TELFORD TAYLOR AND THE CIA

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• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000200170027-7
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• Document Creation Date: December 15, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 13, 2004
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a distant repetitiveness, and Moscow will be
unimpressed.
All the words we can say about Berlin are
as fragile as the Soviet pledge to honor our
access routes.
It is only what we do that will communi-
cate our unalterable purpose.
The only rights that Khrushchev will re-
spect are the rights that we are willing to
fight for. And he has seen no evidence that
we are any more willing to fight seriously for
Berlin than we were to fight for Laos or Cuba.
There is one way, and one way only, in
which we can make our determination so
unmistakable that history can never record
1961 as a year in which we were tragically
misunderstood by the Communist imperial-
ism. That way is by clear preparation for a
military engagement.
This will not be sabre rattling. There
would be no threats of nuclear weapons; in-
deed no threat at all, merely the quiet
preparation for defending the status of West
Berlin.
What these preparations should be would
depend on a careful calculation of the prob-
able challenge. Presumably stockpiling of
military and civilian supplies would be in-
dicated in West Berlin and in the West Ger-
man termini of communication routes across
East Germany.
Armored trucks and trains should be
readied, and fighter planes stationed at suit-
able West German airfields. Additional
transport planes could be ferried across from
this country.
These would conspicuously be the weapons
of an engagement strictly limited to the en-
forcement of our rights of access to Berlin.
They would be in no way aggressive in ap-
pearance. There would be no increase in the
number of troops in West Berlin (United
States, 4,000; United Kingdom, 3,500, and
French, 3,500).
The entire deployment would be most un-
excitably carried out, and we could hope
that in the process our official spokesmen
might exhibit the same confident good humor
that President Kennedy exhibited when he
suggested that Khrushchev not plan to nail
up the tiger skin of economic victory until
he had captured the tiger.
In all this we shall need the understand-
ing cooperation of our NATO allies, and this
may preclude any peacemaking role for
Prime Minister Macmillan. For there not
only can be no compromise which prejudices
our position, there can be no indication that
such a compromise might be considered.
In no way can we say in words that we
mean to stand firm. The calm preparation
to meet the challenge headon-that is what
will say what we mean to say.
CAMPAIGN OF DECEPTION
Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, much
has been said in the past with respect to
the proposition of Red China being ad-
mitted to the United Nations and, I as-
sume, this controversy will develop even
more fully in the immediate future.
My position against the inclusion of
the Peiping regime in the U.N. is well
known. If anything, I feel more strongly
now that to admit Communist China to
this international body would be one of
the most tragic mistakes of our time.
A recent editorial in the Manchester
(N.H.) Union Leader, entitled "Cam-
paign of Deception," refers to the admis-
sion of Red China to the U.N. as "the
grand betrayal." This is an outstanding
editorial. Its comments about the latest
report of the National Strategy Commit-
tee of the American Security Council are
most straightforward and informative.
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of this fine editorial be printed at this
point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
From the Manchester Union Leader, June
24, 19811
CAMPAIGN OF DECEPTION
The latest report of the National Strategy
Committee of the American Security Council
presents an intelligent analysis of one of the
most misleading of all arguments put forth
by proponents of U.N. acceptance of Red
China's membership.
We're referring, of course, to the non
sequitur-"We can make no real progress
with disarmament unless Communist China
participates." Therefore: "We can make no
real progress with disarmament unless Com-
munist China becomes a member of the
United Nations."
It should be obvious that the latter infer-
ence simply does not follow from the original
premise. Yet, Peiping's apologists in our own
country and throughout the world have
sought to confuse the whole issue by writing
supposedly learned epistles based on the
illogical assumption that the admission of
Red China to the United Nations would in
some way aid the cause of disarmament.
The truth of the matter, as the ASC report
points out, is that "admission of another
Communist state would make it possible for
the Communist bloc to take an even more
rigid and belligerent position on all disarma-
ment matters."
Of course, if Red China did qualify for
membership in the U.N., i.e., if Red China
were a peace-loving nation, if Red China
accepted the obligations of the U.N. Charter,
and If Red China was able and willing to
carry out these obligations, then, the ASC
report acknowledges, "the prospects for dis-
armament would be greatly improved."
