THE SITUATION IN CUBA

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160016-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 10
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 16
• Publication Date: January 1, 1961
• Content Type: OPEN

1961
Approved F66%a% R L /1R2ECCORD D SENATE6R000200160016-0
Chief Engineer, Advance Section Commu-
nicattons Zone, European Theater of Opera-
tio's, February 1944 to June 1945.
Deputy Commander and Chief of Staff,
Philippine Base Section, Army Forces West-
ern Pacific, August 1945 to September 1945.
Commanding officer, Base "K," Army
Forces Western Pacific, September 1945 to
March 1946.
Chief, Construction Operations Division,
Office, Chief of Engineers, Washington,
D.C., May 1946 to July 1949.
District Engineer, Seattle District, Corps
of Engineers, Seattle, Wash., July 1949 to
August 1950.
Corps Engineer, I Corps, Far East Com-
mand, August 1950 to September 1951.
Army Engineer, 5th Army, Chicago, Ill.,
November 1951 to April 1952.
Division Engineer, North Pacific Division,
Corps of Engineers, Portland, Oreg., April
1952 to November 1953.
Deputy Assistant Chief of Engineers for
Civil Works, Office, Chief of Engineers,
Washington, D.C., November 1953 to March
1954.
Assistant Chief of Engineers for Civil
Works, Office, Chief of Engineers, Washing-
ton, D.C., March 1954 to September 1956.
Chief of Engineers, U.S. Army, Washing-
ton, D.C., October 1956 to
LIST OF CITATIONS AND DECORATIONS
Legion of Merit (with two Oak Leaf Clus-
ters), Bronze Star Medal, Air Medal, Purple
Heart, Order of the British Empire, Croix de
Guerre with Palm (France), L'Order de Leo-
pold Grace de Officer (Belgium), Honorary
Commander of the Military Division of the
Most Excellent Order of the British Empire.
PERSONAL BACKGROUND MATERIAL
Interests and hobbies: Gardening, tennis,
track, and baseball.
Group affiliations: Society of American
Military Engineers, American Society of Civil
Engineers, Permanent International Naviga-
tion Congress, Newcomen Society, Washing-
ton Society of Engineers.
Honors other than military: Doctor of en-
gineering from Drexel Institute, doctor of
engineering from Missouri School of Mines
and Metallurgy.
Publications: General Itschner has pub-
lished articles in a number of magazines and
periodicals, including the Military Engineer,
Civil Engineering, and Army, among others.
Licenses: Registered professional engineer,
District of Columbia.
MESSAGE FROM THE HOUSE
A message from the House of Repre-
sentatives, by Mr. Bartlett, one of its
reading clerks, announced that the House
had disagreed to the amendment of the
Senate to the bill (H.R. 3935) to amend
the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938, as
amended, to provide coverage for em-
ployees of large enterprises engaged in
retail trade or service and of other em-
ployers engaged in commerce or in the
production of goods for commerce, to in-
crease the minimum wage under the act
to $1.25 an hour, and for other purposes;
asked a conference with the Senate on
the disagreeing votes of the two Houses
thereon, and that Mr. POWELL, Mr.
ROOSEVELT, Mr. DENT, Mr. KEARNS, and
Mr. AYERS were appointed managers on
the part of the House at the conference.
The message also announced that the
House had disagreed to the amendments
of the Senate to the bill (H.R. 4884) to
amend title IV of the Social Security Act
to authorize Federal financial participa-
tion in aid to dependent children of un-
employed parents, and for other pur-
poses; agreed to the conference asked by
the Senate on the disagreeing votes of
the two Houses thereon, and that Mr.
MILLS, Mr. KING of California, Mr.
O'BRIEN of Illinois, Mr. MASON, and Mr.
BYRNES of Wisconsin were appointed
managers on the part of the House at
the conference.
RESEARCH INTO RESOURCES OF
THE SEA
Mr. MORSE obtained the floor.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President,
will the Senator from Oregon yield, if
it is understood that in doing so he will
not lose his right to the floor?
Mr. MORSE. Yes.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Is there
objection? Without objection, it is so
ordered.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Then, Madam
President, I suggest the absence of a
quorum.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The
clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Madam President
,
I ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The PRESIDING OFFICER. Without
objection, it is so ordered.
Mr. MORSE. Madam President, the
Eugene Register-Guard of Eugene,
Oreg., carried an editorial on April 9
concerning the request by President
Kennedy for a $97 million, research pro-
gram affecting the resources of the sea.
The editorial outlines the importance of
this program, and the research already
being conducted in Oregon on ocea-
nography.
I ask unanimous consent that the text
of this editorial appear at this point in
my remarks.
In this connection, I wish to mention
again, and call to the attention of the
administration, the availability of the
Tongue Point facility near Astoria;
which was recently closed as a naval
station. Use of the Tongue Point fa-
cility for oceanography research would
fit admirably with the programs already
underway in Oregon.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
LOOK TO THE SEA
The world's population, soon to approach
3 billion, lives on one-third of the earth.
The other two-thirds is water, a vast waste-
land in our thinking thus far. From the
two-thirds we draw only about 1 percent
of our food. We could draw much more,
and the day may come when we have to.
Almost overlooked in the news was Presi-
dent Kennedy's request for a $97 million re-
search program In the resources of the sea.
Only in a few places, notably Japan, has """ expect a g`n'u many aisap-
pointments over the years that I think it
there been a real attempt to farm the sea. is going to take to resolve the great con-
Elsewhere we hunt there, but we do not farm. test in Latin America between freedom
Yet, the possibilities are tremendous. For
all that a plankton sandwich doesn't sound and totalitarianism. But may I say, -
good to most of us right now, there is no the outset of this speech, Madam Presi-
reason why we couldn't learn to like such a dent, I am satisfied the problem will
dish. Indeed, if atomic explosions start never be resolved by the exercise of
popping around the world, future genera- military might. Oh, we can defeat any
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tions may find that the only safe food is
seafood.
But food is not the only resource that the
sea must hold in untold quantity. Minerals
are there, too. Water is the great eroding
agent. The land is carried into the ocean
where the minerals form the "salt" that dis-
tinguishes sea water. The ocean floor is a
vast storehouse of precious minerals, if only
we can mine them.
Climate control may be one of mankind's
weapons in accommodating the population
boom. One of the keys to climate control
lies in the currents of the sea. But before
we can control currents we must understand
them.
And think of the energy that goes to waste
in the tides.
Research is going on, to be sure. Here in
Oregon, we have the largely overlooked ma-
rine biology lab near Coos Bay. And Oregon
State University at long last has a seagoing
vessel for its studies of the ocean. The Cor-
vallis Institution, too, has been doing some
work in seafood research. But so much more
remains.
Research of this kind is "pure" research,
research which may or may not bring a
worthwhile result. But only if the effort is
made will we stand a chance of learning
anything about that two-thirds of the world
which we now regard as wasteland.
THE SITUATION IN CUBA
Mr. MORSE. Madam President, I
propose to speak for the next few min-
utes on Cuba and the United States-
Cuban relations; and I shall not yield
during the course of my remarks.
As chairman of the Senate Subcom-
mittee on Latin American Affairs, I
speak with a very heavy heart, because I
am well aware of the very serious im-
plications to the security of the United
States and the peace of the world that
may very well become involved in the
Cuban crisis. If there ever was a time
in recent years when calm deliberation
was the highest manifestation of states-
manship in connection with American
foreign policy, that time is now.
The Subcommittee on Latin American
Affairs of the Senate has worked in-
tensively, for some years now, seeking to
help develop programs, to change Latin-
American attitudes, and to secure a
greater degree of cooperation on the part
of Latin American governments, in or-
der to strengthen the economic posture
of our Latin American friends and neigh-
bors. It has been the hope of the com-
mittee that through such an economic
approach, we could strengthen the po-
litical choice for freedom among the
masses of the people of Latin America.
The members of my committee know
that this is a longtime problem. It is
not going to be solved overnight. It is
going to take a considerable amount of
governmental modification and reform,
both economic and political, in a large
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 24
ower inside or outside Latin America,
f the contest is confined to Latin
America, and if it. follows conventional
!military form. But that would give us
an empty victory, because the problem is
to establish a political and economic
order, in country after country, dedicated
to a way of life based upon political
freedom..
It is very easy, in an hour such as this,
when there are so many in our country
willing to wave the flag into tatters, to
join in the emotionalism of the hour and
demand so-called United States direct
military action in Cuba. I would sug-
gest that might be the way to win a bat-
tle, but lose a peace.
After all, our generation has an obli-
gation to generations to follow us. I
think we have reached that hour in
American history when the leaders of
our country are called upon to lead our
country into peace, and not into war.
RESPONSIBILITIES OF CONGRESS IN FOREIGN
AFFAIRS
The Congress has a great obligation
to this administration to put itself at
the disposal of this administration in
keeping with the spirit and intent of the
advise and consent clause of the Con-
stitution. We have stood ready and will-
ing to give that advice and to consult
with and cooperate with this adminis-
tration in respect to the Cuban crisis.
The sad fact is our advice has not been
sought.
This morning I sent the following tele-
gram to the Secretary of State:
Hon. DEAN Rusx,
Secretary of State,
Washington, D.C.
