitution, for example, by
American students and scholars and sometimes lecturers?
Mr. HUNTER. Of course. The Communists, in the Russian so-called
Constitution, in speeches and documents, are saying what they mean.
They are not foolish enough not to know what they mean. They say
it, in the Communist jargon, except when they use English as English
according to Webster, as a confusion tactic. Otherwise, they say what
they mean in the Communist code language. When they say peace,
they mean their interpretation of peace, and the academy would have
to teach the meaning of that word : that peace to them is the condition
that arrives when everybody accepts communism. We constantly re-
peat in our headlines and in Congress what Communist delegates say
about peace, not explaining that the word "peace," is as much a foreign
word when pronounced by the Communist as any word in Chinese or
Greek.
An Academy such as this would have to go into fields of teaching
that face up to the fact that communism is waging a war, that this
is war, and that this psychological warfare includes not only the
overt, not only simple publicity, but techniques that are used on the
battlefield, techniques of deception, techniques that are called clan-
destine or black. All this is part of the psychological warfare being
waged against the United States here on American soil and all around
the world. At least we should know the details. There is nowhere
now where they are being taught.
The Freedom Commission Act, of course, is only part of the answer
in this situation. The basic success of the Communists in their psy-
chological war has been the creation of a propaganda climate. The
propaganda climate of America today is unfavorable to plainly
worded anticommunism. The Communists work at creating a psy-
chological climate. They build up an atmosphere favorable to their
strategy and then the events that take place, the reactions, even of
people who are anti-Communist, is as the Communist phychological
warfare network has planned. The reaction to such a matter, for
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llJc'S I'1 EEDOM COMMISEJON, AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
example, as American newspapermen going into an enemy area, such
as Red China, arous's in our minds only a naive, Red Ridinghood
reaction.
An academy of this sort requires some kind of watchdog arrange-
ment. A great deal of study must be given this. A tremendous
danger exists that, unless we go about this in a very knowledgeable
way, we shall merely be setting up another bureaucracy, an additional
bureaucracy, which would be linked to existing bureaucracies, and
whose policy inevitably would be modified gradually to that of the
previously anti-anticommunism. The watchdog, Freedom Commis-
sion, would have to guard against this. It should consist of only the
few individuals the bill provides, but they would have to be selected
With certain points in mind.
First of all, their motivation must be unquestioned, and among their
motives must be the desire to, fight communism. The bill is worded
in a way that makes this objective plain, that mentions anticommunism
in an unprecedentedly frank manner. The watchdog group, first of
all, would have to be composed of individuals who, in their own
minds, know that to destroy communism we have to call a spade a
spade. We can't do it with just soft words.
Secondly, no matter how well motivated these individuals would
be, they also would have to have actual experience in psychological
warfare. Psychological warfare is as much of a profession, with its
own techniques, as medicine, as electronics. Unless a man is trained
and experienced in it, what he believes he is doing against com-
munism often works out in an anti-anti-Communist or pro-Commu-
nist manner,
A third point that should be required in the selection of a watch-
do gronp is that they would not operate the Academy, but watch to
ma e sure that the policy setup, as announced for the American
public and the world, and which is sure to thrill people everywhere,
that we finally are going to have a school where people will learn the
Communist techniques and how to combat them, is not being quietly
sabotaed.
Mr. SotmwINE. Mr. Hunter, just one question at that point. This
bill provides that the watchdog committee will be composed of Mem-
bers of Congress. You are obviously talking about some other watch-
do ro_Tu.p~.
Mr C1uNTER. No I believe there are Members of Congress who
fulfill these needs. What I, am thinking of is a watchdog group that
would not be composed only of Members of Congress. Members of
Congress change, often frequently, and represent all political com-
plexions, having their own, diverse ideas on how communism can be
combated, how America can be defended. Sometimes, these ideas are
very close to what the Communists themselves desire. They are not
anti-Communists in effect, at all.
If an institution of this sort were set up by the will of Congress,
those in control of it would first of "all have to, sincerely favor its
approach, because far more important in psychological warfare than
know-how is motivation.
Senator IIRUSKA. Mr. Hunter, are you not kind of begging the ques-
tion just a little bit? After all, it must be assumed that laymen out-
side of Congress are also of all political shades of mind.
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Mr. HUNTER. Yes.
Senator HRUSKA. Maybe some of them are a little bit
Mr. HUNTER. Yes, but-
Senator HRUSKA. Let me finish my observation, please, will you,
Mr. Hunter?
After all, the cure is not to get them from Congress or outside of
Congress, the cure is to find some method of selecting them to get the
proper material. Is not that the real problem?
Mr. HUNTER. Yes. The manner of selection, once these require-
ments are laid down, can be flexible. It can be as provided in the bill,
the President doing it with Congress agreeing. Or Congress could do
it itself. So long as these requirements for the job are specified.
Senator HRUSKA. And followed,?
Mr. HUNTER. I did not hear you.
Senator HRUSKA. And followed? Not only must the requirements
be sppecified, but they must be truly and accurately followed.
Mr. HUNTER. Yes, yes.
'Senator HRUSKA. Now, as to whether the choice comes from Mem-
bers of Congress or from the American Medical Association, or the
Kiwanis, or the Rotary Club, does not make too much difference.
Mr. HUNTER. That is not so important. If it is an alert, repre-
sentative segment of American society, from the Executive to private
enterprise, it really is not so important. It is the individual selected
who is important, and there are many available. There is Herbert
Hoover, who has been President of the United States, and out of
Government for a long time, who knows psychological warfare.
Senator HRUSKA. Mr. Hunter, the chairman must leave to attend
another committee. The Chair would like to announce that tomor-
row's witnesses will be Congressman Walter H. Judd, of Minnesota,
Mr. Herbert Philbrick, of Rye, N.H., Dr. Leo Cherne, Research In-
stitute of America, and Lt. Col. MacArthur H. Manchester, Reserve
Officers' Association, of Washington, D.C.
Now, will you continue with your statement, Mr. Hunter; and, Mr.
Sourwine, will you please close the hearing if I do not get back here
an time?
Mr. SoURwiNE. Perhaps the Chair will leave the order that if Mr.
Hunter should. finish before the chairman returns the subcommittee
will automatically recess until tomorrow morning.
Senator HRtrSKA. It is so ordered.
(Senator Hruska left the hearing room at this point.)
Mr. HUNTER. A watchdog group of this sort must be_ an expert
advisory group. Obviously its reports, for it certainly would make
reports, would have to go to the appropriate committee of Congress,
to existing Senate and House committees such as Government and
Foreign Relations. This is not to be rivalry or to duplicate the work
of other committees, but to fill a gap where no committee has existed,
,a gap responsible for our consistent setbacks in psychological warfare.
An academy set up by the Government, with a commission also set
up by the Government, even if composed partly of individuals in
private life, must not become just another bureaucratic enterprise,
susceptible to all the twists and turns of demagogs. Perfection is
impossible. If we wait for perfection, we would never accomplish
anything. But we can make sure, within reasonable limits, that
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110 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
bureaucracy is prevented from taking over from obtaining a control
that would paralyze or change the work of a Psychological Warfare
Academy.
The measure, fortunately, spells out the anti-Communist objective.
This must remain paramount. It should also spell out, and to a great
extent it does, its function to teach and encourage existing anti-Com-
munist elements, and those coming into existence in private life here
and abroad, so that we can create a psychological climate favorable
to the free world, to replace the poisonous climate we now have on
this matter of fighting communism in the United States. What I
have seen of psychological warfare convinces me that such a. change of
climate can be achieved much quicker and far more completely than
people suspect.
The Academy, too, should be composed of, and welcome, volunteers.
Indeed, General Chennault's Flying Tigers can be a symbol of what
is meant by volunteers. For our side, the word "volunteer" is actually
the dictionary word as found in Webster. It is not doubletalk, as
amonn the Communists. As we all know, the "volunteers" that the
Red hinese army sent into Korea were not volunteers at all. For
our side, we have plenty of dedicated anti-Communists everywhere
on earth, who only want the opportunity to volunteer in this great
crusade. Instead of a foreign legion-the idea of a foreign legion
belongs to old-fashioned warfare-volunteers can be encouraged and
developed all around the world. They are eager, and volunteers would
inevitably turn up inside the Iron Curtain countries, too. Once the
ball starts rolling, this project would be a great factor for peace. The
Communist world is off balance; and if the Red hierarchy realized
that the populations of the satellite countries and the peoples of
Soviet Russia and Communist China whom they know hate com-
munism would find ways of attacking, they would not dare to take
such military action as they would- otherwise take if they were able
to deceive their populations into believing that we were not fighting
communism, but that we were fighting Russia; that we were not fight-
ing communism, but were fighting China. The Academy we are dis-
cussing would teach editors and legislators not to talk and write, as
they are constantly doing, of the Russian enemy, of Russia doing this
and that, when it is not Russia, but the Communist hierarchy in Russia.
The Russian people are as much against communism as anybody in
the world. The people of China are certainly as much against com-
munism, more so than the people in America, because they know
bitterly from experience what communism is.
There are a number of vulnerabilities-traps-that the Freedom
Academy would have to knowingly avoid. For instance, the simple
matter of student selection. One might say, we have so many hundreds
upon hundreds of foreign students coming into America, let us open
wide the doors of the Academy to them, so they will learn how to fight
communism and go back to their countries and be volunteers in this
work of combat. But a proportion of the students are themselves, in
effect, being infiltrated into America. In some parts of the world,
police informers and others linked to the secret police are maneuvered
into scholarships, and those dedicated to free world principles elimi-
nated, sometimes even after being selected for scholarship in America.
I came across a number of such instances abroad.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 111
The comparison of such an Academy to West Point should not be
unthinkingly accepted. Our military schools teach basic military
techniques, knowing that from year to year, from generation to gener-
ation, the nations involved change. But this Academy would have
as its fundamental premise the fact that communism is the main en-
emy - it would specifically teach about this enemy, the psychological
warfare that this enemy engages in, and the psychological warfare
that we must wage to defend ourselves against that enemy, and to help
liquidate that enemy.
Actually, the situation in America is far more favorable to anti-
Communist activities, to a project of this nature, than it superficially
j appears. The :mere fact that this project is being considered is evi-
dence of it. Never before have I come across so many persons, groups,
and organizations who are alert to the menace of communism and are
trying to do something to fight it. Never before; but never before,
either, have I found so many persons, groups, and organizations who
want to fight communism, or are trying to do so, with the feeling of
being isolated, being boxed off, of being in a hopeless situation and
being squeezed out. They are spending their energies just barely
surviving.
This obviously is a contradiction, and it does not make sense. It
reflects the success the Communists have had in their psychological
warfare in the United States. Coordination and followthrough, which
can be easily taught by the Academy and rapidly put into practice
would automatically eliminate the contradiction, because then the
vast number of people and groups in America who are alert to commu-
nism will no longer feel boxed in, will know that they belong, and
have the overwhelming support of the population. This contradiction,
too, reflects our lack of leadership. The top must take the lead; no
matter how important and anxious people are, private citizens and
organizations are pretty much stymied on such matters, unless there
is leadership by official sources, on top. A bill of this nature would
be a decisive element in showing that the top is assuming the responsi-
bilities of leadership.
The Freedom Commission Act, too, would tackle the decisive factor
of character and convictions. It is basically a matter of character.
Our consistent setbacks by the Communist international network ex-
ploited the softening up in our character. Our experience in Korea
is a vivid example. The bill, too, helps implement U.S. policy on this
ver point. A code dealing with character has been set up by the
U.S. Government for Americans who happen to be captured in the
future. In the accompanying documents that the President signed in
connection with this prisoner of war code, and in the documentary
report on prisoners of war made for the Department of Defense, it
has been spelled out that this is the responsibility primarily of home
school, and church. Unless convictions, unless character, is retore~
to the American people, there can be no more success against enemy
psychological warfare than our men had in the Red POW brainwash-
ing camps in Korea.
An academy of this sort, teaching U.S. objectives as part of its
responsibility, implies this reform in character to what it was not too
many years ago, and in that way would be implementing U.S. policy.
Actually, the American people are way ahead of their Government as
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112 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
regards the peril of communism, and the need to face it frankly and
courageously.
I have been constantly told that our people are apathetic regarding
communism. I have found this to be a libel on the American people.
They are not apathetic, but they are frustrated. They are constantly
being given only doubletalk on communism. Under a distortion of
the correct theory that we should see all sides of every issue, we are
oiily being given conflicting viewpoints, without any conclusion ever
being reached. The right and the wrong are artificially kept equal.
Each time we describe something unfavorable to communism, under
a twisted version of tolerance, we have to point out something favor-
able to it, or at least be anti-anti-Communist. This is supposed to be
what is meant by being "fair." And that is so much hogwash.
Of course, any normal human being who comes up against a situa-
tion of this kind is frustrated. Of course he then goes to the television
to see Western and other escapist shows. He wants specific answers
to be given to him. This measure which sets up for the first time-it is
almost inconceivable that it would be the first time-a psychological
warfare school frankly recognizing communism as the enemy, would
help remove the frustration and the confusion in so many minds, and
the apathy would automatically fade away with it. Because what this
bill actually does, and this is what it has to do, is provide the genuine
spirit for what we constantly observe in communism, its quack religion.
The bill provides for a new type of missionary, a missionary of the free
world, who will crusade for freedom. Very significantly, one of the
two legislators who initiate this bill is a missionary himself, a mission-
ary doctor. As part of his inherent missionary qualities, he sees the
need today to extend the crusading spirit to psychological warfare for
the defense and security of the free world.
This Academy would be a seminary for a new crusade of the spirit.
We must face up to the fact, too, that this bill is a declaration of
war by Congress against the international Communist movement.
Congress is the repository of this right, and the bill would be a decla-
ration that the United States no longer will sit back and continue
taking a licking, sitting down, unprepared for psychological warfare,
just as unprepared as that reconnaissance plane which, a few days ago,
was shot up and only miraculously spared from total destruction, be-
cause its guns had been spiked. This is very symbolic of our situation
in psychological warfare today. It was not the Reds who spiked those
guns, it was ourselves. It is not the Reds who are preventing us from
defending ourselves against communism in a frontal manner; it is
ourselves.
The impact abroad of the establishment of such a Freedom Academy
would be overwhelming. Faith in America is declining fast, espe-
cially since Hungary and Tibet. The whole communistic technique
is to point out to the peoples abroad that the United States has no pol-
icy, actually, against communism, that we go with the wind, that we
talk piously, but that when somebody climbs out on a limb on our
mutual behalf as the people in Hungary did, as they are doing today
in Tibet, we become silent, we turn our faces elsewhere.
This actually, and I shall conclude with this point, is a measure not
for war but for peace, because the Communist world is off balance,
and by keeping it off balance, instead of enabling it to artificially put
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us off balance, it will be prevented from engaging in a total shooting
war, because its own peoples would be the very first to take the oppor-
tunity to obtain freedom. The only danger, and this is the desperate
move we would have to guard against, would be of a Pearl Harbor
sneak attack, a Pearl Harbor sputnik, in which automatically, before
the peoples of the anti-Communist world could rise up and do any-
thing about it, the victory would be won by the Communist hierarchy.
That is what we have to circumvent and prevent. The policy change
that the creation of a Freedom Academy of this character would con-
stitute, would guarantee true peace and a gradual crumbling of the
Communist edifice.
I thank you.
Mr. SouxwINE. I am sure that if the Senator were here, he would
express the thanks of the committee, Mr. Hunter. I want to thank you
for him and for the committee. It was a very fine presentation, and
I know the committee appreciates your appearance here.
I should like, to announce that Mr. Joseph Z. Kornfeder, of Detroit,
Mich., is ill and will not be here. He did furnish the committee with
a statement. That statement, at the chairman's request, will be in-
serted in the record at this point.
(The statement of Mr. Kornfeder is as follows:)
Mr. Chairman, it seems that I am the only one amongst the witnesses to
appear in favor of S. 1689 who has actually gone through a type college that
this bill aims to create. As many of you probably know, I have spent 3 years
at the Lenin School in Moscow, and I was for about 2 years attached to various
committees at International Communist Headquarters. The Comintern and
the training colleges were, of course, closely interlinked. If I understand the
purposes of S. 1689 clearly, you aim to create with that measure the type of
college for political counterwarfare similar to the Lenin School but only in
reverse. S. 1689 would, of course, not be needed except as a countereffort to
the type of warfare with which the Kremlin aims to conquer the earth.
We may perhaps see the scope of this thing in clearer perspective if we look
back into recent history. Only about 50 years ago a group of ragged Russian
intellectuals embarked upon certain methods of fighting existing society from
within, now known as political warfare. It is a method of infighting and of
conspiratory organization so effective that within a period of 40 years they
were able to create an empire of 900 million plus an organized subversive move-
ment of millions inside the areas of the West.
The Lenin .College was Lenin's idea, but he did not live to see it realized.
Lenin through this type of training aimed to do on a much larger scale what
he and his group had done in Russia. Lenin aimed to train other intellectuals
in the methods he had devised so that this thing could be done far more wisely
and with much more system to it. As you probably know, Russia itself was
conquered by these types of method, but when I was in Moscow the same thing
was being prepared to be done in China. For that purpose there was what was
known as the University of the East in which Chinese Communists were being
trained on a large scale. Much of the leadership of the present Chinese Com-
munist Party acquired its know-how in the Far Eastern University of Moscow
and that includes Ho Chi Minh and many others of the Asiatic leaders outside
of China.
At the same time many of the leaders of the present East European satellites
were being trained at another college also located in Moscow known as the
Western University. Do not be misled by the name "university." These are not
institutions like our universities. All the training colleges I mentioned are en-
tirely preoccupied with the art of creating discontent and organizing and manipu-
lating discontent in the areas in which those trained there operate. There are
also other colleges all aimed at the same purpose. I would estimate the total
turnout of trained personnel thus turned out since 1928, when the first batch
graduated, at about 120,000 men and women, or an average of about 4,000 a year.
This then is the officer corps which carries out the Wremlin's type of warfarg
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114 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
on the five continents and In it is contained the real secret of the successful
penetration of the West.
You may also be able to get the scope of this if you had a chance to inspect
the library In Moscow which feeds the colleges with the necessary textbooks.
The library, about the size of our Congressional Library, full of books, all of
which are concentrated on the problem how to organize, how to agitate, how to
infiltrate, and to undermine our type of society. Never before has such a huge
collection of material been assembled to teach this type of warfare.
in addition to the training system above enumerated in which at least 600
American Communist leaders were trained, including Steve Nelson, and an even
larger number from the Communist Parties in South America, an area on which
Moscow is now concentrating, there are spread all over the five continents minor
Communist training schools, but all of them are patterned on the training system
In Moscow and the same text material is used. In this connection it may interest
you to know that the cost of all this type of training and all of the text material
and much of the operational expense resulting from it is all defrayed by the
Soviet Government, although officially they will deny and have denied the, very
existence of the whole thing.
A word now as to who teaches in these colleges in Moscow which will give you
an Idea of the importance attached to this type of training by the leaders
of the Soviet Government. In addition to the routine staff which carries on
the day-to-day work, Joseph Stalin himself taught there ; so did Trotsky while
he was still in Moscow ; Nicolai Bukarin, a member of the Russian Politburo and
Lenin's second as theoretician ; Otto Kunsinen, erstwhile secretary of the Com-
intern and now back in prominence again ; Dimitri Manuelsky ; and others.
May I say a few words also on the question whether we can successfully
create a college to fight their type of warfare. Well in my opinion it is not
a matter of whether we can, we simply must because if we continue to ignore
the enemy on this front, we and our successors may not be here to talk about
it in 40 years from now as Khrushchev said.
For if they could do what they did starting from scratch in the last 40
years, they can with the present means at their disposal do much more in the
next 40 years.
I am also one among those who believe that we can successfully engage
the enemy on this front and create an effective training college for that purpose.
I think the potential staff for such a college Is now available and they can
also create the necessary textbooks.
It is, however, not a mere matter of learning from them. On the contrary,
much of their methods based on the penetration of an open society like ours
cannot be used in reverse. In other words, we must devise methods of pene-
trating a closed society like theirs, a problem which has not yet been solved,
and much of it will be solved only when we begin to seriously wrestle with
it. And then there Is also the problem of countermethods against them In the
West, problems of specialization according to area, population stratification, etc.
In the main, Ideas must be fought with other ideas, organization with
counterorganizatlon, tactics with countertactics, etc.
S. 1689 in my opinion creates the prerequisite for such a countereffort and
it is not a duplication of efforts by other agencies. On the contrary, it can
make these other and scattered efforts at least indirectly more effective. Much
of course depends on how this thing will be staffed after it is created. It took
Moscow, even with the guidance of leaders experienced in political warfare,
several years to get this type of colleges going effectively. Patience is needed.
If the whole thing is however staffed by milk-and-toasters it will be but a
toothless affair, if not worse, for even a tiger cannot bite without teeth. The
Voice of America and Radio Free Europe is also a very good idea, but if
some real teeth were added, it would be much better.
Some say that it is late in the day of history and that there is no time left
for a countereffort along these lines. They say that the military showdown
will settle the whole thing. I doubt it very much because Moscow is doing
quite well as is. Their huge military buildup is not to substitute political
warfare but to balk up the aggressiveness thereof. We must, of course, have
a corresponding military buildup as a safeguard, but even with it all we will
finally lose everything if we do not meet the Kremlin on this long neglected
front-political warfare.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Mr. SouRWINE. So that the record will be clear, Mr. ICornfeder not
only has a three and a half page statement, but he also has an exhibit,
being the curriculum of the Lenin University, which he attended,
which it seems is pertinent to this subject matter. At the chairman's
request, that also will go in.
The exhibit referred to is as follows:)
JOSEPH Z. KORNFEDER EXHIBIT
CURRICULUM, LENIN UNIVERSITY, Moscow, U.S.S.R., (AS OF 1344)
TEXTBOOKS ON MILITARY SUBJECTS
s
(NOTE.-The instructors on military subjects were all Red Army staff officers
of the high command. They perform under party names and often are not at
all introduced to the students ; they just take charge. Occasionally a known
member of the high command like Marshal Simeon Budenny lectured in Russian
on this subject. The staff officers instructing are men who specialize on foreign
military problems and participated in the events they are instructing about.)
Textbooks
On War, by Clausewitz, the Karl Marx of German military theory. (Trans-
lated from German.)
Construction of the Red Army During the Revolution, by Antonov Ovseyenko.
(Translated from Russian.)
The Civil War, Military Problems and Civilian, by Bubnov. (Translated from
Russian.)
Strategy of Civil War, composite book by Bubnov, Kamenev, and Eydeman.
(Translated from Russian.)
Red Army and Civil War Politics, by S. T. Gussev, former representative of
the Comintern to the United States, under name of "Green."
Fighting During the Revolution, by Bukharin.
The Class War, by Tuchachevsky. (Translated from Russian.)
Civil War Politics and Insurrection. Excerpts from Lenin's writings.
Political and ideological preparation for armed insurrection.-Key theme : (1)
Everyday politics have no sense unless it is consciously preparatory to the armed
struggle for power ; or (2) insurrection is a continuation of everyday politics by
means of arms.
Precondition for successful armed insurrection.-(1) Economic collapse and
chaos in the country; (2) demoralization and dissention among the governing
circles; (3) defeat of the government in a foreign war or its inability to keep
things moving as a result of exhaustion following the war; (4) ability of the
party to take advantage of the situation.
The "peaceful" phase of preparation
Ideological and organizational penetration of Armed Forces (Army, Navy,
police, etc.).-Main theme : To foster antimilitarism and hatred of officers, alleged
objective rank and file; democratization of Army, Navy, etc. Main objective:
Demoralization and decomposition. Subsidiary objectives: Training of young
Communists in the use of arms and information on status and disposition of
forces and armament.
Instruments to be created and used for that purpose: (1) Young Communist
League; (2) student unions, clubs, or leagues; (3) front organizations like the
Youth Congress, auxiliary instruments, teachers' unions, parents' associations,
etc.
Peaceful organization and penetration of strategic services.-Organization of
trade and industrial unions; In maritime and land transports, such as the
National Maritime Union, transport-workers union, longshore and warehouse-
men, etc.
Auxiliary-unions in the communications systems-radio, telegraph, and tele-
phone, like the American Communications Association.
Organization of strategic production services-like unions among oil and
refinery workers; die and tool, instrument workers; automobile, aircraft, and
vehicle workers ; chemical workers ; electrical, machine, and radio workers, etc.
Technical intelligence organizations-like the association of technicians, en-
gineers, chemists, etc.
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Organizations for penetration of government.-Unions of. county, municipal,
and government employees; office and_professional workers; Labor Party, and
Progressive Party clubs and leagues; infiltration of Democratic or Republican
Parties.
benioralization and disinformation instruments.-American Newspaper Guild,
Teachers' Unions, American Association of Writers and Artists, American Peace
Mobilization, committees of liberals, and clergymen for various purposes, Inter-
national Juridical Association, Lawyers Guild, etc.
(NOTE.-This gives only a rough idea of the theme behind the mosaic of in-
nocents an "front" organizations basic and auxiliary fostered by the Com-
munist Party under Comintern direction.)
Tremendous attention is paid by the Comintern to the creation in popular form
of labor confederations like the 010 even if not fully controlled, it gives their
unions within it a big backdrop and reach. This mosaic of organizations once
created can then, be, utilized to, profit from any crisis, confusion, or misfortune
that may befall the country in which they operate or else be stimulated or driven
In one direction or other? according to, the needs of Moscow's foreign policy.
They can be utilized on a vast scale for political sabotage, that is, stimulated
strikes where it hurts most.
Demonstrations disconcerting to the morale of the public, and continued
crescendo of demoralization propaganda. The inner intent of which is in stra-
tegical parlance, "defeat"-of what Moscow considers as its enemies. Democ-
racies are of course considered favored playground and easy marks for this sort
of machinations.
Actual physical sabotage becomes possible on an effective scale once the masses
are sufficiently charged and wired by such ideological preparations. Physical
sabotage is, however, considered secondary to political sabotage and is carried out
only by specially instructed select groups in places and moments where it may
count most.
In order to get the masses involved into these machinations, the mosaic of
organizations sponsor what the masses consider good for them. This "progres-
sive" front shingle has the liberals entangled. In essence, the movement aims
at a reactionary overturn of our constitutions carried out by revolutionary means.
The technique and methods for this were, of course, developed gradually as the
Russian revolution settled down to stark reaction.
During a revolutionary situation, the creation of which is stimulated by these
types of machinations, the activity of this mosaic of organizations can be stepped
up as indicated further on.
"The average party member himself scarcely knows the pattern or intent of the
top strategists, but, being mentally conditioned, welcomes and accepts it as it
unrblls.
Intensified preparation for armed insurrection
Intensification of antimilitarist activity among armed forces. (Objective:
Demoralize, neutralize, recruit.) France is example. Advantage of conscript
army. (Hatred of officer corps.)
Organization on a large scale of a semimilitary, sports organizations, youth
clubs, of many varieties. Intensified emphasis on penetration of non-Communist
and semimilitary youth and other organizations.
Organization and preparation of assault groups : Training and hardening of
the groups in "peacetime" warfare ; organized heckling and breakup of enemy
meetings and demonstrations ; terrorization of opponents by assaults ; punish-
ment of "bad" cops ; organized street brawls ; protecting a demonstration ; peace-
time demonstrations in quasi-military form ; practicing on scabs.
Procurement of armament : Procurement of arms from arsenals, depots, bar-
racks and armament factories, etc. Assaults on arms stores and isolated police
or constabulary stations and cops to obtain arms. Smuggling across border and
by seas. Machine shops as arsenals. (Buying of arms, Molotov cocktails, home-
made bombs, etc.)
Preparation and organization of sabotage (state of tension and panic).-Polit-
ieal sabotage: Stimulation of strikes, demonstrations, street fights, with em-
phasis on strategic industry. Temporary capture and operation of radio stations.
$abotage of government from the inside. (Direct sabotage.) Rail and trans-
port sabotage, organized incendiarism, equipment sabotage.