However, the National Strategy Committee
emphasizes, "the pious hope that making
Communist China a member of the U.N.
would force her to bow to the pressures of
world opinion and abide by both the spirit
and the letter of international agreements, is
hardly a sound basis for the reduction of
armaments."
The assumption that Red China's presence
at the Conference in Geneva of the Ten Na-
tion Committee on Disarmament this August
would aid the Committee in its work is unbe-
lievably naive.
The free world, unless it chooses to close
its eyes to the facts-will see the type of
obstructionism Red China would employ as
a member of the U.N. when the Fourteen
Power Conference on Laos attempts to reach
a solution to that particular problem. And
the ASC report is right on target with its
analysis of how Red China's participation in
this Conference "will undoubtedly be used
propagandawise to emphasize the Communist
line that a nation of 600 million cannot be
ignored; that it is firmly established and
will remain the true Government of China;
and that it is prepared to work with other
nations to contribute to a lessening of ten-
sions. These themes will be played over and
over again throughout the summer months,
echoing from the sophisticated international
Conference headquarters in Geneva through-
out the capitals of Asia, Africa, and Latin
America."
Indeed, Peiping's inclusion at the Confer-
ence table is a calculated move to wear down
the opposition of Congress and the over-
whelming majority of the American people
to the grand betrayal-the admission of Red
China to the United Nations.
TELFORD TAYLOR AND THE CIA
Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, I re-
quest unanimous consent to have printed
in the body of the RECORD an article
which appeared in the Newark (N.J.)
Star-Ledger of June 14, 1961. This
article appeared on page 1 under the
heading "Protests Mount Against Tel-
ford Taylor as CIA Boss." It was writ-
ten by Edward J. Mowery under a Wash-
ington dateline.
I think the information contained in
this article may be of interest to the
Members of the Senate because some
confusion arises with respect to indi-
viduals named "General Taylor."
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
PROJECTS MOUNT AGAINST TELFORD TAYLOR AS
CIA Boss
(By Edward J. Mowery)
WASHINGTON.-The active boom for re-
tired Brig. Gen. Telford Taylor to head the
Central Intelligence Agency has caused
grave concern, even consternation, on Capi-
tol Hill.
Allen W. Dulles, 68-year-old CIA Director
(since 1953) has evinced no desire to step
out. But he has been held personally re-
sponsible for the abortive, CIA-directed
Cuban invasion and is expected to be re-
placed.
Taylor, a product of Harvard Law School, a
native of Schenectady, and a New York City
lawyer, is known as a perennial champion
of leftists, whose professional talents have
aided such individuals as Harry Bridges,
various Smith Act defendants, and union
moguls with asserted Communist leanings.
Others mentioned for the Dulles post are
Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor (who heads a com-
mittee probing CIA), Deputy Attorney Gen-
eral Byron R. "Whizzer" White (reputed
choice of his boss, Robert F. Kennedy), and
Gen. Matthew B. Ridgway (favored by Gen.
Douglas MacArthur).
But the ground swell for Taylor's nomina-
tion, it was learned yesterday, has reached
the cloakroom discussion stage, and Taylor
has reportedly been interviewed extensively
for the CIA post.
Taylor supporters claim they have the
sympathy of Walter W. Rostow, deputy spe-
cial assistant to the President for national
security affairs.
Lawmakers on both sides of the aisle coyly
dodged all direct questions relating to the
Taylor rumors, but they did not mask their
concern.
Congress, they indicated, will take a hard,
solid look at any nominee for the important
CIA directorship which requires Senate con-
firmation via the Senate Armed Services
Committee.
Senator THOMAS J. DODD, Democrat, of
Connecticut, vice chairman of the Senate
Internal Security Subcommittee-who also
refused to comment on Taylor rumors-
characterized the CIA top post as a vital
rung in safeguarding America's security.
DODD, who has served with Naval Intel-
ligence, the FBI, and as vice chairman of the
Nuremberg war trial review board, declared:
"This position (CIA Director) is one of
the most sensitive, delicate, and important
in the Federal Government. Both the Pres-
ident and the country must have unques-
tioned confidence in whomever is chosen to
fill it.
"I would place this position on a level with
that of the Secretary of Defense and Direc-
tor of the FBI, requiring the same kind and
degree of confidence as that reposed in J.
Edgar Hoover.