DSAR SIR: It is a matter of deep regret to
me, as chairman of the Senate Subcom-
mittee on Latin American Affairs, that the
administration did not see fit to advise
with the Committee prior to making its de-
cision to intervene in the Cuban invasion
through granting logistic and other assist-
ance to the Cuban exiles. The administra-
tion has every reason to know that it is the
unanimous desire of members not only of
the Latin American Subcommittee of the
Senate but I am sure of the full membership
of the committees of both the Senate and
the House In the field of foreign affairs and
military policy to cooperate at all times with
the administration In connection with any
matter that involves the security of our Na-
tion. Such cooperation calls for our making
available to the administration just such
information as the Subcommittee on Latin
American Affairs could have presented prior
to the making of the ill-fated decision to in-
vade Cuba by means of the Cuban exiles.
It is possible that the advice which the ad-
ministration would have received from at
least some of us on the Latin American Sub-
committee might have caused a reconsidera-
tion of the Invasion plans. Under the Con??
stitution we have no right to insist upon
being advised in advance of such a course
of action, but I respectfully suggest that in
keeping with the spirit of the advice and
consent clause of the Constitution it would
be a constructive administrative policy to at
least touch base with foreign policy com-
m,ittees of the Senate and the House before
the fact rather than after the fact. In fur-
ther reference to the Constitution, attention
is called to the tact that under article I.
section 8, it is still the power of the Congress
to declare war.
WAYNE MORsS.
lose sight-of the fact that under our
Constitution foreign policy does not be-
long to the President of the United
States and to the Secretary of State.
They are but the administrators of the
people's foreign policy. Foreign policy,
under our system of representative gov-
ernment, belongs to the American peo-
ple. Our constitutional fathers wisely
set up a check and balance system for
the administration of this Government.
As I pointed out in my. telegram to the
Secretary of State this morning, the
power to declare war was vested in the
Congress by article I, section 8, of the
Constitution.
The President of the United States is
the representative of-the American peo-
ple in the administration of foreign
policy as he is our representative in all
diplomatic relations and negotiations,
but he is not given the power to deter-
mine American foreign policy unchecked
by representatives of our free people.
When I speak thus at a time such as
this there are those who will seek to give
the impression that the senior Senator
from Oregon finds himself in a break
with the administration. Nothing could
be further from the truth. I speak out
of a very sincere desire to be of every
help I can, as a Member of this body,
to my President. I'shall stand with him
in his mistakes, seeking to do whatever
I can, in my small way, to keep those
mistakes at a minimum.
I believe that if the Latin-American
Affairs Subcommittee of the Senate had
been given an opportunity to advise with
this administration, the mistake of the
Cuban invasion last week would not have
been made Be that as it may, I also
have a duty as a Member of this body
to carry out a patriotic trust I owe to the
people of the State of Oregon. Many
may disagree with conclusions which, as
Senators, we may reach, and they may
disagree with some of my conclusions
about the Cuban crisis, but on the basis
of such facts as I know about Latin-
America I sorely wish that my subcom.
mittee and the full Foreign Relations
Committee of the Senate might have had
an opportunity to advise with the Pres-
ident or with the Secretary of State or
with other officers of the administration
prior to the execution of the foreign
policy about which most of the members
of the Foreign Relations Committee, at
least, knew nothing.
In fact, last Tuesday I appeared on
the Dave Garroway television show in
the morning and was asked questions
about the Cuban situation. I presented
what my understanding was in respect
to the administration's policy. Subse-
quently, I found myself very much cha-
grined. I referred to statements the
President and the Secretary of State had
:made about U.S. nonintervention in
Cuba paraphrasing them I am sure ac-
curately. One can say, as one analyzes
the literal statements of the President
and of the Secretary of State, that they
referred only to invasion by the use of
American troops. I hope we have not
come to a pass when we have to keep
a dictionary at hand and refer to it. for
an analysis of possible semantics or con-
lnent of State. I am satisfied the im-
pression went across this country that
the U3. Government was not aiding
and abetting, was not assisting in., was
not supplying the logistics or the equip-
ment or the naval cover, for an invasion
of Cuba, by Cuban exiles.
I think I was quite justified in my
remarks, although I owe an apology to
everyone who heard me on the Dave
Garroway television show. I did not
speak a falsehood, because that' would
involve an intention to mislead the pub-
lic but I did not speak the facts, because
subsequently the whole country discov-
ered that what I thought was the policy
of the administration was not the policy
of the administration at all.
We now know that there has been a
covert program underway to be of as-
sistan~e to the Cuban exiles in an inva-
sion of Cuba, and that assistance was
given by the U.S. Government.
I slay most respectfully-and on this
point judgments may differ-that if the
administration is to expect the coopera-
tion of the Congress, we ought to be
taken into the confidence of the admin-
istration before the fact and not after
the filct.
Tha fact is that a matter as important
as this 'was not the subject of a dis-
cussion before either my Subcommittee
on Latin American Affairs or the For-
eign Relations Committee itself. It may
be said that some members of the For-
eign Relations Committee, because of
their position of leadership in the Senate
of the United States, may have been
taken into the confidence of this ad-
ministration at some White House con-
ference. However, I doubt if that even
occurred, at least with any number of
the members of the committee. I say
moss; respectfully, Madam President,
that conferring with one or two individ-
ual Senators never can be a substitute
for the administration discussing these
matters with the full, membership of
committees of the Senate which, by the
direction of the Senate, have been. given
the jurisdiction and the responsibility
of advising the Senate in regard to for-
eign affairs.
Neither is it acceptable to me, to say
that the administration talked to politi-
cal leaders in both parties, many of
whom are not even members of the Com-
mittee on Foreign Relations of the Sen-
ate I certainly think it is fine to dis-
cus, with the leaders of both parties a
matter which could be as critical as the
Cuban situation, but again I respect-
fuPy say that, in addition, unless the ad-
ministration wishes to give the impres-
sio;r to the Nation that it doe. not have
confidence in the Foreign Relations Com-
mitee of the Senate or the Foreign Af-
fairs Committee of the House, it should
consult with those given by the Congress
itself a responsibility to sit in commit-
tee as the first advisers at the legislative
le, .el in the field of foreign policy.
In a telephone conversation this morn-
ing; with one of the high officials of the
Department of State, I expressed these
viows,. In fairness to the Department of
State on this point, I should report that
he said, in effect, "our hindsight now
proves to be better than our foresight,
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 1961
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CO Ws
,ye RECORD - SENATE
and we recognize that we should have
followed the course of action that you
suggested in your wire to Secretary
Rusk."
I have mentioned this procedural sub-
ject because in my judgment the lead-
ers-at least those of my party-in the
Senate have a responsibility to try to
work out a liaison with the administra-
tion so that we do not find ourselves in a
situation-and it is a horrible thought-
in which we are not given an opportunity
to offer advice in advance of being con-
fronted some dark day with making a
decision under article I, section 8, of the
Constitution in respect to a declaration
of war.
In recent years I have heard the state-
ment made on the floor of the Senate
that, of course, war is not declared any
more in these modern times until after a
nation is involved in a war. But I-think
it is important to issue this caveat today
on the floor of the Senate. The Ameri-
can people are entitled to it. No Presi-
dent can justify getting the United
States into war and then asking the
Congress to back him up with a declara-
tion of war.
Rest assured that whoever is in con-
trol of the executive branch of the Gov-
ernment will be expected by the Ameri-
can people to'avoid following a course of
action that may eventually result in ask-
ing for a declaration of war without con-
sulting, before the fact, with those regu-
lar committees of Congress on foreign
affairs. The President owes it to the
country to consult with the two principal
committees in each body, which, in the
Senate are the Committee on Foreign
Relations and the Committee on Armed
Services, and the corresponding commit-
tees of the House.
We all know that in an hour of crisis
we will unanimously rally behind the
President, no matter who he may be.
But I do not believe the Senate or the
House should be put in a position in
which all it does is what it is forced to
do; a position in which it is only a matter
of formality that we vote a declaration
of war in the Congress.
NEXT STEPS DEBATED IN PRESS
In recent hours two very interesting
newspaper columns appeared dealing
with the Cuban situation. Without hav-
ing the slightest intention of engaging
in any unfair criticism, but seeking only
to point out the contrasts between those
two articles I wish to discuss them
briefly. One is an article which I in-
terpret to mean that we should move
down the road toward direct military
U.S. action in Cuba. The other is an
article that follows at least the spirit
of the plea that I made in the Senate in
the speech I made last week on Cuba,
which was a plea for calmness, a plea for
careful study, a plea for contemplation
of the implications that will flow from
any course of military intervention on
the part of the United States in Cuba
in light of existing facts. Of course,
facts can change and facts can exist
about which we may not know.
The first article to which I refer was
written by a very distinguished corres-
pondent and columnist, Mr. Stewart Al-
sop, and is entitled "If You Srtike At a
King." I ask unanimous consent that
the entire article be printed at this point
in my remarks.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in t}le REC-
ORD, as follows:
6181
the leaping phase of the operation was, by
past Kennedy standards, so uncharacteris-
tically tentative. The idea that Castro could
be brought down without any risk at all of
using American men or arms recalls the old
rhyme of dubious origin:
IF You STRIKE AT A KING "Mother may I go out to swim?
