CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP64B00346R000200160014-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 6
• Document Creation Date: December 16, 2016
• Document Release Date: September 29, 2004
• Sequence Number: 14
• Publication Date: May 1, 1961
• Content Type: OPEN

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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
provisions ought to give even politicians the
horrors.
Out of the $451 million to be dished out
over 4 years, $300 million will be dispensed
without benefit of Congressional review. The
Treasury will just sign for it-and then go
out and borrow the money, as though the
Government didn't have enough debt, def-
icits and inflationary potential. Apparently
Congress just doesn't give a hoot any more
about its once-prized power of the purse, at
least not when it conflicts with the vision of
all those millions pouring into selected Con-
gressional districts.
Well, no one need have supposed the pres-
ent Government would be anything but
active on the ward-heel political level. Even
so, nearly half a billion dollars is a stiff price
for turning the general good into a de-
pressed area.
Polish Constitution Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HARRIS B. McDOWELL, JR.
OF DELAWARE
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. McDOWELL. Mr. Speaker, we in
the United States have many close ties
with Poland, which it is my pleasure to
review each May on Polish Constitution
Day. The provisions of the 1791 Con-
stitution proved that the Polish people
at the end of the 18th century sought a
liberal government from the medieval
feudal elements, just as we had sought
and won our freedom in 1783. A histo-
rian has written of the Polish Constitu-
tion:
Posterity, s ? < joins with the best con-
temporary opinion in deeming the Constitu-
tion of the 3d of May one of the greatest
achievements in Polish history.
For this reason the Polish people have
remained true to their ideals, first ex-
pressed in this Constitution no matter
where they have moved in the world.
Polish immigrants to this country
brought with them their love of inde-
pendence; Polish people helped settle our
country and built its cities and towns.
They have contributed to our music and
our literature. They have brought to us
all the elements of their society which
it has been so difficult for them to main-
tain under Soviet domination. Thus,
I take great pleasure in honoring them
on this most important day in their
history.
In the United States, wherever Ameri-
cans of Polish descent live, in cities and
towns from coast to coast, this holiday
is observed with appropriate exercises
throughout the month of May to pay
tribute to the Polish nation and to re-
mind fellow Americans that Poland was
one of the first pioneers of liberalism
in Europe.
It was on May 3 in 1791, barely 2 years
after the adoption of its Constitution by
the United States in 1789, that Poland
without a bloody revolution or even with-
out a disorder succeeded in reforming
her public life and in eradicating her in-
ternal decline. But this great rebirth
and assertion of democracy came to the
Poles too late and did not forestall the
third partition of Poland in 1795 by Rus-
sia, Prussia and Austria.
POLAND PIONEERED LIBERALISM IN EUROPE
The greatness of the May 3 Polish
Constitution consisted in the fact that
it eliminated with one stroke the most
fundamental weaknesses of the Polish
parliamentary and social system. The
Poles raised this great moment in their
history to the forefront of their tradi-
tion rather than any one of their anni-
versaries of glorious victories or heroic
revolutions.
We Americans who have been reared
in the principle given us as a birthright
by the founders of our great Republic, the
principle of the sovereignty of the peo-
ple in the state, which is the primary
postulate in the 1791 Polish Constitution,
can see how this truism cut off the Poles
and the Polish political tradition com-
pletely from both the Germans and the
Russians, who have been reared in the
principle of state, and not national, sov-
ereignty.
The light of liberalism coming from
Poland was then, as it has been through-
out the years that followed and even unto
today, a threat to tyranny and abso-
lutism in Russia and Germany. In 1795
Russian and Prussian soldiers were sent
to Poland to partition and rape her. In
1939 Russian and Prussian soldiers met
again on Polish soil, as the absolute to-
talitarianism systems of naziism and
communism again felt the danger of true
liberalism coming from Poland just as
in 1791.