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE f 11173
I recently read an editorial from his
Oakland Tribune which illustrates this
fact. The editorial, entitled "The Berlin
Powder Keg," correcty states:
The supply of little surrenders has been
exhausted. * * * On the issue of Berlin the
chips are down and the sooner 180 million
Americans face up to these facts the more
likely our Nation is to survive and with us a
free world of freemen.
Our actions with respect to Berlin
could, well be the deciding factor in the
efforts of freemen to win the struggle
with Communist oppression. A conces-
sion to Russian threats would be dis-
astrous.
The editorial in the Oakland Tribune
by our former colleague is an outstand-
ing commentary on this crisis, and I ask
unanimous consent that it be printed at
this point in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE BERLIN POWDER KEG
Will the lights be going out in Berlin be-
fore the year 1961 passes into history on De-
cember 31?
In Washington, Moscow, Bonn, Paris, and
London the implications of the Khrushchev
thinly veiled ultimatum is better understood
than it is away from the capital cities.
Before we hardly know it summer will
pass into fall and the preparations for Christ-
mas with its message of "Peace on earth,
good will to men" will be subverted by the
rulers of the Kremlin determined to force a'
showdown even at the calculated risk of war.
They anticipate that their will and iron
nerve will outlast what they consider "the
decadent West" and will result in an
abject surrender by the ' North Atlantic
powers.
Despite the Munich-minded men in our
own country and among some of the allied
nations there can be no surrender of the
free people of Berlin without destroying the
morale of freemen everywhere to resist Com-
munist tyranny. These are the stakes Mos-
cow is playing for and determined to win.
The supply of little surrenders has been
exhausted by the stalemate in Korea, the
farce at Geneva, the offer of payment of
tractor blackmail to Castro and the back-
down, after brave words, in Laos.
On the issue of Berlin the chips are down
and the sooner 180 million Americans face
up to these facts the more likely our Nation
is to survive and with us a free world of free-
men.
At an early date the wives and children
of our combat-ready forces in the isolated
garrison of Berlin should be withdrawn, for
no nonresident women and children should
be available as possible hostages to com-
munism.
It will soon be time for our forces and
the city of Berlin to strip for action. No
nonessential personnel or nonproductive
workers should be left there to be furnished
food, fuel, and clothing by airlift or other-
wise.
As a completely surrounded outpost of
freedom neither the token forces there nor
the courageous civilians of Berlin could long
hold out against a massive Soviet or East
German Communist effort to take the city.
But neither was the Alamo, Fort Sumter,
or Corregidor able to hold out against the
overwhelming odds against those garrisons.
The forces which won the initial struggle
lost the three wars against us.
But nothing will impress Khrushchev and
his Presidium more than the certain knowl-
edge that we have determined to preserve
this island of freedom, that we understand
the calculated risks involved and the poten-
tial costs. We will not fire unless fired upon
but if our garrison and the free city of Ber-
lin is attacked by Communist forces, East
German or Soviet, the Communists must
know that we will fight with all the weapons
and all of the power of a free people deter-
mined to remain free. This resolve was so
clearly enunciated in the Declaration of In-
dependence in these words:
"And for the support of this declaration,
with a firm reliance on,the protection of di-
vine providence, we mutually pledge to each
other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred
honor."
"HOW TO MAKE A PORK BARREL"
Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, an
editorial entitled "How To Make a Pork
Barrel," which appeared in a recent
edition of the Wall Street Journal, pro-
vides a shocking revelation of the extent
to which the urban renewal program is
used and abused.
The facts brought out in this reveal-
ing column make previous advocates of
pork-barrel legislation look like skin-
flints. When, in the name of urban re-
newal, a town can receive as much as
$478 in Federal funds for every one of its
inhabitants, we have certainly hit a new
high-or perhaps the word should be
low-in fiscal irresponsibility.
I believe this commentary should be
read by every Member of this body, and
I particularly commend it to those Sena-
tors who champion the cause of a multi-
billion-dollar urban renewal program.
I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
torial entitled "How To Make a Pork
Barrel" be printed at this point in the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
How To MAKE A PORK BARREL
If the phrase "urban renewal" conjures up
any clear image it is that of a street scene in
one of our great cities, with its rows of tene-
ments swarming with people lacking not
merely room to move but air to breathe, a
congestion that chokes not merely the view
but the community that surrounds it.