(By Stew rtAl Yes, my darling daughter
a
Sometimes sop) Hang your clothes on a hickory limb
it is useful to state the obvious. And don't go near the water'
After the events of the last tragic -week, and
especially after what President Kennedy said mAtarkedly least part n nethe explanation for the
in his speech to the editors, Fidel Castro President's urole in thelike quality of the
cannot indefinitely be permitted to survive Cuban uban p s
role lies the with U.N. first Amphaseba sed d the
in triumph. The prestige and even the Adlai operation
evenon, whose Ilistened s honor of the united States are now obviously with respect In t whose edy s and wholly committed to Castro's ultimate - From w the Kennedy administration.
downfall. From his own point of view it was quite
There is hardly anybody in the higher natural that Stevenson should strongly favor
reaches of the Kennedy administration who a categorical promise that American forces
does not agree that this commitment to would not be used in Cuba. The peculiar
Castro's destruction now in fact exists. holier-than-thou public stance which suc-
And yet President Kennedy and his advisers seeding American delegations to the U.N.
certainly did not plan the commitment. On have always thought it necessary to assume
the contrary, the President's key decision was difficult to sustain in any case, in view
in regard to the Cuban operation were spe- of the obvious American complicity in the
cifically designed to avoid such a commit- Cuban operation. Without the Kennedy
ment. promise, it would have been impossible to
There were two key decisions made by the sustain.
President after he decided to give the opera- Kennedy has spoken of "the lessons we
tion a green light. The plan for the opera- have learned" from the tragic Cuban episode.
tion which the President inherited from One lesson, surely is that what pleases the
President Eisenhower involved the use of majority of the strangely assorted gaggle of
American armed force-for example, naval more or less sovereign nations which now
air power-if necessary to assure the success constitute the U.N. General Assembly does
of the operation. President Kennedy's first not necessarily serve the national interest of
key decision was to rule out the use of any the United States. Another lesson is
American forces whatever, under any condi- summed up in the old adage, "If you strike at
tions whatever. use sec
____ __
d a ki
on
ng
The public announcement that American
f
orces would under no circumstances be in-
volved was reiterated twice by the President
himself and four times with even more
emphasis by Secretary of State Dean Rusk.
The announcement obviously greatly reduced
the likelihood of a general uprising in Cuba,
which was the main purpose of the Cuban
operation. It also quite unnecessarily tied
the President's hands in advance.
After the operations began to go bad, at
an all-day meeting at the White House on
Wednesday, certain of the President's mili-
tary and civilian advisers favored active
American intervention. They argued that
the operation simply could not be allowed to
fail, if only because the United States would
in that event become in the eyes of the world
the most papery of paper tigers. The Presi-
dent might well have favored this course
himself, if he had not so publicly tied his
own hands in advance. Why did he do
?
so
This reporter has tried hard to find the
answer to that question, and must confess a
partial failure. The fact is that there has
been something oddly uncharacteristic about
the President's role in the Cuban affair. To
be sure, since the operation failed, his actions
have been wholly characteristic of the man-
he has taken the whole responsibility for the
failure on himself and he has passed the
word down the line that there will be no
recriminations and no scapegoat hunt. The
uncharacteristic phase came earlier
can commitment to bring Castro down will
have to be honored. The commitment can
only be honored if the American Govern-
ment is willing, if necessary, to strike to kill,
even if that risks the shedding of American
blood.
Mr. MORSE. I refer now to two or
three paragraphs of the article.
Mr. Alsop said:
Sometimes it is useful to state the obvious.
After the events of the last tragic week, and
especially after what President Kennedy
said in his speech to the editors, Fidel Castro
cannot indefinitely be permitted to survive
in triumph. The prestige and even the
honor of the United States are now ob-
viously and wholly committed to Castro's
ultimate downfall.
Later in the article he said:
The public announcement that American
forces would under no circumstances be
involved was reiterated twice by the Presi-
dent himself and four times with even more
emphasis by Secretary of State Dean Rusk.
The announcement obviously greatly reduced
the likelihood of a general uprising in Cuba,
which was the main purpose of the Cuban
operation. It also quite unnecessarily tied
the President's hands in advance.
Later in the article Mr. Alsop further
said-
Throughout his career-as for example in Kennedy has spoken of the lessons we
his decision to enter the key Wisconsin and have learned from the tragic Cuban epi-
West Virginia primaries last year-Mr. Ken- sods. One lesson, surely, is that what
nedy has always looked before he leaped. He pleases the majority of the strangely as-
had looked very hard, carefully weighing sorted gaggle of more or less sovereign na-
every conceivable factor likely to affect the tions which now constitute the U.N. General
outcome. And then he has leaped very hard, Assembly does not necessarily serve the
using every conceivable means to assure sue- national interest of the United States. An-
cess. other lesson is summed up in the old adage,
In the looking phase of the Cuban opera- "If you strike at a king, you must strike
tion, Mr. Kennedy was certainly the victim to kill."
of bad intelligence. But intelligence is and Some day, one way or another, the Amer-
always has been two-thirds guesswork, and ican commitment to bring Castro down will
it is hard to believe that the President ads- have to be honored. The commitment can
quately weighed the consequences of failure. only be honored if the American .Govern-
This is further borne out by the fact that ment is willing, if necessary, to strike to
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6182 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE A'il 24
kill, even if that risks the shedding of Those reports showed that in many in- a whole series of objections to the totali-
American blood. stances after the leader of a rifle squad tariar, procedures of Castro. Last ?tall
I reject the implication of the Alsop had put his hand on the body of an the Senator from Vermont [Mr 'AIKENI
article that direct military intervention arrested victim, that body, sometimes and I sat in the United Nations General
by the United States is the cause of action in 20 or 45 minutes, was a corpse in a Assembly, and there we had an oppor-
we should follow in Cuba on the basis trench grave, not even an individual tunity to observe at close range the con-
grave. duct and the maneuvering and 'the ex-
of the the Cas have uban they situa thus far devel- So we knew there were not any mili- tremism. of this man.
oiled in the Cuban sure Sen. tary trials that could possibly meet the I al ~vays hesitate to pass on the motiva-
Alt;hough I am sure Senators would procedural tests of the Geneva con- tion of others, or to pass judgment con-
the know of my r my ,there are thevention for the trial of war prisoners cerni:ig another person's mental be-
who know k my record, there context, o which all civilized nations had signed. havicr. It is not news to the Senate to
o f c can Lane m wordut my coI said at the time in a speech on the know that I have expressed myself many
of clef e, and misrepresent my position. floor of the Senate that it is no "out" times to the effect that in my judgment
So let me say at this point in my speech for Castro, even though he could fall with Castro we are dealing with an lib
in that e adm i ra one in the Senate ry back on the technicality that these were normal person who gives manifestations
n the administration in the country not war prisoners taken in a war be- of many psychopathic tendencies.
for my hatred and detestation of what tween two sovereign powers, but pris- It is interesting that throughout his-
Castro stands for. oners taken. in a civil war, and there- tory frequently men have gained seats of ict History b way conved Fidel Castro of fore, technically, the Geneva convention great power over populations with re-
re-
the having on which his ess m ch did not apply. It certainly applied mor- gard to whom the historians have said
the. whch garnered so much ally. that they possessed abnormal mental
support on pport in Cuba and d in the rest of the In answer to that alibi I said on the and behavior traits. The fact is that
world at the time that he led the revolu- floor of the Senate that there is all the Cast:,o gained power over the people of
tion against Batista. more reason that Castro should apply Cube. and he has remained in power and
Senators know that I was outspoken the procedures of the Geneva conven- he is a reality in Cuba- today. The ques-
fn opposition to Batista. Senators know tion to his own flesh and blood, his own tion is: What do we propose to do about
that for a long time before the fall of fellow Cubans, if these rules of the it?
Batista the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD is re- Geneva convention are recognized as I now call attention to the second
plots with warnings of the senior Senator fair procedures for treatment of war article to which I wish to refer in my
from Oregon about the very mistaken prisoners captured in a war with an- speech ; namely, the article entitled
policy we were following in Latin Amer- other sovereign power. "Kennedy's First Defeat: How Will He
ice by supporting that dictator as well as Shortly following that speech some of React?" written by James Reston and
other dictator that s in Latin w America. merica. us in Congress received telegrams from published in the New York 'Times of
1958, that my subcommittee conducted Castro inviting us to come to Havana, April 23, 1961. Madam President, I ask
hearings in which the State Department, as observers, with all expenses paid, to una: lirnous consent that the entire article
through its witness, admitted that Ba- attend a mass trial, which was to be may be printed at this point in the
tista undoubtedly could not remain in held in the great ampitheater in Ha- R.ECDRD.
power without American military sup- vana. Of course most of us refused. I There being no objection, the article
refused, and sent Castro a telegram ex?? was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
part. pressing my rejection of his proposal, as follows:
P. great many that military protested the con- In and suggesting that it was not a mass KNNEDY'S FIRST DEFEAT: How WILL HE
March 19 58, our of that rm t announced trial that Cuba needed, but a rededica?- REACT?