Thp, planning of the uprising.-Ass ignment of objectives to the assault groups
and commandos. Thorough investigation of objectives and planning of each
individual assault. The theory of engaging and destroying the enemies' vital
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forces and occupying vital central points. The method of arming "left" elements,
mopping up, and. forming the Red guard. The strategy of absolute surprise.
The strategy of relative surprise : Hamburg, Canton. The national aspect-
interior lines : Marching to support government demoralization, Russian revo-
lution. Periphery to center. German revolution. -
Techniques of agrarian insurrection.-Advantage of terrain, distance, and
camouflage. Guerrilla raids. The technique of diversion. Expropriation raids.
Raids on outposts, night activity.
Political and philosophical preparation for seizure of power. Leninism
Strategy of singling out the working class and setting it apart or against all
other classes.
Strategy of organizing a party out of the disaffected and pauperized intelli-
gentsia to lead the working class, which particularly in agrarian countries is
considered unfit to lead itself.
The concept of party as a political army engaged in constant maneuvering and
warfare and capable of rapid transformation into an armed miltary force. The
use of other classes, peasants, middle classes, etc., as strategical allies in the
capture of power.
The transition from a party of revolutionary opposition to a party in power.
Stalin completed. that transition by destroying the old party and its principal
components and creating gradually a new one.
History of the labor movement
The concept that the history of society is the history of continuous class
struggles.
The concept that authority of government is based on a body of armed men in
the service of a particular class and that the problem is to create or possess
oneself of that instrument.
The history of labor is the history of rebellion against the master class from
the time of Roman Empire (Spartacus rebellion) to our time.
The Bolshevik. (Leninist) concept of conquering power combines all the best
out of the experience of the past brought to date. Other movements like the
Socialists, anarchists, syndicalists, etc., are ailments and deviations surviving
out of the infantile past.
Marxian economics
The theory according to which the workers produce all wealth, receive enough
only for their minimum sustenance, while all others live off their backs.
The. theory of the inevitable economic exhaustion and decay of capitalism
through its own greed, and dog-eat-dog conflicts creating a condition for its early
destruction by the party of the revolution.
The theory of the abolition of private ownership in the means of production
and distribution and its replacement by government ownership (state capitalism)
as a transitory economy on the way to socialism.
The theory that a one-party monopoly over the government is essential in order
to guide. the masses through this difficult economic process on the way to
socialism.
Marxism as modified by Lenin's strategical formulas and the needs of Stalin's
policies :
1. Imperialism is interpreted to suit the strategical purpose of organizing
rebellion in the colonies against England, France, Japan, and to sublevate (sic)
Latin America against the United States.
2. Theory of independence of small nations is strategically utilized to create as
much division as possible in non-Russian Europe and elsewhere.
3. Theory of inevitable decay and collapse of empires to create faith in the
sure victories of national independence movements under Russian inspiration
and attract them within the orbit of Russian power politics.
Anything ever written or said by Bolshevik, Socialist, anarchist, liberal, or
reactionary leaders that could be quoted, interpreted, etc., to substantiate said
strategical theories and create a fanatical conviction about them is made avail-
able to the students.
Case in point: The famous black-belt theory, to sublimate the southern Negro
with the mirage of "national liberation" and independence.
Dismemberment and exhaustion of empires aimed at without regard to
consequences to populations involved.
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SUBJECT: Mental Conditionings of Party Members and Workers.-In order
that civil war can be led into a direction desired by Moscow, a thorough prepa-
ration is, needed ; this presupposes the creation of an insurrectionary mentality;
only those thus mentally enmeshed can mentally charge the masses with the
opiates necessary. Mental civil war precedes the physical civil war; to be able
to shoat mental, and thence physical, bullets is the aim of the philosophical
training received.
Textbooks and teachers are conditioned by that purpose.
Textbooks on curriculum subjects
Economics-Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels, N. Lenin, Malstus, Ricardo, Smith,
Hieferding etc.
Politics-Lenin, Stalin, Marx, Bebel, Bernstein, Kautzky, LaSalle, Bismark,
Bukharin, Backunin, etc.
Organization-Lenin, Stalin, Piatnitzky, Gussev, Derchinsky, Sverdlov, Piata-
kov, etc.
(NOTE.-Outside of Marx' Capital which most students find difficult to digest
mentally, the other authorsare given in excerpts and parts or heavily criticized.
Many of the above-mentioned authors, Russian and foreign, have since been
purged and their books disappeared. If their ideas in part are essential to the
teaching of the system, other authors have been given the privilege to present
it as their own.
Vyacheslav Molotov, head of the university, chairman of the Council of Peo-
ples Commissars and present (1953) foreign commissar. Also head of Comin-
tern (Dimitrov being titular head only). Subject: Soviet Politics and Tasks of
the Comintern.
Ossip Piatnitzky, organization (former) secretary of the Comintern. Sub-
ject : Organization Politics of the Comintern.
Otto Kuusinen, active politico of the presidium of the Comintern. Recently
head of the provisional government set up by Stalin during the Finnish in-
vasion. Subject: Politics and Strategy of the Comintern.
S. Losovsky, head of the trade-union department of the Comintern and assist-
ant foreign commissar. Subject: Trade Union Politics of the Comintern.
(NoTE.-These are only the most prominent of the teachers at the Lenin
University, the routine staff used to consist of Rudasz, Mingulin, Kirsienova,
etc. All the heads of Comintern departments teach there, like Vasiliev, Ercoll,
Petrovsky, etc.)
P.S.-This outline as to what is taught at the Lenin School, a political-war-
fare college, was prepared in 1944 from notes taken at the Lenin School. To
make it intelligible to Americans, suitable names and illustrations were used.
The CIO has since cleaned out its Communist-controlled unions and there have
been other changes.
/s/ JosEPH Z. KORNFEDEB.
Mr. SouuwINE. On the chairman's order, the hearing is auto-
matically recessed until tomorrow.
(Whereupon, at 4:05 p.m., the committee recessed, to reconvene at
10 a.m.) Friday, June 19, 1959.)
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
FRIDAY, JUNE 19, 1959
U.S. SENATE,
SUBCOMMITTEE To INVESTIGATE TIIE ADMINISTRATION
OF TIIE INTERNAL SECURITY ACT AND OTHER INTERNAL
SECURITY LAWS, OF THE COMMITTEE ON TIIE JUDICIARY,
Wa8hington, D.C.
The subcommittee met, pursuant to recess, at 10:45 a.m., in room
2228, New Senate Office Building, Senator Roman L. Hruska pre-
siding.
Also present: J. G. Sourwine, chief counsel; Benjamin Mandel, di-
rector of research; and Frank W. Schroeder, chief investigator.
Senator HRUSIZA. The committee will come to order. We will con-
tinue hearings on S. 1689.
We are fortunate today to have with us one of the leading Members
of the other body, Dr. Walter H. Judd, Congressman from Minnesota.
Congressman Judd has a deep interest in this subject and in the
bill.
Dr. Judd, I think you are a coauthor and sponsor thereof.
Would you take the witness chair here and favor us with such testi-
mony and such statement as you care to make?
STATEMENT OF HON. WALTER H. JUDD, A REPRESENTATIVE IN
CONGRESS FROM THE FIFTH CONGRESSIONAL DISTRICT OF THE
STATE OF MINNESOTA
Mr. JUDD. Thank you very much, Senator. I am one of the co-
authors in the House. Congressman Herlong and I introduced the
original bills, H.R. 3880 and H.R. 3881 on the same day last January.
I apologize, Mr. Chairman, for not being able to be here when
you opened the hearings the first of the week as I should like to have
been, but we in the House were working on the mutual security pro-
gram which is the most important bill that comes out of the Commit-
tee on Foreign Affairs during the whole session. So I had to be on
duty over there.
Senator HRUSIKA. We know of your leading role in that legislative
place. We are busy on both sides of the Capitol. No apologies are
necessary, but a note of explanation is always welcome.
Mr. JUDD. I might say for the record, although it is just a. personal
comment, that I am interested in appearing before you because I once
appeared before your father when he was county superintendent of
schools in Butler County, Nebr., and he signed my eighth grade
diploma.
119
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120 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Senator HRusIIA. And thereby giving you evidence that you are an
educated man.
Mr. JLDD. Superior training, I can assure you.
Mr. Chairman, there is a lot of things going on in this world. You
find comments, editorials, and discussions over the television, radio
about this, that, or the other new thing that is happening. There is a
shift, allegedly, in the Soviet position at Berlin one day, and then
a shift in the other direction the next day. People react like a ther-
mometer, going up with the slightest hint of a so-called thaw and
being chilled at the closely following evidence of a so-called freeze.
If there is one conclusion we can draw from this whole cold war
situation after being in it for these many years, it is this-that the
more things seem to change, the more they remain the same. Behind
every one of the apparent changes, there is no fundamental change.
The first thing that remains the same is the Communist conspiracy.
Its objective is fixed; it is world conquest. That does not change, and
it. cannot change unless or until the Communist movement gives up
communism; that is, until these world revolutionists renounce them-
selves., Nobody renounces himself or his philosophy of life or his whole
lifework, at least not as long as he is winning.
You could no. more have communism without this program of world
conquest than you could have Judaism without the Ten Command-
ments, or Christianity without the Sermon on the Mount..
World dominance is the heart of it,. and this is one thing our people
have .not been able to realize or believe.
All these years since 1930 when I was in an area in China under
the control ..of the Communists for 8 months, I find myself trying in
vain to get across one simple idea-that Communists act like Com-
munists. But our people out of their very decency, do not grasp
that. They insist that Communists are going to act like nationalists,
W that. they are going to act like capitalists, or like democrats, or even
like Christians.
Every day ore hears someone say, "Well, I am convinced that the
interests the Chinese Communists have as Chinese will lead them into
conflict with the. Soviet Union." This view is based on the notion
that Chinese Communists are first Chinese and secondly Communists,
or that Russian Communists are first Russian, and secondly Com-
munists.
It is the basic error on our part. When you become a Communist
you give up your nationalism; you are a world revolutionist. The
idea that Communists can be, first. or also, patriots leads us into the
further error 61 assuming that a Communist government will operate
primarily in terms of national interests.
Our concessions at previous summit conferences, beginning at
Yalta, were made in all sincerity in the belief that if we satisfied the
historic national interests of the Soviet Union, that is, a warm water
port in the Far East, security on its west, etc., that would achieve
their objectives and we could get an agreement and peace.
But they are not Russian patriots. They are not working in the
iuterest.of the Russian people. They are using the Russian people to
proinote the world revolution.
In China, the Communist regime is making war, first of all, upon
its own people. It has enslaved 600 million persons. It locks them
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up at night and lets them out in the morning to work in the fields,
only under armed guards.
Communists also are not capitalists. We are always assuming that
if we offer them some trade or raw materials or machinery that would
appeal to us as being advantageous, they will of course, be sensible and
make concessions to get that trade.
But they are not capitalists, seeking profits. They are Communists
dedicated to world revolution.
Also, they are not democrats. They are not interested in sitting
down and working out a settlement in a civilized democratic way.
Why in the world should they want a settlement and an end to the
situation of tension which they have at last managed to achieve and
which is made to order for them?
They are also not Christians. I don't say this in a critical sense.
I say it in an analytical sense. We are always projecting into their
minds our ideas and our values. But they live by their values, not
ours. If we could just get it through our heads that Communists
act like Communists, then we would be prepared to do what is neces-
sary to get out of our state of apathy.
It sometimes seems to me that it is almost a hypnotic stagnation
which can lead to our destruction, not because we are weak, but be-
cause we are slumbering and we can't bring ourselves to believe the
truth. We are too decent.
We don't believe that any group of people could sit down and
coldly, scientifically, calculatingly reject all the decencies that civilized
men have worked to develop to govern their intercourse since they
emerged from the jungle. We have to oppose Communists not be-
cause they are bad, but because they are Communist. They are not
bad, men; they are good men by their standards. They just have a
different set of standards.
This doesn't mean that to deal successfully with them, we have to
abandon our values. It means that we have to find honorable but
tough ways to defeat their skillful maneuvers and to present honestly
and convincingly the things that we believe in, just as effectively as
they are able dishonestly to present effectively the things that they
believe in.
Now, if it is true that the Communist conspiracy remains the. same
with respect to its objective, world conquest, it is also true that its
tactics remain the same. They are completely fluid. Of course that
is part of the reason for their success. They are hard and tough when
they have the advantage. They are soft and smiling when we have
the advantage. This has happened over and over.
I have sometimes thought that their chief practical weapons are the
five T's. The first thing they ask for, when we are ahead, is a truce.
When they were winning at Dien Bien Phu and the French asked
for a truce, the Communists wouldn't give them even a 24-hour truce
to evacuate the French wounded.
When we had the upper hand in Korea, they asked fora truce and
we promptly gave them 2 years during which they were able to escape
from their difficult position, regroup and rearm their deteriorating
forces and build up tremendous defenses in depth so that by the end
of 2 years' discussions it was impossible for us to resume the hostili-
ties without prohibitive costs.
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The second is talk. Some say we never lose anything by tallying ;
but we may when dealing with this kind of enemy. It was during
the 2 years of talk at Panmunjom that they got the H-bomb. It was
during these 2 years of talk, talk, talk at so-called disarmament con-
ferences that they got sputnik. Then they said, no more discussions
on disarmament; and there haven't been any serious ones since that
time.
The third is trade. Whenever they are in trouble they offer trade.
We have grabbed the bait several times beginning in 1933. I don't
think we are going to do that this time, but some of our allies are
grabbing it, because they pare unable to bring themselves to realize that
this is a mortal conflict and more dangerous than anything any of us
have been in previously-more dangerous just because it is so different.
Another tactical weapon is to ask us to trust them. They play upon
our sportsmanship which tends to make us give them the benefit of the
doubt. They ask us to trust them even though they have not done one
thing that justifies such trust.
Of course, the greatest of all their tactical maneuvers is to play for
time. We think time is on our side. I am sure it would be on our side
if we would use it to work in dead earnest; but time is not on our side
automatically especially if we just wait while they are working day
and night.
Truce, talk, trade, and trust-all in order to gain time.
So first of all, the more the Communist world conspiracy seems to
change, the more it remains the same. And it must remain the same.
It cannot change until Communists renounce communism.
The second fact that remains the same is that we cannot call this
cold war off except on their terms-and their terms are surrender. We
have tried repeatedly and constantly to call it off through negotiations.
Three summit conferences were held under three Presidents. It was
in vain. For we cannot call it off except on their terms-and their
terms are surrender.
Now, the surrender must not necessarily be all at once. They are
quite willing to take it city by city and island by island, position by
position, principle by principle. And they don't demand that we sur-
render under the name of "surrender." They know that would be too
difficult, so they are perfectly willing to take our surrender under some
other name, such as disengagement, or a realistic readjustment, or a
new approach.
I haven't yet seen any new approach suggested that didn't amount to
another surrender.
If a football team is doing badly on the 40-yard line, it might say,
"Let's have a realistic readjustment on the 30-yard line," but it is
still a retreat.
A third thing that remains the same is that we haven't been winning
in this cold war because we haven't been trying to win.
We are just like a football team that stands on its 40-yard line and
says, "If you try to come through us, we are going to resist you; but
we want to have good relations with you, so we tell you in advance
that if one of your men should fumble the ball, we'll never grab it and
run to your goal line."
This is why the Communists want more and more conferences.
There is nothing for them to lose. We have told them in advance that
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we aren't going to try to win, so they can go to a conference with com-
plete confidence. They can't lose, and they can win eventually if we
don't do anything except defend. One of their plays will one day
break through. In contrast, we can't win, because we are not trying
to win, and we can lose.
We go to a conference and our maximum is just to maintain the
status quo-please just be nice and leave Berlin as it is.
The status quo is their minimum. Their maximum is a touchdown,
or at least a first down. If they don't succeed in gaining some ground,
well, at least they won't lose any. We are happy if they just leave
things as they are until they can devise the next probe.
Mr. Chairman, nobody has ever yet won a struggle, military or
otherwise, by being only on the defensive and announcing ahead of
time that he is not trying to win.
Why haven't we tried to win?
A basic reason is this : We have assumed in our typical American
self-assurance that if we can just avoid a shooting war, we, of course,
will win any other kind of war.
We assume we will win any economic war, for example. Well, are
we so sure?
We, of course, will always be ahead scientifically. We didn't argue
that or try to prove it. We just took it for granted. But the facts
won't support the assumption.
We, of course, would always be ahead educationally. I was im-
pressed a year ago, at commencement in one of the large high schools
in my city in Minnesota with over 400 seniors graduating, to observe
that the top 5 honor students all came to this country from displaced
persons camps since the end of the war.
What's the reason? Are they smarter than the native-born young-
sters of Minnesota. Of course not. They appreciate America, and
they work harder.
We unquestionably can win the educational struggle if we have the
will; but if the chief objective of a people is enjoyment rather than
hard, stern self-discipline, including the intellectual disciplines of
studying our enemy and studying ourselves and working out effective
means of winning for the things we believe in, then the other folks
will win just because they work harder.
Another thing that we are assuming just now is that if we can
arrange a greater exchange of persons, so that their people and ours
can "understand" each other better, we, of course, will gain in any
such interchange.
Although that could be the result if we have the will to make it so,
I don't think that it necessarily follows. First, because there is not
a real interchange. Who goes over from our side? If it's a farm
group, whatever farmer wants to go. He may be merely curious and
like to go see. He is not trained in dialectics. Very few Americans
have thought out and can state convincingly just why they believe
what they believe.
Put them in a contest with the trained agitator who has learned
dictated answers and our American is all but helpless. He is not
articulate. He hasn't thought it through in precise phases.
So we allow any farmers to go over who want to go. Who comes
over from their side? Only those are allowed to come that are
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trained and tested-persons whom they are sure of and who know
how to be convincing in presenting their side.
We allow journalists to go over to get information. They send
over agents to win victories.
We have our professors and clergymen going over as they wish.
Th send over agents.
Vhave Congressmen and Senators ggoing over. The officials that
come from their side are agents-from Mikoyan down.
L :It, just does not follow that the better system will overcome the
worse, unless the spokesmen for the better are better trained.
We don't say, Never mind about the few rotton apples; bring them
in amongst the manyT~good apples. The good apples will prevail over
the rotten apples. V e know that it is the other way around.
We don't say that it is cruel to quarantine people with TB, small-
pox, et cetera. They ought to be brought in among the healthy.
How can the diseased become well unless they circulate amongst the
healthy? Rather, we know that the diseased will prevail over the
healthy unless precautions are taken to protect the healthy from the
diseased.
We don't say, "Don't worry about an unsound currency or a bad
economic system. Let it associate with ours. Ours is sounder and
stronger. Ours will prevail over theirs." But almost the first law
of economics is that bad money drives out good. It is the other
way around.
We can win these interchanges if we are awake and alert and trained,
and have worked out our philosophy so that we can present it, and
have an organizational setup which will enable us to mobilize the full
strength we really have-intellectual, political, moral, economic-as
well as. military. Only if we mobilize all of them can we be ade-
quately effective.
It seems to. me, therefore, Mr. Chairman, that we are not winning
this cold war as yet because, first, we haven't taken the trouble to
understand this adversary. We haven't recognized that his science
of winning is exactly by the same methods that we use to win in
football-that is, power and deception.
If you have enough power, you go through the line; but if you don't
have enough power, then you revert to deception-trick plays, forward
passes, reverses, and the rest.
`A good quarterback is chosen not because he is a crooked or evil
person. He is chosen because, after training, he is skillful at deceiving
the other team's players, diverting their attention, confusing them.
Likewise, the top man in any Communist organization is there because
he is the most skillful deceiver. If they haven't the power to drive
through Turkey, they shoot a forward pass over Turkey to Egypt, et
cetera.
They do what any good quarterback or good pitcher on a baseball
team does-lie mixes up his plays. The pitcher throws his fast ball,
and then a slow one, and then his curve and then his sinker or what-
ever he vas. We don't get confused by that.. We don't assume that
when he throws a fast ball, all the rest will also be -fast balls. We
know he mixes them up in order to win.
This;}s just what any intelligent Commnist leader does. He mixes
u his tough threats and his soft smiles.- The. smile does not mean
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any thaw or the slightest change in policy. It means he is a smart
quarterback, intent on winning the game-the world. Yet we insist
on believing that because our system, our society, is better than theirs,
it will win out without any feints or diversions on our part, without
any deviousness, if you wish. Rather, we too must master these
techniques if we are to deal successfully with this kind of an enemy
whose primary tactic is not straightforwardness and winning by
merit, but winning by deception.
We are good poker players. We are good football players. But
in the biggest contest in which we have ever been engaged, not by
choice but by necessity, we are inclined to think that just by being
straightforward and open and honest, without much skill, we will
prevail.
Unfortunately, much of history is the story of better civilizations
being overcome by poorer civilizations, when the better civilizations
were not as alert and dedicated and willing to work as hard and as
intelligently as the poorer.
I think it was Toynbee who said, "Whenever the frontier between
two civilizations stands still, time always works in the barbarians'
favor." Why? Because they work harder and to win. They know
what they want. They have more drive, and they are on the offensive.
May I impose upon the committee to read a quotation from Demos-
thenes, supposedly the greatest orator of history. He tried in vain
to awaken the people of Athens to a threat they faced. They were at
the peak of their power; the whole world beat a path to Athens; it led
the world as perhaps no civilization has ever excelled in history. It
led in philosophy, science, education, medicine, mathematics, culture;
art, literature, whatever you can name.
Let me quote a few sentences from Demosthenes' warnings. You
remember his greatest speeches were called the Philippics. Why were
they called the Philippics? Because he was warning his people about
a man named Philip who was picking up the outposts in neighboring
Macedonia-the equivalent of Quemoy or Iraq or Cuba today.
Demosthenes was urging that if the Athenians allowed this barbarian
to pick up the outposts, one day he would knock at the door of
Athens and Athens would go down not because it was weak, but be-
cause it had lost the will to resist.
Demosthenes failed. It was not Philip, but his son Alexander did
take Athens, its civilization was destroyed and has never been recon-
structed 2 300 years later.
Demosthenes said (and one can well substitute Khrushchev for
Philip and the United States of America for Athens), "Do not believe
that his present power is fixed and unchangeable like that of a god.
No, men of Athens, he is a mark for the hatred and fear even of those
who now seem devoted to him. One must assume that even his ad-
herents are subject to the same passions of any other men."
Demosthenes was saying there were great forces against Philip
in his own area, if the Athenians would hold him in check. He was
not strong but, rather, weak because of his tyrannies. If the
Athenians would wake up to the situation, they and the peoples con-
quered by him could defeat him.
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In present day terms, the communes in China are not an evidence
of Communist strength there, but of incredible Communist weakness.
If the people of a country are enthusiastically supporting their gov-
ernment, they don't have to be locked up every night and be denied
the opportunity to live as families, or allowed to work in the fields
except under armed guards. There are terrible weaknesses in the
Communist regime in China.
Demosthenes warned that they had to take advantage of such
weakness. He said :
At present, however all these feelings-
compare this with behind the Iron Curtain-
are repressed and have no outlet, thanks to your indolence and apathy which I
urge you to throw off at once. For observe, Athenians, the height to which the
fellow's insolence has soared. He leaves you no choice of action or inaction.
He blusters and talks big according to all accounts. He cannot rest content
With what he has conquered. He is always taking in more, everywhere casting
his net around us, while we sit idle and do nothing.
,You take your marching orders from him. You have never framed any plan
of campaign for yourselves. You have never foreseen any event until you
learned that something has happened or is happening. All this was once per-
haps permissible. Now things have come to a crisis, so it is no longer in your
power.
.It seems to me, Athenians, as if some god out of very shame for the conduct
of our city, had inspired Philip with this activity. For if he did nothingmore,
but were willing to rest satisfied with what he has already captured and sub-
dued, I believe some of you would be quite content. with what must bring the
deepest disgrace upon us and brand us as a nation of cowards.
Yet, I find people urging us to follow the same course today as
Athens followed then-to its doom.
If we can just get the Communists, they argue, to be content with
the 900. million they already have enslaved and leave the rest of us
alone, it will be all right with us. Vote haven't understood our enemy
and, perhaps, just as bad, we haven't understood ourselves. We
haven t appreciated the power, the liberating force, the dynamism,
that are in our philosophy, our life, and our system.
If we will come to understand these and release them, mobilize
them, ornanize them so that they can work in the world, we will win.
Well, Ir. Chairman, I didn't intend to talk so much about the .
background, but it seemed worth doing because we are in the greatest
struggle of all the history of man on this planet, and these are the
fundamentals. There have always been conflicts and always will be,
but this time every culture, every civilization, every continent, every
coountry, every people is involved. It is total conflict, not only geo-
graphically, but in the sense that it involves every aspect of our
-hives-our economy, our politics, our military strength, our educa-
tional system, the psychological reactions of individuals to their en-
vironment, the forces for them and the forces against them.
So what do we have to do?
First of all we have to know our enemy ; and, second, we have to
know ourselves.
What is required if we are to know our enemy? I think we have
to develop a more systematic study of his objectives, his tactics, his
strategy, and then we have to develop a science for counteracting
them. He has a science by which he continues to expand his power.
We have to develop a science whereby we can successfully counteract
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that. We have to develop first a science of defense against this type
of enemy; and second a science of offense for our own system. The
purpose of this bill is to try to fill in a void between former types of
warfare and this total warfare. It is a gap that somehow we have
left empty, not by intention, but by default.
We have strong forces for conducting conventional conflicts. I
think our diplomatic corps is as competent today as it has ever been
in our history, if not more so. It is skilled in the traditional methods
of handling international problems. But the Communists use a
whole series of unorthodox, unconventional methods that we haven't
studied adequately. We have powerful military forces. But, in a
sense, we are like Braddock and his redcoats who came to this coun-
try to fight American Indians as if the Indians would fight accord-
ing to the European codes of chivalry, the codes of the knights of
King Arthur's roundtable. The redcoats insisted on fighting the way
they had been trained to fight in Europe.
You know, the two sides put on different colored uniforms so each
would know -which were the proper targets to shoot at. Then they
lined up and shot at each other.
Braddock's redcoats were being badly defeated, but fortunately he
had with hire a man named Washington and a bunch of scouts who
didn't know much about traditional warfare in Europe, but they un-
derstood the American Indian and did not hesitate to get down
behind the fences and trees and fire from ambush. That was dis-
graceful for a knight in armor from Europe, but that was the way
the Indian fought and the scouts saved the day.
To begin this task of knowing our enemy and knowing ourselves,
this bill sets up, as you know, a Freedom Commission.
I am not going into the details because I know that has been han-
dled in previous testimony.
It is a Commission of seven outstanding citizens, not under the
Pentagon, not under the State Department, not bogged down or
smothered in the usual bureaucracy carrying on things as usual in
the conventional pattern, but a separate organization in the executive
branch, to study this adversary intensively and to develop systematic
knowled e regarding its methods and its procedures.
Second, it is to develop a program for meeting the Communist of-
fensives with an adequate defense, and then to develop an appropriate
counteroffensive.
In short, we have to develop a science of total warfare. Somebody
has to do that and I believe this Freedom Commission will do it. It
should work out for this new kind of total warfare a science such as
Clausewitz and others developed for conventional warfare, the rules,
the principles of war as fought in the past.
The Freedom Commission at that point, I think, will want to estab-
lish a freedom academy.
We don't say it has to, but we say it is authorized to do so, if its
study leads it to conclude that this is an advantageous thing to do.
We wouldn't try to win a land war without a West Point to train
our warriors in the science of land warfare. We wouldn't try to win
a naval war without the Naval Academy to train officers in the science
of naval warfare. When airplanes were developed and we developed
sky warfare., we didn't trust the old Academies, we established a third
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Academy at Colorado Springs, to train officers in the science of war-
fare in the skies.