In the Polish 3d of May Constitution
this liberalism was formulated in these
words:
All power in civic society should be derived
from the will of the people, its end and ob-
ject being the preservation and integrity of
the state, the civil liberty and the good order
of society, on an equal scale and on a last-
ing foundation.
In Wilmington, Del., the Council of
Polish Societies and Clubs in the State
of Delaware will mark the adoption of
Poland's first constitution on May 7.
Participating in the observance will be
the Delaware division of the Polish-
American Congress. The observance
will be held at Modjeska Hall, in Wil-
mington.
Prominent Polish and American speak-
ers will address the gathering. St. Hed-
wig's Choir and children of Polish Sat-
urday morning classes will take part in
the program, as will various officials of
the city of Wilmington, and of New Cas-
tle County.
The Council of the Polish Societies
and Clubs in the State of Delaware re-
cently pointed out, in announcing the
plans for May 7 that:
During the past two centuries, Poland,
which was the most powerful nation once,
became partitioned four time; [has been]
ravaged, despoiled, persecuted, and enslaved
by greedy neighbors. No nation could suf-
fer so much without leaving a deep scar.
It is the hope and prayer of Polish people
everywhere that a spirit of justice, under-
standing, and cooperation prevail among all
the nations for a glorious and lasting peace
on earth and good will among men.
The committee on arrangements for
the May 7 observance of Poland's Con-
A2951
stitution Day in Wilmington, Del., con-
sists of Adam J. Rosiak, chairman; Jo-
seph Falkowski, Ludwig Kopec, Frank J.
Leski, Mrs. Frank J. Obara, and Mrs.
Charles Kilczewski.
A Lesson for Kennedy
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, the
experienced have much of value to give
to the theorists and I offer to my col-
leagues the following article by Ruth
Montgomery, as it appeared in the Long
Island Press on April 28:
NIXON'S A GOOD POKER PLAYER, AND FAR FROM
OUT OF THE GAME
(By Ruth Montgomery)
WASHINGTON.-Richard Milhous Nixon de-
spite his Quaker upbringing learned to play
poker well and profitably during World War
II. This should be a warning to those who
are ready to count him out of the national
political arena.
The relaxed young man who is now going
about the business of making a nongovern-
mental living for the first time in 19 years
seems totally unware of the dire predictions
that he is through.
He talks with the calm assurance of a
leader who expects to lead. He speaks with-
out rancor of the erstwhile Democratic rival
who defeated him by the popular vote
margin of only sixteen one-hundredths of 1
percent. He obviously respects his own
judgment about foreign affairs, and com-
ments on it without boasting.
He seems, in fact to be an extraordinarily
well adjusted individual. In talking of the
Cuban debacle, Nixon recalled the 3-hour
session with Fidel Castro in his Senate office
2 years ago, and his immediate appraisal of
the bearded Cuban leader as "a captive of
communism. "
With dispassion he commented that he was
in the minority then, but that top officials
at the State Department came around to his
way of thinking in March of last year.
Nixon, who is a master in the art of tim-
ing, thinks and talks in the vernacular of the
poker table. In speaking of our present day
foreign policy, the Republican standard-
bearer said it is important never to talk any
bigger than we are prepared to act.
The biggest bluffer in a card game, he
pointed out, is the one most likely to call
your bluff, and Soviet Premier Nikita
Khrushchev is a big bluffer.
The worst mistake for a poker player to
make, he continued, is to throw in his hole
card before it is necessary. The parallel with
the - abortive Cuban invasion was obvious,
although he voiced no direct criticism of
President Kennedy.
While the rebels were pouring into Cuban
beaches, in the hope of liberating their home-
land and inspiring others to defect, Kennedy
and Secretary of State Dean Rusk were tell-
ing the world that the United States would
not raise a finger to intervene.