March no l e Government agive miler - tion to the spiritual values of the Mass. (By James Reston)
that t Battsstawas going very long mil after I suggested also in my telegram that VG AS IINGTON, April 22-For the first time
that ofd to Batista. . Not very Cuba, being a member of the United in his life, John F. Kennedy has taken a
that, the Batista regime of tyrannical Nations, if Castro wanted official obser- public licking. He has faced illness and
fascism fell. vation of any mass trial, he could call ever death in his 43 years, but defeat is
I cannot imagine any rebel leader who soir.ethtng new to him, and Cuba was a
ever had such a great opportunity to put upon the United Nations, in accordance clumsy and humiliating defeat, which makes
into practice his supposedly professed with its procedures, to appoint an ob- it worse.
servation team or commission to sit Bow he reacts to it may very well be more
Castro. . He He through the trials and report on them iml ortant than how he got into it. For this
support v healsment t thaan n Fidel del and demo-
critic government ern to the United ations. of course we all will be a critical test of the character and
certainly had behind him a great wave of know that was the last thing Castro pen pective of the new President, and of the
public support throughout the United wanted. brilliant young men he has brought to the
states and in Congress. They went ahead with their blood pinnacle of American political power.
Yet shortly after he took power we The temptation to lash back and "get
baths. They went ahead with one tOtal'.l even" in Cuba is very great. The politician's
were shocked discover that this rebel tarian procedure after another. I be-
leader of Cuba a was himself adopting natural. reaction to a dramatic defeat is to
came really convinced that freedom was try for a dramatic victory as soon as possible.
i nfact, fr procedures edt any different, not going to be implanted in Cuba by He has the power to do so. No doubt the ures ttifsta fact,
had from the followed during ng his s that reign Ba of f Castro. Senators will recall that the prcud spirit of the country would support his
first President of Cuba to take office landing the Marines in Cuba.
tCCar? after the successful revolution against Moreover, former President Eisenhower,
Castro started, Senators will recall, his Batista was a great Cuban lawyer and whD knows the agony of choosing between
form
blood
his xecu tons iI walked to this floor and judge, Senor Manual Urrutia, a man Who desperate courses of action, ;would un-
do':tbtedly support him. Former, Vice Presi-
believes in the protection of substantive dent Nixon is quoted as saying publicly that
pretested those blood baths and called rights by fair procedures. A man who, he would go along even of this meant putting
them blood bed i and out of egress incidentally, while on the bench, I be- U .E;. forces on the beaches in Cuba. And
for t th hr at d trdescrip escrip ntion I put t o on of his Congress s lieve it is generally agreed, once saved some of the President's closest advisers,
f Castro's life by insisting as a judge that deeply involved in the defeat, ?'re eager to
rforrs? Castro receive procedural protection, recoup the losses of the last fe days.
We were frequently briefed in our which, as a dictator of Cuba, he was un- SUDDEN DIPLOMACY? ',
subcommittee with regard was what our willing to extend to those who had op- Nevertheless, this is no time' for sudden tell igeriCe data showed was going on posed him in the revolution. ac cion, but for a little more careful reflection
and staff work than went into the original
inside Cuba. So when a speech was Sad to say, Senor Urrutia has within
made in the other body, charging me decision to allow the Cuban refugees to en-
the last 2 days been forced to seek politi
- the prestige of the United States.
with misinforming the American per- gage
plc; I answered d it on the floor of the cal asylum in the Venezuelan Embassy in Cuba is not a present danger to the United
Senate the next day based upon what Cuba. States. Even if and when it gets the 150
we knew were the facts with which our I have documented, from time to time Communist MIG fighter planes and the
intelligence reports had - supplied us. through my work on our subcommittee, Cuban pilots now being trained in Czecho-
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1961, CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE
slovakia-the fear of which plays such an
important part in the decision to launch this
week's adventure-this is no serious menace
to the security of the Republic.
As the President said in his press confer-
ence yesterday, the threat of the rising power
and ideology of Cuba is more of a menace
to the other states of the Caribbean and
the rest of Latin America than it is to
the United States. But if Castro tries to
use his military power against any other
state in the Caribbean or the hemisphere,
then the issue will be clear. At that point,
the United States can wipe him out, with the
requisite sanction of law on its side.
After all, the mere presence of military
force in a weak country is not necessarily a
threat to a strong country. Turkey, for ex-
ample, has been getting from the United
States far more power than Castro ever
dreamed of getting from the Russians. This
U.S. power, including even rockets with nu-
clear warheads, has been situated in Turkey
for a long time, but the Russians, while an-
noyed by this fact, have not felt obliged to
use their power to invade Turkey.
KENNEDY'S APPROACH
It all depends on how President Kennedy
looks at all this. He can look at it in per-
sonal and political terms and concentrate
on redressing the blunders of the last few
weeks by landing two or three divisions in
Cuba. In other words, he can put the im-
mediate situation ahead of all the other
worldwide social and economic programs he
has been working so hard to emphasize ever
since he came to power.
On the other hand, he can look at the
wider world picture, now greatly darkened
by the events in Laos and the sudden insur-
rection of the French. Army that has broken
out in Algeria.
He can try to deal with social and eco-
nomic problems in Cuba by military means,
and risk the whole inter-American and
United Nations systems in the process.
But it does come back to his personal de-
cision. He has the authority to act in his-
toric and world terms or in terms of the
limited immediate problems of the Cuban
crisis.
Either way the decision will involve risks:
This is a gloomy and impatient city this
weekend. It is acting as if this were the last
half of the ninth inning and Cuba were
vital to the security of the United States,
whereas the facts are that this is merely the
first half of the first inning and Cuba can be
dealt with at whatever time the President
likes.
Kennedy, in short, is now facing not only
Castro and Khrushchev but the history and
meaning of the Americas} story, and how he
reacts to it will tell a lot about the kind of
leadership he has in- mind to offer for the
United States and the free world.
Mr. MORSE. Madam President, I
shall refer to two or three paragraphs on
which I wish to comment especially.
Mr. Reston says in his article:
The temptation to lash back and get even
in Cuba is very great. The politician's nat-
ural reaction to a dramatic defeat is to try
for a dramatic victory as soon as possible.
He has the power to do so. No doubt the
proud spirit of the country would support
his landing the Marines in Cuba.
portant part in the decision to launch this
week's adventure-this is no serious menace
to the security of the Republic.
As the President said in his press con-
ference yesterday, the threat of the rising
power and ideology of Cuba is more of a
menace to the other states of the Caribbean
and the rest of Latin America than it is to
the United States. But If Castro tries to
use his military power against any other
state in the Caribbean or the hemisphere,
then the issue will be clear. At that point,
the United States can wipe him out, with
the requisite sanction of law on its side.
After all, the mere presence of military
force in a weak country is not necessarily a
threat to a strong country. Turkey, for ex-
ample, has been getting from the United
States far more power than Castro ever
dreamed of getting from the Russians. This
U.S. power, including even rockets with nu-
clear warheads, has been situated in Turkey
for a long time, but the Russians, while an-
noyed by this fact, have not felt obliged to
use their power to invade Turkey.
It all depends on how President Kennedy
looks at all this. He can look at it in per-
sonal and political terms and concentrate on
redressing the blunders of the last few weeks
by landing two or three divisions in Cuba.
In other words, he can put the immediate
situation ahead of all the other worldwide
social and economic programs he has been
working so hard to emphasize ever since he
came to power.
On the other hand. he can look at the
wider world picture, now greatly darkened
by the events in Laos and the sudden in-
surrection of the French Army that has
broken out in Algeria.
He can try to deal with social and eco-
nomic problems in Cuba by military means,
and risk the whole inter-American and
United Nations systems in the process.
But it does come back to his personal de-
cision. He has the authority to act in his-
toric and world terms or in terms of the
limited immediate problems of the Cuban
crisis.
Madam President I consider the
Reston article to be a great piece of jour-
nalism. It is in keeping with the states-
manship that should prevail in our con-
sideration of the Cuban crisis.
Madam President, when I find my
country in the position of having to
make a decision between alternatives,
I am tempted to look to see if there
exist any legal basis and justification in
respect to the choice of alternatives. In
order to describe a personal attitude,
only for descriptive terms, I should say
I do not give a hoot about the judgment
of the Communist segment of the world,
but I am very much concerned about the
present and historic judgment of the
free nations of the world-yes, Madam
President, and of the uncommitted na-
tions of the world. In the due course of
the passage of time all within the sound
of my voice, including the speaker, will
be but dust.
But we do have some obligation in our
time to follow a course of action which
gives at least some chance of leaving a
Nevertheless, this is no time for sudden
action, but for a little more careful reflection
and staff work than went into the original
decision to allow the Cuban refugees to en-
gage the prestige of the United States.
Cuba is not a present danger to the United
States. Even if and when it gets the 150
Communist Mig fighter planes and the Cu-
ban pilots now being trained in Czechoslo-
vakia-the fear of which plays such an im-
follow us. In no small measure that
chance will be determined by the judg-
ment which other free nations will make
of us in connection with the foreign pol-
icy which we execute. So I am very much
concerned about the Judgment of the
free nations of the world in connection
with the legal course of action-and I
emphasize: The legal course of action-
which we followed by giving aid and as-
sistance to the exiles who sought to in-
vade Cuba.
In my judgment, that course of action
was in violation of the spirit-and prob-
ably the letter, as well-of treaties to
which the United States is a party. It
was also in violation, at least of the spir-
it, and I am not sure that it was not also
a violation of the letter, of existing
domestic legislation.