How do we expect to meet successfully an enemy that is attacking
us on all sorts of unexpected fronts, unless we have somewhere a
group of topnotch people, the most competent in our country, work-
ing to develop the science of meeting today's enemy in his new kind
of total warfare and overcoming him?
A science of defense, that is first. A science of successful counter-
offensive is second. Third, in order to know ourselves as thoroughly
as we know the enemy, I would hope that this Commission and this
Academy would have a section concentrating on how to develop, re-
lease, and rise to the pull of the dynamic forces that are inherent in
freedom. We have to know how to win for our faith as well as to
prevent the other side's winning for its faith.
The Communists are in trouble behind the Iron Curtain. The urge
of men to be free is moving mightily in the world once more; not so
much in the free world where we still enjoy freedom and don't quite
realize that it is threatened, but behind the Iron Curtain where people
have been deprived of it. The urge of men to be free has not been
exterminated there through environmental conditioning. Man is
proving wrong the Communist theory that he is just like Pavlov's
dogs and if taken early can be conditioned to accept his environment
and react according to the conditioning with an automatic "yes" or
"no."
We believe that man was born to be free, and that he has the in-
born capacity to make moral judgments. This is our faith. If we
don't believe this, then we ought to join the Communists. If we do
believe it, then we ought to take full advantage of it. This urge of
man to be free is in his nature, it is inalienable, as our Declaration
puts it, and unextractable from his nature.
Because men were born to be free and to stand with dignity, they
have always managed to pull down their oppressors; and men now
will find a way to weaken from within and pull down the present
tyrants who oppress them and threatens us, if only we don't build
those tyrants up, and if we will give hope to the peoples behind the
Iron Curtain by proving to them that we will not let them down.
I hope very much, Mr. Chairman, that your committee will regard
this project as one of the most important things that can possibly
be done at this time.
Thirty-nine billion dollars we have appropriated for our conven-
tional defenses. Yesterday in the House, we authorized almost $3.6
billion to help our allies and all peoples who are free to remain free,
because if they are able to maintain their independence, if they are
able to keep their countries out of the control of the adversary, no
matter how much they may dislike us, that is of great advantage to us
and to other free peoples, as well as to themselves.
We are making these tremendous efforts to build our own strength
and to build strength among all free peoples in the world, and yet
we are making almost no effort at all in the one area where we are
losing, the weak spot in the line where the adversary comes through.
We ought to concentrate on finding ways to plug that hole in our
lines as the first step, and then to develop a strategy of victory, a sci-
ence, and to train our people in it. We need to organize systemati-
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tally so that we can take advantage of the forces in the universe that
are on our side, can release them and move on to defeat of this new
kind of adversary, and thus give human beings a chance once more
to enjoy the blessings of liberty and the peace that will come only as
a result of such freedom and justice and good relations among peoples
in the world.
I have talked in overall general terms today because the great thing
that we need is the urge, the will to find the way.
We haven't had it in the past because we didn't quite see that it was
necessary. And where there is no will there is no way. But if we
can somehow wake up to the urgency oft our peril, I have no slightest
doubt about our capacity to find a way. And I know no better way
to start than to set up a specialized agency for this purpose as we
always do in our Government when a new problem or a new oppor-
tunity or a new weapon or what have you comes along.
We discovered radio and TV and we set up the Federal Com-
munications Commission, a specialized agency to deal with it.
We discovered atomic energy and we set up the Atomic Energy
Commission, a specialized agency to deal with this new force.
Men find a way to send missiles into outer space and we set up
s ecial committees of the Congress and a special space commission to
deal with this problem.
How does it happen that when everything we have is threatened
by the most dangerous menace of our history, we haven't yet grappled
intelligently and in dead earnest with it, or established a specialized
agency to meet the, threat?
Let's know our enemy, how to check his moves, and mount a suc-
cessful counteroffensive against them.
Let's know ourselves and how to mobilize the powerful forces that
are on our side. Let's establish a specialized agency to train people-
both governmental officials and selected civilians-in the science of
total warfare, so that we can win and live.
If I have talked too long, I apologize, Mr. Chairman, but I feel
very deeply on this subject, I don't want us to go the way of Athens.
It is too bad for such a beautiful and blessed country as this to be
in such danger of following the 20 civilizations before us that have
gone to their doom. It is too bad if we are so busy with other things
and too decent in our dedication to the finest values that our civiliza-
tion has developed that we allow it to drift into such mortal dangers
as we face today.
I shall be glad to answer any questions, if I can.
Senator HR-QSKA. Thank you, Dr. Judd. You have certainly sup-
plemented and complemented the background remarks of your col-
league, Congressman Herlong, who testified day before yesterday on
this same subject and. pretty much in the same area in which you did,
laying the groundwork for the proposals made in the bill.
There is one thing that has been canvassed somewhat here before the
committee by other committees. I am sure that it will ring a fa-
miliar note in your mind and the committee would be interested, I
am sure, in any comment you might have on it.
After all, we have witnessed in America the infiltration of many
of our institutions of thinking and of business and of training and
education-yes, even our religious institutions-the infiltration of
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some of the very thinking that you have been criticizing and con-
demning so much as having for its purpose, the conquest of the
world.
We know that in our educational institutions we have witnessed
that thing. We have witnessed those people who say that after all
the Communists are just another political party.
Secondly, they resent it when people seek to deal sternly with the
Communists.
Also, there are those who point out and say, "Well, they are different
now, they are smiling, they are trying to coexist."
How can we assure ourselves, Dr. Judd, that maybe even this Free-
dom Academy, if it is established, will not sooner or later find ter-
mites in it, or maybe even be taken over by the termites who are
burrowing so deeply and so destructively in so many of our other
institutions ?
Mr. JuDD. There is no assurance, sir, except through eternal vigi-
lance. We can be sure that if we set up such a commission, this will
be its No. 1 target.
Senator HRUSKA. Exactly.
Representative JUDD. They would be foolish not to try to take it
over.
That isn't a nasty charge a ainst them; that is a compliment. They
have sense enough to know where the centers of power are.
You say they have infiltrated even our religious organizations.
They area primary target. Where else is there such an advantageous
place to get in and work on the outside without suspicion, as in the
churches.
A fellow said to me the other day, "Why would a minister become
a Communist?" I said, "Ministers don't become Communists. Com-
munists become ministers." They have been at this for 40 years.
Years ago they assigned their smartest boys to go into the seminaries.
It was their mission to get in where they could have greatest influence
and be least suspect.
Likewise, college professors don't become Communists; Communists
become college professors. Congressmen don't become Communists;
Communists try to become Congressmen if they can fool enough peo-
ple into supporting them.
I was in China. when they took over China. They didn't talk about
communism. They talked about Chinese nationalism. They talked
about liberation of people from poverty and disease, and what they
called medieval feudalism. They promised whatever they found the
people wanted. They appeared to be fighting for the Chinese and
their human aspirations, and they took the country over for the
Communist Party.
Almost nobody would go with them if they came out openly and
said, "Please join our party." One of the errors we often make is
to assume that, the Communist Party is a bona fide political party like
the Republican and Democratic Parties, each trying to get 51
percent of the voters to join it. No, no; the Communists don't want
51 percent of the voters as members. They would have as much
trouble as the Democrats or Republicans have when they get that
many; they would quarrel among themselves. They don't want more
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than 2 or 3 or 4 percent. They are always weeding out any fringe
beyond that. It may not be completely reliable.
They have developed into practically an exact science techniques
whereby the 2 percent that is disciplined and trained can control the
other 98 percent. And they are doing it today in several countries.
In the end, I am sure it will break down, but not perhaps until after
we have been overcome. So we must exercise eternal vigilance.
- A new organization usually can stay clean for a while. Perhaps
I shouldn't say this, but one reason we need this new agency is because
some of the older organizations have gotten into inflexible grooves.
Their 11th commandment is, "Thou shalt not upset the applecart."
That becomes a rule in all the traditional agencies.
In Washington, the way we get ahead is by seniority, or as some
people call it, senility. The way to get enough seniority to get ahead
under that rule is never to make any enemies. What is the way not
to make enemies? Never have an idea.
If you have a good idea, you will offend your superior. It reflects
on him. Why didn't he think of it first?
If it is a bad idea, it reflects on him also. He has such an incompe-
tent as an underling.
So in either case, you don't win favor with your superiors in any
routinized organization by having ideas.
To get the fresh ideas and methods, we need to deal with our present
world situation; we need a new agency. If, after 10 years, it becomes
either infiltrated or frozen then we will have to do something else.
This enemy has all the tricks that there are, and I can give no guar-
antee that the thing might not become infiltrated. The representa-
tives of the people in this Congress would have to watch for that.
By and large, we are close to the realities, perhaps closer than any other
group. Furthermore, we don't become too bureaucratized here be-
cause our tenure is too uncertain. We can all be changed very quickly.
There are no civil service laws that protect us. We can't appeal to
any bureau to keep us in office. We have to go back to the people and
lay it on the line. That keeps us on our toes.
I don't think we can refuse to take a step that is good, just because
it has some possible dangers.
Let me use an analogy. I wish sometimes more men in public life
had had surgical training. I spent 19 years in the practice of surgery.
Every day doctors have to make difficult choices between courses
which both have dangers. Every time we operate, we are taking a
life into our hands and the patient may die. Some may say we
shouldn't operate because of the risk of the operation and, if the
patient dies, we are responsible. But not to operate allows the cancer
to go ahead, and we know that will kill the patient.
1 'cancer grows by the lawless process of encroaching on tissues
that don't belong to it. That is also the best description I know of
communism-it grows lawlessly by encroaching on countries and in-
terests that don't belong to it.
When we see in a microscope even a few cells growing lawlessly,
we don't say we should wait and see if it spreads. We know it will
spread. It cannot change its character. We have to cut it out or
cut off its blood supply so it can't grow. There are risks in that
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operation. The husband says, You say my wife must have her breast
removed because of that lump, but, Doctor, that is cruel. That is
mutilating. It is bloody. Maybe she will get an infection, or have
a hemorrhage, and die.
We say, Yes, that is right. There is risk if we operate, but there
is also hope. If we don't operate, there is far greater risk and no
hope. Therefore we operate.
Some will die, but the largest percentage will not. We save a great
many more than we lose and for us to refuse the lesser risk, because
of the possible death, is to accept the greater risk of certain death.
It seems to me that is not a wise course to follow.
Senator HRUsic . Thank you very much.
Mr. Sourwine, have you any questions?
Mr. SOURWINE. I have one or two, Mr. Chairman.
Isn't it true, sir, that it is one of the objectives of the Communist
conspiracy to seek to create in the minds of not only our people but
peoples of all the free countries a concept of communism with the
very objective of paralyzing any action that might otherwise be
taken?
Mr. JUDD. There is no question about that. That is as true of the
Communists as it was true of Philip when Demosthenes was talking
about that very point.
It is one of their most effective appeals amongst the so-called less
developed peoples. I have spent endless hours talking to Communists.
Everyone of them was perfectly certain that they are going to win,
as certain as I am that the sun is going to rise tomorrow.
They look at us with astonishment that we don't accept it too. To
them this is not a dogma. They think Karl Marx discovered a law.
The same as Newton when the apple hit him on the head is supposed in
a flash of insight to have discovered the law of gravity, so Karl Marx-
they will tell you-pouring over the history books in the library of
the British Museum, noticed a consistent pattern in history, and in a
flash of insight perceived the law by which societies develop. People
went along for centuries without change, and then a new idea came
along, an upward thrust-thesis they call it. The status quo resisted-
antithesis. The pressures built up until there was an explosion, with
violence, revolution, bloodshed, destruction. But out of it came a
new pattern-synthesis-and man moved ahead. We believe that so-
cieties usually develop by gradual change or evolution-the leaven
process. Karl Marx said it isn't so. Why are we so stupid as not to
see that history develops by a series of explosions? You sit and talk
to them by the hour and they are so sure of it. They can point to so
much of history which on superficial examination seems to support
their position. They make you wonder.
I tell you it made me proud of my country's basic educational sys-
tem that there were only 23 of our boys that succumbed to this kind
of brainwashing in Korea.
Mr. SouRwINE. Mr. Judd, you spoke of the parallel between an
operation for cancer and the attack on the Communist conspiracy.
This really has nothing to do with the bill, but I would like to take
this opportunity to ask you when a surgeon operates for cancer, is he
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content to remove the cancer or does he consider it important to re-
move the surrounding pink tissue?
Mr. JUDD. Yes, he has to take some normal tissue also if he wants
to be sure of getting all the disease process. There are times in cancer
when you can't operate. It is too late. When some one now sug-
gests a preventive war, we must recognize that such a point has
already been passed.
No. 1, we were not logical enough to do it when it could have
succeeded. No. 2, we were not savage enough to do it. No. 3, it is now
too late. We don't have sufficient superiority to do it. I bowed that
course out a long time ago. We aren't that kind of people.
Furthermore, we would probably destroy the patient whom we are
trying to save if we started it. We are reduced to the other course
that surgeons use. We try to cut off the blood supply to prevent further
spread, we cut its channels of communications even though we can't
operate to remove the whole cancer.
It doesn't mean we are helpless. We have to do what we can do. We
are not without weapons, by any means.
Mr. Sour.wzw.n. Sir, witnesses here have referred to this bill as a
conventional declaration of cold war, at least for the first time we have
a legislative recognition that we are in a cold war and a legislative
directive to fight that cold war.
Do you see it that way?
Mr. JuDD. Yes, I agree with that. The Communists have an addi-
tional weapon in that they know they are at war with us, but we don't
realize we are at war with them ; and therefore we aren't willing to.
do the things necessary to will, the things that we would do if we
realized we are at war.
We disarm ourselves psychologically, again because of our decencies,
I feel strongly that our people will do whatever is necessary once
they see we are in a war. And as I said earlier, this is a much more
dangerous war than we have ever been in before, partly because it
doesn't look like a war and therefore, we don't mobilize our full
strength and discipline ourselves and galvanize ourselves into action
to do the job that is necessary.
Mr. SOURWII E. Sir, do you see the freedom commission that would
be established under this bill as an operating agency?
Mr. JuDD. Not primarily, at least not at the beginning. I think it
might develop into one, but I would begin with the first task of devel-
oping a total plan and see how we go along.
I don't think we can will without a blueprint for total warfare;
but I. don't think anybody is likely to come up with such a blueprint
unless somebody is set apart and commissioned to do just that.
Primarily, the first job is to analyze the enemy and systematize
our knowledge with respect to him, analyze the forces on our side that
can be used against him, systematically develop a science of total
warfare, and then enlighten, alert, and train our people so they can
and will apply that science successfully.
The amateur will always lose against the professional. I want
professionals on our side. We have the better cause, but we are not
professional in the presentation and advancement of it.
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134 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREED
They have the poorer cause, but they are professionals in making
their lies look good.
Mr. SOURwINE. This bill contains no amount on the particular
authorization or appropriation.
Haveyouu given any consideration to what might be the minimum
cost to set up the freedom academy and operate it for 3 years?
Mr. JUDD. No, but it wouldn't be a substantial cost in comparison
with what we are spending to fight the war on the old fronts where
we don't even get at this enemy.
I would think that in the first few years its budget couldn't con-
ceivably get beyond $5 million and that figure is just picked out of
myy head.
I would expect it to be less.
Mr. SouRwINE. There have been several questions of witnesses about
cost. I have been waiting for some witness to say we need this, we
must have it, it doesn't make any difference what it cost.
Mr. JUDD. I will say that without hesitation. But you asked me
what it would cost in the early stages. The need to spend whatever
it takes is implicit in what I said earlier. We are spending $39
billion for our own Armed Forces and we appropriated $3.6 billion
yesterday to help our allies with the bases and other facilities essential
to our military defense. I don't see how we can choke on a figure
only a tiny fraction of that, and I think we can afford it.
Mr. SouxwINE. No more questions.
Senator HRUSKA. Thank you very much, Dr. Judd, for coming.
You have added a great deal to our record.
Our next witness is Mr. Herbert A. Philbrick.
Mr. Philbrick, will you please come forward and take the witness
chair. Have you copies of your statement I
TESTIMONY OF HERBERT A. PHILBRICK, RYE, N.H.
Mr. PHILEiucg. I have copies of my statement, Mr. Chairman.
Senator HRUSKA. You may proceed. We are glad to have you with
US.
Mr. PxiLmRZcK. Thank you, Senator. I wish to express my appre-
ciation for the opportunity afforded me to testify before this committee
in favor of the Mundt-Dou??las bill to create the Freedom Commission.
Senator HRUSKA. In reality, Mr. Philbrick, it is a return engage-
ment for you. You have been before congressional committees before.
. Mr. PiiiLmRZCK. It has been my opportunity and privilege to testify
before this very committee several times before.
In fact, it is largely that testimony and some of the information
which :I have given this committee that has led me to support this bill.
.That testimony concerned some of the things that I learned inside
the Communist Party while serving as a counterspy for the FBI.
1 Lknow that, in the course of that testimony, I related that my entire
experience with the Communist Party-and the FBI-began when I
joined a supposedly legitimate group in Cambridge, Mass., in the
spring of 1940, only to learn-after I had joined it-that the group
was, in fact, a Communist-front organization.
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I further testified that my own lack of information and knowl-
edge concerning communism played a major part in the success of
the Communists duping me into joining one of their phony organ-
izations.
I further related, in my testimony before this committee, that be-
tween 300 and 400 other young people in Cambridge, Mass.-decent
young people--were similarly victimized by the Communist criminal
conspiracy, and that they, too, were victimized by ignorance.
Over the years that I worked as an informant for the FBI, I was
appalled to observe, over and over again, how easily the Communists
were able to dupe, to victimize, to fool innocent individuals. One
of the documents prepared by the House Committee on Un-Amer-
ican Activities, entitled "Guide to Subversive Organizations and Pub-
lications,"provides evidence of the incredible success the Commu-
nists have had in an obviously well-planned, well-directed, and well-
operated campaign of deception.
If the lack of information on the part of the American people
has served to make them tools of Soviet agents, and if this had
occurred on a civilian level only, this would have been bad enough.
I believe that the record shows, however, that Americans who have
gone into Government service have carried with them the same lack
of information, and knowledge, concerning the Communist apparatus.
This has been borne out by experts better qualified to speak than
1. The recent, book by Gen. Albert C. Wedemeyer "Wedemeyer
Reports," cites a number of appalling errors of judgment on the part
of Government leaders.
Ralph De Toledano, noted newswriter, indicated in his book, pub-
lished in 1952 by Duell, Sloan, and Pearce, "Spies, Dupes, and Diplo-
mats," that these errors of judgment had been taking place over a
long period of time.
Robert Morris, former chief counsel of this committee, in his ex-
cellent book, "No Wonder We Are Losing," also cites a number of
disastrous errors in judgment.
I think, that it is high time that we Americans, all of us, frank-
ly and humbly admit that for a long time, we have made a series
of disastrous. and far-reac7hing mista :es. I believe that when the
history of this period of time is written, it will be recorded that
the Soviet Empire has won major victories, not because of any par-
ticular brillance on the part of Communist action, but largely be-
cause of the inaction or wrong actions on the part of the U.S. Gov-
ernment and people.
All of these things, I believe, point to the great need for the pro-
posed Freedom. Commission, and the Freedom Academy, for the de-
velopment of the science of counteraction to the World Commu-
nist conspiracy, and for the training and development of leaders in
this, a total political war.
I can further testify to the needs for the Freedom Commission
on the basis of my many contacts with the American people through-
out the United States. For the past few years, I have lectured wide-
ly, in every State of the Union. Everywhere I go, I find people
anxiously asking for information, what to do.
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In Oklahoma City, last fall, I spoke to over 12,000 schoolteachers,
members of the Oklahoma Education Association at their annual con-
vention. After the lecture, many of the teachers came to the platform
to tell me that in the entire State of Oklahoma, not one single solitary
textbook was available for them to use for the instruction of their
students concerning the most rudimentary facts about communism.
Many of the teachers told me that they were, on their own time, and
using their own money, gathering together whatever material they
could find, in order that they might bring some small amount of in-
formation to their students. They askee me : "Where can we get
information? What can we tell our students to do?"
It has been suggested by some-and I agree wholeheartedly with
them-that it would be better if private groups would do the job of
the Freedom Commission, rather than the Government. But the fact
is, the job is not being done.
Only last week I received a letter from a student at Harvard Uni-
versity. He asked me several questions concerning communism, and
then he said, and I quote :
I do not have sufficient information to enable me to form an intelligent
opinion.
It seems incredible that, at this time in world history, with not
only our Nation but all the remaining nations of the free world fac-
ing a ruthless and deadly enemy; at a time when every newspaper in
the United States every day carries stories concerning this enemy in
its headlines; when not a single major radio program is heard or
television newscast is seen without some mention of the Communist
gangsters; at a time when not a single major magazine in the country
does not carry some mention of the struggle over and over again; at
this very time when the entire future of our Nation, our lives, and
our fortunes are at stake-at this time, a student at a leading Ameri-
can university can say, "I do not have enough information to form
an intelligent opinion."
I do not cite this instance to imply or suggest in any way sub-
versive intent on the part of Harvard University, but only to indi-
cate that apparently the youth of Cambridge today are no better in-
formed than the youth who were victimized, along with myself, 20
years ago.
Harry and Bonaro Overstreet, the esteemed writers of many best
sellers, said recently in their latest book, "What We Must Know
About Communism" :
The problems that harass our country today in relation to communism can
best be summed up as problems of our unreadiness * * * The time has come when
each of us is obligated to study the character of this new force which claims the
h4man future as its own, and to convert such knowledge into an awareness of
what is at stake and what needs to be done.
In the face of our own unreadiness, what has the enemy been doing?
It has again been a matter of my own testimony before this com-
mittee that when I joined the Young Communist League for the FBI,
I was astonished by the great skill and knowledge of the Communist
instructors who came into our cell meetings. These people were
experts.
I quickly revised my previous estimation of Communists as half-
witted, unkempt radicals. Over the years I observed that these people
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were experts; they knew what they were doing; they knew what they
wanted; and they had elaborately and meticulously planned each step
in their campaign. Over the years I have constantly tried to warn
our people, Don't underestimate the Communists." It is not that
they are any smarter; it is only that they work harder at it.
It is no accident that this was true. The Subversive Activities Con-
trol Board, in 1953, came upon information revealing that the conduct
of the Communists' political warfare in the United States had been,
in fact, outlined a long time ago in Moscow itself. One section of
their report reads as follows, and I am quoting :
The evidence establishes that in the early 1930's respondent's students in the
Lenin School were taught such subjects as Marxism, Leninism, the history of
the labor movement, trade-union and strike strategy, history of the Communist
party of the Soviet Union, history and organizational structure of the Commu-
nist International, the national and colonial problem, the history of the Com-
munist Party, U.S.A., international propaganda, the theory and practice of
Soviet economy, revolutionary tactics and the science of civil warfare. These
subjects at the school were adapted to the peculiar conditions in the countries of
the students, including the United States. For instance, the course given re-
spondent's members on civil warfare included political and economic conditions
in the United States, the culture of the people, the terrain, the histories of the
United States and the Communist Party, U.S.A., and the degree of political
maturity in the United States. * * * All this was taught with the object of
destroying the economic system in the United States, and establishing a dictator-
ship of the proletariat here.
In the face of this expert training in political warfare on the part
of our enemy, we in the United States have done little or nothing.
We have tried to rely upon conventional weapons, and the conven-
tional weapons have failed and are failing today, to maintain and
secure the freedom and safety of our people.
The simple reason is, we have not been fighting back with the new
weapons used by the Communists. The cold war is not just a figure
of speech; this is a war, but it is a new and different kind of warfare.
Robert Byfield called it fourth dimensional warfare. So un-
familiar are the American people with this type of warfare that
many people in the United States today still do not realize that we
are at war.
During my years of observation inside the Communist Party, I
learned that the Communists are being trained and taught not only
what to do, but how to do it. It is high time that our people were
provided with some information with which to fight back.
They need to better understand the nature of the international
Communist conspiracy, and they need to be equipped with knowl-
edge of effective methods for combating it. It was for this purpose
that the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy were
envisioned, and I strongly recommend the enactment of this bill.
Senator HRUSKA. Well, thank you very much.
Mr. Sourwine, do you have any questions?
Mr. SOURWINE. No questions.
Senator HRUSKA. Mr. Philbrick, why haven't we any textbooks in
the schools on communism?
Mr. PIIILBRICK. This is one of the strange mysteries that no one
can seem to fathom.
It would seem that some of the largest publishing companies in
this Nation, producing thousands of textbooks annually would at
least produce one that could be used in our schools.
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The Little, Brown Publishing Co. in Boston, for example, one of the
largest textbook publishers in the country, so far as I know has noth-
ing that can be used in the schools on the subject of communism.
Senator HRUSKA. First you must have the writers to produce the
books.
Why haven't we got any writers? Have you ever given any
thought to why we don't have them for the grade school, high school,
and colleges in this particular field?
Mr. PxiLBJUOK. Yes, sir, I indeed have and I must confess that I
am unable to provide a reasonable or logical answer. I just don't
know.
Senator HRUSKA. Among the public, we have, of course, what Dr.
Judd described as the lack of will, the lack of an urge to do some-
thing in the area that we are exploring in these hearings.
Could it be that there is a lack of urge on the part of educators
and teachers and a lack of will on their part to sit down and wrestle
with this, or is there an aversion to it or just what is the answer?
Mr. PHILBRICK. I think, insofar as the teachers themselves are con-
cerned, or the professors let us say, yes, there is not only a lack of
,urge but I would say there is a lack of desire, apparently, toward
bringing into our colleges any information which would very seriously
damage the Communists.
For example, a couple of months ago I was invited by some of the
students at Harvard University to speak to one of their student
groups. I was rather shocked to find that a great deal of resistance
appeared; not on the part of the students, but on the part of some
o the faculty members at Harvard to prevent me from speaking at
Harvard; and yet this is the same campus where Mr. Castro, only
shortly before, had received a great reception.
Dr. Oppenheimer had also been invited and had spoken at the
campus and yet, when I was invited by the students to speak, they
did their best to prevent me from appearing there.
Senator HRUSKA. It is not my recollection that Dr. Oppenheimer
was working with the FBI at any time.
That is very interesting and bears again on the question I raised
with Dr. Judd. Suppose we get this Commission and Academy roll-
ing. How long will it be before even the students or the faculty have
amongst their numbers those who are possessed perhaps of the same
desire to sabotage and take control of the Academy?
Mr. PITLBRZCK. I don't know. Again, I agree with Dr. Judd. The
Communists would be rather stupid if they didn't attempt to infiltrate
the Freedom Academy.
I again, however, agree with him that if sufficient vigilance is taken
a good job can be done.
For example I cite Harding College in Searcy, Ark., under the
leadership of br. George Benson. They have done a remarkably
good job.
I know the students who come from that school are not confused
about communism. They know the truth. Again, this is only an
exception ' that proves the rule but at Harding College I would be
willing to bet you would not find a Communist or Communist sym-
pathizer on the staff, and if one did manage to infiltrate the campus
there, I am sure he wouldn't stay too long.
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Mr. SOURWINE. May I ask a question, Mr. Chairman?
Senator HRUSKA. Yes.
Mr. SouxwnNE. Following your own question, Mr. Chairman, do you
think Congress should write into this bill some specific provisions to
protect against possible infiltration of the Freedom Academy?
Mr. PIIILBRIca. Yes, I do, sir.
Senator HRUSKA. Have you given any thought to the structure of
the school or academy or center which would be formed under this
school as to courses of study, as to organization, as to faculty, and so
on?
Mr. PHILBRICK. Yes, indeed. I have been in contact with Alan
Grant of Orlando, Fla., for a long time.
As you know, he originally tried to establish such a. school, such
a Freedom Academy, as a private organization. His attempts, how-
ever, have not been successful, and, of course, this is why this has
now been proposed as a Government Commission.
I know it is the intent of the plan to bring into the school qualified
people and we have them. We have many on this committee, cer-
tainly, who are qualified to teach; who have learned through applica-
tion, through study, by gathering knowledge concerning communism,
and who know how to teach the nature o7 the Communist criminal
conspiracy; how it operates and what it intends to do.