This was the hole card that was turned
up too soon. As a result, many Cubans
were afraid to defect. By contrast, during
the tense days and weeks of the Quemoy
and Matsu crisis, President Eisenhower and
Secretary of State John Foster Dulles care-
fully concealed the hole card. They left
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 A2952
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CONGRESS$ONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
doubt in the Communist mind as to what
extent they would be willing to commit U.S.
strength in the Formosa Straits. The Reds
finally backed down.
Nixon suggested this analogy, even as he
praised Kennedy for his courage in deciding
to back the Cuban rebels.. The mistake was
in not being prepared to go all the way, if
necessary to insure victory, when America's
prestige had been so heavily committed.
It is out of character for Kennedy, who
always plays politics to win, to settle for
defeat in the much grimmer business of
fighting guerrilla warfare with the Com-
munists.
We are losing to the Reds in Cuba and
Laos. We fear Communist coups in Iran
and elsewhere. We have infuriated the
Portuguese over Angola, and the Dutch over
New Guinea. We are enmitizing old allies
faster than we are creating new ones.
It is obvious that Nixon hopes Kennedy
will find time, in the busy days ahead, to
brush up on his poker game. He wants him
to win for America.
A Policy on Cuba
EXTENSION OF REM
HON. JEFFERY COHELAN
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. COHELAN. Mr. Speaker, much
speculation, projection, and analysis has
taken place during the last week con-
cerning the recent Cuban fiasco and the
role played by the United States.
While continued, exhaustive inquiry
into the whys and wherefores of this
lamentable operation is necessary, it is
now time to turn our attention to the
future; to determine what policy our
country is to follow regarding-Cuba.
The New York Times in a recent edi-
torial has placed the problem confront-
ing us in sharp perspective. The Times
has wisely pointed out that-
The chief danger to the United States and
the rest of Latin America is not Cuba by
herself, but Cuba as a possible model for
other revolutions, and Cuba as a base for
the spread of anti-Yankee or communistic
May 1
ThereFore, something has to happen, and mands for soc'al reforms throughout Latin
the instinct is to say: something has to be America; that we are not merely anti-Corn-
done. '~"he first thing to recognize Is that munist; that we will oppose rightwing; re-
whatever is done should not be done hastily. actionary military dictatorships as we do
There rrrr}}ust be no repetition of the incredibly leftwing, communistic dictatorships; that
inefficie~rt intelligence analysis of the Cuban we ask partnership and cooperation, not sub-
servience. This is the only kind of "inter-
t week's fiasco
d l
d
}}
.
e
as
which prece
ituatio
s, L
To those who knew the situation in Cuba vention" that can permanently succeed in
i
ca.
and knew the formidable strength of the Latin Amer
leaders i and their reigme, the outcome of
such invasion attempt was inevitable. --
the CIA concept
e :a had it succeeded
A
d
,
n
ev
of putt ng in a rightwing government that Forgotte:s Remedy for the Voteless Negro
would Nave been branded as a Yankee cre-
ation was dreadfully wrong. It is obvious
that the first step must 'be to reorganize the
personnel and methods of the Federal officials
dealing with the Cuban problem today. Any
policy, any action to be taken in the future
must be based on an accurate assessment of
the situation.
Ther are certain developments that would
force i Is United States to act; and such
EX PEINSION OF REMARKS
HON, ABRAHAM J, MULTER
OF NEW YORK:
IN THII HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
action would be fully understood Yby the Mr. NMULTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my
world
were t
a dan
Amer,
rema,
Premigr Castro were to attack Guantanamo cussion of the 14th amendment to the
Bay on mount military invasions against his Constitution. is of particular importance
Caribbean neighbors-,n such cases the to this body and should be of interest to
United States would, of course, have to Inter- us all:
vene directly, and presumably so would
other j members of the Organization of FORGOTTEN RE:arEDY FOR THE VOTELEss NEGRO
American States. (By Thomas I. Emerson and Arthur E.