Madam President, the charter of the
Organization of American States, to
which our country is a signatory, which
organization I shall discuss later in my
speech, provides, in articles 15 and 16:
No state or group of states has the right
to intervene, directly or indirectly, for any
reason whatsoever, in the internal or ex-
ternal affairs of any other state. The fore-
going principle prohibits not only Armed
Force but also any other form of inter-
ference or attempted threat against the per-
sonality of the state or against its political,
economic, and cultural elements.
No state may use or encourage the use
of coercive measures of an economic or
political character in order to force the
sovereign will of another state and obtain
from it advantages of any kind.
Madam President, I do not like it any
better than any other Member of the
Senate that the Castro regime is the
official regime of Cuba. At one time it
was recognized by the United States.
Subsequently we broke diplomatic rela-
tions with that regime; but the break-
ing of diplomatic relations did not in
any way change the fact that it is the
sovereign Government of Cuba, with
which we find ourselves in complete dis-
agreement. Therefore, Castro's Cuba
has whatever rights under existing law
are available to any other signatory to
any treaty, such as the Charter of the
Organization of American States, which
all the members thereof signed.
COMPARISON WITH LAOS SITUATION
I remember the occasion some weeks
ago when the U.S. Ambassador to Laos
appeared before the Committee on For-
eign Relations. It is entirely within the
realm of propriety to say that in our
discussion with him it was pointed out
that the Russians-and we suspect, at
least, the Communists in Vietnam and,
yes, possibly the Communists in Red
China, but principally the Russians-
were giving great logistic support to the
Communist rebellion in Laos against the
constituted Government of Laos. On
this subject, the administration was in
consultation with the Committee on
Foreign Relations. The record is avail-
able to any Member of the Senate who
wishes to go to the committee office and
read it. Although it is an executive
record, our long-established policy has
been that executive records available to
members of the committee are also
available to other Members of the Sen-
ate. That record will show that there
was quite a protracted consultation with
the Committee on Foreign Relations.
Tme Senator from Arkansas [Mr.
FULBRICHTI, the chairman of the com-
mittee, in his. usual, statesmanlike way,
gave to both the committee and the
State Department officials who testified
before us brilliant leadership in that
discussion.
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6184 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE
In the course of the discussion, the
Ambassador and others representing our
Government stressed the fact that we
were supporting the recognized, official,
constitutional Government of Laos, and
that, under SEATO, we have not only
rights but also duties to come to the as-
sistance of a constitutional government
that is being attacked. The Ambassa-
dor and others speaking for the admin-
istration bottomed their case-and did so
very soundly, I believe-on that interna-
tional law foundation.
All. of us are aware of a good many of
the problems which confront us in con-
nection with Laos. All of us are aware
that a good many persons who are fa-
miliar with that part of the world point
out that it is not the best place for us to
become involved in a contest of any great
degree with the Soviet bloc.
But there is an international law obli-
gation that we owe to our allies who are
parties to SEATO; and I believe that the
Kennedy administration has done a
magnificent job in extending not only to
our country but also to the world the
leadership that the President has ex-
tended in connection with the Laos crisis.
All of us are deeply moved and inspired
by that leadership, as today we learn
that a cease-fire order is coming forth-
although, Madam President, all of us
know that this is but the beginning of
our task to find a peaceful solution of
the Lao affair. Now we have a period
of negotiation to enter into, but we do
not yet know on what basis it will be.
However, I am satisfied that here,
again, we have made a great step for-
ward, under the leadership of the Presi-
dent, in at least showing to the rest of
the world that the United States of
America and her allies are desirous of
finding a peaceful course of action in
Laos, without sacrificing in any way the
obligations our country owes to the other
SEATO members and without in any
way permitting the constitutional Gov-
ernment of Laos to be devoured by Com-
munist attack.
Mr. CASE of South Dakota. Madam
President, will the Senator from Oregon
yield for a question?
Mr. MORSE. I previously announced
that I preferred to yield after concluding
my speech.
Madam President, in the course of our
discussion with our Ambassador to Laos
and with other members of the State
Department, there was also a discussion
of the Cuban situation, from the stand-
point of squaring our position in regard
to Cuba with our position in regard to
Laos. However, this discussion was not
conducted upon any indication whatso-
ever that the administration intended to
help the Cuban exiles attempt to invade
Cuba.
MONROE DOCTRINE GOVERNS OUR POLICY IN
WESTERN HEMISPHERE
I raised the legal question of whether
the United States is in a position of
walking into a Communist trap as re-
gards Cuba, because the Castro regime
is, of course, the constitutional govern-
ment of Cuba at the present time. Al-
though we despise it-and rightly so-I
raised the point that if we sought to de-
fend our position in regard to Laos on
the ground that we have a right to in-
tervene in support of the constitutional
government of Laos, whereas the Com-
munists are violating the international
law rights of the Lao Government,
would not we be found to be inconsistent
if we tool, the position that we had a
right to come to the assistance of forces
which sought to overthrow the constitu-
tional government of Cuba? It was then
that I pointed out that I believe we have
for too long a time minimized, if not
overlooked,, a long, historic obligation
we have under the Monroe Doctrine.
I wish to say now that if the Russians
or the Red Chinese factually seek to in-
tervene in Cuba, by any course of con-
duct which can be interpreted as military
intervention, I have no doubt of the
soundness of our position, based upon the
Monroe Doctrine, when we proceed to use
whatever force may be necessary to pre-
vent that intervention, I have a suspic-
ion that Khrushchev knows that. If he
does not, .1 have no doubt he will dis-
cover it if any attempt is made by Rus-
sia really to. make Cuba a puppet state of
Russia.
POSSIBLE REACTIONS TO U.S. INTERVENTION
But I wish to point out that we can-
not ignore these problems of interna-
tional law if we are interested in the
judgment of many other governments
which at the- present time are free and
uncommitted, and if we are at all in-
terested in what millions of people in
parts of the world not yet committed to
communism will think and do.
I am very fearful, Madam President,
that if we continue to follow the course
of action we were following last week in
Cuba, we shall lose the support and
friendship of many of those nations and
peoples. That is why I stated earlier in
my remarks that even though the war
we might start in Cuba does not become
a nuclear war, we may lose the peace.
Later in my remarks I shall call atten-
tion to what I believe some of the costs
of losing the peace will be to the peoples
in the Western Hemisphere.
. But to return now to my thesis that
there is grave doubt as to the legality of
the course of action our country followed
last week in regard to Cuba, I call at..
tention to the fact that title 18, United
States Code, sections 958-962, and title
50, United States Code, appendix, sec.
tion 2021, and following, generally pro-
hibits the enlistment of recruitment for
foreign military service in the United
States, the preparation of foreign mili-
tary expeditions in the United States, the
outfitting of foreign naval vessels for
service against friendly powers, and the
furnishing of money for military enter-
prises against foreign states.
The Convention on the Duties and
Rights of States in the Event of Civil
Strife, signed at Havana in 1928, and
ratified by the United States in 1930,
binds the parties-"to use all means at
their disposal to prevent the inhabitants
of their territory, nationals or aliens,
from participating in, gathering ele..
ments, or crossing the boundary or sail--
ing from their territory for the purpose
of starting or promoting civil strife."
In my opinion, we cannot afford to
igore the judgment that is going to be
Apu it 24
i -1,
pla,,ed upon us by many leaddrs-and I
am not talking about the Co munitts,
because, again I say, I do not care a hoot
abcut their judgment-in many coun-
tries who are perplexed and somewhat
confused about our position onlCuba. In
many respects they are very, doubtful
abcut some of the courses of action the
United States has been following in
American foreign policy not only in Cuba
but in other parts of the world as well.
We cannot deny the fact that, cer-
tainly, what happened in respect to the
Cuban exiles cannot very well be squared
wit'l what we have already committed
ourselves to so far as our legal policy is
concerned.
I'; should be noted that a protocol
strengthening this convention was
signed. by the United States in, 1957 and
transmitted to the Senate with a request
for advice and consent to ratification in
1951 Among other things, the protocol
provided, in article 5:
Each contracting state shall, in areas sub-
ject to its jurisdiction and within the powers
granted by its constitution, use all appro-
priate means to prevent any person, national
or alien., from deliberately participating in
the preparation, organization, or carrying out
of a military enterprise that has as its pur-
pose the starting, promoting, or supporting
of civil strife in another contracting state,
whether or not the government o~ the latter
has been recognized.
The Senate gave its advice and consent
to ratification July 30, 1959. But the
U.S. instrument of ratification has never
been deposited with the Pan American
Union, and the protocol is therefore not
in a ffec:t so far as the. United States is
concerned. The clear inference is that
the delay has been caused by Oensitivity
to the fact that the United States would
be in violation of the protocol if it com-
pleted ratification.
But our compromising our legal pos-
ture in respect to that protocol will not
save us in the judgment to be rendered
aga:.nst us by many persons. In fact, it
may very well make that judg ent more
critical, because we urge repeal edly that
we stand always ready and willing to
strengthen an international system of
justice through law in the Western
Hemisphere and elsewhere in the world.
We are going to have a hard time ex-
plaining our failure to file that protocol
instrument, once it has gone through all
the processes of ratification, save and ex-
cepi the filing process.
Aside from. this protocol, however, the
other treaties to which the United States
is e, party and the domestic statutes
whioh have been cited clearly are in-
tenc?,ed to prohibit the kind of activity
now being carried on by Cuban exiles.