Such, anyway, was the image that sup-
posedly moved Congress to pass the multi-
billion-dollar urban renewal program. There
was little inquiry as to why the slums and
congestion existed or why the cities were
unwilling to renew themselves. It was suffi-
cient that the condition was; therefore, to
apply the familiar remedy of billions from
Washington.
Well, the actuality has turned out to be
something different, as a detailed report in
this newspaper the other day revealed.
Whatever else this program may be, it isn't
urban renewal.
A more accurate name today might be "the
village landscaping program" or, if people
were willing to be bluntly honest, the Fed-
eral pork barrel project. That old favorite
of Congress, the rivers and harbors bill, just
can't compare with his handy, bulging cask
for dipping into.
Take just a few samples from the many
reported in our recent story: The metrop-
olis of East Granby, Conn., $246,000 of Fed-
eral funds for its 2,434 people. Lithonia,
Ga., $102,800 for its 1,667 people. Atchison,
Kans., $1,916,800 for its 12,500 people.
Or look a little more closely at the situa-
tion in Mercedes, Tex., a town of some 10,000
people. Here was a town which, by all the
evidence, really did need a new sewer system,
the cost of that program being about $234,-
000. In the words of the mayor, "We would
never have been able to finance that by
ourselves."
So what happened? In the name of
"urban renewal" this small town got a Fed-
eral grant of $1.1 million not only to fix up its
sewer system but also to pave streets and
build a residential housing project. And
now, again in the words of the mayor, "We're
able to issue $350,000 in bonds for a new civic
center without even raising the tax rate."
They can now build a civic center when they
were too poor to take care of their own
sewage.
Or look at Wink, Tex. Here the Federal
Government has allotted $478 for every man,
woman, and child of its 1,800 population.
This to completely remodel the town's busi-
ness district, all three blocks of it.
To labor the evidence would be needless.
As one of the officials of the Urban Renewal
Administration quite frankly states, "There
are no limits whatever on the size a city has
to be to get urban renewal grants." And ap-
parently none, either, on the kind of proj-
ect for which towns and villages can tap the
Federal till. The list of things which these
happy folk are building with Federal funds
includes parks, playgrounds, tennis courts,
and swimming pools. All good things in-
deed for any town. And more blessed yet
when they are paid by other people's taxes.
As a pork barrel this has the wonderful
advantage that there's no need for any
pretense about building a dam to preserve
natural resources or dredging a creek for
navigation purposes; the handouts can go
to lovely, little towns like Princeton, N.J., or
crossroad villages, like Wink, Tex., lost in
the wide-open mesquite plains. All you need
is a diligent representative in Washington.
It's hardly necessary to labor the editorial
comment either. As the publisher of the
Wink Bulletin remarked, "You can hardly
spend money like this in a little town with-
out doing some good." Or as the Mercedes
mayor put it, "This is the greatest thing
that's happened to us in years."
So it is. And also the greatest thing that's
happened in years to the-business of building
pork barrels.
BERLIN
Mr. BRIDGES. Mr. President, a re-
cent editorial in the Boston Sunday
Herald, one of the outstanding news-
papers in the country, outlined in a frank
and hardhitting manner the problem
we face with respect to Berlin and the
initial steps which should be taken to
prevent a tragic misunderstanding by
the Communist bloc of our intentions
with respect to this strategic city.
The commentary rightfully points out:
All the words we can say about Berlin
are as fragile as the Soviet pledge to honor
our access routes. It is only what we do
that will communicate our unalterable pur-
pose.
I heartily agree. While we can hope
for the best, we must of necessity be pre-
pared for the worst, and I, for one, hope
we will not be tardy in making these
preparations.
I ask unanimous consent that this
editorial from the Boston Sunday Herald
be printed at this point in the RECORD,
and I commend it to the attention of my
colleagues.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FRAGILE WORDS ON BERLIN
We cannot say enough times that we will
not get out of Berlin to convince the Soviet
that we will-not.