I don't think it is going to be quite that easy for the Academy to
devise or to develop plans of counteraction. This is something that,
as I said before, we Americans must admit, all of us, that we have not
done.
This is one of the things that the Academy will attempt to do and
I think that, with the people we have available today scattered
throughout the United States, brought together to work together a
good program and effective program of counteraction could be de-
veloped.
'This is something that does not exist today and I don't think any
one of us would attempt to claim that we have the answer or that any
one of us individually knows the answer to the problem.
This is one of the things the Freedom Academy would seek out and
'discover.
Senator HR.usKA. Of course, as to the textbooks and the gathering
of information for schools, I don't want to suggest that maybe the
fault lies exclusively with the faculty or teachers in the school.
We read on occasion, when courses are considered for offering in
schools on communism, there are sometimes objections by lay people
saying they don't want their children exposed to the philosophy of
.the Communist.
Have you any comment in that regard, on the resistance and the
opposition maybe amongst lay people who are not well enough in-
formed or not possessed of that will and that urge to do those things
which Dr. Judd outlined?
Mr. PIIILLBRICx. I know, sir, that that has happened on a few
% occasions. I think that it happened largely because of a lack of
understanding on the part of the individuals opposed to the program.
Also, I think that some of this opposition carne about because it
was discovered upon analysis, that occasionally when these courses on
communism were proposed for the schools, they unfortunately turned
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out to be courses favorable to communism rather than doing any
particular harm to the Communists.
I know this happened in Scarsdale, N.Y., a community just out-
side of New York City, when a number of the parents discovered
that some of the students were being taught about communism all
right. The only trouble was that the courses were completely favor-
able to the Communist cause, and, as you know, this became quite a
notorious national incident.
Over 100 books were found in the Scarsdale school library about
communism, but all were written by Communists and pro-Commu-
nists. There was not one single, solitary book in the school library
against communism, or exposing communism.
There was not in the Scarsdale library for the use of the students
one copy of the excellent reports that this committee has published.
. Now.I think that is partly the reason. I would say this, that, in
contrast to those incidents, I have found in my travels about the
United States that most parents I have spoken to are hoping that the
schools will teach and will bring the truth about communism to their
children.
Senator HxusKA. Thank you, Mr. Philbrick. The chairman per-
sonally thinks you are doing a very fine and effective job, nationwide,
in your travels and your lectures, and I should like to say that to you
and to bid you good luck and a lot more years ahead in this very fine
work.
Mr. PHILBRicg. Thank you very much, sir.
Senator HRUSKA. Thank you for coming.
Our next witness will be Dr. Leo Cherne, executive director of the
Research Institute of America.
Dr. Cherne, will you come forward and take the witness chair,
please.
TESTIMONY OF LEO CHERNE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE
RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF AMERICA
Mr. CHERNE. Thank you, Mr. Chairman. It is a great privilege
to testify before this committee in support of Senate bill 1689, the
Freedom Commission Act.
Mr. Chairman, I would be delighted if there is the opportunity, at
the close of the testimony, to address myself to two of the questions
which you raised with the previous witnesses.
Senator HRUSKA. That would please the chairman and I know it
would enlighten him and the whole committee.
Mr. CHERNE. My remarks flow from a conviction which, in turn,
has been created by the last 24 years of my own professional preoccu-
pation and involvement as executive director of the Research Institute
of America and in a voluntary capacity as chairman of the board of
the International Rescue Committee.
As executive director of the Research Institute of America, recently
described at. West Point as "the central intelligence agency of busi-
ness," it has been my responsibility to guide a staff of economists,
attorneys, psychologists, sociologists, accountants, industrial engineers,
foreign affairs specialists, and political scientists who are deeply con-
cerned with all of the major aspects of our economy and with the
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increasing impact of events in far distant countries upon the most
intimate details of the life of the average American citizen.
In the course of this activity, I have been deeply involved in the
preparation of the industrial mobilization plans before World War II,
in the internal economic mobilization during the war years, and in
the economic warfare waged throughout the world during the war.
I was also called upon to play a role in the conduct of political war-
fare during those years. It has also been as a result of my association
with the Research Institute of America that I have, since 1938, par-
ticipated in the courses of instruction given at the National War
College, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the U.S.
Military Academy.
At the conclusion of the war, at the request of the White House, I
undertook a detailed political, economic, and social study of England,
France, and Germany; and subsequently, at the request of Gen. Doug-
las MacArthur and the War Department, I directed the staff of the
Research Institute in planning the reorganization of a major segment
of the Japanese economy.
I have also, for many years been deeply concerned with the aggres-
sive danger to the free world presented by the totalitarian govern-
ments of Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union. Because of this
interest, almost 15 years ago I became a director of the International
Rescue Committee, which has assisted thousands of the most distin-
guished scientists, writers, artists, and political leaders who fled Nazi
Germany, and in recent years has assisted more than 100,000 of those
who have fled the slave empire behind the Iron Curtain.
During the last 7 years I have functioned as Chairman of the Board
of the International Rescue Committee and, in that capacity, became
deeply involved in the tragedy of Berlin the winter of 1953, when as
mny as 6,000 escapees daily fled the Soviet Zone of Germany. I also
tried to provide some help to the Hungarian people in their heroic
struggle to achieve their freedom in October 1956. I was, in fact,
the first American to confer with Cardinal Mindzenty in Budapest
on the morning of his release from. Communist imprisonment. This
background also enabled me to play a role in assisting the new Gov-
ernment of Vietnam to meet the crisis which confronted that new
country right after the 1954 Geneva armistice. The sum total of these
activities does, I believe, enable me to make some assessment of the
training which is available in the United States today for various
aspects of the struggle against Soviet imperialism.
In the months and years immediately before us, there are several
facts that must dominate our planning and actions :
1. The war which the Soviet Union conducts against the free, the
independent, the remaininm colonial, and even the neutral nations of
the world, has been and will continue to be a war waged by the Com-
munists with every available instrument. Not only does this warfare
involve the most complete use of military, diplomatic, economic, politi-
cal, subversive and ambiguous techniques, but it is one which regards
as the battlefield all levels of a society under attack. The boundaries
of this warfare include every society which is not yet safely imprisoned
within the Communist empire.
2. There is, of course, no alternative to totally adequate military
preparedness and the deep involvement of the United States in the
adequacy of the military strength of our friends and allies.
42781-49-10
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142 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
8. There is urgent need for economic assistance of every character,
particularly to the developing nations of the world, in order to assist
them _to develop a higher standard of living for their people within
a climate of freedom and democracy.
11 4. The diplomatic, the intelligence, the informational and cultural
functions of our Government have increasingly important roles to play
in the struggle which lies ahead.
5. This testimony is in no sense to be regarded as seeking to diminish
in any way the need for programs which are in existence or are before
the Congress. I do testify, however, in the belief that those programs
can achieve those objectives only if the individuals involved officially
in the performance of those activities, and the countless others whose
private efforts accompanying these governmental functions, are ade-
quately trained to understand, and counter Communist warfare of the
character which has been so well described.
I amfrankly less concerned with the need for adequate training for
Government personnel, though it is important to recognize that the
various institutions for the education of military and civilian personnel
which exist today reflect a world which was profoundly different, and
warfare of an entirely different character. The National War College,
the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the institutions which
train the forei rn service have all taken recognition of the fact and
nature of the Soviet Union, yet they fundamentally must concern
themselves with the very large and very complex professional guid-
ance required by their particular function. The equally important
instruments of political, economic, organizational, and ambiguous
warfare remain only footnotes of preoccupation in the existing in-
stitutions. I speak with greater certainty that we have hardly tapped
that reservoir of talent in the country at large which will be required
if we are even to hold our own in the nonmilitary aspects of the
struggle. A recent study of educational activities within the executive
.branch of the Government Lilly report) shows that while systematic
information about communism, its objectives, how it operates, and so
forth, exists to a limited extent and in a piecemeal fashion, there is
nowhere at the present time any training of U.S. Government person-
nel, or those persons involved in the exchange programs which could
lead to an understanding of the techniques of organization which are
at the heart of any effective counteraction program against the Com-
munist cadres. As a matter of fact, the principles of conventional
dipp~lomacy, for example, regard counteraction as a harmful emphasis.
That this should be so is tragic and this gap in our armor stems from
a failure to recognize the nature and scope of the cold war. The fact
that, between the conventional techniques of government-to-govern-
ment diplomacy and the normal military defenses, there exist only
the rigidly nonpolitical foreign aid program and the apolitical cul-
tural exchange efforts is an anachronism in this revolutionary age.
It seems to me that the heart of the problem is the failure to under-
stand the nature of the -implications of the revolutionary character
of the age in which we live and the revolutionary character of the
enemy who is committed to our destruction. It is not unusual that
men of good will, people whose purpose is peace, citizens who live in a
community which has religious and moral attributes that are generous
and decent, project that image upon others. It is not that they are
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 143
gullible; it is that they are unprepared by belief, by study, by contact,
to accept the profoundly different commitments which guide the Soviet
Union and the agents of its warfare abroad.
When the Reverend Billy Graham, after an exhaustive 5 days'
study of the Soviet Union, reported the high morality and religious
fervor of the Russians, he reached judgments which were at one and
the same time true, if superficial, false, and damaging and altogether
irrelevant. A better trained observer would have realized that the
danger to the world is the force which has enslaved one-third of the
earth's people; the Soviet Government, using the Russian people.
If, by morality, the Reverend Billy Graham means that the Rus-
sians wear longer bathing suits than we do, he is quite right. If his
evidence has persuaded him that in the Soviet Union all aspects of
the culture place a lesser emphasis upon sex than is the case in the
United States and the countries of Western Europe, this is also en-
tirely true. These, however, are purposeless manifestations of
morality when contrasted with the fact that those who first enslaved
and then butchered the Hungarians, who were simply seeking free-
dom, were also Russians.
It is true that the Russian people, as people, not only wish peace
but would themselves prefer freedom. But it is equally true that they
have become tools for the actions of a government which has com-
mitted genocide repeatedly which threatens war and destruction
constantly, but which uses brutality as a standard operating proce-
dure to enforce its inhuman and immoral objectives.
And, to the extent that the Russian people are the victims, as well
as the instruments of the Soviet, it was urgent that the Reverend
Graham take notice of that key reality.
Similarly, if the evidence of the Russian religious spirit lies in the
fact that St. Basil's Cathedral towers above the walls of the Kremlin
and that thousands of Russians attend religious services, then, by that
test, Russia is religious. A serious student of Russian church history
would, however, recall that some of the hierarchs of Russian Ortho-
doxy have been as willing to acquiesce in the brutality, nationalism,
and intrigue of the Kremlin as they were in the violence, bloodshed,
and abuses of the Russian people by the Czars of Russia.
A short sophisticated course in the complex realities of life in the
Soviet Union, such as this bill would provide, would have aided the
Reverend Billy Graham to discern the sin against humanity which
lies astride the Russian people and the Russian nation with some-
thing of the same acuteness which enables him to observe and inveigh
against sin in the Western World countries, with which he is much
more familiar. Such a course would have saved Reverend Graham
from confusing his religious and moral following at a moment of
acute crisis for the free countries of the West.
When my good friend the hard-hitting Judge Samuel Leibowitz,
after having visited one model prison outside Moscow, concluded
that Soviet prisons are more modern and humane than ours, the judge
not only cavalierly neglected to observe that he was visiting the one
show-case prison that is used to impress westerners, including Averell
Harriman only recently, but permitted himself to be used to create
the impression that the slave labor camps are a thing of the past.
I regret to say so, because I have personal affection for him, but
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144 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND. FREEDOM ACADEMY
Judge Leibowitz was as unsophisticated and dangerously superficial
in neglecting to look behind the front he was permitted to observe in
Moscow as he was when he failed to observe who and what was behind
his selection as lawyer to defend the Scottsboro boys more than 20 years
ago. The Scottsboro boys were undoubtedly as innocent and as
framed as millions of those who still pay their brutal penalty in Vor-
kuta and the host of other slave labor camps in the Soviet Union and
Siberia. It is pertinent to ask whether Judge Leibowitz met any
of the thousands of Hungarian students who were hauled off in sealed
boxcars from Budapest in November and December of 1956. If they
were not in that model prison, where were they-certainly not back
in Hungary.
I have no doubt that Judge Leibowitz' immediate and limited ob-
servations were entirely accurate. He is, as he has always been, a
man of determined honesty. But honesty which does not seek to
penetrate the surface can only serve the most dishonest imperial fraud
of the 20th century. As lawyer and judge, Sam Leibowitz knows
well the mentality and the ruthless practices of the gangster. He
might well have brought this experience and these powers of observa-
tions to bear on the occupants of the Kremlin, who are not safe even
in each other's company.
In our age, as in any revolutionary period, the fabric of societies is
weakened, seams come apart more readily; in a revolutionary period
the potential of an individual acting on his own or in an organized
group increases tremendously.
The Communists know this perfectly well. And that is why for
years they have concentrated on training personnel to infiltrate and
seek to control every area of life in a given society in order to wring
the last measure of political advantage, and these efforts of theirs have
been immensely successful.
Let me give you an exam le from my own experience as to' how this
Communist effort works.hortly after World War II, I was asked
by General MacArthur, in my capacity as executive director of the
Research Institute of America, to undertake a basic revision of the
Japanese tax and fiscal structure. The prewar industrialization of
Japan, superimposed as it was on the top of a feudal society, never per-
mitted the development of a healthy, viable middle class. And with-
out such a healthy middle class, democracy would be impossible.
Therefore, tax measures were introduced which were designed to pro-
duce in a short time the strong middle class necessary to the political
pluralisms of democracy. Now, the moment that the essence of this
plan was announced, and Its purposes explained, an unexpected event
occurred throughout the nation : The tax collectors went on strike.
The Communist leaders of that union were clearly following the in-
structions of the central political apparatus in the Kremlin. They
knew clearly that, if the tax plan was enforced, the power of a wealthy
few reduced, the land redistributed, and a healthy middle class de-
veloped, the chances of Communist control of Japan would be seri-
ously diminished. This is an example of astute political warfare car-
ried out by well trained persons operating in key positions in captured
private organizations.
This is the sort of thing that goes on all the time all over the world.
A large youth organization in India passes a resolution about the
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 14
stopping of H-bomb tests; copies of American magazines suddenly
are unavailable at the newsstands in Jakarta; students riot in Latin
America; Kerala, the most literate of India's states, goes Communist;
the sects in the new Republic of Vietnam suddenly turn on the cen-
tral Government; the newspapers of the world accept uncritically and
without quotes the adjective "free city" of Berlin when discussing
Khrushchev's ultimatum. A boatload of armed Kurdish "refugees"
from the U.S.S.R. pass through the Suez Canal on their way to Iraq.
These things don't just happen by accident. They are the results of
or anization and training,
Little in the arsenal of existing U.S. action is geared to counteract
this kind of political warfare. No training program exists today in
the United States which can adequately prepare our citizens for this
struggle. As I have indicated before, I am particularly concerned
with the vast multitude of private American citizens who are and
will increasingly be involved in activity abroad. The nongovern-
mental voluntary organizations already employ thousands of private
individuals operating in oversew areas. With each month, additional
numbers of American business executives, educators, consultants, and
community specialists embark to perform vital, separate roles in coun-
tries which are in the very heart of the battlefield. Artistic, cul-
tural, scientific, and entertainment groups are an additional increas-
ing body of American representatives contesting, in their own way,
the unequal effort upon which the Soviet is engaged.
There is a great interest in and preoccupation with communism in
the United States. It is my belief, nevertheless, that hardly more
than a handful really understand the precise nature of the Communist,
his commitment, his instructions, his methods of operation and the
mechanism to which he is linked by absolute loyalty. Is it strange
then that these aspects operating in other countries are even less well
understood?
And this failure to understand the dimensions of the war we must
fight has already cost us a great deal. Yet we have hardly begun the
task of harnessing and organizing the vast reservoir of talent and
brains for the political warfare we cannot avoid.
This is why I consider the Freedom Commission Act and the Acad-
emy to be of such central importance for the development and train-
ing which will assist our whole cold war program immeasurably. The
Academy is the institution within which we can bring together that
talent and experience which can develop an operational science of
political counteraction within the framework of our democratic struc-
tures. The most important and thrilling thing about this bill 1689
is that it offers the beginnings of a basic solution to the problem. We
recognize the urgent and even heroic programs which proceed within
the scope of the State Department, the CIA and the USIA. These
leave, however largely uninvolved and untrained other foreign pro-
grams of our Government and the infinitely more numerous private
sectors representing the United States and the foreign communities
which are a part of the battlefield.
There has been an understandable concern in the Congress over the
granting of passports to those servants of the Communist conspira-
cy who in traveling abroad will seek to misrepresent and actively in-
jure our freedom. This danger is real. But it is small in my judg-
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146 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
ment when contrasted to the loss we suffer because infinitely more
numerous patriotic Americans, functioning here and abroad, are
unable to bring to their travel or work, their fraternal contacts or the
exercise of their professions a disciplined knowledge of the enemy
*64 ace, the techniques designed to destroy us and the methods by
which we may fortify our safety.
Senator HRUSKA. Dr. Cherne, that is an excellent statement and I
think an excellent one for the committee. I noticed that in following
the manuscript which you gave us you skipped around a little. Would
you like the privilege or would you permit us to put the entire manu-
scrit in the record which you gave, as though you had read it in its
entirety, so we can have it as a part of the record and for the informa-
tion of the other members of the committee ?
Mr. CHExrrE. I would be delighted to have you do that. I merely
eliminated certain portions of it in the interest of conserving our
time but would appreciate having the full statement copied into' the
record as though I had read it word for word..
' Senator HEUSKA I might say that you did it without hurting the
substance or the text. In fact, I think you emphasized it beautifully.
(Dr. Cherne's prepared statement reads as follows:)
STATEMENT OF LEO CHERNE, EXECUTIVE DIRECTOR OF THE RESEARCH INSTITUTE OF
AMERICA
Mr. Chairman, members of the committee, it is a great privilege to testify be-
fore this committee in support of Senate bill 1689, the Freedom Commission Act.
It is usual, I know, to preface testimony before committees of this sort with
a few formal gracious words of introduction but in this instance my introductory
words are not, in any sense, formal. They flow from a conviction, which, in
turn, has been created by the last 24 years of my own professional preoccupa-
tion and involvement as executive director of theResearch Institute of America
and in a voluntary capacity as chairman of the board of the International Rescue
Committee.
As executive director of the Research Institute of America, recently described
at West Point as "the central intelligence agency of business, it has been my
responsibility to guide a staff of economists, attorneys, psychologists, sociologists,
accountants, industrial engineers, foreign affairs specialists, and political sci-
entists who are deeply concerned with all the major aspects of our economy
and with the increasing impact of events in far distant countries upon the most
intimate details of the life of the average American citizen.
In the course of this activity, I have been deeply involved in the preparation
of the industrial mobilization plans before World War II, in the internal eco-
nonic, mobilization during the war years, and in the economic warfare waged
throughout the world during the war. I was also called upon to play a role in
the conduct of political warfare during those years. It has also been as a result
of my association with the Research Institute of America that I have, since 1938,
participated in the courses of instruction given at the National War College,
the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the U.S. Military Academy.
At the conclusion of the war, at the request of the White House, I undertook
a detailed political, economic and social study of England, France, and Ger-
many ; and subsequently, at the request of Gen. Douglas MacArthur and the War
Department, I directed the staff of the Research Institute in planning the
reorgganization of a major segment of the Japanese economy.
f have also, for many years, been deeply concerned with the aggressive dan-
ger to the free world presented by the totalitarian governments of Nazi Ger-
many and the Soviet Union. Because of this interest, almost 15 years ago I
became a director of the International Rescue Committee, which has assisted
thousands of the most distinguished scientists, writers, artists, and political
leaders who fled Nazi Germany, and in recent years has assisted more than
100,000 of those who have fled the slave empire behind the Iron Curtain. Dur-
ing the past 7 years I have functioned as chairman of the board of the Inter-
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
national Rescue Committee and, in the course of that responsibility, was deeply
involved in the acute dilemma of Berlin during the days of the airlift, the trag-
edy of Berlin in the winter of 1953, when as many as 6,000 escapees daily fled
the Soviet Zone of Germany. I also assisted the Hungarian people in their
struggle to achieve their freedom in October 1956. I was, in fact, the first
American to confer with Cardinal Mindzenty in Budapest on the morning of his
release from Communist imprisonment. This background also enabled me to
play a role in assisting the new Government of Vietnam to meet the crisis which
confronted that new country right after the 1954 Geneva Armistice. The sum
total of these activities does, I believe, enable me to make some assessment of the
training which is available in the United States today for various aspects of the
struggle against Soviet imperialism.
In the months and years immediately before us there are several facts that
must dominate our concerns and our acts :
1. The war which the Soviet Union conducts against the free, the independent,
the remaining colonial, and even the neutral nations of the world has been and
will continue to be a war waged by the Communists with every available in-
strument. Not only does this warfare involve the most complete use of mili-
tary, diplomatic, economic, political, subversive, and ambiguous techniques, but
it is one which regards as the battlefield all levels of any society and the bound-
aries of this warfare include every society which is not yet safely imprisoned
within, the Communist empire.
2.. There is, of course, no alternative to totally adequate military prepared-
ness and the deep involvement of the United States in the adequacy of the mili-
tary strength of our friends and allies.
$:, There is urgent need for economic assistance of every character partic-
ularly to the developing nations of the world, in order to assist them to develop
a higher standard of living for their people within a climate of freedom and
democracy.
4. T.he,diplomatic, the intelligence, the informational and cultural functions
of our Government have increasingly important roles to play in the struggle
which lies ahead.
6.. This.testimony is in no sense to be regarded as seeking to diminish in any
way the need for programs which are in existence or are before the Congress.
I do testify, however, in the belief that those programs can achieve those ob-
jectives only if the individuals involved officially in the performance of those
activities and the countless others whose private efforts accompanying these
governmental functions are adequately trained to understand and counter war-
fare of the character which I have described.
I am frankly less concerned with the need for adequate training for Govern-
ment personnel though it is important to recognize that the various institutions
for the education of military and civilian personnel which exist today reflect a
world . which was profoundly different and warfare of an entirely different
character. To the U.S. Military Academy, the Naval Academy there has re-
cently been . added the Air Force Academy and there is an urgent specialized
basis for this particular service in the Arnied Forces. The National War Col-
lege, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, the institutions which train
the. Foreign Service have all taken recognition of the fact and nature of the
Soviet Union yet they fundamentally must concern themselves with the very
large and very complex professional guidance required by their particular
function. The equally important instruments of political, economic, organiza-
tional, and ambiguous warfare remain only footnotes of preoccupation in the
existing institutions. It is my judgment that the United States has as yet
inadequately introduced that level of coordination within the functions of gov-
ernment that we must have if we want to survive. I speak with greater cer-
tainty that we have hardly tapped that reservoir of talent in the country at
large which will be required if we are even to hold our own in the nonmilitary
aspects of the struggle. A recent study of educational activities within the
executive branch of the Government (Lilly report) shows that while systematic
information about communism, its objectives, how it operates, etc., exists to a
limited extent and in a piecemeal fashion, there is nowhere at the present time
any training of U.S. Government personnel, or those persons involved in the
exchange programs which could lead to an understanding of the techniques of
organization which are at the heart of any effective counteraction program
against the Communist cadres. As a matter of fact the principles of con-
ventlonal diplomacy, for example, regard counteraction as a harmful emphasis.
That this should be so is tragic and this gap in our armor stems from a failure
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148 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
to recognize the nature and scope of the cold war. The fact that between the
conventional techniques of government to government diplomacy and the normal
military defenses there exist only the rigidly nonpolitical foreign aid program
and the apolitical cultural exchange efforts is an anachronism in this revolu-
tionary age.
It seems to me that the heart of the problem is the failure to understand the
nature and the implications of the revolutionary character of the age in which
we live and the revolutionary character of the enemy who is committed to our
destruction. It is not unusual that men ofgood will, people whose purpose is
peace, citizens who live in a community which has religious and moral attributes
that are generous and decent, project that image upon others. It is not that
they are gullible, it is that they are unprepared by belief, by study, by contact,
to accept the profoundly different commitments which guide the Soviet Union
and the agents of its warfare abroad. In our age, as in any revolutionary pe-
riod, the fabric of societies is weakened, seams come apart more readily; in a
revolutionary period the potential of an individual acting on his own or in an
organized- group increases tremendously.
The Communists know this perfectly well. And that is why for years they
have concentrated on training personnel to infiltrate and seek to control every
area of life in a given society in order to wring the last measure of political
advantage and these efforts of theirs have been immensely successful.
Let me give you an example from my own experience as to how this Commu-
1st effort works. Shortly after World War II, I was asked by General Mac-
Arthur, in my capacity as Executive Director of the Research Institute of
America, to undertake a basic revision of the Japanese tax and fiscal structure.
Such a program seemed particularly central to the introduction of democratic
structures into the social fabric of postwar Japan ; because the prewar indus-
trialization of Japan, superimposed as it was on the top of a feudal society, never
allowed for the development of a healthy, viable middle class. And without
such a healthy middle class, democracy would be impossible. Therefore tax
measures were introduced which were designed to produce in a short time the
strong middle class necessary to the political pluralisms of democracy. Now
the moment that the essence of this plan was announced, and its purposes ex-
plained, a mysterious event occurred throughout the nation : The tax collectors
went on strike. The Communist leaders of that union were clearly following
the instructions of the central political apparatus in the Kremlin. They knew
clearly that if the tax plan was enforced, the power of a wealthy few reduced,
the land redistributed, and a healthy middle class developed, the chances of
Communist control of Japan would be seriously diminished. This is an example
of astute political warfare carried out by well trained persons operating in key
positions in apparently private organizations.
This is the sort of thing that goes on all the time all over-the-world. A large
youth organization in India passes a resolution about the stopping of H-bomb
tests; copies of American magazines suddenly are unavailable at the newsstands
in Jakarta ; an entertainer rockets to fame in New York ; students riot in
Latin America ; Kerala, the most literate of India's states goes Communist ; the
sects in the new Republic of Vietnam suddenly turn on the Central Government:
the newspapers of the world accept uncritically and without quotesthe adjective
"free city" of Berlin when discussing Khrushchev's ultimatum. A boatload of
armed Kurdish "refugees" from the U.S.S.R. pass through the Suez Canal on
their way to Iraq. These things don't just happen by accident. They are the
result of organization and training.
Little in the arsenal of existing U.S. action is geared to counteract this kind
of political warfare. No training program exists today in the United States
which can adequately prepare our citizens for this struggle. As I have indi-
cated, I am particularly concerned with the vast multitude of private American
citizens who are and will increasingly be involved in activity abroad. The non-
governmental voluntary organizations already employ thousands of private
individuals operating in oversea areas. With each month additional numbers
of American business executives, educators, consultants, community specialists
embark to perform vital, separate roles in countries which are in the very heart
of the battlefield. Artistic, cultural, scientific, and entertainment groups are
an additional increasing body of American representatives contesting in their
own way the unequal effort upon which the Soviet is engaged.
There is a great interest in and preoccupation with communism in the
United States. It is my belief, nevertheless, that hardly more than a handful
really understand the precise nature of the Communist, his commitment, his
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACA E
instructions, his methods of operation and the mechanism to which he is linked
by absolute loyalty. Is it strange then that these aspects operating in other
countries are even less well understood?
And this failure to understand the dimensions of the war we must fight
has already cost us a great deal. It may not be important in the United
States that the most prominent American businessmen roll out the red carpet
for the Communist Mikoyan, and no one is suggesting that the resolve of
these men was in any way weakened. But you can be sure that for many peo-
ple around the world the stature of Mikoyan and their respect for Communist
economic power rose tremendously.