To give this activity even covert support
is of a piece of the hypocrisy and cyni-
cism for which the United States is con-
star tly denouncing the Soviet Union in
the United Nations and. elsewhere. This
point will not be lost on the rest of the
world--nor on our own consciences, for
that matter.
The argument is made-I heard it in
Evansville, Ind., last night-that we must
mee''; fire with fire; that we must beat
the Communists at their own game. I
reject that argument, for two reasons.
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4
First, if we follow that. course of action, think a case can be made, on the basis the part of the United States against
we must adopt police state techniques at least of events to date and prospec- Cuba would not make those governments
and tactics. My faith in freedom, my tive events of the immediate future, to more secure; it would make them less
faith in constitutional government, runs sustain the argument that there must secure.
too deep for me, so long as I serve in this be military intervention into Cuba or Castroism in various part of Latin
body, ever to underwrite police state tac- Cuba will serve as a dagger striking at America no longer is really identified
tics anywhere in our governmental sys- the heart of this Republic. with Castro as an individual. I have
tem. An interesting argument is made with talked with many representatives of
That brings up the question of the figures of speech, seemingly plausible Latin American countries over the 3-
CIA. I do not propose to criticize the and to many persuasive. In my judg- months' period in New York, while I
CIA on the floor of the Senate today, be- ment, while Cuba can very well continue served my country at the United Nations.
cause I do not know all of the facts. to be for some time a source of great I talked with many at the Bogota confer-
But that is a commentary. It is a com- irritation and annoyance-yes
to a de- enc
l
t S
t
,
e
as
ep
ember. I have talked with
mentary that, when we walk so close to gree a threat-in many respects to the many in connection with my work re-
the precipice, falling over which would United States, now is the time, it seems lating to Latin America. The reports
be a fall into the abyss of war, we do not to me, for our friends in the world to we get are that many who were at one
know, at the legislative level, through join us in the support of the cause of time enthusiastic supporters of Castro
the responsible committees of the Sen- peace. as a rebel leader have lost great confi-
ate, what the program and the policies i do not think there is any hope that dence in him as a rebel leader. Yet they
of CIA really are. But I mention this the United States and Cuba can attempt still support, in their own countries, the
caveat: I think the American people, be- to settle their differences on a bilateral program of social reform, of economic
fore it is too late, should renounce the basis without gravely increasing the reform, and of legal reform which Castro
alibi or rationalization that, in meeting danger of war. I know that in a time was supposed to represent at the time he
the Communist challenge in the world, such as this any suggestion that we re- came into power. This demand for re-
we should ever stoop to Communist tac- sort to or try to resort to peaceful pro- form is ever present, and it will grow
tics based upon police state methods. cedures exercised by third parties who stronger and stronger throughout Latin
Again I say the greatest safety for the are nondisputants to the conflict will be America. The heads of many of those
American people in the field of foreign attacked as too theoretical, too idealistic, governments know it.
policy is policy openly arrived at. The and as too impractical. But what, really, Before it is too late, we had better
right of the American people in the field is the alternative? face up to the fact that if we follow a
of foreign policy is to be informed about I do not think Russia would be foolish course of action which will feed the left-
proposed policies that may determine enough or that Khrushchev would be ist forces in those countries, which will
the difference between peace and war. stupid enough to involve the world in give a seemingly plausible ground for
Open covenants openly arrived at con- a nuclear war over the United States- attack on the United States, which will
stitute a historic policy in the United Cuban dispute. I think Russia will seek represent to the people that what we
States. to harass us with so-called brushfire really did not like were the reforms of
I know all the arguments against my wars with conventional instrumentalities the Castro regime, keeping from the peo-
position-the arguments of expediency, of war, but no one among us can tell ple the fact that those reforms have not
of practicality, of necessity; the argu- where that kind of conflagration may been very substantial, we are likely not
ment that we must proceed in secrecy. lead. only to weaken a good many of the
But I deny those arguments, because one I say to Senators today that it is my friendly governments in Latin America
of the great strengths of democracy is judgment that if the United States seeks but also to increase the great possibility
its openness. One of the great strengths to settle its differences with Cuba of the overthrow of those governments.
of democracy is putting into practice through the use of military might, either
the ideal-and it ought to be recognized direct or indirect, we shall be at least I do not think I could possibly em-
as a rule-that the people are the mas- a half century recovering, if we ever phasize this point too strongly, Mr. Presi-
ters of the state, and not the state the recover, the prestige, the understanding, dent, because, in my judgment, if we
master of the people, even In an hour the sympathy, and the confidence of one seek to follow a unilateral course of ac-
of crisis. Latin American neighbor after another. . tion in Cuba we shall defeat Cuba but
Freedom is worth too much as a hu- That is not because we do not, at the shall lose most of the rest of Latin
man system of government for us to very hour I speak, have the support of America for years to come. Direct mili-
surrender any of our freedom to a police a great majority of the governmental tary action by this country against Cuba
state system in the field of foreign pol- officials of the countries of Latin must be predicated on the assumption
icy, dictated by denying to the people America. I think we have their com- that it will harden and strengthen anti-
the knowledge of the facts of their own plete sympathy. But we do not have American feelings in most other coun-
foreign policy, whether it is carried out their active support, and in my judgment tries of this hemisphere, and that having
through the CIA or any other agency we are not going to get it if we follow intervened once, we will have to inter-
of this Government. a direct course of action in Cuba. vene again and again. We must weigh
I am glad that the President has an- We would set back the foreign rela- Cuba carefully against such countries as
nounced that he has called for a survey tions program of the United States in Brazil, Venezuela, Ecuador, and many
of the policies of CIA. I assume it is to Latin America at least 50 years by so other countries where economic and so-
the end of determining, if it can be de- doing. We have been a long time mak- cial change is rampant. One may say,
termined, why our intelligence went so ing progress against the old slogan "Senator, what else can we do? We have
amiss in regard to the Cuban episode. which is now the Communist slogan every reason to believe the Communist
I am delighted that he has called in throughout Latin America. Before the world is going to capitalize on this un-
General Taylor and has assigned a part Communists came into Latin America fortunate development and to strengthen
of the responsibility also to the Attorney the slogan was used by others who were their tentacle-control, as an octupus
General, because, certainly, the Ameri- Yankee haters. They said, "Yankee im- throughout the continent."
can people are entitled to an answer perialism," based upon past use of the OAS SHOULD ACT ON CUBAN CRISIS
to such questions as, "How did it hap- Marines in various spots in Latin As was suggested by the majority
pen, and what steps are being taken to America. leader in a very able statement reported
see that it does not happen again?" Times are different now. Although in the press over the weekend, certainly
My second reason for rejecting the we have very friendly officials in many a plea ought to be made to the Organi-
argument that the United States must Latin American countries, they are un- zation of American States. Where is
itself fight in Cuba is that in my judg- easy officials. Their great concern is our formal presentation of a request to
ment, Cuba is not a dagger pointed at the unrest among their own people. the Organization of American States?
the heart of the United States, but is They are insecure. Many of their gov- We should ask it to proceed to take ju-
instead a thorn in our flesh. It is an ernments are insecure. I have sat in the risdiction over the disputed points be-
irritating thorn and a painful one, as offices of many Presidents of Latin tween the United States and Cuba, to
thorns customarily are. But, I do not American countries. Direct action on the end of seeking to use the procedures
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6186 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - SENATE April 24
of that Organization to find some accom- for doubt as to whether the peace is This is why I think we need to have
modation that would reduce the dan- being threatened-the sad fact is that attention paid to this problem by the
gerous threat of war in this hemisphere. we, the United States, have not offered Organization of American States, so we
Earlier I said that I would make a few to submit ourselves to the juridical can get other Latin-American countries
comments about the Organization of jurisdiction of the organization of to seek to bring reason to bear within
American States. They are critical American States. We have not urged Cuba, in an attempt to find an accom-
coniments. I aim greatly disappointed the OAS to set up a juridical agency moda:;ion which will permit at least a
in the operation of the Organization of to which will be submitted by the dis- reduction of the danger of the Cuban
American States, not only in respect to putants to the Cuban crisis facts con- crisis as a threat to peace in the West-
the Cuban problem, but with respect to cerning their differences. ern Hemisphere.
a good many other critical and difficult Again I say it is no answer to point Mr. President, if we ask the United
problems that confront the Western out that Castro would not go along. I Nations to use its juridical power, and
Hemisphere. But being critical of that do not think he would either. But let if Castro still refuses to conform to the
Organization, I wish to say that our con- us prove it. Let us for once really offer jurisdiction of the United Nations, I
structive responsibility is to seek to to carry out our professings about setting might very well be asked, "'T'hen would
strengthen the Organization. There- up a system of international justice you be willing to exercise American mill-
fore, I only sugge:.t that there is a need through law. tary force in Cuba directly or indirect-
for some reorganizing within the Or- I know that the powerful preventive- ly?" Miy answer would still be no, given
ganization of American States. war group in the United States will not the facts of the present situation.
The other night I had a long talk with agree. There are those in the United Mr, HICKENLOOPER. Mr. Presi-
one of the most able and distinguished States who take the position this very dent, will. the Senator yield?
Ambassadors from a Latin American hour that we should have none of this The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr. BUR-
country, who explained to me a good rule-of-law approach to the settlement nice; in the chair). Does the Senator
many things about the Organization of of these problems, but that we should from Oregon yield?