We can string out one no after another
until the processions of negatives fade into
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"I personally believe that the individual The Wisconsin Senator's quick rebuttal the Senate, neither has the national wel-
civil fare ever been neglected by the senior
(name'd to the CIA), his qualifications and took the form of it bombshell. from Maine.
background will come under exhaustive McCarthy announced that Taylor's senator
that the
scrutiny by the Congress * * *." service record was "flagged" with the nota- I ask unanimous consent
Who is Telford Taylor, an apparent front- tion, "unresolved question of loyalty." editorial be printed in the RECORD.
runner in the scramble for the top job in Civil Service Commission Chairman Philip There being no objection, the editorial
the supersecret Central Intelligence Agency? Young told newsmen that the "flagging"
nt either that a loyalty investigation was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
HELD MANY POSTS
Newspaper files, CONGRESSIONAL RECORDS,
and other data disclose that Taylor (now 53)
entered Government service as a young New
Deal lawyer in 1933 in the Department of
the Interior.
He served successively in the Agricultural
Adjustment Administration, Attorney Gen-
eral's Office, and Federal Communications
Commission (General Counsel) before enter-
ing the Army in 1942.
After a brief stint in military intelligence
(Europe), Taylor became a staff colonel
(1945) at the Nuremberg war trials and chief
U.S. counsel at proceedings subsequent to
the Four Power trials of principal defend-
ants. He became a brigadier general in 1946.
ATTACKED IN SENATE
The "Nuremberg Trial Scandal"-alleged
procedures under Taylor's direction-erupted
before Presiding Judge Charles F. Wenner-
strum left Germany. The judge bitterly at-
tacked prosecution procedures.
Charges against Taylor exploded in the
Senate in two stages. On May 1, 1950, Mrs.
Freda Utley, a self-described former member
of the British Communist Party who lived 6
years in the U.S.S.R., described Taylor as
being "sympathetic" to the Soviet Union,
"one of a number * * * with leftish sym-
pathies."
Testifying before the Senate Foreign Rela-
tions Subcommittee (p. 777 of the record),
Mrs. Utley (an author) said she considered
America to be the hope of the free world,
"and people like [Owen] Lattimore a menace
to our freedom."
MADE CHARGE IN BOOK
"Question. Did you write 'The High Cost
of Vengeance' (a book about Germany) and
did you refer to Brig. Gen. Telford Taylor as
being sympathetic to Soviet Russia?
"Answer. In a chapter I referred to a num-
ber of people with those kind of leftish sym-
pathies * * * who has been placed in high
position * * * and I referred to Telford Tay-
lor. That was the general opinion of Mr.
Taylor * * *."
(Representative GEORGE A. DoNDERO, Re-
publican, of Michigan, had previously de-
manded an investigation_ of Nuremberg trial
procedures and the "Communist clique"
which had assertedly penetrated the Taylor
staff.)
TRUMAN APPOINTEE
was underway when Taylor left the Small as follows:
Defense Plants Administration (September [From the Pittsburgh Press, June 19, 1961]
18, 1952) * * * or one had been made with- HEAP OP YEAS AND NAYS
out a decision. In the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, that faith-
He assumed the "flag" would stay on Tay- ful journal of the words and deeds of our
lor's record, Young explained, unless the
"Commission takes action to remove it * * * Washington lawmakers, there appear every
the matter has never come up." so often the results of the voting: Yeas, so
many; nays, so many; not voting, so many.
Three weeks of "a, cabout" 125 Reds reported who al- With exceptions so rare as to be almost
l efedly a had list of infiltrated rated the staff John n never, the "not voting" list is a part of the
McCl y i[U..] Commissioner the for Gee RECORD, usually preceded by formal apologies
many High "who Cne- for the absentees, such as: "I announce
many * * * "way were a brought . " by Mc- that the Senator from wherever is absent
Telford Cloy, g and others." on official business." Which could mean
McCarthy rthy chaarrgeed d that the persons were anything.
identified Communists who fled Germany, But never once, in about 6 years, has the
became US. citizens and returned to work name of MARGARET CHASE SMITH, the Senator
in McCloy's office. from Maine, appeared on the "not voting"
DEFENDED BRIDGES list. When the billboard test came to a vote
Newspaper files (including those of the Thursday, Mrs. SMITH answered her 1,000th
Daily Worker and People's Daily World) consecutive rollcall.
picture Telford Taylor as frequently defend- This was such an unusual performance
ing accused Communists, that the hardbitten male politicians of the
He has appeared as defense counsel twice Senate paused to note it with applauding
to stymie government efforts to deport oratory. Never before, in 172. years, had any
Harry Bridges, and is quoted as having de- Senator compiled such a consistency.