The failure to understand quickly enough the implications of the Communist
attempt to get the escapees to return home, and their kidnaping by the Soviets
hurt the cause of the free world greatly. One need only read some of the
statements made by the returned refugees and then listen to their impact on the
people still in refugee camps in the West to understand the measure of dis-
satisfaction, and disillusionment this campaign produced.
Examples like this could be multiplied hundreds of times. This is not
meant as an indictment of those in whose hands the responsibility for America's
cold war struggle lay. Often they understood more than anyone else. But the
Nation was not prepared to understand what was required, and so we just
haven't been able to be smart enough. We have not yet begun the task of
harnessing and organizing the vast reservoir of talent and brains for the po-
litical warfare job we must undertake.
This is why I consider the Freedom Commission Act and the Academy to be
of such central importance for the development and training which will assist
our whole cold war program immeasurably. The Academy is the institution
within which we can bring together that talent and experience which can de-
velop an operational science of political warfare within the framework of our
democratic structures. The most important and thrilling thing about this
bill 1689 is that it offers the beginnings of a basic solution to the problem.
Each of the various departments and agencies of the Government and the
private organizations who are concerned with the problem of political warfare
will have available to them in a single center the possibility for continuity, inter-
relationships and meshing into the wide spectrum of counteraction.
Senator HRUSKA. Dr. Cherne, I asked a previous witness today, and
I did yesterday also, a question about the structure of this Academy
and some of its courses of study and the mechanical makeup.
Have you given that subject any thought so that you could give the
committee some suggestions in that direction?
Mr. CHERNE. Yes; I have given that subject some thought. I know
it has been a great deal less than Alan Grant and the others who have
devoted so many dedicated years to this effort but to the extent that
my thought makes a contribution, I will be happy to do so. I would
like to return to one aspect of my testimony.
I indicated, as we all know, a number of educational institutions
which are presently concerned with the training of certain portions of
our governmental personnel. They are the U.S. Military Academy,
the Naval Academy, the Air Force Academy, the National War Col-
leges, the Foreign Service Institutes. I also indicated that, while in
these institutions there is an occasional reference to the problem of
protracted conflicts and the problem consequently of conflicting man-
agement, there are two things which do operate.
Those two aspects of the problem are merely footnotes, by necessity,
in the existing institutions. Secondly, within at least one of the insti-
tutions, the preoccupation with these aspects is, in fact, in conflict with
normal purposes.
I am referring here to the Foreign Service Institutes, the normal
diplomatic corps which does not regard conflict management and
counteraction as a useful normal instrument of the Foreign Service.
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150 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
I believe, incidentally, they are entirely correct in their view, but in
providing this footnote material, these institutions have already assem-
bled the names of those specialists, the lecturers and their lectures
which were taken in shorthand.
Consequently, we are not dealing with a matter entirely novel. In
fact, the experts are well known to the members of this committee.
The experts are, in fact, well known-and you raised another question
earlier-to the members of the educational community of the United
States. The experts are available. They are, in fact, about to be
tapped for, I believe, a 2 weeks' training session this summer of the
Officer Reserve here in Washin ton, in which a certain portion of that
officer training will be involved in an examination of some aspects of
these questions.
However, on the second part, on the science of counteraction, here
a great deal more must be done.
Here, too, we are not completely in the dark. It must be evident to
the members of this committee that, after having been burned badly
as a result largely of its own blindness, the American labor community,
an overwhelmingly large community, began to understand two
things-the nature of the enemy and the urgency of counteraction.
The American labor movement, through the International Confed-
eration of Free Trade Unions, has been involved in the counteraction.
Here, too, we are not dealing with blue sky. We are dealing with
the availability in the United States today of the beginnings of ex-
ploration on the process of counteraction.
Senator HRQSKA. Now, you referred to the matter of passports and
said that, while there is danger of an abuse of the relaxed standards
for passports, the greater danger lies in these many other representa-
tives, not of Government, but of businessmen and of others who go
abroad.
Now, it would seem, would it not, Dr. Cherne, that some provision
should be made, some thought should be given, not only to a formal
school which would have a 2-year course and a year of postgraduate
work and a doctor's degree and so on, but to some available practical
courses not necessarily by way of indoctrination, but certainly by way
of having heavy tones in that direction, for men who will be sent by
corporations to foreign lands to represent them for 2, 3, or 5 years or
as long as they would stay.
Would you like to comment on that and tell us what your ideas are
as to the possibilities of perfecting something like that which would
not necessarily be required by law of these corporations, but which
they in their self-interest should follow and take advantage of ?
Mr. CnERNE. There is no question Mr. Chairman, that the observa-
tion you have made is essential to the entire prospect of an effective
counteraction, that at least half of the process of developing effective
counteraction might involve shorter courses of education, of orienta-
tion to those who go abroad for more limited periods or more limited
p7 poses.
Consequently, such an Academy must have at its very earliest and
as one of its central ob_ jectives, the provision of short courses of educa-
tion in the problem of- the Soviet Union and the means of counteracting
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It is my judgment, incidentally, on the basis of concrete information,
that business institutions, among others, will be eager to avail them-
selves of the opportunity to have members of their staff secure this
education.
I am amazed constantly to learn of the many thousands of business
executives who, year in and year out, take two weeks' training which
is provided annually by the Industrial College of the Armed Forces
in industrial mobilization.
Now these are men who presently have no knowledge of industrial
mobilization. This is merely in the unhappy, terrible event of another
war. Nevertheless, they put 2 weeks aside and, as I recall, more
than 20 major cities of the United States devote 2 weeks' time to
the industrial mobilization plan.
The need for it among businessmen cannot possibly be exaggerated.
If I may be permitted, I would like to read a letter I received yes-
terday from a very able and successful businessman who retired a
year ago and who has spent one solid year traveling around the world
and who considers himself, with some small reason, to be a very
informed world student as a consequence.
He now writes :
'It was nice of you to think of me and forward the reproduction of Eugene
Lyons' speech.
I think he has somewhat of a fixational viewpoint on the Russian Communist
leaders, as his entire speech harped constantly on the individuals involved and
overlooked the Russian people and the nation as a whole.
There is one element of reality to his comments. That is the so-called
political leadership such as Khrushchev, Mikoyan, who can cause a lot of
trouble and get a, nation into war. There is nothing, new about that. By past
experience Hitler and Mussolini did the same thing. However, several indi-
viduals on our side of the fence, such as Dulles and Herter, can force the
same thing.
The people don't want war. That is true of the Russian people. They are
very friendly. Most of them know two English words-"please" and "friend."
I mingled with them in two different areas of their country geographically
which was like New York, Cleveland, and Chicago. There is hardly a Russian
family who, during the last war, did not have somebody killed or wounded.
They are fed up 'with the strife.
Right now they are well fed and dressed, happy and contented.
It is the so-called bickering and negotiating by political statesmen that will
cause war, and people like Eugene Lyons, who stir up antagonism, don't help
much.
I am planning a trip to South America, probably around January or February.
I have been to Venezuela, Colombia, and Panama. I would like to feel I have
been to every country in South America.
Frankly, I should fear to think of his inadequate information now
extending to South America. It is clear that he was wholly un-
prepared on any level to understand what he saw in the Soviet Union
or to understand the relationship between the Soviet people and the
government of the Soviet Union.
It is not the people of Russia who now threaten Berlin. It is
the government of the Soviet Union which threatens Berlin.
It is not the people of Russia which established the cold war. It
is the government of the Soviet Union which established the cold war.
Unfortunately, an untrained individual looks at faces. He sees
faces which he suggests resemble those of Cleveland, New York and
Chicago. He is wholly honest and I am sure sometimes intensely
wishes : "Why can't we live in peace," and he comes back concluding
it is just a matter of a resolution on our part.
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152 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
That, if we just act peaceful, they will want peace. Lost in this
mass of misunderstanding is the entire conspiracy of the Soviet
imperialism.
Senator HRUSKA. Which, as Dr. Judd and many other witnesses
have testified, has not changed and will not prevail until they are
subdued.
One other question, would it be practical, in your judgment, in this
process of education and training in short courses or long courses,
would it be practical for the Commission to contract with some of
our Nation's universities to get the job done?
Mr. CHERNE. I have no doubt it would be practical and I would
suspect that some of our universities would be the desirable site of some
of these short courses or instruction to which you have referred. previ-
ously. But, I should think that, by and large, it would not be desir-
able at the early stages to contract to a university, any university, the
job of either the assembly of the Academy or the job of the preparation
of the curriculum.
Senator HRUSKA. Why not?
Mr. CHERNE. Well, if the universities had demonstrated any capac-
ity to do this job, they would, in fact, have been doing it on their own
campus, and I see no evidence. And may I also say I am not singling
out the universities in that respect. I just see no evidence that any
segment of American life, with the exception of the organized labor
movement which itself had been substantially captured-there was
the unique element which created its own experience-with the excep-
tion of that, I see no segment of American life which is capable at the
present time of undertaking a contract on this job.
I think individuals are. I think this committee, for example, is a
repository of enormous knowledge and judgment in this area, and this
committee knows well who in the community has that knowledge.
Senator HRUSKA. Yes, and we have witnessed those who have said
that this committee has served its purpose and should go its way.
Mr. CHERNE. Any activity that is interested in defeating communism
today suffers acute troubles. There is the urgent need for it to have,
not the individual hit or miss, but isolate those important efforts, and
coordinate them.
You asked before, Mr. Chairman, of two other witnesses why aren't
the textbooks in the colleges.
My answer would be that it is not because there is anything uniquely
sinister in the colleges or anything uniquely sinister in the publishing
companies. It is because there is a fact which still prevails and that
is that anyone who tackles the job of anticommunism has no market.
There is an automatic campaign to injure and destroy him.
Why is it that there are so few anti-Communist plays on Broadway?
Why is it that the anti-Communist plays on Broadway fail?
It is because investors need to have their money returned. The
anticommunist plays either receive a yawn or a slap from the critics
because the anti-Communist play will have, surrounding itself, a word
of mouth campaign about its unattractiveness, its morbidity, as well as
the fact that it is awfully dull.
That would be the word of mouth campaign and consequently,
whether it is writing a book or writing a play, it is not unusual that,
in a private society, there will, by and large, be a rough correlation'
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between the market, the possibility of earning a living and the action
which is taken by an author, a playright, a professor. Here I believe
is the answer.
Once again, the effort to have a Freedom Commission and Freedom
Academy will, in my judgment, be the major indication that the Na-
tion does indeed regard this, not only as urgent, but eminently re-
spectable.
Senator HRus:KA. I take it from the earlier part of your answer to
the question as to contracting with universities, that what you would
like to see happen is the formation of the proper trend, the assembling
of properly trained people ; the gathering of a proper library, sources
of information, and impress upon the institutions which will be con-
tracted to carry the right pitch on this thing, rather than putting
this project into perhaps a purely academic atmosphere where it will
be kicked around and examined as to whether or not communism is
good; whether or not we should take a position. Would you. say that
approximates it)
Mr. CHERNE. That is entirely correct, Mr. Chairman. You have
said it so much better than I. There.is no question that that is so.
I an concerned there will be a misconception of the Freedom Acad-
emy, not in the direction of an infiltrated organization but that if
some academic minds are applied to it, we will find ourselves in still
another examination into what it is that Marx really did say and how
accurate was he, and did it work out.
Now these are all useful, but this is not the heart of a program of
understanding the enemy with which we deal today.
Senator HRUSKA. It is the deadly serious business, isn't it, of as-
sembling a correct, effective weapon?
Mr. CHERNE. Yes.
Senator HRUS:iA. Dr. Cherne, we are very grateful to you for your
appearance here.
Your vast knowledge and your experience with this subject is plainly
indicated by the statement you have filed and the testimony you have
giYven.
our appearance has added immeasurably to the substance and to
the information which is so necessary for proper consideration of the
legislation upon which we are having hearings.
Colonel Manchester did not return and there are no further wit-
nesses today.
Mr. SOURWINE. Colonel Manchester did not come back but he has
sent word that he would like to have his statement put in the record
at this point.
Senator HRUSKA. Without objection, it will be incorporated into
the record at this point.
(The statement of Lt. Col. M. H. Manchester reads as follows:)
THE CASE FOR A FREEDOM ACADEMY
Presentation by Lt. Col. M. H. Manchester, deputy director of ROA, to the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee
1. To further strengthen national security, the Reserve Officers Association
has taken the unusual step of creating a special standing committee to study
the whole field of nonmilitary warfare. This group, headed by Brig. Gen.
Wendell Westover, bears the title of "Committee on Fourth Dimensional War-
fare." Many other distinguished officers, from all parts of the Nation, have
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1,4 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREE M
volunteered to serve on this committee ; and the group maintains close liaison
with a number of outstanding scholars who are preparing the articles on Com-
munist strategy, geopolitics, and psychological warfare for the Officer magazine.
Moreover, ROA is the cosponsor of a 2-week strategy seminar at the National
War College this coming July, in which some 200 Reserve officers will be trained
to understand the Communist techniques of protracted conflict. These points
are made to indicate that ROA has knowledge and experience in fields related
to the legislation under consideration by this committee of the Senate.
2. The "fourth dimension" refers to the techniques of struggle in the arena of
the mind, the will, and the psyche. Hence it embraces propaganda, political
warfare, psychosocial combat, economic warfare, brainwashing, subversion,
ideological conflict, and the basic beliefs of our own society which motivate men
to sacrifice. (The classical dimensions of warfare are, of course, land, sea, air,
and, now, space. The fourth dimension is the invisible terrain of courage,
character, loyalty, determination, and ideals.)
3. ROA is, of course, comprised of officers who have seen service on what
might be called the orthodox battlefields of World War I, World War II, and
Korea. ROA has consistently supported an adequate and balanced military
posture ; for we know that the Communist challenge is backed by formidable
land armies, a menacing fleet of submarines, and growing air and missile capa-
bilities. V
4. But, ROA is concerned also with the nonmilitary threat of the Sino-Soviet
Axis. _ It. is here that world communism has a long leadtime over the West in
the use of trained, professional cadres, or conflict managers.
5. Americans believe in education for defense as well as for peace. At West
Point, Annapolis, and the Air Force Academy we train selected youths in the
arts of war. Graduates of these military schools continue their education, in
adult life, at the Army War College, the Naval War College, the Air War Uni-
versity, the Industrial College of the Armed Forces, and the National War
College. In other words, we have postgraduate schools for hot war.
6. The Communists, however, are waging war against the free world on the
chessboard of politics, economics, propaganda, and subversion. They have, for
more than three decades, trained professional revolutionists in the arts of non-
military combat. Communists, in short, have command and staff schools for
cold war.
7. ROA submits that, on the record, the free world has been losing the non-
.military struggle owing in part to the lack of cold war training facilities for
American diplomats, soldiers, foreign aid personnel, businessmen who serve
overseas, and other effectives.
8. American personnel are being trained today in international law, business
management, diplomatic history, and economic theory. Virtually no Americans
are being trained in propaganda analysis, psychological warfare, world precinct
politics, and ideological combat.
9. In an age of mass media, mass literacy, and intercontinental communica-
tions, the battle of world opinion is dominated by professionals. At the present
time, Soviet Russia has a monopoly on professionals who are the products of the
Lenin Institute of Political Warfare and other Communist training schools.
10. ROA wishes to record the conviction of citizen soldiers, who have served
under fire in three wars, that a whole new dimension of conflict has been intro-
duced by the Sino-Soviet Axis ; and that, therefore, a whole new type of train-
Ing is required in order to equip Americans and their allies with techniques
evolved from the behavioral sciences. Classical diplomacy and firepower are not
always relevant in the age of the hidden persuaders. The Communists have per-
fected an organizational weapon and propaganda machinery that cannot be
contained by the conventional defenses of the past.
11. In the following analysis, ROA sets forth its assumptions about the nature
of the world struggle in the decade ahead, and strongly recommends that, in
order to compete on reasonably equal terms, the Senate give serious considera-
tion to the case for the Freedom Academy.
A. By exploiting fear of nuclear missiles, and boasting of sputnik, the Soviets
will try to paralyze the U.S. military arm by terrorizing public opinion in
America and the rest of the free world. The Communists, like the Nazis before
them, know that, in a democracy, confused opinion sometimes inhibits govern-
ment from taking decisive action in time. By corroding the will of free peoples
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(alternating threats with false hopes for peace), the Soviets may be able to use
politics, propaganda, and world pressure group activity to-
(1) "ground" the Strategic Air Force;
(2) deactivate and dismantle our military and missile bases abroad;
(3) immobilize our Army and Navy (in the event of brush-fire wars) ;
(4) demoralize and disorient large segments of American opinion, and
thus increase pressures on Washington for disengagement, peace at any
price, unilateral disarmament; peaceful coalition in a world socialist state,
etc., etc.
B. Under the "umbrella" of nuclear terror, the Soviets may be able to seize
Asia, the Middle East, and Africa piecemeal by coup d'etat, civil war, precinct
politics,-fifth columns, assassination, propaganda, guerrilla activities, economic
penetration, and the other instruments of psychosocial conflict. The Soviets
can thus keep their atomic powder dry and win the world with fourth dimen-
sional warfare.
C. In the past, we have waited for the enemy's first blow to awaken our people
to peril. Then, shielded by our oceans and by time, we have mobilized public
opinion for sacrifice and service. But, today, we must arouse the people before
the Soviets are ready to consummate an atomic Pearl Harbor on continental
United States. Indeed, there must be disciplined understanding that we are
already engaged in a new kind of war, with camouflaged weapons and unortho-
dox rules. If we do not prosecute this fourth dimensional conflict with vigor
and sophistication, we may be driven into a corner where our only choice is to
surrender or cremate the earth.
II. GOALS FOR NATIONAL DEFENSE
A. To create, inside Government, the machinery needed to enable the free
world to compete successfully with Soviet fourth dimensional warfare techniques.
(Ultimately this might mean the establishment of a fourth weapon not only in
Washington; but at NATO and SEATO Headquarters.) The creation of a
Freedom Academy would seem a logical first step.
B. To create, in the private sector, a disciplined understanding of Communist
strategy and tactics so there will be-
(1) adequate public support for an American and free world offensive
in the nonmilitary warfare field ; and
(2) tenacious and skillful defense against Communist attempts to infil-
trate or disorient private institutions in this country, in order to use them
,to handcuff and/or disarm our Military Establishment.
C. The purpose of both A and B, above, would be to stultify the Soviet fourth
weapon and, gradually, to isolate, paralyze, and cripple Communist warmaking
power with nonmilitary pressures. Eventually, the United States should de-
velop economic, political, and cultural weapons to probe the internal weaknesses
of the Sino-Soviet Empire and so carry the nonmilitary war into the camp of
the enemy.
NOTE.-Obviously, in order to wage psychopolitical and economic warfare, we
must have an impenetrable shield of science and military power. Hence, the
public must understand that the fourth weapon is no, substitute for airpower, the
Navy, and an Army capable of fighting limited wars.. Any campaign to alert
the public to the case for an American fourth weapon must, necessarily, empha-
size the need to match Soviet capabilities in firepower, missiles, submarines, etc.
The fourth weapon is simply the sword that can be used, as the Communists are
using it, from behind the shield of military and scientific preparedness.
III. THE NEED FOR NEW MACHINERY
A. Fourth dimensional warfare, since it involves social, economic, and political
factors, cannot, in a free society, be exclusively dominated by Government.
What is required is a new kind of partnership in defense between the military,
the Department of State, and private institutions, defense industry, oversea
corporations, professional societies, private foundations, universities, the public
school system, youth groups, women's clubs, etc.
B. A Freedom Academy is needed to train the civilian and military compon-
ents which must work together in voluntary cooperation if an American fourth
weapon is to be used both offensively behind the Iron Curtain and defensively
here at home to strengthen the climate of opinion against Soviet strategems.
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156 FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY
Mr. SouRWINE. Mr. Chairman, we also have a letter from Congress-
man Charles E. Bennett, of Florida with a very brief statement about
this legislation which he asked to be put into the record.
Senator HRUSKA. It will be accepted with pleasure, a colleague of
Congressman Herlong.
(The letter and statement referred to read as follows :)
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D.C., June 18,1959.
SUBCOMMITTEE ON INTERNAL SECURITY,
Senate Judiciary Comnvittee
Washington, D.C.
GENTLEMEN : I understand your subcommittee has been holding hearings on
Congressman Herlong's H.R. 3880. I would appreciate your including the
enclosed statement in the record of these hearings.
Thanking you, and with kindest regards, I am
STATEMENT OF CHARLES E. BENNETT, MEMBER OF CONGRESS, ON THE PROPOSED
FREEDOM COMMISSION ACT, H.R. 3880
Mr. Chairman, I appreciate this opportunity to appear here today in behalf
of the proposed Freedom Commission Act. Coauthors of this proposal are Con-
gressmen A. S. Herlong, Jr., and Walter H. Judd. I introduced a companion
measure, H.R. 4988, to show my support for this marvelous proposal to
strengthen the force of freedom in the battle for the minds of uncommitted peo-
ples all over the world. I sincerely believe that enactment of this proposal
would serve the cause of freedom throughout the world by establishing a free-
dom commission, a freedom academy, and a joint congressional freedom commit-
tee, each of which could be a valuable freedom weapon. I certainly hope this
committee can give its approval and support to this fine proposal.
Senator HRUSKA. Mrs. Jessica Payne of Huntington, IV. Va., a
former member of the legislature of that State, has asked for per-
mission to include in the record a statement on this general subject.
That permission, without objection, is granted, and upon receipt
thereof, Mr. Counsel, you will turn it over to the reporter for inclusion
in the record.
Mr, SouRwINE. Yes, sir.
(The statement referred to reads as follows:)
STATEMENT ON FREEDOM ACADEMY
(By Mrs. E. Wyatt Payne, (Mrs. Jessica Payne) Huntington, W. Va.)
Mr. Chairman, my name is Mrs. E. Wyatt Payne, (Mrs. Jessica Payne) from
Huntington, W. Va. I am a former member of the legislature, a lecturer and
writer on Americanism versus communism and have defended constitutional
government and our free enterprise system in every State, except the two new-
comers. I appreciate the opportunity to come before this committee with this
statement as a lay American, mother and former teacher, to speak in sup-
port of the Freedom Academy, which, if established, and protected from infiltra-
tion and indoctrination by the Communist, Socialists and the National Educa-
tional Association, should, and could prove to be the guiding light and guiding
hand necessary to save our Republic.
Certainly, all else has failed to stop the Communist conspiracy and to "con-
tain" communism and I am convinced that their expansion program, under the
panoply of the cold war, will continue unless and until some sensible, fearless
and honest approach is made toward understanding and exposing this con-
spiracy which is now interwoven into the very fabric of American life. Our
Government, schools, unions, clubs and churches, because of the colossal igno-
rance (in spite of the fine work of the FBI, the Un-American Activities Com-
mittee and your own courageous work) are either victims, dupes or collaborators
in some degree and aspect of their nefarious program.
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Obviously, specific attention to this problem is indicated. Generalities, double-
talk, half-truths, erroneous propaganda and outright falsehoods have so con-
fused the American people about communism, that they are often willing and
eager followers, if not participants, in its clever, deceptive conniving. Most peo-
ple fall for the bait because it comes disguised as progress, brotherhood, free-
dom from prejudice, do-gooder programs, neutralism and many other "forms" to
fool "conformers."
These known and documented facts point up the need for a pro-American
Academy where the truth about the Communist conspiracy-its techniques, in-
trigues, espionage system, the roll of their saboteurs and their philosophy, is
-taught and made known to the American people.
As I listened to the fine points brought out by Congressman Judd, Herbert
Philbrick and others, I was impressed with the question asked each of those
appearing before the committee by the presiding chairman, Senator Roman
'Hruska, namely : Why are there so few pro-American textbooks in our schools
and colleges? Obviously, the astute Senator realizes that there may be some
connection between the easy acceptance of pro-Communist doctrine and the
vacuum created in our educational system by deleting and slanting basic Amer-
ican concepts. There is such a connection, and much of our trouble today stems
from the fact that it is becoming increasingly difficult to preserve American
values-even the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence-because
of un-American and non-American propaganda, through textbooks and other
media which the social planners in education have substituted for sound prin-
ciples in education and government. Every dictator knows the immediate im-
pact of taking over and rewriting the textbooks when they want to condition
anation for the "kill." They change the vocabulary, replace or remove re-
ligious and national symbols, scoff at their national heroes and confuse the peo-
ple about their allegiance to established traditions and mores by misinterpret-
ing, or slanting history.
Do we have a parallel for these signs of decadence in America today? Yes.
The proof is overwhelming to those who read and compare "modern" textbooks
with those whose faithful reporting of the great experiment in individual liberty,
known as the American Republic, inspired their readers to respect and pre-
serve it. The creeping paralysis of changing our form of government under
the guise of "social progress" and "progressive education" is everywhere ap-
parent, and a thorough investigation anal expose of this major weakness in
our national life is long overdue. When, and if, it is held the investigation
should not be conducted by those leaders in education whose philosophies and
textbooks helped to create the dilemma, but by a Government committee whose
.members are dedicated to the preservation of this Nation, it can be shown by
evidence and documentation that our educational system (including most all
textbooks in history, the social and political sciences and economics), has di-
rected its students, and therefore the Nation, toward the Collectivist-Socialist
welfare state. The visible beginning is found in the official records of the
N,E.A. under "Addresses and Proceedings in Washington and Cleveland," 1934.
vol. 72, page 647, under the title "Education for the New America" by Willard
B. -Givens. Every congressional committee dealing with the Communist-Social-
1st. problem in America today should read the following Report and compare
,its. bold statement with the pattern of education which developed under the
-leadership of the gentleman who made the report. A few months later he
was made- executive secretary of the National Educational Association and
.directed its program for many years until the present secretary, his protege,
took over. Quoting from the Givens Report : "This report comes directly from
,the thinking together of more than 1,000 members of the department of super-
-intendence. A dying laissez faire must be completely destroyed and all of us,
-including the owners, must be subjected to a large degree of social control.
sA large section of our discussion group, accepting the conclusions of distin-
guished students, maintain that, in our fragile, interdependent society, the credit
agencies, the basic industries and utilities cannot be centrally planned and
operated under private ownership. Hence, they will join in creating a swift
nationwide campaign of adult education which will support President Roosevelt
an taking over and operating them at full capacity as a unified national system
,in: the interest of all the people." No wonder parents and good teachers and
elected representatives are concerned about the consequences of such an -edu-
,,cational program.
427 31,-69--i1 -
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Unfortunately, the very philosophy stated in the above report, which obvi-
On ly was lifted right out of the Communist-Socialist philosophy and initiated
program in America, became the motivation for changing our textbooks, and
we find its wording and advice advocated through directives from the N.E.A.,
the modern curriculum, and the textbooks during the ensuing years. Today
civilian defense authorities are anxious that we watch the skies for enemy
!bombers and give the alert, but there were no "listening posts" in the class
rooms when the far deadlier Communist-Socialist bombs dropped into the text-
Abooks such devastating bombs as "Free enterprise is dead-The Supreme Court
could and presumably should abolish constitutional property rights for the so-
'clal goad-Those who think that government is a competitor of free enterprise
will only drive the United States into totalitarian dictatorship-The United
States has already committed its power and wealth to changing conditions all
over the world and enforcing the four freedoms-This Nation is part of a `new
-world' in which national rights will be superseded by an international system-
You cannot level wealth in America until legislation is passed which forbids
-parents leaving their inheritance to their children." You see, gentlemen of the
committee, these were not "clean bombs" and the fallout changed the schools,
-the students, the Government, and the whole fabric of American life. Our
present status, measured on the background of the above report and its re-
incarnation in leading textbooks presents a fait accompli : the Communist-Social
1st prophesy fulfilled, To pinpoint the answer to the Senator's question re-
., axding textbooks we should remember those whose influence was predominant
the N. E.A., the textbook field, educational policy decisions and the "modern"
curriculum, some of whom were Moscow trained and oriented. John Dewey,
William Kilpatrick, George Counts, Kirtley Mather, Henry Commager, the Schles-
fngers and their followers cannot escape the verdict of history relating to weak-
ening American concepts of individual liberty, individual initiative, frugality,
property rights, the free enterprise system, sound money, a balanced budget and
constitutional Government, American style. The shift away from these tried
-And true precepts and concepts, to the deficit spending, lean on Government,
less work for more pay, public housing, public everything philosophy came about
through leading educators whose textbooks found their way into the academic
bloodstream of America, and whose students carried the philosophy into the
eloverninen?t, when given high positions in policymaking quarters.