American States procedurally of which make clear the United States is boss, so Mr. MORSE. No; I will first finish
I was not fully aware. to speak, in the Western Hemisphere, my speech, and then I will be glad to
One of his recommendations was that and lay down the law of military might. yield.
we should seek to get the members of But it is the same law of the jungle, My answer would still be no. If all of
the Organization of American States to whether it is practiced by the United these attempts at seeking an honorable
send to the Organization of American States or any other power in the world. peace in Cuba through resort to the Or-
States some of their top leaders. He If the Organization of American ganization of American States or to the
said, "There are some exceptions within States will not, or cannot act, or if Castro United Nations result in failure, I still
the Organization, but the fact is that at refuses to be a party to its exercise of would not advocate direct military in-
the present time its personnel is char- jurisdiction, I think we ought to call an terventien or indirect military interven-
acteri.zed by less than top-level people. extraordinary session of the General As- tion in Cuba. I would make clear at
It is not exercising the influence in the sembly of the United Nations to consider that point that we were going to carry
formulation of policy within the respec- this issue, which threatens the peace of out to its full meaning the historic
tive members thereof that it should." the world. Now is the time to follow principles of the Monroe Doctrine as far
:I believe there is great merit in that peaceful procedures in an attempt to as any intervention in this hemisphere
statement. He put it this way. He avoid a war, not to put them into prac- is concerned. I would. continue to make
said, "The Organization has a beautiful Lice after the war is over as a sort of clear to our friends in the Organization
building in Washington. But a beauti- rehabilitation program in order to bind of American States that we look to them
fill building does not assure an effective up wounds, we should have made the to associate themselves with us in see-
program." attempt to avoid inflicting in the first ing to it that communism does not
I sincerely hope that the Organization place. spread throughout Latin America, be-
of American States-and I hope that we Let us call upon the United Nations to cause their own security is even more
will carry our share of the burden to seek to exercise, or to offer to exercise, involved than ours.
that end-will ask itself the question, juridical processes for the solution of the As I said earlier in my speech, I do
"What does this Organization need to do problem. That is a much better solution not believe Cuba is a threat to the
in terms of its procedures and organiza- of this problem than to be training exiles, United States as far as being a dagger
tion to make it a more effective and vital supplying them, and urging them to in.- pointing at our heart is concerned.
force in the solution of the troublesome vade Cuba, and then trying to wash off However, I do believe that Cuba is a
problems that confront Latin America?" our hands the bloody spots. threat to our Latin American neighbors.
But let us assume that on the basis of I do not question the patriotism of We ought to make very clear to our
the present Organization and its pro- the Cuban exiles. I do not question their Latin American neighbors that we are
cedures some constructive help could dedication to freedom. However, today's willing to stand with them in case of
come from it in seeking to resolve, in an news reports carry the observation from any direct military action on the part
honorable and amicable way, the Cuban- one very friendly Latin American coun- of Cuba against them. I think we have
United States crisis. I restate what I try the truth that there is no great available to us those powers that we
have said for many, many months. The leader among them. need short of direct military action to
Organization of American States, should They are dedicated patriots, and I maintain the peace in the Caribbean un-
move in and seek to exercise, or offer to have the highest esteem for them. But til at long last the Cuban people come
exercise, whatever jurisdiction under its what is needed to supplant a totalitarians to understand that all we seek is to
charter is available to it, rather than government in Cuba with a free govern- maintain the peace of this hemisphere
moving away from a hotspot such as the ment, is a leadership which will inspire and give them an opportunity to set up
present situation, not only the Cuban exiles, but also the a system of freedom.
Frankly, that is what the Organization Cuban people remaining in Cuba. Oh, I know that it is said, by those
oi' American States has been doing. It It is pretty well recognized that from who do not share this last point of view
has been moving away. It has been the very beginning the Cuban exiles have of mine, that the Cuban people are en-
walking out on its responsibilities, been very much split by their own fac- titled to a Communist regime if they
I hope the Organization has not been tions, by a contest among them for pow- want it. They are. However, I know
moving away on the assumption that er, by disunity, not unity. In fact, I also that many people in the world are
the United States is too big for it to understand that it has been necessary to living under a Communist regime, as in
exercise the jurisdiction permitted under try to make clear that any so-called lead- Cuba, who do not want it but had it
the charter over every member thereof, er among them who follows the Batista imposed upon them. We have not taken
whether it be the United States, Cuba, line and seeks to reestablish a to- the position in other parts of the world
or any other nation. If a situation has talitarian dictatorship form of govern- that we intend to overthrow such a
developed which in fact threatens the merit in Cuba as supplanting the tyranny Communist regime because it was im-
peace of the hemisphere-and the dead which Castro already maintains is quite posed upon these people without their
and dying in Cuba today leave no room unacceptable as far as we are concerned. free choice. We well know that if we
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 1961
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followed that course of action we would I shall begin by setting forth the basic
lead the world, not into a brush war but criteria employed by the administra-
intb a nuclear war. tion-by the Department of Defense-
Castro imposed his regime on the Cu- in the awarding of a defense procure-
ban people under the false pretense that ment contract. They are:
in a very short time he would give them First. Quality of the product to be
an election, and that they would be al- furnished. The term quality includes
lowed to elect the people who would ex- performance capabilities and reliability.
ercise the powers of government over Second. Delivery schedule. Obviously
them. He has broken faith on every one the earliest possible delivery Is an im-
of those promises. portant factor, in most instances.
I ask the question, Does that give the Third. Price, the cost of the product
United States the right to move in and to the Federal Government.
.say we are going to set up the kind of Fourth. Provision, under certain con-
government that we really think the Cu- ditions, for partial and total set-asides
ban people want, or are we to take the for small business, and provision for
position we are not going to permit that partial set-asides for surplus labor areas.
government to spread its' tentacles The basic criteria for the awarding of
among our friendly neighbors in Latin contracts in this administration, as in
America, but will exercise our powers the last administration, were to award
under the Monroe Doctrine in the Carib- them to the company or the area which
bean to see to it that the Communist can produce the best product, at the
bloc does not in fact proceed to inter- cheapest possible price, and at the
vene to set up its own form of govern- earliest possible time. Those are the
ment in Latin America? three criteria which are prerequisite in
There are a great many other phases this administration as they were in the
of this problem which I shall discuss at preceding administration.
a later time. I did want at this time to A number of Senators have proposed
make this record, at least of my present that the criteria be changed so as to pro-
point of view, because I am very much vide that the existence of substantial
concerned about what I think was a co- surplus labor in an area shall be a major
lossal mistake that was made last week element-possibly even a preemptory
in giving logistic support and other sup- factor-in the awarding of defense con-
port to what I think cannot be justified tracts.
under international law, cannot be justi- The word "preemptory" is not in the
fied under sound foreign policy, and can- legislation, but I cannot help believing
not be justified in the interest in keep- that if it were, it would not be used
Ing the peace in the Western Hemisphere. against the Department of Defense for
I desired now to yield to the Senator the purpose of requiring it to give great
from Iowa [Mr. HICKENLOOPER], but ap- emphasis to the labor surplus problem,
parently he has stepped off the floor. I regardless of whether a particular area
yield the floor. could produce the best product at the
lowest price and in the quickest period
DEFENSE CONTRACT AWARDS of time. At least, I hope that that will
not become our policy. I think it would
Mr. ENGLE obtained the floor. seriously jeopardize our national security
Mr. HUMPHREY. Mr. President, will and would result in an extravagant
the Senator yield? waste of the taxpayer's dollar.
Mr. ENGLE. I yield, provided I do Certainly, I agree with Senators that
not lose the floor. high unemployment in an area of the
Mr. HUMPHREY. Does the Senator country is a matter not only of regional
from California wish to have a quorum concern but of national concern. Cer-
call prior to his speech? tainly, I sympathize with the interest
Mr. ENGLE. No. I am grateful to and desire of labor-surplus areas to have
the Senator from Minnesota, but I do more defense orders channeled into those
not desire a quorum call at this time. areas. But I certainly do not believe that
Mr. President, in recent weeks the sub- the circumstance of substantial surplus
ject of defense procurement contracts labor should be used as a major or pri-
has been under much discussion on the mary factor in making a plea for more
floor of the Senate. In the course of defense contracts.
these discussions the State of California
has At the risk of laboring the point, I shall
come under considerable attack be- review some of the laboring the why a sub-
try's dea substantial fense share the coup- stantial percentage of defense contracts
California's s orders ders ders has defense been n industries. channeled has been awarded to firms in California.
into n
On a number of occasions in the past California has historic advantages
2 years I have exchanged views on this which, in combination, no other area in
subject with several distinguished Sen- the country can match in the time pe-
ators from the Eastern States. Today riod with which the Department of
I shall address myself to some of the Defense is so vitally concerned.
points raised recently on the Senate World War II drew a large supply of
floor. skilled workers to southern California,
The other day, during a colloquy on and this manpower supply has since
the subject with the distinguished Sen-
ator from New York [Mr. KEATING], I
said I would speak at some length about
the matter. I was unable to do so then
because of the lateness of the hour.
Today I shall speak in some detail on
this subject.
proportion of the Nation's facilities for
defense research, production, and test-
ing. Two factors are partly responsible
for this: The favorable year-round cli-
mate which gives industry the advantage
of the maximum number of productive
days, and the existence of vast amounts
of open country available in adjacent
desert areas which are ideal for the
immediate testing of weapons of the
nuclear age.