scribed Bridges' long pro-Red record as the Now how a Senator votes, and how he at-
record "of successful trade union leadership." tends to his duties otherwise, could be more
Taylor also has appeared for seven Smith important than fidelity in responding to the
Act defendants in Hawaii, for 14 officers of drone of the rollcall clerk. But this is a
the Communist-controlled International remarkable record, as evidenced by the fact
Mine, Mill & Smelters
Scales, described by the Daily Worker uasua and that oitewase freely predicted byh those
victim of the Smith Act, and for six U.N. lauding Mrs. SMITH that no other ever
workers whose dismissal stemmed from their w Iuld.
the Senate, as in other legislative bodies,
alleged leftist views.
BOOMED AS CANDIDATE there always are some who unavoidably are
detained, some who deliberately duck, some
Scales' conviction under the act's Com- who just don't get there in time to vote.
monist Party membership clause (with a For 1,000 rollcalls, vital or not, Mrs. SMITH
6-year prison term) was upheld June 5 in a has been in none of these categories. She
startling Supreme Court decision. was there.
Taylor's rising star as the professional And when you come right down to it, isn't
champion of leftists triggered one unique that why we send Senators to Washington?
proposal that he be boomed for Attorney To vote for us on the issues, great and small.
General. In 6 years, Maine's voice not once has been
Testimony before the House Un-American neglected.
Activities Committee concerning Communist
political subversion-page 7341 of the official
record-unfolds a speech by Corliss Lamont BACK-DOOR SPENDING
at a party sponsored by the American Com-
Pitts-
mittee for the Protection of Foreign Born.
Lamont told his enthusiastic audience that burgh Press, a highly regarded news-
Telford Taylor should be appointed Attorney paper in the Commonwealth of Pennsyl-
General of the United States. vania, has endorsed the proposal by the
This may have been a.protective measure distinguished Senator from Utah to pre-
by Lamont and the notorious committee. vent more back-door spending. The
Lamont is vice chairman of the Emergency paper makes the point very simply,
Civil Liberties Committee, a cited Com- newspaper
it says:
munist front. when The ACPFB, according to the Attorney The alternative is rampant Government
General, is "subversive and Communist." debt, and quite probably further depreciation
As one lawmaker commented concerning of the 47-cent dollar.
the CIA: I ask unanimous consent that the edi-
"Whoever pops up as the suggested nomi-
nee "trial be printed in the RECORD.
for Director * * will get a hard, There being no objection, the editorial
thorough appraisal.'" was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
On December 18, 1950, the late Senator
William Langer, Republican, of North Da-
kota, startled members of the Senate Ju-
diciary Committee with this assertion:
"If the payrolls are subpenaed *. * * it will
be seen that practically the entire (Nurem-
berg) staff was composed of leftists and
men * * * since exposed as Communists and
members of Communist-front organiza-
tions."
Taylor next appeared on the Washington
scene (1951) as head of the Small Defense
Plants Administration (a Truman ap-
pointee), and in November 1953, the Harvard
lawyer touched off a real hassle with the late
Senator Joseph R. McCarthy with a speech
before the Cadet Corps at West Point.
BLASTED M'CARTHY
Taylor called the Senate Government Op-
erations Committee probe of espionage at
the Ft. Monmouth, N.J., radar center "a
shameful abuse of congressional investigat-
ing power." And McCarthy, Taylor said,
was a dangerous adventurer.
ONE THOUSAND VOTES
Mr. SCOTT. Mr. President, the
Pittsburgh Press has added its commen-
dations to that being heard throughout
the Nation on the occasion of the 1,000th
consecutive vote of Senator MARGARET
CHASE SMITH. The Press says, "In 6
years, Maine's voice not once has been
neglected." I would add only that in the
years that Senator SMITH has been in
[From the Pittsburgh Press, June 19, 1961]
DRAIN ON THE TREASURY
Senator WALLACE F. BENNETT, of Salt Lake
City, is making a new attempt to shut the
back door to the Treasury.
He is doing this in the face of an increas-
ing number of programs sponsored by the
Kennedy administration to expand this debt-
making way of doing business.