Baring such obviously dangerous, al- Bonfield)
though. unlikely, developments the United In the current debate over methods of
States should not intervene. Why not? The assuring the Negro in the South his right to
grave political consequences; the blow to the vote, very little attention has been paid to
moral' standards and principles by which we section 2 of the 14th amendment. For many
live and which area source of strength in years major interest in this amendment has
the cold war; the fact that armed interven- section 1, which prohibits the
tion Without the clearest provocation would foe-used States from on from denying to any person due pro-
reducQ our policies to a crude contest in cess of law or equal protection of the laws.
power] politics; the loss of needed allies; the Not many people are aware that those who
perilo international complications-these framed and adopted the 14th amendment
are the results that would flow from such
armed intervention by the United States in viewed section 2, rather than section 1, as
Its most important provision.
Cuba Sectioa 2 provides that representatives in
Evemr more basic than our differences in Congress. "shall be apportioned among the
ence Wic system is our philosophic differ- several Btates according to their respective
ence with the Communists; we believe In numbers:, counting the whole number of
freed(rm and the rule of law among indi- persons In each State, excluding Indians not
viduals and among nations. This is the taxed."
essence of what America stands for in the But (A continues) when the right to vote
world, and it is our greatest source of at any election (for Federal or State offices)
stren th. We must preserve it. Is denial to "any of the male inhabitants of
Th hegemony of the United States in the such State, being 21 years of age, and c,ti-
West :rn Hemisphere is threatened f~r the zees of the United States, or in any way
first Ime in a century. It can only be de- abridged, except for participation in rebel-
fended by a positive, creative policy, one that lion, or other crime, the basis of represents-
builds. Of course, we are strong enough to tion therein shall be reduced in the propor-
ARKS
of
The Times goes on to emphasize a force'' would lose us far more than we could shall b;ar to the whole number of male
sound course of action which includes gain. It is hard to be patient under such citizens 21 years of age in. such State.
the defense of the security of the United provocation and defeat as we have "pert-
In ac.dilion to section 2 an almost un-
States, but rightly,places its emphasis ence. Yet it is the mark of true strength known >tatute, originally passed in 1.872 and
on proving our support for the Latin to t ke both defeat and victory in one's still or. the books, contains the same require-
American people's demands for social stride. ment.
reform, and which proves that we ask The chief danger to the United States and Neither the constitutional provision nor
the Test of Latin America is not Cuba by the statute has ever been successfully in-
partriershlp and cooperation, not sub- hers lf, but Cuba as a possible model for voiced -:o reduce the representation of any
serviance. othe~ revolutions, and Cuba as a base for the State in Congress. This failure to adhere
I urge my colleagues to read this edi- spread of anti-Yankee or communistic doc- to the plain language of our Constitution
torial carefully: trinds. How to counter the creeping sub- and law is a continuing national scandal.
A POLICY ON CUBA version of the totalitarians is the great The wetter is now of .particular importance
What next in Cuba? The Cuban exiles problem for the free world, as President Ken- for twc reasons.
have been defeated militarily and the United nedyx has recogniezd. It cannot be done by In the first place, there is serious doubt
ado tang their methods. That would be to that the Civil Rights Acts of 1957 and 1960,
a States,
history suffered is not surrender. or indeed any legislation based upon judicial
However, them, has
political which defeat. supported
n
like a boxing match or a baseball game. It Defend the security of the United States. procedures, can effectively secure the Negro's
flows like a river. The United States and Continue by all legal means to encourage the right to vote. Thus three of the six members
Cuba are too much intertwined by history, anti-Batista, anti-Castro Cuban exiles in of the Civil Rights Commission, in the first
geography, economics, and strategy to be their determination to establish a free and report of that body, characterized proposals
separated. Cuba has been caught up in the democratic regime with social justice. They for amendment of existing laws as stopgap
vast storm of the cold war. All the forces must. not be abandoned. measures,. They 'urged the adoption of a
unleashed by the Cuban revolution are still Above all prove-by deeds not just words- constitutional amendment eliminating all
operating. that, we are determined to support the de- restrictions upon the right to vote except
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Ms were killed and the lives of the which appeared in the January 21, 1961
ng Americans were jeopardized; if issue of the Nation. This excellent dis-
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A2968 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
than anything else to make the Nation over
which I fly the greatest and most wonderful
in the world.