There are few pro-American textbooks today because education, per se, and
those connected with it in the top eschelons were not thinking, writing, or
planning according to American tradition and previously accepted basic prin
ciples. Something new had been added and implemented. It is clearly de-
flied in;the Givens Report.
Why Was this infiltration and indoctrination not stopped in, its early stages,
of even now? In my opinion, there are three obvious reasons. First, the Na-
tionul;]lucation.Association is still controlled by those who believe that the
social gospel, Federal aid, and the child-centered school are dependable substi-
iutes for reading, writing, arithmetic, character training, and reward for work
well done. Second, the steamroller could have been checked by the P.T.A.,
and third, also by lay-independent school boards, but the N.E.A. quickly realized
the necessity of bringing these two grassroot organizations under their watch-
ful care and guidance. I have carefully checked much of the material, including
the latest Does Better Education Cost More?" sent out by the N.E.A. and
propagandized for by the P.T.A., and the cry is always, "More money makes
better schools." This is not necessarily so. Billions put into buildings and
Salaries will not reverse the Communist-Socialist trend in education unless and
until the curriculum is changed to include fundamental education, American
history, allegiance to God and country, and strength through character and de-
votion to family life. When textbooks are written with the preservation of the
-American Republic in mind, and when textbook committees refuse to adopt any
others, and if adopted, State legislatures refuse to pay for them, we shall be on
our way to retrieving, our American heritage.
All the problems of space and the atomic age can best be settled by those who
are equipped with fundamental education and love of and devotion to their
country-freedom's native land. In fact, "life, liberty, and the pursuit of happi-
ness" would be more secure in our keeping if modern textbooks were written
with the ,s irit and intent expressed by Dr. Joes Steele in 1871, when, in the
preface to his history book, he said: "This work is offered to American youth in
the confident belief that, as they study the wonderful history of their native
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land, they will learn to prize their birthright more highly, and treasure it more
carefully. Their patriotism must be kindled when they come to see how slowly,
yet how gloriously, this tree of liberty has grown ; what storms have wrenched
its boughs, what sweat of toil and blood has moistened its roots, what eager eyes
have watched every outspreading bud, what brave hearts have defended it, lov-
ing it even unto death. A heritage thus sanctified by the heroism and devotion
of the fathers cannot but elicit the choicest and tenderest love of the sons." Old-
fashioned? Yes. Emotional? Certainly. So are the Ten Commandments.
When, may I ask you, did you read a textbook which would affect the spine
and heart of our youth as does the above and bring them to "some to see" our glo-
rious history? When? Yes, we need the Freedom Academy, and we need it now.
Mr. SOURWINE. May we have the same order for inclusion of a state-
ment being prepared by Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, professor at George-
town University and chairmen of the Ukrainian Congress Committee
of America.
Senator HR1JSKA. It is so ordered.
(Dr. Dobriansky's statement reads as follows:)
STATEMENT ON S. 1689 BY Da. LEV E. DOBEIANSKY, WASHINGTON, D.C.
I appreciate the opportunity of submitting this statement on S. 1689 which
calls for the creation of a Freedom Commission and the establishment of a
Freedom Academy. We are in complete favor of the passage of this extremely
important measure. The tremendous and pressing need for this independent
agency and the special educational institution cannot be too strongly em-
phasized.
For the serious consideration of the members of this committee and also in
rational support of the affirmative position taken by us on this farseeing bill,
we offer the following concise observations, all of which can be readily and
reasonably documented:
(1) The necessity for the passage of this measure is inextricably tied up
with the, basic issue of the very survival of our Nation. This statement is no
exaggeration. When one soberly considers how much has been lost in the past
decade, he could with considerable validity caption his thoughts with the title
"From Atomic Monopoly Power and Air Supremacy to Research Surrender."
The pessimistic overtones of this title for our latest chapter in foreign policy,
vis-a-vis the Soviet Union, should not, of course, be accepted for the future.
But who can reasonably deny that its elements bear varying degrees of factu-
ality? Had we in operating existence what is sensibly designed in this bill, the
probability is, to say the least, that we as a Nation would have maintained our
clear-cut superiority in these respects. Lest we be mistaken, this is not entirely
an observation from hindsight, even though such an observation would in itself
draw respectful attention. The plain fact is that the fundamental nature of
the imperialist Russian Communist enemy was openly revealed years before the
outbreak of hostilities in 1939.
The farseeing character of this measure points to the most essential course
open to us in combating successfully the conspiratorial and subversive inroads
made by Moscow in the free world. With the relatively declining long-run
importance of military might and power as our chief source of deterrence
against both the further expansion of Moscow's empire and the horrendous
outbreak of a global hot war, the critical area of the foreseeable future will be
that of vigorous and imaginative cold war activity. The sheer adequacy of
Communist arms and industrial capacity has produced a formidable counter-
deterrent which shifts the points of comparative advantage to activities within
the cold war area. Vested with complete futural significance of the most
crucial sort, this measure aims to equip us with the necessary means to cope
adequately with the expected intensification of devious cold war activities by
Moscow.
(2) The passage of this bill would make possible concentrated studies of Rus-
sian cold war operations in terms of indispensable historical perspectives which
would deepen our insights into the basic nature of the enemy. Careful analyses
along these and primarily substantive lines would reveal that what we classify
today as Moscow's cold war techniques and methods are essentially traditional
to totalitarian Russian diplomacy. Contrary to rather superficial opinion,
they are not the created products of so-called Communist ideology and opera-
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11 tion. It can be readily demonstrated, ' for example, that methods now em-
ployed by Moscow in the Middle East, particularly in Iran, were in essence
used by the white Tsars of the old Russian Empire. Except for accidental
refinements, many of the techniques manipulated by the rulers of the present
Russian Empire can be traced as far back as the 16th century. Indeed, over
it' half century before Marx, the Russian ambassadors of Catherine the Ureat
utilized class division techniques to prepare for the partitions of` 'Poland.
Numerous other examples' of striking comparative worth and value can be cited.
';such specialized studies conducted by an independent agency setup to con-
cot'trate on cold war phenomena stand to have more value for our national
security and defense than literally the billions spent upon military hardware.
These fashioned techniques and methods of Moscow are new to us by virtue of our
tltlfamiiiarity with them. Yet, significantly, they are old and tried to many
subjugated nations in Eastern Europe, the Caucasus, and Central Asia. In
contrast to the ways and means of past Western imperialism and colonialism
that throve on oversea possessions, the methods of Russian imperialism and
colonialism were forged to extend an overland empire, with all their borderland
implications. By these methods and techniques an unprecedented 'empire was
built over the centuries and revived and. even greatly expanded by, present
Muscovite rulers. Of conspicuous note concerning the past as well as contem-
orary Russian expansion is the outstanding fact that the polyglot military
orces unifier lVloscpw played essentially a. secondary role. The primary role
has couslstently been played by Russian diplomacy, conspiracy, and subversion.
Qu tlizs }ncludes our latest period, from World War II to the present. Our
biz erstaadi?lg of these Russian "cold war" operations as pursued by tyrannical
Russian rulers over the centuries is indispensable to adequate preparations and
ability on our part to cope with phenomena of intensive revolutions and conquests
from witi4n in .independent, and. also emergin .nations of the free world. The
Objectives envisaged by S. 1689 point in this direction.
3) In the 'light of the swift-moving developments of the past decade and
ippre, this measure and its passage are actually long overdue. The essential
id, as of.this, measure were considered by the Select House Committee To Investi-
l~t Communist Aggression Since 1018, Shortly, thereafter, Senator Douglas
qt 1111461s, sponsored a measure aimed at the creation of a Freedom Commission
a'.few, years ago. "The present bill in more , elaborate and adequate form
ciTstallizes the thoughts and vision of the many who have given serious consid-
eration and study to the nature and scope of'cold war operations under contrived
CQ c 1tions,of "neither peace nor war." Based on much precedent thought, this
niehsure promises to lay the necessary foundations for us to contend intelligently
&iid cg"'tently with the cold war thrusts and maneuvers of Moscow.
4) By analogy, the existence of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom
Academy is as necessary to our national being today as the Board of Governors
of the. J'QCle;al Begerve System. In like manner our the latter is purposed to
ac iece a,taijility and balanced development in our economy, the former would
strive to accomplish the same in our undertakings under indefinite conditions
of.'.`neither peace nor war." It is safe to say that because the American people
have not , by and large, understood the nature, scope, and depth of Moscow's
eo ~. wgr, operations, they have been constantly subject to wide fluctuations of
lfi6 d .ands sentizr}ent, giving way at times to dangerous complacency and even
SO 1 1 di n_ce toward the vital force of their treasured principles and
vx ues he,I;Iikgyan,spectacle,earlier,this year was a case in point. Trips to
cow Y o gain political popularity at home have developed into a veritable joke,
vnl ,h ny Indirect propaganda advantages and gains accruing to Moscow
itself. hesg ,anti many other developments have broad cold war significance.
They require continuous studied assessment leading to recommendations for
ad! 6q ) To satisfactorily meet the tasks and requirements cited above, an inde-
pe dent agency devoted exclusively to the content of cold-war operation is indis-
pensable. There is no ekisting agency or department in our Government that
is gqu stied by intent or resources to, meet these tasks. No, existing govern-
zne tal body is designed to treat and study Russian cold-war phenomena in all
the; i erl~elaed,as ects Administratively, there is no principle of coordination
rQ ed itj ed by , an body in this intricate and complex field. The creation of a
lr dom Qm i s cln ,vgqulel Correct th ese defect , and.fill .in the gaps that pres-
etv est It would,, at long last, provide us with a functioning apparatus to
de~ ,l with"a foremost challenge in a totalistic and coordinated way, rather than
the piecemeal and sporadic efforts that have prevailed up to the present.
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FREEDOM COMMISSION AND FREEDOM ACADEMY 161
(6) Similarly, there is no educational institution maintained by our Govern-
ment or any private body that is capable of conducting necessary and continuous
studies and instruction on this new plane of cold-war operation. The intended
Freedom Academy would satisfy this basic need.
n;(7) And both bodies, the Freedom Commission and the Freedom Academy,
would become valuable and effective media ,for our public and private institu-
tions as concerns general enlightenment and understanding of the constant, dan-
gerous threat that confronts our Nation and the free world. Their very exist-
ence and work would bar indifference or complacency toward this persistent
totalitarian peril which is centered in Moscow. In short, their service in this
specialized field would be in the fundamental service of our own survival as an
independent nation. On grounds of national survival, we cannot afford to even
risk the prospects of psychological attrition or isolation, not to mention other
nonmilitary avenues of national reduction.
Mr. 8puRwINE. Senator Mundt has advised us that he has prepared
a statement which he would like included in these hearings.
Senator HEUSKA. It may be included.
(T h6 statement above referred to reads as. foll(tws:)
STATEMENT OF SENATOR KARL E. MUNDT ON .5',1689, THE FREEDOM COMMISsIQN,AQT
I am delighted to have the opportunity to present this statement to the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee in behalf of S. 1689, the Freedom Commission
Act, a bill which I introduced in the Senate on April 15, with the cosponsorship
of Sennaator Douglas of Illinois and Senator Case of New Jersey. S. 1689 and its
compahion in the House, introduced by Congressmen Herlong and Judd, is a
bill which should engage the attention and serious consideration of every Mem-
ber of the Congress of the United States. This bill proposes a positive plan of
action, which it seems to me must be implemented at an early date, if we are to
succeed in the grim struggle against the pervading forces of international com-
munism.
S. 1689 proposes the creation of a Freedom Commission and a Freedom Aca-
demy to train and inform the citizens of the free world as Ito the conspiratorial,
organizational, and operational techniquest of communism, and of the means
And methods of counteraction, which can be employed most effectively against
the International Communist psychological and political warfare offensive.
The conspirators, who are directing the Communist attack on the free nations
of the world, have developed their organizational and operational techniques to
the point of a pure science. Their every action is well calculated and minutely
planned to do the greatest destruction to the free world cause. Each Communist
psychological warfare thrust is artistically designed in conformity with an
overall master plan for world domination. Through this unified, scientifically
developed, and well calculated psychopolitical plan, the Communists have sue-
Ceeded in penetrating every level of our free world society. This grave threat
to. the free world continues to an ever-increasing intensity. Grave as the threat
may be, the situation is far from hopeless, providing this country, the acknowl-
edged leader of the free world, is willing to undertake an organized and well-
directed program. of counteraction. The Communist challenge cannot be met
with mere rhetoric and good intentions ; the urgent need is for positive and
unified.action. S. 1689 is designed to provide the framework for such a program
of action
This Nation and the other nations of the free world have dedicated themselves
to the mutual development of a powerful defensive and offensive military estab-
lishment capable, if necessity requires, to meet and defeat the combat forces
of the Communist world on the battlefields of a hot war. Tragically enough, we
have ignored in great measure the political battlefields of the cold war, where the
crucial struggle against atheistic communism could be lost without the firing of
a.: shot or the -launching of an ICBM. It is on -to these political battlefields that
the .communists have dispatched highly trained echelons of conspirators to in-
)ftltrate, subvert and control many of the institutions of the free world. These
same cadres of Communist subversion are being rapidly deployed in many of
the uncommitted nations of the world. We, of the free world, are not effectively
meeting or counteracting this intense Communist activity in the field of political
warfare., We ,Cannot effectively counteract this 'type of Communist cold war
aotivlfy wi,th,apathy and ignorance; if we are to win, if we are to survive, we
q
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162
,must confront this political vanguard of the totalitarian forces with a program
of action, indeed, counteraction and enlightenment. It is to provide this en-
lightened force of counteraction to fight on the political battlefields of the world
that Senator Douglas and I are proposing and urging the creation of a Freedom
Oo nmisslon and a Freedom Academy.
Under the provisions of S. 1689, the initial step would be the establishment
of a Freedom Commission, composed of seven outstanding U.S. citizens. This
Commission must be staffed with our top experts in the field of political and
ps'chological warfare. Its members must be highly sophisticated individuals,
keenly aware of the plans, techniques, and objectives, of the international Com-
munist conspiracy. These Individuals must be men of breadth and vision ; they
must be earnestly dedicated to the causes of freedom and they must be aware
and deeply respectful of the many divergent beliefs and philosophieswhich com-
bine to form the total concept of freedom. I think that it is grand that two
proponents of such widely divergent political philosophies, as are Paul Douglas
and I, should join in the cosponsorship of this legislation, for it indicates the type
of broad-based coalition, which the free world must present in this political
warfare against the forces of communism.
The posts on the Freedom Commission will be full-time jobs and the employ-
ment activities of the members must be restricted exclusively to the work of the
Freedom Commission. The activities envisioned in S. 1689 are so vast in both
scope and importance that a full-time administrative branch is an absolute
necessity,if this plan of action is to succeed. The Commission will consist of six
members and a chairman. These seven individuals will be appointed by the
President with the advice and consent of the Senate. The individual members
Will serve for staggered terms of 6 years, and the chairman will serve at the
pleasure of the President. A primary responsibility of this presidentially ap-
pointed Commission will be the establishment and direction of the Freedom
Academy. The Commission will direct the selection of the Academy faculty, and
will cooperate with the faculty in drawing up the curriculum and proposed course
of study. It will, additionally, be necessary for the Commission to draft a
workable selection system, by which the Academy's students will be chosen.
The Commission will also be responsible for establishing an information center,
the principal function of which will be to disseminate information and materials
which will assist persons and organizations to increase their understanding of
ttip true nature of the Communist conspiracy and the ways and means of defeating
that conspiracy.
S. 1689 attempts only to chart a general course to be followed by the Commis-
sion and Academy. The bill Is not restrictive in its terms, and leaves much of
the matters of detail and specific approach to the discretion and sound judgment
of the Commission. However, the program envisioned in S. 1689 is too vital to
the future of the free world to leave exclusively under the supervision of seven
Individuals. So S. 1689 proposes the creation of a Joint Congressional Freedom
Committee, composed of 14 members, 7 from each House of the Congress. This
joint committee shall make continued studies of the activities of the Freedom
Commission and of the effectiveness of the educational and informational pro-
grams being directed by the Commission. The Joint Freedom Committee will
report from time to time to the Members of the Senate and the House of Repre-
sentatives.
' The Academy is, of course, the hub of this activity of counteraction against the
Communist political warfare. It is in the Freedom Academy that individuals
from public and private life will be informed as to the organizational techniques
of the Communist conspiracy and of the methods which must be employed to win
in a battle of international political warfare. The Academy students will be
thoroughly informed as to the Communist ideologies; they will be shown haw the
Communists, with their well-developed organizational techniques, infiltrate our
free institutions and later subvert them to their own conspiratorial and tyranni-
cfll purposes. Once thoroughly acquainted with the nature and character of the
foe, the student will be schooled in the elements and essentials of successful
counteraction. The student will be trained to engage in political infighting in
specific types of situations, in specific areas of society, and in specific areas of the
world.
The student body of the Freedom Academy will not be drawn from the United
states alone, but will be selected from all parts of the free world. Students will
e me from all walks of life; the student body will Include trade unionists, pro-
fessional men, teachers, clergymen, housewives, municipal officials, technicians,
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business executives, and Government employees This divergency of background
Is essential to successful counteraction, for the Communist organizational cam-
paign of infiltration and subversion is directed at all strata of society. Mr.
-Chairman, it is the intention and purpose of S. 1689 to train a cadre of dedicated
anti-Communists to lead and direct the forces of freedom on the political and
psychological battlefronts of the world.
To effectively offset and defeat the Communist organizational weapons, we
need trained and dedicated people who understand the Communist strategy and
who appreciate the tactics and realities of a total global power struggle. Such
an academy as that proposed in the Mundt-Douglas and Herlong-Judd bills would
have the means and the objectives of providing the free world with skilled profes-
sional operatives to promote freedom's side of this cold war into which we have
been reluctantly but realistically forced.
It is not our intention to emulate Communist conspiratorial techniques in con-
ducting our side of this global struggle. Our methods and techniques can and
should be developed in full harmony with our democratic principles, our Christian
'ethics, and our civilized concept of morality. With right on our side, however,
we should be able to evolve methods and means far more effective than those
utilized by the Communists.
We are late, very late, in developing the proper and effective methods of
fepelling the Communist conspiracy. But there is still time if we devote our
great American talents, vision, and resources to this immediate problem. I
.think S. 1689 contains at least a partial answer to the development of effective
counteraction against the Communist conspiracy. I commend this bill to the
attention of this committee with the high hope you will recommend its enactment
by the 86th Congress.
Mr. SouxwINE. I understand that Senator Paul Douglas, one of the
sponsors of the Freedom Commission bill, also has a statement he
wishes to have included in the record. May that be accepted?
Senator HRuSK'A. It will be received for the record and printed if
-available in time.
(Senator Douglas' letter and the document referred to therein read
as follows:)
U.S. SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON BANKING AND CURRENCY,
June 22,1959.
Bon. THOMAS J. DODD,
U., , senate,
B'enate Office Building, -
Washington, D.C.
DEAR ToM : I am very glad that you were able to schedule hearings on S. 1689,
the bill to create! a Freedom Commission, which I joined Senator Mundt in
sponsoring.
The idea. behind this measure is an important one, and while improvements
can undoubtedly be made in certain of the approaches which are made in this
first draft, I hope that the measure will be of sufficient interest to your sub-
committee and to the full committee to be given their earnest consideration.
I was also struck by the value of the first chapter of the book recently written
by Mr. Harry Welton of Britain, entitled "The Third World War" and believe
that you may find it desirable to include in the record of your subcommittee
hearings a copy of that chapter, which I am also inserting in the Congressional
Record in another connection.
In any case, I am glad to enclose the above material with this letter, and if
you think it an appropriate review of the strategy and tactics of the Communist
conspiracy, I would be glad to have it included in the record of your hearings.
With kindest regards,
Faithfully,
PAUL H. DOUGLAS.
phis is not a cloak and dagger story. That it occasionally reads like one is
,due entirely to the nature of the war unleashed by the Soviet Union against the
free peoples.
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The evidence I have accumulated is not secret, although it has never before
been presented in one document. I would, however, make it clear that the reader,
looking for "ear-to-the-keyhole" stories will be disappointed.
I~ The facts are themselves startling enough, and because of this I have felt it
necessary to provide full documentation. Emphasis in all cases, except where
''CHAPTE$ 1. THE STJUGGLE FOR THE WORLD
In".every inhabited part of the woad the forces of communism and democracy
are locked together in combat. In, thisstruggle there are no neutral territories.
n sortie countries the Communists,, are .firmly entrenched, in others, such as
the United States. and the British.Commonwealth, the free peoples hold positions:
of immense strength. There is, however, a vast no man's land composed of
nations in which the issue .is.in the balance, where probably within the next
two decades,-the supremacy of one side or another will decide the fate of man
-
kind for_centuries to come,. :,.t This is not-an.,a,ll-out.military struggle, and it is unlikely to develop into one,
fought even with conventional weapons. A nuclear war, with whole cities being
blasted out of existence in a matter of seconds, is even more unlikely. Such
t ents_would be the products. of madmei ,_These do, not exist among the leaders
and potential leaders of, the free . nations.. Npr does Khrushchev, even when
he I s. inbls.,,cups, show the slightest inclination to risk the destruction of what
he and his forerupners have taken .,such, pains to build. The evidence of the
Berlin blockade, Korea and the Middle. East, show. beyond doubt that armed
conflict on a global basis is not part of Soviet strategy.
Indeed there is no reason why it should be. The Russian leaders are realists.
hey know that the, third world war is already in progress, and believe that
they are winning "It.' This, great and decisive struggle for supremacy is being
fought, not between sputniks in outer space, but between economic systems on:
earth.
he weapons are marketable commodities such as cars, tractors, industrial
eqTuipment, power stations and consumer goods of all types. The main armies
are not soldiers, but salesmen who, operating as a disciplined force, have been told
to get into world markets and drive out the products of the western democracies.
That is the new war. It is based upon the simple truth that Britain-still re-
garded as the main bulwark against the spread of communism-is either a great
trading nation or is not a great nation., Deprived of our trade we become a com-
partitively unimportant island in the North Sea. We would be incapable of de-
fending ourselves, of maintaining our population or playing our full part in
world affairs. Without a constant and sufficient supply of food and raw ma-
t 'Ials from overseas we are dgomed. We know that, and so do the Russians.
We are also the heart of a great Commonwealth, and the mainspring of the
serling area. Break this country through destroying its economy and the dream
worl ,compupz m comes much nearer to reality.
this type of warfare is the more dangerous because of its subtlety. We may
ubt aw.akpn ?before it is too late, For this reason the Soviet Union runs the
lftgst effii`cient and most costly propaganda machine in the world. Day in and.
da out it conducts a barrage against the minds of the free peoples. By lies,
half-truths and ipnuen~ioes, it seeks to weaken our morale, undermine faith in
qt1 way of life, and above all to direct our, attention away from the real danger.
qt the lease lniportant part of the Soviet trade-war machine exists inside,
I ritain's key exporting industries. There, under the guise of militant trade
r~y ionism, a constant battle is going on against the productive efficiency without
which we cannot in the long run meet the Soviet challenge.
These Soviet agents-,,_ many of whom hold important positions in the Trade-
Uion Movement, have caused concern among such men as Bill Carron, president
ohe Aial the dictates Engineering Union, who has described them as subversives
acting
under ates of a foreign power with the declared purpose of wreck-
ing Britain's economy.
It is. }1.u, this light that the activities of Communists everywhere must be
assessed, They are part of a plan, which has been avowed by all Russian leaders
from Lenin to Khrushchev, to establish communism on a world basis. Like
l ,itler, these men, and the theoreticians before them, have frankly declared both
their aims and the methods tkroj gh which they hope to achieve them. Unlike
3 Empire News, Sept. 8, 1957.
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4.ley , they have relentlessly pursued these aims without unnecessary risk of
ai ffied conflict. They are not men in a hurry.
There is a further similarity. When Hitler was proclaiming his intentions
from the housetops, many people either dismissed him as a crank, or in any
event refused to heed the warning. So it is today. Leaders of British public
Opinion, perhaps influenced by the day-to-day propaganda utterances of the
Soviet leaders, are reluctant to accept Communist avowals at their true value.
We cannot complain that they have not been constantly and concisely expressed.
Over , a,century ago, for example, the Communist Manifesto, the first funda-
n'ieiital document of modern communism, was simple, straightforward, and to the
point. It stated
"The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all
existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist
revolution. In it the proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They
have a world to win.' Working men of all countries, unite."
This was'given reality by the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia in 1917.
The world movement achieved a base from which it could reach out into the
farthest corners of the globe. Adherents in all countries have since then con-
sciously accepted the doctrine that the U.S.S.R. is the Communist heartland, and
that its ruler`s are the potential masters of all mankind.
Directives circulated through hosts of subsidiary organizations have since
Atifed out from the Kremlin, and been accepted and acted upon without question
by' party members and supporters in every country. These Soviet agents straddle
the earth,' ready to subordinate everything, their country, their trade unions, their
families and even themselves, to the task of ensuring Soviet domination.
Their duty has, in spite of the heavy Marxist jargon, never been more clearly
ez'pt'essed than by P. E. Vishinsky, the Soviet theoretician who stated in
1948:
"At present the only determining criterion of revolutionary proletarian inter-
nation;ilism' is : Are you for or against the U.S.S.R., the motherland of the
-
*br1d proletariat? An internationalist is not one who verbally recognizes inter
u tional solidarity or sympathizes with it. A real internationalist is one who
brings his sympathy and recognition up to the point of practical and maximal
help to the U.S.S.R. in support and defense of the U.S.S.R. by every means and in
every possible firm. Actual cooperation with the U.S.S.R., the readiness of the
workers of any country to subject all their aims to the basic problem of strengthen-
ing the U.S.S.R. in their struggle-this is the manifestation of revolutionary
proletarian internationalism on the part of workmen in foreign countries.
The defense of the US.S.R., as of the socialist motherland of the world proletar-
iat, is the' holy duty of every honest man everywhere and not only of the
Citizens of the U.S.S.R."'
This welding of international Communist forces into one mighty army directed
and controlled by Russia, and owing unqualified allegiance to those in power
~nn that country, has been a prime task of party members everywhere since
1.917. Any sign of deviation or movement toward national communism has
been ruthlessly suppressed, either by mass executions where Communists rule,
or extdilsion from the party where dissident comrades are fortunate enough
to live in a democracy.
How this army could be used to achieve world conquest was outlined by
Lenin many years ago, and incorporated in volume V, page 141, of his Selected
Works. It so impressed Stalin that he repeated the general theme in a major
speech in 1924, and it has since been included in every edition of his works
(the most recent being in English in 1943 and in Russian in 1949).
This important directive boils down to four essentials :
1. Building up the strength of the Soviet Union.
2. Organizing subversion in the industrialized capitalist states.
S. The fomenting of revolt in colonial countries.
4. A final onslaught, using whatever methods are most suitable in the light
of prevailing conditions in the country or countries concerned.
The struggle for the world
The essential aim was summarized in the following statement :
"The victory of socialism in one country is not a self-sufficient task. The
revolution which has been victorious in one country must regard itself not as
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a self-sufficient entity, but as an aid, a means for hastening the victory of the
proletariat in all countries. For the. vigtory of the revolution in one country,
in. the present case Russia * * * is the beginning of and the groundwork for
the world revolution." i
These are the words of Stalin, taken from Problems of Leninism published in
1941. They declare the blunt truth-that Soviet foreign policy is one of world-
wide expansion.