Under the Constitution, taxpayer money
is supposed to be spent only by specific ap-
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propriations passed by Congress. The back-
door system sidesteps this constitutional
mandate. Instead of making appropriations,
Congress merely says to a Government
agency: "We won't give you any money di-
rectly, but you go down to the Treasury and
borrow it."
This eliminates congressional control on
spending. The agency borrows from the
Treasury and the Treasury borrows wherever
it can get the money. Up goes the national
debt.
Treasury Secretary Dillon has just been
before the Senate Foreign Relations Com-
mittee with a proposal to permit the ad-
ministration to take $8,800 million through
the back door of the Treasury for long-term
foreign aid loans over 5 years. Mr. Dillon
says this is the "most efficient and least
costly" way to provide this foreign aid.
It is neither. Congress loses control. The
debt Increases. Inflation is stimulated.
"This is hidden spending of which people
are often unaware," says Senator BENNETT.
"Yet it hurts our pocketbooks, both in the
form of tax drains and decreased purchasing
power through inflation. It weakens control
over Government spending In general. It
can result in loss of confidence in our dollar
at home and abroad."
Senator BENNETT has proposed a change in
Senate rules which would prohibit any spend-
ing except by appropriations cleared by the
Senate Appropriations Committee.
In the House a similar rule has been
blocked in committee. But If the Bennett
proposal is approved by the Senate the effect
will be the same as if both Houses had
agreed to abide by the Constitution. At least
in the Senate, any spending scheme must
pass muster by the Appropriations Commit-
tee and there will be an annual limitation on
handouts of the taxpayers' money.
The alternative is rampant Government
debt, and quite probably further deprecia-
tion of the 47-cent dollar.
TRANSITION IN AFRICA
Mr. JAVITS. Mr. President, the
emerging nations on the African Con-
tinent present us with an extraordinary
challenge in eyery phase of our national
American economy and policy. We have
not been adequately prepared for the
swift developments in Africa, and in the
effort to catch up numerous problems
have been created, particularly in the
economic area. Some of these are dis-
cussed in an article by H. S. Cummings,
Director, Africa-Near East Division, Bu-
reau of Foreign Commerce. I ask
unanimous consent that there be printed
in the RECORD his article entitled "Facing
the Power Shift in Africa," which ap-
pears in the Foreign Commerce Weekly,
July 3, 1961.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
FACING THE POWER SHIFT IN AFRICA
(An analysis of the "mutual ignorance gap"
between the United States of America and
the emerging African nations)
(By H. J. Cummings, Director, Africa-Near
East Division, Bureau of Foreign Com-
merce)
Every businessman in America, indeed
every taxpayer in America, is being affected
in some measure by the major power shift
now being carried out in a large part of the
continent of Africa.
The transition from European control to
African control of economic activities in
Africa is now underway. , This transfer of
economic power from London, Paris, and
Brussels to some 24 newly independent areas
of Africa is a matter of direct concern to
Americans as well as to the peoples of the
new African countries involved and to the
citizens of former metropoles.
Our direct concern with this power shift
is illustrated rather dramatically in the sud-
den change in economic relationships be-
tween the United States and the Republic
of the Congo after the latter received its
independence just a year ago. In the period
1955-60, U.S. exports to the Congo averaged
about $40 million a year and U.S. aid ex-
penditures to the area during that period
were nil. During the year following the
power shift from Brussels to Leopoldville,
the level of U.S. exports fell nearly 50 per-
cent below the 1959 level and U.S. aid to the
Republic of the Congo reached a level of
about $75 million.
POWER SHIFT COSTLY
This shift in power from Brussels to
Leopoldville was sudden, disorderly, and
very costly in terms of human life as well
as in terms of money. Its effects in dis-
couraging private foreign and domestic capi-
tal participation in African economic de-
velopment have been felt in Africa far beyond
the Congo's frontiers. African officials of
countries located hundreds of miles from the
nearest Congo border state frankly that
their attempts to attract foreign capital and
foreign technical and management assist-
ance have been seriously hampered by events
in the Congo. Experienced bankers and busi-
nessmen in nearby east Africa and the Fed-
eration of Rhodesia and Nyasaland attribute
much of the capital flight from those areas
in the latter part of 1960 to the failure of
the power shift from Brussels to Leopoldville
to take place in an orderly fashion.