My white stripes. mark me as the emblem
of the land of the free, the country in which
the oppressed of the world may enjoy equal-
ity and liberty.,
The blue In my field of stars stands for
loyalty.. It is the true blue. It tells the story
of thousands of men and women who have
been loyal to their country through suffering
and hardships.
I signify the law of the land.
I stand for the Constitution of the United
States.
I represent the Declaration of Independ-
ence, the birth certificate of the American
Nation.
I stand for peace and goodwill among the
nations of the world.
I control the strong, protect the weak, re-
lieve suffering, and do all I can for the better-
ment of mankind,
I stand for tolerance toward men of all
creeds and races.
I reflect the wealth and grandeur of this
great land of opportunity.
I tell the story of the achievements and
progress of the American people in art and
science, culture and literature, Inventions
and commerce, transportation and industry.
I am the badge of the Nation's greatness
and the emblem of its destiny.
I am whatever you make me, nothing more.
I am your belief in yourself, your dream of
what a people may become. I am fear and
song, struggle and hope.
I am no more than what you believe me
to be, and I am all you hope that I can be.
I am the American flag.
Unanswered Question
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. ROBERT H. MICHEL
OF ILLINOIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. MICHEL. Mr. Speaker, I wish to
call attention to the following editorial
appearing in the March 13, 1961, issue of
the Chicago Tribune:
Mr. Kennedy announced at his latest news
conference that the Government Intended
to put an extra $660 million Into the pur-
chase of quipment and supplies before the
end of the fiscal year on June 80. This was
represented as evidence of Washington's in-
tention to pep up the economy and provide
jobs.
The announcement prompted a reporter to
inquire what had become of the sonorous
statement in Mr. Kennedy's inauguration ad-
dress, "Ask not what your country can do
for you-ask what you can do for your coun-
try.,,
The questioner remarked that there had
been considerable comment that the Ken-
nedy program up to now has been designed
to show what the Government can try to do
for the people. He asked when the reverse
might be expected to set In.
Mr. Kennedy's reply was not very respon-
sive, but seemed to suggest that before the
horse can support some of the extra weight
to be assigned by the Government in the
future, it must be fed up and returned to
form.
Well, we think both the question and the
answer avoided the real effects of the Ken-
nedy administration program. It isn't so
much what the Government can do for the
people, or the people for the Government, as
what the administration can do for the ad-
ministration. This particular $660 million
is being spent by the Government on itself.
It will procure goods and services for the bu-
reaucracy and will build up the sinews of
big government, If there is primary benefit,
it Is to the political managers who run the
operation.
So the phrasing, more appropriately,
might have been: "Ask not what you can
do for the Kennedy administration, for you
aren't going to be consulted anyway."
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF NEW YOGIS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, here
is an interesting article on Laos, as
written by Marguerite Higgins for the
May 1 issue of the New York Herald
Tribune :
WHO WON'T FIGHT?
(By Marguerite Higgins)
WASHINGTON.
"The Chinese won't fight."
It's hard, isn't It, to wrench the mind back
to the pre-Korean, dust-settling days of
China when the successive defeats sending
Chiang Kai-shek to exile were explained
away with such reasons as "the Chinese
(meaning the non-Communist Chiang Kai-
shek Chinese) won't light"? Then came the
day when the reasons for partitioning Viet-
nam Included the charge that "the Viet-
namese (those on our side, of course) won't
fight." And now we are told that "the
Lao won't fight."
But Is it really true? And how does it
come about that the only Asians that won't
fight are the Asians on our side?