The example of Hungary shows exactly the conditions under which the Soviet
leaders will, go to war. They will do so when the victimis helpless to retaliate,
when they feel they are secure from armed intervention by other nations, and
when the use of Soviet armed strength is necessary to obtain or retain complete
and absolute control.
Korea and Malaya are instances of an attempt to achieve conquest by proxy,
although in each case the immediate aim was almost certainly more economic
than military. The importance of Malayan rubber to the economies of Western
Europe and to the stability of the sterling area is as evident to the Russians
as it is to us.
The Korean war, apart from sparking off a propaganda campaign in which
the Rusqlaus out-Goebbeled Goebbels, also caused the British Labor Government
to embark upon an arms program which, by diverting men and materials from
badly needed schemes for capital development, and the manufacture of products
or? export, struck a severe blow against our economy. It also paved the way
for many of the industrial troubles from which we have since suffered. Those
who doubt the ability of Russia to exert immense influence in this country might
ponder over the fact that from 1950 onward our whole budgetary structure was
conditioned by the Soviet military adventure in Korea.
The shift of emphasis from military conflict to trade war was foreshadowed
by Stalin in a treatise published just before his death. Referring to the economic
integration of the Communist bloc, he stated :
The result is a fast pace of industrial development in these countries. It may
be confidently said that, with this pace of industrial development, it will soon
come to pass that these countries will not only be in no need of imports from
capitalist countries, but will themselves feel the necessity of finding an outside
market for their surplus products.
But it follows from this that the sphere of exploitation of the world's resources
by the major capitalist countries will not expand, but contract; that their oppor-
tunities for sale in the world market will deteriorate, and that their industries
will be operating moreand more below capacity.`
S}nee ,then this has become the spearhead of the Russian attack. It has
rlominateld life behind the Iron Curtain, where the interest of workers, particu-
larly in the satellites, have, as we shall see in ensuing chapters, been sacrificed to
achieve capital formation in excess of that justified by existing productive
capacity. Indeed, it is important to reemphasize that the drive for trade
mastery has little in common with normal commercial rivalries between com-
petitor countries. Inside the Communist countries it is planned, conducted, and
financed as a military operation to be successfully concluded without regard
for cost. Further, the attack has been launched with the active assistance of
Communists working in every democratic country.
By 1955 the progress already made justified the Soviet announcement that
comznllnism has become a world system which is in economic competition with
capitalism.
I hrusbchev was even more specific when, at a reception held at the Norwegian
Embassy in Moscow, he told a British reporter that "Your system will collapse
through economic competition with communism!
The Communists, then, have made no secret of their aims or their methods.
Political penetration, the actuality or threat of military attack, and the trade
war` are the avowed weapons to be used to achieve an avowed aim.
Yet in .spite of warnings, and the lessons of postwar history, there are still
people in high places who believe that the Kremlin is peopled by men and
women dominated by fear of encirclement by hostile capitalist powers, and who
have only to be given a little encouragement to become good neighbors with whom
schemes for the mutual advancement of all countries can be worked out.
4 `pProblems of Leninism " Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1941, p. 113.
Stalin: "Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R.," Foreign Languages Publish-
ing House, Moscow, 19524 p. 36.
Sunday Times, Nov. 13,, 1955.
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In other words, they believe that the Russians are taking steps toward world
domination with great reluctance, not because it is an integral part of the
Communist creed, but in self-defense against the machinations of the democratic
powers.
When Mr. Aneurin Bevan, then Britain's "Shadow" Foreign Minister, visited
Moscow in 1957, he returned to express the view that the utterances of Soviet
leaders could be dismissed as ritualistic exercises. These deserve to be categoried
as famous last words. Seldom has such a dangerous statement been made by
such an important man.
There is nothing ritualistic about Khrushchev's reaction when Hungary at-
tempted to break away from the Soviet empire. Nor was it provoked by a
neighborly desire to safeguard Hungarian democracy. His action was provoked
by fear that if Hungary succeeded in achieving its freedom, the other satellites
in which a great deal of restlessness existed would quickly follow suit.
Anyone who believes that the Communists are playing theoretical games
must have slumbered since the Hitler-Stalin Pact, in August 1939, made the
Second World War inevitable. This began a period of open expansion. Of the
three main powers ultimately engaged in the war against Nazi Germany, only
the Soviet Union gained territory.
Poland was invaded. This was followed by the attack on Finland, the annexa-
tion of Bessarabia and Bukovina, and forcible incorporation of Estonia, Latvia,
and Lithuania into the Soviet Union. Those who believe that there is an easy
way to peaceful coexistence with communism should note that Russia had freely
negotiated nonaggression pacts with all these countries.
This expansionist phase, reminiscent of imperialism at its worst, received a set-
back when Hitler, rounded on his ally and invaded the Soviet Union.
Once victory in Europe had been achieved, however, Russian imperialism went
on with renewed impetus.
What makes this postwar period one of the great water sheds of history
is that the extension of Russian control to other countries coincided with an
even greater movement of withdrawal and noncommitment on the part of the
democracies. At each successive stage, barriers against Communist penetration
were weakened over large areas inhabited by millions of people. Russia herself
became enriched by the addition of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, the Eastern
provinces of Poland, Bessarabia, and Bukovina from Rumania, the Carpathian-
Ruthenia province of Czechoslovakia, half of East Prussia from Germany, slices
of Finland, Tannu Tuva, Dairen, and Port Arthur from China, and the Kurile
Islands and Sakhalin from Japan. Quite an impressive record for a power said
to be in the forefront of the fight against imperialism.
Further, it was Russia who provided aid to the Communists in China and
helped to achieve the overthrow of the Nationalist Government which, inci-
dentally, had been recognized by Stalin and Molotov in words oddly reminiscent
of Hitler's solemn promises to Poland.
'.China thus became part of a gigantic Sino-Soviet bloc that is now in the
process of becoming, one huge industrial unit, from which, sooner or later,
goods will flow into world markets in ever-increasing quantities.
Once in power, the Chinese Communists followed the example of their Soviet
tutors. Tibet was invaded and occupied, North Korea and North Vietnam were
subjugated.
It is instructive to examine the methods used by the Soviet rulers to extend
the Communist base. Georgia provides a very early example of double dealing.
In March 1920, the Soviet Government signed a treaty in which it unreservedly
acknowledged the independence and sovereignty of the Georgian State, and re-
nounced voluntarily all the sovereign rights which had appertained to Russia
with regard to the people and territory of Georgia. It also pledged itself not
to interfere in any way in Georgia's internal affairs.
In February 1921, Soviet troops invaded Georgia, and Tiflis, the capital, fell to
the Bolsheviks. On the day this happened Georgia was proclaimed a Soviet
republic.
The annexation of eastern Poland is another instance of Communist duplicity.
In the spring of 1939, while Britain, France, and Poland were negotiating with
the U.S.S.R. to form an alliance against Nazi Germany, Stalin's agents were
secretly in consultation with Hitler himself. The result was a nonaggression
pact between the two countries, under which the eastern half of Poland was
recognized as a Soviet sphere of interest. The Nazis invaded Poland on
September 1, 1939, and thus sparked off the most destructive war in the history
of man. By prearrangement, the Soviet Army marched in from the east.
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ovfet Foreign Minister, Molotov, speaking on October 31, 1939, boasted
"One swift blow` to Poland, first by the German Army, and then by the Red
d'tiny;' and nothing remained of this ugly of6spring of the Versailles Treaty."
Bessarabia and the northern province of Bukovina were acquired by the simple
procedure of massing Red army troops on the Rumanian frontier, and delivering
an, ultimatum that the Rumanian' forces move out of these areas and be replaced
by Soviet military units, and that all railways, bridges, airfields, factories, and
pbty erplants be handed over in good order.
-'the Russians moved in on June 28, 1940, and by a combination of force and
bullying, seized these territories.
?.nother classic example of Soviet foreign policy in action occurred in Finland.
In the autumn of 1039 Russia demanded. territorial concessions and attempted.
to ,obtain them by diplomatic bullying and threats of force. When these maneu-
vets failed, the Soviet Government decided to invade.
In defiance of the Russo-Finnish Non-Aggression Pact of 1934, an armed
attack was launched on November 30, 1939. Finland promptly appealed to the
League of f'ations, and as a result Russia suffered expulsion from that body.
The Finns held out until March of the following year, when they were compelled
to surrender; large areas including Karelia, in which was situated Viipuri, their
second largest town.
;}'urtper hostilities broke out in June 1941, and when an armistice was signed
3 years later, the Soviet Union had, by armed aggression, acquired nearly 18,000
sgtiare 'miles-about one-eighth of Finland's total territory-and a population
onearly"6000,000 people. Two-thirds of these chose to be resettled in other
parts of their country rather than remain under Soviet rule.
' The fate of'the+Raltic States, like that of eastern Poland, was settled by the
secret pact agreed by Hitler and Stalin in 1939. All three, Estonia, Latvia and
Lithuania, had signed nonaggression pacts with the U.S.S.R.
olotov; surely one of the most cynical statesmen in history, gave his
8adttraneq, that these agreements "strictly stipulate the inviolability of the sov-
erelgnty of the signatory states, and the principle of noninterference in each
other's affairs. They are based, upon mutual respect for the political, social and
ecoinic strncure of the contracting parties, and are designed to strengthen the
foundatlans, for peaceful, neighborly cooperation between our peoples."
[olotov, said this when he knew that Stalin, by agreement with Hitler, had
already decided to annex these countries.
When the Baltic States were finally occupied by the Red army in 1944, the
ped le di not surrender without a struggle. Russia embarked upon a campaign
of terror, execution and mass'deportation which lasted for several years. Thou-
sa4ds 'of sfonians, Lithuanians and Latvians were dispatched to Siberia, and
thousands more fled to West Germany and Britain. One of the most pathetic
incidents reported was that 30,000 Estonians set out for Sweden in an armada
of small boats a venture"all which was estimated to have cost nearly 10,000 lives.
`hQ methods used in three cases followed the familiar pattern-broken
treaties, duplicit and ultimatum backed by force. With the fate of Finland
staring them in t e face, the three tiny countries, with a total population of less
than 6 million, had no alternative but to yield.
'gigged elections on the usual Communist lines took place, and the grisly
farce was played out to the end when at their own request Estonia, Latvia,
and Litbuur4a, their peoples, culture, traditions and way of life, vanished be-
hind t} e Iron iurtain.
With the war over, Russia was not content to rest on'her very considerable
territorial, gains. - She began to export revolution in earnest. Trained Com-
mujilst ,caslrc$, Soviet troops and political police armed with an established
tecbnique for rigging elections, poured into Eastern European countries.
The priniples of Potsdam and Yalta were speedily jettisoned, and many
European satesmen had their first practical experience of Communist double-
talk and double-think. Clauses- in the agreements were distorted beyond recog-
iiitfon. "Democratic elements," for instance, was so twisted that it referred
hniy to Communists and their sympathizers. "Fascists" and "reactionaries"
pi ech to the Fifth (Extraordinary) Session of the Supreme Soviet, Oct. 31, 1939.
Whep the war broke out they gave way to severe diplomatic pressure and'
reluctantly accepted pacts of mutual assistance which gave the Soviet Armies
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became terms of abuse applied to everyone, even democratic socialists, who re-
sisted the encroachment of the Soviet Union. The Red army, which was de-
ployed across Eastern Europe, became the dominating factor. Its ranks were
stiffened by Moscow-trained Communist leaders of all nationalities, together
with units of political police. Before the dust of conflict had time to settle
they began the task of systematically destroying national resistance to Com-
lnunist rule.
One by one the Eastern European countries were caught in the Soviet net.
The technique in each case followed the same broad lines ; "united front" gov-
ernments were formed in which Communists held the key positions, and op-
polients who could not be intimidated were promptly dealt with either by execu-
tion, deportation, or imprisonment. Rigged elections were held to give the
process an appearance of legality.
lethep these tactics would have succeeded on their own is doubtful. In
.fact, Stalin took no risks. He knew that with Europe in its war-weary state
he could use, or threaten to use, military force within the areas controlled by
the Red army without fear of retaliation.
The Communists themselves have openly admitted that Soviet Army backing
was an essential ingredient in the early postwar prescription for revolution.
? In March 1956, Miron Constantinescu, First Deputy Chairman of the Ru-
.manlan Council of Ministers, said :
"The peaceful development of the revolution was facilitated by the fact that
at that period the Soviet Army was stationed on Rumanian territory and .. .
by its mere presence paralyzed the action of the reaction forces." s
The Cominform journal of March 15, 1949, carried the interesting admis-
zion that "one of the prerequisites of setting up the people's power in Poland
was the liberation of Poland by such a revolutionary force as the Soviet Army."
So the tide of Soviet communism swept across Europe toward the Western
nations, then impoverished by the dislocation and destruction of war, and, in
the view of Soviet economists, on the verge of economic collapse.
In 1947 Stalin had reaffirmed his aims with complete frankness. The tasks
of the Qonimunist Party, he said, were :
(a) To make use of all the contradictions and conflicts among capitalist
oups and governments which surround our country, with the object of
destroying imperialism.
(b) To use all their strength and resources to assist the worker's revo-
lutionin the West.
`'`(c) To take all measures to strengthen the national liberation movement
In the East.
(d) To strengthen the Red army ?
Among the factors which prevented the further immediate extension of Com-
1DU6ist rule was the need to consolidate their hold on areas already dominated
.by Russian troops. Stalin at that stage was in no position to attempt military
invaslon of territories occupied by Allied forces.
'Another important point was that Stalin's economic advisers were over-
optimistic. The threatened collapse of the Western democracies, although peril-
$tisly close during the winter of 1947, did not materialize. Nor did the success-
ful revolutionary uprising, which Stalin confidently expected, take place in
France and Italy, although there were political disturbances on a large scale.
The ViJited, States, quick to see the danger, rushed in with massive economic
.hid through the Marshall plan and the European recovery program which, for
obvious reasons, was bitterly opposed by Communists everywhere.
This was a serious blow to Soviet ambitions. So was the speedy United
1\'at19s reaotion to the invasion of South Korea in 1950, and the building up of
defensive alliances designed to prevent further Soviet attempts to annex other
eougtries by force.
?F aced with more formidable obstacles, the most potent of which was the
Am rican possession of the atomic bomb, the Soviet Government paused both
to consolidate and strengthen their base, and to consider future strategy. So
far greater strides toward world domination. had been . mace through a planned
ol$cy of bullying; and repression. 'By use of military force and diplomatic pres-
iitiY6, faded by a willing fifth column in the victim countries, Communist rule
fts established over one-third of the world.
Cominform journal,'Mar. 9, 1956.
s Stalin : "Tbe Party Before and After the Seizure of Power," Works, Moscow, 1947,
vol. V, p. 111.
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Could these same weapons be used to conquer the remainder? Not, the
Communist leaders decided, without risk of provoking a major conflict. Tactics
wro therefore changed. As George Dimitrov, then secretary-general of the
Communist International, and later dictator of Bulgaria, had put it :
,,'We are sometimes accused of departing from our Communist principles.
What stupidity, what blindness. We should not be Marxist and Leninist revo-
lutionaries, nor disciples of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, if we were not
,capable of completely altering our tactics and our mode of action as circum-
stances may dictate. But all the deviations, and all the ins and outs of our
tactics are directed to a single end-the world revolution."
Prom this reappraisal of the position two clearly defined lines emerged. It
was decided to harness the fear of war instead of war itself to the Communist
Ciitise. So the "peace" campaign, always an essential part of Soviet strategy,
assumed even greater importance. The worldwide propaganda machine went
into action with the simple instruction-everything Russia does must be
depicted as a great, magnanimous gesture for peace. By contrast, the policies
of the United States, Britain, France, and Western Germany must always be
denounced as warmongering imperialism.
In this way Stalin, after his death admitted by Khrushchev and the whole
Russian Communist Party to have been a bloodthirsty tyrant, became the leader
of "peace lovers" throughout the world. Through subsidiary or "front" organi-
zations operating inside the democracies, the Soviet leaders repeatedly appealed
to the peoples of these countries over the heads of their governments. One aim
.was to lead the free nations into a false sense of security. Thus, while propa-
gandists were attacking the western manufacture of atomic and hydrogen weap-
oIrs, glowing accounts were given of progress in Russia, where the concentration
was said to be entirely on the peaceful use of nuclear fission. Events have
proved just how much truth there was in this version of Soviet policy.
The propaganda machine, together with the industrial and trade attack, were
deemed by the Soviet leaders to be the swiftest and surest way of continuing
the struggle for power that began even before the war against Germany and
Japan was finished.
This new emphasis becomes even more intelligible when it is appreciated that
while communism was engulfing and enslaving a third of the earth, the Western
Powers set about liberating millions of subject peoples. Freedom and inde-
p6ndence were granted to India, Pakistan, Ceylon, Burma, Malaya, the Philip-
pines, Vietnam, Laos, Cambodia, Syria, Lebanon, Jordan, Libya, the Sudan,
Tunisia, Morocco, Ghana, and the West Indian Federation.
$ome of these places are now "trouble spots" which have been infiltrated by
Soviet agents and technicians. They are also areas which, because of their
economic importance, can be decisive in the struggles which lie ahead.
-r'As Spotlight, the monthly bulletin of the International Confederation of Free
Trade Unions, to which our own T.U.C. is affiliated, summarized it in Novem-
ber 1957:
"Looking at the facts, we see that only Communist powers such as the Soviet
Union and China are now engaged in an aggressive campaign to enslave nations
and even whole continents behind a smokescreen of anticolonialism and anti-
imperialism. Indeed, during the time when the Western colonial powers granted
freedom and independence to 900 million people the Communists have enslaved
G? million people and deprived them of their freedom and independence."
i,=It is indicative of the help given to Russia by well-meaning but foolish people;
that in spite of these facts Prof. A. J. P. Taylor could, even at the time of the
Eungarian uprising, be heard on television bracketing the Soviet suppression of
$ungary with the "colonialism" of the British Government.
The unfortunate truth is that these willingly granted extensions of the demo-
or'atic principle of` government have in themselves strengthened the liberty-
4estroying forces of totalitarianism. Every one of the nations now in or ap-
ppfoaching new manhood had its own particular ferment. Each came into being
infected with a touchy, easily wounded pride, quick to resent and suspect even
the friendliest gesture on the part of the former colonial power. Each had the
savages of war, and admittedly in come cases the neglect of peace, to remedy.
Bch was the victim of years of unscrupulous Communist propaganda which
4tributed every problem to the alleged rapacity of the previous overlords.
tress was laid upon what the "imperialists" had taken out of these lands; very 16 Speech to Seventh Congreee of Communist International. Verbatim Report No. E9,
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78
little was said about what had been put in-the vast capital sums, the technical
know-how and the dedicated efforts of thousands of Europeans who had fought
with blood, sweat, and tears the poverty, ignorance, and disease which were,
and would have remained, an insoluble obstacle to progress.
With their newly won freedom these nations are battling against their own
individual problems and their political, racial, and religious rivalries. To keep
on the crest of the 20th century wave of expansion in Africa, Asia, and South
America, all of them need more capital, more technicians, more trade credits,
better education, better health services, and an adequate supply of consumer
goods. If the tacticians of the Kremlin could have wished into existence favor-
able conditions in which to apply their own blueprint for power, they could
scarcely have thought of anything better than this new postwar world.
Countries such as these are the natural victims of Soviet infiltration. Un-
skilled in the arts of government, they are crying out for help and sympathy.
These things they are getting, and will continue to get, on a large scale from
Russia. Small wonder that Soviet trade missions and financial advisers are
swarming into South America and the Far and Middle East, offering prices and
terms with which the democracies will find it difficult, if not impossible, to
compete. ,
Some commentators, while fully alive to Soviet intentions and tactics, allow
their misgivings to take refuge behind the economic difficulties now apparent
inside Iron Curtain countries. These, it is said, set a severe limit on the ability
of Russia and her satellites to meet the commitments which, for political rea-
sons, they are cheerfully accepting. So they do-for the moment. But Russian
strategy is not based on this year or the next; it is the ultimate strength of the
Soviet bloc that must be considered.
At the moment the, trade war is being waged with an abandon that would be
ruinous if judged by normal commercial considerations. Only an empire built
on industrial slavery can consistently market its products at less than cost
price. Only a system in which political opposition and ordinary trade-union
functions have been obliterated can achieve such concentration on heavy indus-
try that immense production increases take place without a proportionate in-
crease in living standards. Yet that is what is happening inside the Communist
countries. The workers are paying heavily for their leaders' ruthless determi-
nation to undermine the free world.
Because of the great advantage enjoyed by totalitarianism, it is possible for
Communist trade to be conducted on other than a commercial basis. A sur-
prisingly frank admission of present objectives was made by the Czechoslovak
Statistical Institution which, in a reference to the Soviet trade campaign In
southeast Asia and the Middle East, stated :
"Czechoslovak participation in this expansion of trade is not guided by purely
practical considerations. It follows a plan carefully drawn up in accordance
with political considerations.
We would be extremely unwise to underrate the potential strength of a group
of powers with subservience at home and aided by political and industrial
agents abroad who are constantly pounding away at the economic stability of
the free nations. Under these circumstances time is not too important. The
rulers of the Kremlin can afford to wait for their rivals to disintegrate before
delivering the knockout blow.
If the decision was imminent there would be some justification for complacency
about the result. The, truth is, however, that this new form of warfare will be
with us for years ahead. It is likely that the Russian leaders are thinking in
terms of 15 or 20 years, but they know what they are doing, and why they are
doing it. I wish the democracies could say the same.
As we shall see in ensuing chapters, the Communists are laying their founda-
tions well. By 1975 they hope to have achieved the complete coordination of all
Communist countries, including China, into a single workshop directed and fed
from the Soviet Union. Division of labor will be extended so as to insure that
each country is concentrating on the type of product to which it is best suited.
If and when this reaches fulfilment, the ability of this group to swamp selected
markets with chpap,industrial products will be frightening.
, . Even now Russia is in a position to inflict considerable damage in some areas
and on certain of our industries. This is clear from the testimony of many
businessmen who have penetrated the. Iron,Curtain, and who have toured the
uncommitted countries. They have expressed grave concern, not only at the
The Observer, Dec. 114 1955.
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foviet trade potential, but at the immense strides already being made inritain`s
ttrdditional markets. Goods are constantly offered at below cost of production
prices in order to get or keep a foothold.
c ? While this battle is on, the air will continue to be thick with slogans designed
,to mislead the innocent. "Peaceful coexistence" and "friendly competition" will
=figure in almost every Communist propaganda tract.
,pffgrsof economic aid, technical and financial assistance without strings and,
mof, course, armament's to help "preserve the independence of the peoples strug-
gling against imperialism" will be made.
I i, hrpmhchev himself can be relied upon to assure the world repeatedly, as he
did in November 1955, that :
=.r'We are often'accused of trying to export Communist ideas to other countries;
,mhny other stupid things are'said about us. But we have never forced on any-
one, nor do we no* force, our views on reforming society."
moo. deduce that such statements indicate that Russia's new rulers are content
to, go their own way and allow other countries to work out their own salvation
would be criminal folly. The Soviet Union's export of ideas has not won over
any nation to her side, but her export of revolutionary force has gained her the
:whole satellite empire.
=aNoy that has, for the moment at least, outlived its usefulness. The other
-!t+capons In the Communist arsenal are being used. Some of them are old and
tested, others are of more recent date. These include the exploitation of
ti tionalism in such areas, vital to the Western economies, as the Middle East,
Qers.of technical assistance to backward nations and economic missions de-
it- ned to establish what are now called client states-countries which become so
dependent upon trade with Russia that they cannot break away without risk of
i.Adustral collapse.
hard task confronts the nations of the free world. For 40 years communism
,progressed. One thing that must be done now in the new nations bent upon
bAliding their future is to tell the truth about Soviet history and its present
x etbads and intentions. We ourselves must know more about what is going on
rth behind the Iron Curtain and inside the vital industrial concerns of our own
cpuntxy.
The trade war is the kind of conflict to which we ought to be well suited.
,Nye have been tackling world markets for the last 200 years with a great measure
Af success.. We have a wealth of experience behind us which should stand us in
4'ood stead.
z+'utther, together with other democracies, we can, if we will, present a solid
economic front which the Soviet empire will find it impossible to break. All
these things we can do if we have determination based upon a sound knowledge
qf, thg threat under which we are living and working.
This book is what in Army terms would be described as "an appreciation
the situation." How strong is Russia's present position and what is her
otential power? Who are her agents in the democratic countries and how
t e they operate? What are their weakest points? What forces are at our
disposal and how should they be used? In answering these questions I shall
xaw on ,authentic and documented reports from Iron Curtain countries, and
an a great deal of personal knowledge of Communist subversion inside industry
,nd the trade union movement.
In the following chapters we shall see how the Communist forces swung
[auto action. in places as far apart as Korea, the London docks and the British
,;iotor'Industry. I shall show how a meeting in Canada resulted in almost
complete paralysis in Britain's docklands, and how riots outside Parliament
q rg directed from Prague.
, We are in the throes of a war which we dare not lose, yet lose it we will unless
i eg ,,,peoples everywhere awaken to the danger, and unite in defense of the
rreedoms which have taken centuries to build, but which can be destroyed
,~.ln2,o~st.,oveinight. ., y
Senatbr71x6sEA The committee stands in recess.
(Whereupon, at '12 : 15 p.m:, 'the subcommittee took a recess sub-
sect to the call of the Chair.)
$I' Comfnforin journal; Nov. 25, 3555. r
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INDEX
Noxi.-The Senate Internal Security Subcommittee attaches no significance
to the mere fact: of the appearance of the name of an individual or an organiza-
tion in this index.
A
Page
Academy of Pedagogy------------------------------------------------
86
Academy of Red Professors__________________________________________
87
Academy of Sciences-------------------------------------------------
86
Academy of Social Sciences --------------------------------------------
85
Adult Education Teachers____________________________________________
75
AFHQ--------------------------------------------- --------- -------
60
AFL-CIO------------------------------------------------------------
55,56
African Communists--------------------------------------------------
15
Agrarian reformers--------------------------------------------------
106
Atomic Energy Commission-------------------------------------------
129
Attorney General-----------------------------------------------------
33
B
Baltimore Sun-------------------------------------------------- ---
102
Bar Association of the City of New York_______________________________
10
Baylor _University School of Law______________________________________
10
Beilan case----------------------------------------------------------
39
Bennett, Representative Charles E. (Florida)--------------------------
7,156
Letter from and statement----------------------------------------
156
Benson, Dr. George--------------------------------------------------
138
Bevan, Mr. Aneurin--------------------------------------------------
167
Bemiller, Andrew J--------------------------------------------------
55,56
,Letter inserted in record------------------------------------------
55
Statement inserted in record --------------------------------------
56
Bochenski, Father----------------------------------------------------
90
Bologna,Italy --------------------------------------------------------
81
Bonnet, Col. Gabriel--------------------------------------------------
88
Bonsai, Dudley B. (president, Association of Bar of City of New York)__
10
Boy Scouts----------------------------------------------------------
75
"Brainwashing in Red China" (book)__________________________________
-100
"Brainwashing: The Story of Men Who Defy It" (book) --------------
100
British Museum------------------------------------------------------
132
Broger, John----------------------------------------------------------
30
Brune, Chief Judge Frederick W. (Maryland Court of Appeals) ----------
38
Letter inserted in record_________________________________________
38-39
Bubnov --------------------------------------------------------------
115
Budget, Bureau of the________________________________________________
39
Budenny, Marshal Simeon____________________________________________
113
Bukharin, Nicolai----------------- W__________________-___-_------ 114,115
Byfield, Robert .----------------------------------------------- ------ 137
Air Force Academy____________________________________________ 147,149,154
Air War College---------------------------------------------------- 91
Alexander, Professor (Rutgers University)____________________________ 15
All-University Department of Philosophy, New York University ---------- 56, 57
Alsop column-------------------------------------------------------- 15
American Medical Association --------------------------------------- .. 109
Ankara, Turkey------------------------------------------------------ 59.