This one tragic and costly breakdown in
the power transfer process has served to focus
attention on the nature of the problems to
be faced in Africa during and following the
transition period in which Africans assume
responsibility for economic control of their
respective countries. In order to understand
these problems we must acquaint ourselves
with the institutional arrangements that
existed just prior to the transition period.
These might be roughly and very generally
summarized as follows:
Economic policy was developed in the
metropole and carried out in the African ter-
ritories largely by European staffs. In the
private sphere international trading activi-
ties were handled by large expatriate firms.
In short, the actual operation of both the
public and private sectors of the economy
was the responsibility of the European civil
servant and the expatriate businessman.
During this period the supporting institu-
tions of both the public and private sectors
were European and located in Europe. The
highly developed and costly educational sys-
tems that produced civil servants, teachers,
technicians, businessmen and professional
men for the African areas were located in
Europe and financed by Europeans.
LEADERS RECOGNIZE NEEDS
Many responsible African leaders recognize
that the transfer of economic power from the
metropoles to individual African countries
did not carry with it the basic social and
economic institutions essential to sustained
and orderly economic growth. In the long
run, such institutions must and will be de-
veloped in Africa. In the meantime, each
African country must utilize to the fullest
extent possible economic and social resources
available to it from friendly non-African
sources including the former metropoles.
In a few African countries aggressive pro-
grams for educating Africans abroad and for
attracting foreign capital and management
training to Africa are already underway. In
others, such programs are still in the plan-
ning stage. In many African countries the
leaders are expecting the United States to
July 7
increase its share of participation in the
social and economic development of Africa.
These expectations are in many cases-very
general and are based upon impressions
gained by African leaders during compara-
tively brief visits to the United States. Ac-
tually, most African leaders are quite un-
aware of the multifariousness of this coun-
try's training resources; most Americans
likewise are unaware of the wide range of
specific and urgent demands African coun-
tries have for know-how, technical and man-
agement training assistance, and for for-
eign capital-both public and private. This
mutual ignorance gap cannot be closed by
merely matching comprehensive catalogs of
African requirements against American
availabilities but such catalogs, if produced
on a periodic basis, might be useful in deter-
mining program priorities.
NATIONAL AND REGIONAL PRIORITIES
The problem of determining development
project priorities in Africa during the com-
ing decade may be complicated by a number
of factors that can influence regional as well
as national economic growth rates. Should,
for example, national rivalries in Africa be
carried to the point where the large hydro-
electric power installation becomes the pre-
ferred f-tatus symbol of national progress,
then programs for diversified development
will have to be scrapped or at least placed in
the bureaucratic deep freeze, pending the
coronation of the national kilowatt king.
Since, in many instances, national bounda-
ries in Africa were established with little or
no regard for economic and ethnic realities,
some national economic development efforts
will be handicapped by a paucity of natural
resources and the lack of a sense of national
unity.
To minimize their handicaps, Africans will
have to intensify their efforts in working out
regional development schemes with their
neighbors. Both Africans and Americans
should develop effective methods for ex-
changing information and ideas on matters
relating to specific African development
needs and to specific American means of
meeting these needs.
EUROPEAN INTERNATIONAL HELP
Effective methods cannot be worked out
without first taking into account two basic
ingredients in Africa's present and future
development programs: the first is that
Western Europe, including the United King-
dom, will continue to be the principal source
of many of Africa's developments needs that
must be met from outside sources; the sec-
ond is that many international organiza-
tions-such as the International Bank for
Reconstruction and Development, the In-
ternational Finance Corporation, the Inter-
national Development Association, and many
of the specialized agencies of the United
Nations, including the Economic Commission
for Africa-will become increasingly impor-
tant sources of assistance to Africa.
It might be well for everyone concerned in
this matter to keep in mind that for the
foreseeable future, global development re-
quirements will run considerably ahead of
the world's capacity to meet these require-
ments and that Africa will find itself in com-
petition with southeast Asia and Latin
America in its attempts to obtain capital
and know-how.
Against this background Africans and
Americans can develop effective methods of
exchanging information and ideas on spe-
cific fields for African-American cooperation
in African development. The first step in
developing these methods would be to look
at what of value is currently being done in
this field. This would include an evaluation
of African as well as of United States efforts.
For sake of convenience, these efforts might
be classified in three general categories ac-
cording to their origin and source of fi-
nances-private, public, and combined pri-
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