It's an important question, this Issue of
what Asian will or won't fight. The fighting
capabilities of the Royal Lao Army, or rather
the alleged lack of fighting capabilities, are
being used by those who favor letting Laos
go down the drain even If this inescapably
does let every nation know that we shall not,
after all, "pay any price, bear any burden,
meet any hardship, support any friend, op-
pose any foe, to assure the survival and suc-
cess of liberty ? * -", as President Kennedy
put it 101 days ago.
And let every American know that If the
bell tolls for Laos the bell will indeed be
tolling for him in that it can well mean the
beginning of the end of the West in Asia.
For, thanks to Laos (and contrary to pop-
ular myth), time has been our friend in
southeast Asia. It has been the high moun-
tains of Laos and its tangled jungles that
have provided the buffer between Commu-
nist Red China and Communist-controlled
North Vietnam and the crucial countries of
the area and Insured their geographical sep-
aration from direct military pressure and
subversion.
Look at a map and one glance will show
how the existence of a non-Communist Laos
brought time-the vital time Malaya had to
have in its own fight against Communist
guerrillas; time for Burma to bring its own
Communist Party into line; time for Thai-
land to build its army and resistance to the
so-called free Thai movement being nurtured
by Peiping-recruited exiles on Red Chinese
soil; time for Cambodia to embark on a pol-
icy of neutralism and the geographical im-
munity that permitted Prince Sihanouk to
practice it; and time for South Vietnam to
May I
pursue its gallant fight against the relent-
less Communist infiltration from the north
and time through free elections to restore its
good name in a world where the West is far
more preoccupied with rapping those on its
side than in considering what Communists
do to the little people in places like North
Vietnam and Red China.
Now, back to the fighting fronts. In Laos
today a lot of towns are falling and victories
being claimed in the name of Lao. The
Communists would have us believe that the
Buddha-loving Lao on our side let
Buddha get in the way of fighting, but that
the Buddha-loving Lao on the Com-
munist side are military heroes,
Some Lao do, of course; fight and fight
well (even those on our side) as this corre-
spondent can attest after experiencing front-
line combat conditions In Indochina with
Lao and having also a basis of compari-
son in frontline combat conditions with
Koreans and Chinese.
But no Lao, even be he a Communist, is
going to change from an irregular guerrilla
without anything bigger than burp gun into
a skilled artilleryman (and the barrage
against Muong Sai was a very model of de-
structive accuracy) in the short months
since the Soviet December airlift first began
providing these weapons in great numbers.
The United States has been so busy tearing
down the admitted exaggerations of the
Royal Lao about Communist Vietminh bat-
talions that it has failed to make clear to
the world (or to itself?) the critical import-
ance of the fact-and it is a fact-that Com-
munist Vietminh officers counseled by
Soviet advisers and aided by Vietminh and
Soviet technicians have been firing the artil-
lery and directing the Lao units in battle.
There are about 1,000 non-Lao officers in
active combat on the Red side.
And why, speaking of will to win, has the
United States stood Idly by and counted
Soviet airlift airplanes instead of letting the
Royal Lao army shoot them down? If a
precedent is needed the Communists have
shot down our planes In Laos.
Said a Lao official: "You belittle our cour-
age. Yet every time we want to do some-
thing like shoot down a Soviet plane you say
that this escalates the war.
When the Communists Increase their
artillery, when they openly show their Viet-
minh officers, then belatedly our side is per-
mitted to take steps along the same line,
only usually less. You Americans admit now
they have 1,000 foreign soldiers fighting with
them. But-because of world opinion-you
refused until the 11th hour to even put the
American advisers in uniform. World opin-
ion Inhibits you. It doesn't inhibit them.
How could anybody win under these condi-
tions?"