Arendt, Miss Hannah------------------------------------------------- 35
Argentine police ----------------------------------------------------- 15
Armed Forces Department -------------------------------------------- - 83
Armed services --------------------------------------------- 30
Army War College------------------------------------------- ------ 91
Athens ----------------------------------------------------------------- 125
Atomic Energy Act------------------------------------------------ 24,25,26
Berlin--------------------------------------------- 1W, 141,10,147,148,164
42731-59---12 "1'l3
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C Page
Capri------------- ------------------ ----- ------------------------- 81
Carron, Bill--------------------------------------------------------- 164
Case, Senator-------------------------------------------------------- 161
Cjastra--- ------------- ---------- -------------------------- ------ 138
Castro, Dr------------------------ ------------------------------------ 93
Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) ------------- 17, 18, 29, 30, 32, 64, 66, 104, 145
I!C,ituryof Conflict, A "book)____________________________________ 14,17
ChdwCcliool, Rohin Bills, Calif ___ -_ 7-77 ----------- ___ 7
0
Chennault, General`----- ----- --- ------------------------------ 11
Chegnault's (General) Flying Tigers__________________________________ 110
Aherne, Leo------------- ---- ---------- -- -- ----- 109
Testimony of-------- . _ . 139-152
Statement of----------------------------------------------------- 145-148
hieagoFederation of Labor __----------------------------- -- -------- 75
Chicago Labor College--------------------------------------------- 75
Chicago, University of----------------------------------------------- 38
'}Child of the Revolution" (book)______________________ ____ _ 68
4~bllean party------------ --- - - -- 15
0,hinese Communist Party ----------------------------- _ 14
Chiuesg Nationalists------------------------------------------------ - 120
Christian Register ------------------------------------------ - ----- 75
CIO Textile Workers' Union --------- -_- ----------- ___ ----- ---------- t 75
Citzens News, Hollywood, --- 7 __ _ --- 8
Clausewitz------------------------------------------------------------- 88,115
olumbia----- - ---- ---- --------- - - -- 64, 70
Columbia Broadcasting System----------------------------------------80
Cominform--------------------------------------------- -- ----- "169
Commager, Henry-----------------------------------------------------
-------- --------------------------- --- ---- 158
Cpmmisaion on Government Security -----------------:777777-77------- 9
Comintern journal---------------------------------------------------
Co mmittee of One Million --------------------------------------------- 1051106
37
C mm inism and Christ" (book) Dimensional -------------------------------------- Warfa _ ____________ 1
Coapmunism in Latin America___ - -- -_ 15
Communist/s, Chinese----------------------------------21_2_1._i0120, --------------------------------------------- 167
Communist China ------------------------------ ----------------------_.. 1
Communist International _____________r -___ 78,170
Communist Manifesto_________________________________________ 13,.37, 165
Communist manifests--------------------------------------------
Communist Party, Central Committee of- _-- -_ 77 -- ------ 83 77-77 Communist Party, French ----------------------------------------- -_ 16
C4 munist training school uncovered by Argentine police - -_ 15
___ ___-_ 169
Co stantinescu Miron--------
Court of Appeals, Maryland--------------------------- -- . 38
Cramton, Professor___________________________ __ 39
utler, Robert-------------------------------- - - __ 19, 20
echoslovak Statistical Institution____________________________ 171
D
Daily Sun. (Lewiston, Maine)_________________________________________ 8
Debs, Eugene-------------------------------------------------------- 75
DefenseDepartment --------------------------------------------- 17,30,111
De,Jaegher, Father (Belgian Catholic missionary)______________________ 14
Democratic Party---------------------------------------------------- 26
Den-osthenes---------- -r ----------------- ----------------- 125,126,132
Dg TgUdano, Ralph -- ------------------------------------------ 135
Davey, John--------------------------------------------------------- 158
$iep Ishu---- ----------------------------------------- -- ----- 121
D,L on, flouglas-------- -- - ---- ---- ---- ----- 18
D troyeo --- _ _____ 170
------- ---------
lip 4
ria~s ,y br.`Lev E---------------------------------------------- 159-161
Stttenzent of-------- ------ - ---------- r.-- -~ 59-161
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Dodd, Senator Thomas J-------------------------------------------- 1
"Does Better Education Cost More? "--------------------------- ------ 158
Dorashev, I. A-.---------------------------------------- ----------- 85
Douglas, Senator_______________________________________________ 1,7,160-163
Letter from dated June 23,1959----------------------------------- 163
Statement of--------------------------------------------------- 164-172
I)u)les------------- -------------------------------------- ------------ 151
+1cole de Guerre in Paris---------------------------------------------- 81,88
"Education for the New America" by Willard B. Givens----------------- 157
Ehrenburg, Ilya (writer)--------------------------------------------- . 87
Elson, Dr. Edward L. R----------------------------------------------- 37
"Enemy Within, The"------------------------------------------------ 14
Engels--------------------------------------------------- - 118,170
Ercoli---------------------------------------------------------------- 118
European Communists------------------------------------------------ 15
Exhibit of Joseph Z. Kornfeder re curriculum of Lenin University----- 115-118
Eydeman ------------------------------------------------------------ 115
F
Facts Forum (periodical) -------------------------------------------- 15
Fairbanks, Alaska---------------------------------------------------- 8
Far Eastern University----------------------------------------------- 81
Farrar, Straus (publishers) ------------------------------------------ 100
FBI (Federal Bureau of Investigation) --------------- 18,134,135,136,139,156
Federal Communications Commission---------------------------------- 129
Field, Noel----------------------------------------------------------- 75
Fisher, Roger (Harvard University Law School) ----------------------- 9
Florida---------------------------------------------------------------- 1
Flying Tigers (Chennault's) ------------------------------------------ 110
Ford Foundation----------------------------------------------------- 102
Foreign Policy Research Institute (University of Pennsylvania) -------- 14, 79
Foreign Service.------------------------------------------------------ 147
Foreign Service Institute-------------------------------------------- 149
"For Lasting Peace, For A People's Domestic Democracy" (Cominform
Journal) ----?----------------------------------------------------- 87
Formosa ------------------------------------------------------------ 106
FRASCO-Foundation for Religious Action in the Social and Civil
Order----------------------------------------- - 33,34,37
-----------------
Free Europe Committee______________________________________________ 60
Free-World Academy------------------------------------------------- 19
Fribourg, Switzerland------------------------------------------------ 90
Frunze Military Academy --------------------------------- ------------ 81
Furtseva, Madame--------------------------------------------------- 85
G
General Staff-------------------------------------------------------- 82, 83
General Staff School------------------------------------------------- 88
Geneva Armistice, 1954 --------------------------------------------- 141, 147
Georgetown ---------------------------------------------------------- 14,17
German Foreign Office------------------------------------------------ 79
Germantown, Pa----------------------------------------------------- 73
Germany, Nazi ------------------------------------------------------ Germany, Soviet Zone of--------------------------------------------- 147
Givens, Willard E---------------------------------------------------- 157
Goff, Kenneth--------------------------------------------------------- 57
Gorki ----- ---------------------------------------------------------- 81
Gotterdammerun.g (a twlight of the gods)----------------------------- 36
Graham, Dr. Billy---------------------------------------------- - 37, 143
Grant, Alan G. (testimony of) -------------------------------- 10-33, 139, 149
Green, Montgomery--------------------------------------------------- 15
Guide for Political Espionage----------------------------------------- - 84
Gundorov, A. S-?----------------------------------------------------- 87
Gussev, S. T. (also known as Green)---------------------------------- 115
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"hands Off the Chinese People"_________________________ ______ ______ 77
iftrding College, S-----Ark------ ---- --------------------- --- -, 13$
rriman, Averell - 143 64
yard 0 niversity__________________________-- ----- 196,138
Her aId ---- ------------.
II yard University Law School_______________ 9
H-omb-- ----------------------------------------- _- 16
H-bboomb b tests-------------------------------------------------------- 145,148
Herlong, Representative A. S., Jr. (Florida) -------- 1-10, 20, 21, 32, 119, 156, 161
.Testimony of----------------------------------------------------- 7-9
Herlong-Judd bill------------------------------------- --------------163
Herter ------------------------------------------------ ---------- 151
Hitler---------------------------------------------- ------ 151, 1164,1165, 168
Hitler-Stalin pact---------------------------------------------------- 167
Ho Chi Minh-------------------- -------------- 7 - -- ----- 113
Ho ffhschule fuer Politik---------------------------------------------- 88
Homann, Sal B------------------------------------------------------ 74
Hollywood, Calif------------------------------------------------------ 8
Hook, Sidney (New York University) --------------------------------- 56
Letter inserted in record------------------------------------------ 56-57
Hoover, Herbert------------------------------------------------------ 109
Hoover Library on Revolution, World Peace, at Stanford, Calif---------- 91
House Appropriations Subcommittee________________________________ 18
H.R,4988--------------------------------------------------------------- 156
House Un-American Activities Committee --------------- 7 -----_ ___ 22, 27, 34
Iiriska, Senator Roman L --------------------------------------------- 1,119
Hungarian Revolution- --------------- -------------7------------
7 35
'77 - .ungary-________ ___ --------------- 7 _ - 100,112, 166, 167, 170
- --------------- - 35,86,99-113
Hunter, Edward ----------------- ------------------------100,----112,
Testimony of---------------------------------------------------- 99-113
I
ICBM -------------------------------- --------------------------------- 161'
"
(docu-
"Ideology of Freedom versus the Ideology of Communism, The
"I - 34
ment) -------- -------- -----------------------------------------
Led Three Lives" 7-------------------------- ---------------------- 15
Illinois 77
Immigration and Naturalization Service_____________________ __________ 33
Industrial College __-_ __-- -------- 7 --------------------- 91
Industrial College of the Armed Forces__ -_ 141, 142146, 147, 151, 154
Information Center _-_ --_ _ __ - _ 27,31,32
Institut d'Etudes Poitiggues ___ - _ ---- 8S
Institute o`r Acadeniy of'Red Professors-'_ ___------------------------ 81
Institute for Advanced Study,-Princeton, N.J'--------------------------- 79
Institute foi 112argism-Leninism at Leningrad -_ __ _____ ____84
Institute of Political Studies------------------------------------------ 88
Institute of World Economics_________________________________________ 85
International Confederation of Free Trade Unions _-__ ------------ 150,170
International Democratic federation of Women----------------------- _ 87
Ihtprnational Labor Iielations__- ____ __ ___ _____ _____________ 73
In ernational 01y_mpics Committee _- --- ---- ------------ 76
Iu ernationai Rescue con m ttee----------------------------- 140,141,146,147
__-- _ _ 14,126 129,141,146,155,166, 165,171,172
_
-
_
Iron Curtgin
__
-
. _
-
Isltimie.,areas _ ---- ---------------------------------- -------- 56
Jackson-, Representative (0,alifornia)____ _-__ ___ ____ ------ 7
C. D. (vice president, Time, Inc) ----------------------- 59-67, 70-72
3Nckson
,.
TestljnQng of- --------------------------------------------------- 59-67
J6ksou (`ommttee -- --- - --------- - ----- 60
60
JR.eksog, William--------- - -----------------------------------
James, Danief - ---- ---- ------------ ---- --- ----- 15
Japan --- ---- ---- ---- -------- ----- --------- =-- '144
3'gpanese tax tax-------------------------------------------------------- 148
J up, John ir --- ------------------------------------------------ 20
Johns Hopkins-- ------------ ------------------------------------ 64
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Joint Atomic Energy Committee--------------------------------------- 27
Joint Congressional Freedom Committee------------------------------- 162
Judd, Hon. Walter H. (Minnesota)________________ 8,109,119-133, 156,157,161
Testimony of--------------------------------------------------- 119-133
Justice Department--------------------------------------------------- 22,39
B
Kamenev---------------------------- 115
Khrushchev________________________ 83, 125, 145, 148, 151, 164, 166, 167, 170, 172
Kilpatrick, William--------------------------------------------------- 158
Kirsienova--------------------------------------------- --------------- ]18
Kiwanis------------------------------------------ -------------------- 109
Know Your Enemy Speakers__________________________________________ 11
Knyazen, S. P------------------------------------------------------- $4
Kohlberg, Alfred----------------------------------------------------- 10
`Kommunist (magazine) ----------------------------------------------- 85
Konsularakademie---------------------------------------------------- 88
Korea, Red POW brainwashing camps in------------------------------- 111
Kornfeder, Joseph Z--------------------------------------------- 15,113-118
Statement of-------------------------------------- ------------- 113-114
Exhibit of ------------------------------------------------------ 115-118
Kusnetsov, F. F------------------------------------------------------ 82
Kuusinen, Otto------------------------------------------------------- 114
Latin America_.._ L
____________________________________15, 31, 86, 145, 148
Latin American Communists__________________________________________ 15
.League of Nations---------------------------------------------------- 168
Leibowitz, Judge Samuel____________________________________________ 143, 144
Lenin -------------------------------- 31, 35, 75, 81, 85, 113,115, 118, 164, 165, 170
Lenin Academy of Political Warfare___________________________________ 82
Lenin Institute------------------------------------------------- 15 19 81 84
Lenin Institute of Political Warfare ________________________________-- 154
Lenin Military Political Academy-------------------------------------- 82
Lenin University, Curriculum of_____________________________________ 115-118
.Leningrad------------------------------------------------------------- - 75
Leninist Academy in Moscow------------------------------------------ 36
:Lenin School--------------------------------------------------------- 137
Leonhard, Wolfgang-------------------------------------------------- 68
Lerner case---------------------------------------------------------- 39
Letters Inserted in record :
Adams, R. A. and Grace------------------------------------------- 57
Bennett, Hon. Chas. E------------------------------------------- 156
Biemiller, Andrew J---------------------------------------------- 55
Brune, Chief Judge Frederick W__________________________________ 38-39
Douglas, Senator------------------------------------------------- 163
Hockmeyer, John and Mrs. Marie__________________________________ 57
Hook, Sidney---------------------------------------------------- 56
Miller, Virgil I--------------------------------------------------- 57
Sarnoff, David--------------------------------------------------- 39
Shiverdecker, Mr. and Mrs. Coats__________________________________ 57
Stough, Claude V. and Mrs---------------------------- 57
------------
Walsh, Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E_______________________ 39
Lewiston,Idaho ------------------------------------------------------ 8
Lewiston, Maine------------------------------------------------------ 8
Life (magazine) ------------------------------------------------- 7,8,20,91
Lilly, Dr. Edward P------------------------------------------------- 18
Lilly report-------------------------------------------------------- 142,147
Lincoln-Petkov Academy---------------------------------------------- 19
Little, Brown Publishing Co------------------------------------------- 138
Longjumeau, Paris--------------------------------------------------- 81
Losovsky, S______________
----------------------- 118
Lowry, Charles Wesley----------------------------------------------- 33-38
'Statement of----------------------------------------------------- 33
Lubell, Sam---------------------------------------------------------- 20
Lyons, Eugene-------------------------------------------------------- 151
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MacArthur, Gen. Douglas----------------------------------- 141, 144,146,147
Maistus ------------------------------------------------------------ 118
Manchester, Colonel -------------------------------------------- 109,153-155
Statement of------------------------------------------------- 153-155
Mandel, Benjamin---------------------------------------------------- 1
Mao Tse-tung--------------------------------------------------- 88,106,126
Manuelsky, Dimitri-------------------------------------------------- 114
Idarsball plan-------------------------------------- ----------------- 169
Marx, Karl------------------------------------------- 35, 85, 99, 132, 160, 170
Mather, Kirtley------------------------------------------------------ 158
McCall, Dean Abner-------------------------------------------------- 10
McDowell, Arthur G-------------------------------------------------- 73-76
Testimony of----------------------------------------------------- 73-76
McGraw-Hill -------------------------------------------------------- 16
Methodist Federation for Social Service-------------------------------- 75,78
Middle East------------------------------------------- 155,160,164,171,172
Mikoyan -------------------------------------------------- 124,149,151,160
Mindzenty, Cardinal----------------------------------------------- 141,147
D ingulin ----------------------------------------------------------- 118
Mitin, M. B-- ------------------------------------------------------- 87
Molotov ----------------------------------------------------------- 167,168
Molotov, Vyacheslav------------------------------------------------- 118
Moorehead, Alan----------- ----------------------------------------- 91
Morning Tribune, Lewiston, Idaho------------------------------------ 8
Morris, Robert---------------------------------------------------- - 135
Mundt, Senator Karl E-------------------------------------- 1,7,9,161-163
Statement of-------------------------------------------------- 161-163
Mundt-Douglas bill------------------------------------------------ 134,163
Mussolini ----------------------------------------------------------- 151
N
National Archives---------------------------------------------------- 79
National Education Association (NEA) ------------------------------ 156-158
National Security Council-------------------------------------------- 19
National War College-------- 18, 70, 79, 82, 91, 96, 98, 140, 142, 146, 147, 149, 154
NATO -------------------------------------------------------------- 155
Naval Academy------------------------------------------------ 127,147,149
Navy War College-------------------------------------------------- 91
Nelson, Steve --------------------------------------------------------- 114
NEP ---------------------------------------------------------------- 11
New China----------------------------------------------------------- 15
New Hampshire----------------------------------------------------- 9
New York Daily News------------------------------------------------ 8
New York Times----------------------------------------------------- 102
New York University------------------------------------------------- 56
Niemeyer, Dr. Gerhart-------------------------------------- 18,67-69,73,89
Statement of----------------------------------------------------- 67-69
Testimony of---------------------------------------------------- 67-73
Nixon, stoning of---------------------------------------------------- 20
Notre Dame (University of) --------------------------------------- 18, 67, 70
Nowell, William C------------ --------------------------------------- 15
"No Wonder We Are Losing" (book)----------------------------------- 135
Ober, Frank B------------------------------------------------------- 10
Obichkin, G. D------------------------------------------------------- 84
Oglethorpe----------------------------------------------------------- 70
Oklahoma Education Association--------------------------------------- 136
Olympics------------------------------------------------------------ 105
Operations Coordinating Board---------------------------------------- 18,20
Oppenheimer, Dr----------------------------------------------------- 138
"'Organizational Weapon, The" (book)--------------------------------- 14,16
Orlando, Fla-------------------------------------------------------- 10,13
Orlando Committee for the Freedom Academy--------------------- --- 10-33
Orlando Sentinel Star------------------------------------------------ 8
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Ostkolleg (Cologne)--------------------------------------------------
69
Overstreet, Bonaro---------------------------------- ---_______-__-__
136
Overstreet, Harry ------------------------ ----------------------- _
- 136
Ovseyenko, Antonov--------------------------------------------------
115
Oxford University---------------------------------------------------
78,79
P
Panmunjom---------------------------------------------------------
122
Parkersburg (W. Va.) News-------------------------------------------
8
Partisan Intelligence Agent --------------------- ----- ----------------
84
Pasha, Olubb-------------------------------------------------- -------
89
Pavlov ---------------------------------- ----------------------------
35
Payne, Mrs. Jessica (statement of)___________________________________ 156-159
Pearl Harbor------------------------------------------------------- 113,155
Pennsylvania Legislature -------------------- ------------ ------------ 75,77
Pennsylvania, University of--------------- --------- ___------ ________ 79
Pentagon _____ 30,127
Peronism -------?---------------------------------------------------- 35
Petkov (Hungarian patriot) ------ ------ ____---- 19
Petrovsky ---------------------------- ------------------------------ 118
Philbrick, Herbert A----- ------ ____ 15,109,134=140,157
Testimony of------------------------------------------------- 134-140
Piatnitzky, Ossip--------------------- ------------------------------ 118
Pittsburgh------'--------------- ------------------------- ---- 75
Poland-------------------------------?------------------------- 160,167,168
Ponomarenko, P. K-------------------------------------------------- 83
Popova, N. V. (Madame)--------------------------------------------- 87
Possony, Dr. Stefan-------------------------------------------- 14,17,79-99
Testimony of--------------------------------------------------- 79-99
Post (magazine) --------------------- ------------------------------- 15
Potsdam------------------------------------------------------------ 168
Prague ---------?---------------------------------------------------- 15,172
Presidium of Soviet Solidarity Committee for the Asian and African coun-
tries---------------------------------------------------------------- 86
Prime Minister of White Russia ------ ______------ 83
Princeton -------------------------------------------------------------- 70,79
Problems of Leninism------------------------------------------------- 166
"Program for a Political Offense Against World Communism" by David
Sarnoff---.--------------------------------------------------- 39,40,41-55
Text of memo---------------------------------------------------- 41-55
`Program Provides Millions for Training United States Leaders," article in
Baltimore Sun----------------------?------------------------------- 102
Progressive Miners in Illinois_____________________________ ------------- 77
"Protracted Conflict" (book)__________________________________________ 14
PTA------------- ------------------- ----------------------------- 13, 28, 158
Pulitzer prize--------------------------------------------------------- 75
Q
"Questions of Philosophy ------------------------------------------------ 87
R
Radio Cairo-------------------------------------------------------- 89
Radio Corp. of America ----------------------------------------------- 39
Radio Free Europe --------------------------------------------------- 60,114
Rand Corp ------------------------------------------------------------ 14
Red POW brainwashing camps in Korea -------------------------------- 111
Republican Party---------------------------------------------------- 26
Research Institute of America-_-_---- - ----------- ___ 109,140,141,144,146,148
Reserve Officers Association (ROA) ------------------------------ 109,153,154
B?hodes scholarship. plan at Oxford University -------------------------- -- 78,79
Ricardo---------?------------------------------------------- ----- 118
Bolling Hills, Calif--------------------------------------------------- 7
Rooney's (Congressman) subcommittee-------------- - __ 22
-.Roosevelt, President -------------------------------------------------- - 157
:,Rotary Club-------------------------------------------- ------ -109
tudasz------------- ---------- --------------- ------ ------------- ..,x118
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Russian Constitution---------------------------------------- ------ -107
Russian Revolution (book)__________________________________ ------ 91
1$usso-Finnish Nonaggression Pact of 1934------ ------------------------- _-___ 168
utgers University--------------------------------------------------- 15
8, 1689, text of bill-------------- ------------------------ ----- 1-7
St. Basil's Cathedral (Russia) --------- ---------------------_----- 143
St. Louis, Mo--------------------------------------- 75
----------------
St. Petersburg Times-------------------------------------------------- 8
SAS----------------------------------------------------------------- - 89
San "'rancisco-------------------------------------------------------- 74
rnohf, David (chairman of board of RCA), letter together with copy of
'.:his brochure inserted in record______________________________________ 39-55
Saturday Evening Post (magazine) ______________.____-_------ ---'__- 107
Scarsdale, N.Y., school library________________________________________
Schlesingers, the ------------------------------------------------------ 158
School for Political Warfare in Prague ------------------ ____ ----- -_- 86
Schroeder, Frank W--------------------------------------------------- I
Scottsporo boys------------------------------------------------------- 144
$Grps-l#oward------------------------------------------------------ . 75
SEATO--------------------------------------------------------------- 155
Select House Committee To Investigate Communist Aggression Since 1918 100
glected Works (of Lenin) --------------------------------------------- 165
elznick------------------------------------------------------- 16
HAEF_ 60
ino-Soviet Axis------------------------------------------------------ 154,167
Society for the Propagation of Political and Scientific Knowledge -----___ 87
Sourwine,J.G--------------------------------------------------------- 1
South Africa----------------------------------------------- ---- -- 69x71
South Bend, Ind------------------------------------------------------ . 67
Souvariue,Boris --------------------- ------------------------------- - 82
Solidarity Asian and African countries _ __ 86, 87
Soviet Dupes, and Dm loitteesfor the -- -_ - -' -- 8 87
:r p (bo------- ------------------- -- 135
k t alight (bulletin) --------------------------------------------------- 170
achel, Jack--------------------------------------------------------- 15
-`--Staff And Assistance; Utilization of Federal Departments and Agencies;
Armed Protection--__________ _ _ ______ ---------- 24
Stalin--------------------- - - - -_ __ 82,114,166, AS, 169,170
irate Department --------------------------------- ____ _ 18,'22,6440,76,145
tate, Secretary of--------------------------------------------------- 33
teele, Dr. Joes---------------------- -------------- ---------------- 158
teiuhardt, Laurence ------------------------------------------------- 59
tough, Mr. and Mrs. Claude (letter of) -_ - -------- 57
strategic Air Force--------------------------- -- ------------------- 155
Student Liberal Club________________________________________________ 75
J'Studying Freedom" editorial in New Cork Times ------ _------------- ? 102
Subversive Activities Control Board----------------------------------- 137
Suez Canal-------------------------------------------------------- 145,148
Sun Yat-sen University_______________________________________________ 81
19upreme Court------------------------------------------------------- . 39
Tampa Tribune----------------------------------------------------- -- 8
'ashkent-------------------------------- ---------------------- ---- 86
Taylor, Prof. A. J. P-------------------------------------------- ---- 1'0
InThird World Par, The" by Harry Welton----------------- ______ 163
RThirty-second Triennium Convention ------------ M___ _____ 74
t- omas, Norman ------------------------------------------------------ 76
Mme, Inc------------------------------------------------------ -- 59
me (magazine)-------------------------------------------------- 35
. oynbee -------------------------------------------------- 1
- 25
rotsky---------------------------------------------------------- 114
ch 115
_achevsky-- ------------------------------------- -
sa Tribune --------------------------------------------------------------- 8
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Ukrainian Congress Committee of America---------------------------- 159
Unitarian Church---------------------------------------------------- 75
United Auto Workers------------------------------------------------- 75
United Furniture Workers------------------------------------------- 75
United Nations--------------------------------------------------- 96,105,169
University of Pennsylvania------------------------------------------- 14
University of Pittsburgh--------------------------------------------- 75
Upholsterers International Union of North America----------------- 73, 74, 75
USIA (U.S. Information Agency) ------------------------------ 32,39,68,145
U.S. Information Service Act----------------------------------------- 33
USIS ------------------------------------------------------------------ 104
U.S. Military Academy------------------- 8, 111, 127, 139, 141, 146, 147, 149, 154
U.S.S.R.-France------------------------------------------------------- 87
U.S.S.R.-U.S. Friendship Society--------------------------------------- 87
V
Vanguard Press------------------------------------------------------ 100
Vasiliev-------------------------------------------------------------- 118
Versailles Treaty---------------------------------------------------- 168
Vienna, Austria------------------------------------------------------- 79,88
Vienna, University of------------------------------------------------- 79
Vietnam ----------------------------------------------------- 141,145, 147, 148
North------------------------------------------------------------ 167
Vishinsky, P. E._ ---------------------------------------------------- 165
Voice of America------------------------------------------------------ 114
Vorkuta (slave labor camp) ------------------------------------------ 144
Voroshilov Higher Military Academy---------------------------------- 81,82
Watson----------------------------------------------------------------
35
Wedemeyer, Gen. Albert C--------------------------------------------
135
"Wedemeyer Reports" (book) -----------------------------------------
135
Welton, Harry-------------------------------------------------------
163
West Berlin --------- -------------------------------------------------- West Point. (See U.S. Military Academy.)
Westover, Brig. Gen. Wendell-----------------------------------------
153
West Virginia ---------------------------------------------------------
8
"What We Must Know About Communism" (book) ---------------------
136
White House----------------------------------------------------------
66
White, Lincoln --------------------------------------------------------
76
Woltman, Fred--------------------------------------------------------
75
World Peace Council-------------------------------------------------
87
Wright, Loyd---------------------------------------------------------
9
Wyman, Attorney General Louis--------------------------------------
9
Y
Yale------------------------------------------------------------------
70
Yalta--------------------------------------------------------------- 120
168
YMCA---------------------------------------------------------------
75
Young Communist League---------------------------------------------
136
Z
Zhukov, E. M---------------------------------------------------------
86
W
Walsh, Deputy Attorney General Lawrence E., letter inserted in record--_ 39
War College------------------------------------------------------- 67,92,97
War Department-.-------------------------------------------------- 141,146
0
Approved For Release 2002/01/02 : CIA-RDP64B00346R000500030098-