Any inspection of California's defense
facilities will immediately demonstrate
that situation, whether one goes to the
AeroJet site, in the hills just east of
Sacramento, or to the Los Angeles area,
where there are testing facilities not
only immediately adjacent to Los An-
geles, in the hills just north and east of
that city, but also away out'in the desert
country. These facilities are absolute
requirements for that kind of work.
In 1910 California inaugurated one of
the country's first air shows, and from
that time southern California has been
deeply and vitally involved in this sphere
of science and in the forefront of air-
craft and missile development. As early
as 1945, California anticipated the
changeover from manned aircraft to
missiles and began diversification into
missile production.
California has worked long and hard
to build its capabilities for defense work.
For example, it spends far more than
any other State on education. The com-
bined budget of the University of Cali-
fornia and State colleges is approxi-
mately one-half billion dollars. Much
of this goes into financing advanced pro-
grams of research in the physical sci-
ences. California has extended itself in
every way to provide the kind of effi-
cient and modern public services neces-
sary to keep pace with the extraordinary
demands of accelerated defense activ-
ities and of an exploding population.
Because of the constant questioning
as to why these great industries go to
California, recently I visited two major
factories which went to California. By
"major factories," I refer to defense in-
stallations. The officials of those com-
panies told me that aside from the fact
that they were able to get the amount
of land on which they wanted to build
the factories, and aside from the fact
that an ample labor force was avail-
able, one of the things which attracted
them the most was the closeness to great
educational centers located in Califor-
nia, dealing with highly scientific and
academic subjects. A scientific com-
munity likes to be among scientists,
schools, and colleges. Persons engaged
in the field of science are especially
desirous of having other scientists
around them. They live in their own
community; they talk together; they
work together; they visit together.
When they are out of a job in one place,
if there are a great many scientists in a
particular area, by their intercommuni-
nia has been fortunate in attracting a cation they build themselves a sort of
large percentage of the Nation's scientific job continuity which is very helpful and
personnel, engineers, technicians, highly useful to them.
skilled production workers, and admin- In addition, California has built a tre-
Istrative people experienced in defense mendous web of freeways and highways
activities. California also houses a large and modern hospitals, recreational fa-
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6188 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -SENATE April 24
cil:ities, housing, and schools to meet the planes which they want to use, because tween the fiscal year :1959 and `the fiscal
inordinate requirements. they can get the best product for the year 19130, while California's contlL ct
In short, California has a long history cheapest price in the quickest possible volume was declining, 17 other Sta es
of the manmade factors, plus the nat- time. enjoyed increases.
ural factors, se essential for taking on I think they will recognize the situa- For example: Florida up 21 percent,
the tremendous and complex programs tion for what it is--namely, that defense Kansas up 27 percent, Louisiana up 30
for the defense of our country. Many contracts are being channeled into Cali-- percent, Maryland up 1.3 percent, Ne-
years are needed to build the kind of fornia because California has the devel?- braska up 13 percent, New Jersey up 39
capability that California has-years of oped plant and personnel capacities-- percent, New Mexico up 7 percent, Okla-
unbroken effort; and experience. And it because it; defense industries embody it homa up 8 percent, Tennessee up 3 per-
takes many millions of dollars in capital crystallization of experience and capa.- cent, and Virginia up 44 percent.
investment. bility developed over the years that has I call attention to the report, issued
It is true that all of these factors give not been matched by any other State; regularly by the Secretary of Defense,
California a great advantage when the and that defense orders are not being entitled "Military Prime Contract
Pentagon is making out its defense or- channeled into California because of any Awards. This report contains in its
dens. This is fortunate for California. favoritism on the part of the Depart- footnotes the following:
But, more important, it is fortunate for ment of Defense or because of any politi- It is emphasized that data on prime con-
thi.e Nation that; we have the comprehen- cal pressures. tracts by State do not provide any direct
sive capacity to execute with maximum I wish to comment on several of the indication as to the State in which the
efficiency and minimum time the kind points covered in Senator BUTLER'S res- actual production work is done. For the
of defense programs necessary to give olution. majority of the contracts with manufac-
us a superior position in the cold war. The resolution states that in the fiscal plant data reflect the location of -
There has been so much talk about year 1960, 27.2 percent of all defense eased wteere the p rrod oduct will be finally proc-
used and assembled. Construction con-
California's favored position in the com- prime contract awards for procurement tracts are shown for the State where the
petition for defense contracts that I were made to business firms whose prin- construction is to be performed. However,
think we ought to scrutinize and analyze cipal placa of business is on the west for some contracts with large companies with
some of the facts and figures. coast; and that 23.7 percent of all de- more. thr'.n one plant, and for contracts with
In February, the distinguished Sena- fense prime contract awards for procure- service, wholesale, or other distribution
tar from Maryland [Mr. BUTLER] intro- ment were made to business firms whose theins, the o usually the address of
duced S. Res. 82, the purpose of which principal place of business is located in the contrac ctorr''s s main office.
is to authorize an investigation of the the State of California. The resolution Of course, that is precisely the point
concentration of defense activities on also indicates that a large portion of I made, a moment ago, in connection
the west coast, particularly in the State defense prime contract awards to busi- with. the Lockheed Co., which the other
of California. ness firms for experimental, develop- day was awarded a contract for the
I regret that the distinguished Senator mental, testing, and research work were construction of large cargo aircraft.
from Maryland is not here today. I made to companies whose principal place The head office of that company is in
notified him that I intended to speak of business is located in the State of Burbank, Calif.; but the contract work
about the defense contracts situation, California. will be executed at Marietta, Ga.--not in
and more particularly about his resolu- I think the figures cited in the resolu- Califo:rnia. However, in view of the way
tion. He said that later this afternoon tion bear some analyzing if we are to the contract figures are cited, the gen-
it was necessary for him to attend a keep the defense contract picture in eral impression which is created is that
meeting in Maryland and that he could proper perspective. the contract work will be done in Cali-
not be here, but that he would undoubt- The figures given ill the resolution of fo:rnia.
edly answer me at length later. I feel the Senator from Maryland include Mr. KUCHEL. Mr. President, will my
certain that that is probably an under- funds that are actually never spent in colleague yield?
statement. However, I regret that the the State of California. The PRESIDING OFFICER (Mr.
Senator from Maryland is not here at The sole basis on which they are cred- ME7.'CA,LF in the chair). Does the Sena-
this time, because perhaps he would have ited to California is the fact that the tor frcvim California yield to his col-
liked to speak about this subject at the firm involved has its principal place of league'..
same time I did. business in California. For example, Mr. 1WGLE. I yield.
I would welcome the kind of inquiry Lockheed--whose home offices are in Mr. UCHEL. My colleague is mak-
proposed by the Senator from Maryland. Burbank--is among the aircraft firms ing some every telling and very impor-
I think it would straighten out some of that received large contract awards. taut contributions in connection with a
the distortions and misunderstandings Yet one out of every four Lockheed em- controversy which, personally, I regret.
that have run. through this controversy ployees is located outside of California- It is unfortunate that it has been waging
on defense contract competition. I think and, interestingly enough, in the States here in the Senate.
that Pentagon procurement officials of Georgia, New York, and New Jersey. I co gratulate My colleague on his
would also welcome such an inquiry. As a matter of fact, a recent billion- presentation.
Certainly they have felt the impact of dollar defense contract awarded to Lock- Is it of true that the figures and facts
the continuing uproar, to the point where heed will be executed at Marietta, Ga. he has been citing for the record are
it has made them somewhat self- Approximately one out of five of the dol- proof, in themselves, that the Depart-
conscious about granting merited con- lars of awards made to Lockheed also mein (if Defense continues to discharge
tracts to California. I am convinced went out of the State of California- itsfun tions on the basis of where, in its
that when all the facts are revealed, not in subcontracts, but actually in the considered judgment, the people of the
neither the people at the Pentagon nor performance of the prime contract for United States can purchase the best
the public generally will be any more which the awards were made. kind o defense arsenal at the lowest
disturbed about a large percentage of de- California's share of prime contracts price, in the interest of preserving our
fense orders going to California than has steadily declined since the fiscal year country 's integrity and security?
they are about a large percentage of 1958-59, and is still declining. For ex- Mr. NGLE. Yes, and that is precisely
the automobile production being con- ample, we are down $443 million in the the Point I am making. I regret, like-
centrated in Michigan rather than in fiscal year 1960 from the fiscal year wise, he constant clamor about the
Maryland or Massachusetts or some 1959. Current figures supplied by the award of contracts to California firms.
other place. Secretary of Defense show that the 23.7 I am stating that California firms are
More than 130 percent of the commer- percent figure quoted for 1959-60 is now entitle to the contracts they have re-
cial aircraft in the Nation has been down to 22.5 percent. As a consequence, ceived; and that if the figures are con-
procured in California by aircraft; cor- the percentage of defense prime contract siderec, it will be found that, actually,
porations. Theirs is a private business, work actually performed in California, California firms and workers are not
:Just as the automobile industry is a pri- when corrected for subcontracting and doing so well. In fact, when I get
vate business. They locate in California plant location, is now closer to 16 per- around to discussing the employment
to get delivery of the commercial air- cent. It is important to note that be- situation, I shall point out that Califor-
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