Is the John Birch Society a Menace?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
or
HON. JAMES B. UTT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. UTT. Mr. Speaker, under unani-
mous consent to extend my remarks in
the RECORD, I wish to include an edito-
rial written by Mr. William K. Shearer,
publisher of the Oceanside-Carlsbad
Banner in Oceanside, Calif. The edito-
rial is entitled "Is the John Birch So-
ciety a Menace?" and is, I believe, the
best expose of the massive propaganda
campaign launched against the John
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1961
CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX
Local civil defense officials, he pointed out,
are on duty only from 8 a.m. to 5 p.m., Mon-
day through Friday. Civic defense head-
quarters is closed from 5 p.m. to 8 a.m. and
on Saturdays, Sundays and holidays.
"I am not a. defeatist, but a realist," he
said. "I do believe the people should be
told exactly what they face and that real-
istic discussions should be engaged in by
competent authorities beginning at the na-
tional level."
Commissioner Ormond R. Bean said Earl's
statement was a fair one and wasn't so sure
it represented a minority view, However,
he said, "I don't feel that I am in a posi-
tion to say the mayor isn't right (in support-
ing the local civil defense effort)."
PRESIDENT CALLS ALERT
Commissioner Mark A. Grayson, who is
presiding over the city council in the absence
of Mayor Terry D. Schrunk said that under
the circumstances he would participate in
the exercise. Schrunk is in Honolulu.
As a veteran of two wars, Grayson said,
"I feel that any precautions at this time are
better than none at all. The President has
called this alert and we have been notified
by the Governor. It behooves us to do some-
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
o
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OS NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, as
we stand behind our President and await
his leadership in the Cuban situation,
Gould Lincoln writes an interesting ar-
ticle, which appeared in the Washington
Star on April 27:
CURE FOR CASTROISM STILL ELUSIVE
(By Gould Lincoln)
The search for a scapegoat in the failure
of the Cuban anti-Castro invasion may be
interesting, and even valuable, but it is
not going to settle the problem which a Com-
munist Cuba presents. Eventually the
United States, either with or without the
support of the rest of the American Repub-
lics, will have to act to get rid of Fidel Cas-
tro and his government or resign itself to
seeing world communism-with Soviet Rus-
sia in its forefront-move in a big way into
the Western Hemisphere. Since the days of
President Monroe the United States has been
firm in its determination to prevent the en-
croachment of any European country upon
the soil of the Western Hemisphere. Spain's
grip on South and Central America was
broken bythe efforts of the peoples of these
Latin American countries. And in 1898 the
United States went to war with Spain and
set Cuba free. It would be tragic, and prob-
ably fatal to our own freedom, to allow
Russia to move in and take the dictatorial
position which Spain once occupied in this
Western Hemisphere.
How long can the United States-and the
other American Republics-afford to wait
before acting? The Monroe Doctrine, enun-
ciated by the United States so long ago, and
the Caracas agreement entered into by the
American Republics in 1954, both pledging
to prevent foreign advances into the West-
ern Hemisphere, are solid grounds for action.
President Kennedy has sought the support
of the principal political leaders of this coun-
try, Republican and Democratic, In this
crisis. These j leaders, including former
President Eisenhower, former vice President
Nixon, and Gab. Nelson A. Rockefeller of
New York, all Republicans, have said the
President must be supported. What steps
the President will decide upon are still to
be revealed.
STOP' PARTISAN POLITICS
President Kennedy has assumed full re-
sponsibility for not preventing the ill-fated
Cuban invasion by anti-Castro forces, trained
and armed here in the United States and in
other not-tooldistant places. He has not
sought to place the blame for U.S.
policy in this respect on former President
Eisenhower and his administration. He
stepped promptly on his Secretary of the
Interior, former Representative Udall, of Ari-
zona, when Mr. Udall in a television broad-
cast commented that the plans for the in-
vasion had been made in one administra-
tion (the Eisenhower administration) and
then turned lover to the Kennedy adminis-
tration to be carried out. This was seized
upon by several Republican spokesmen as
a partisan pclitical move on the part of a
Kennedy Cabinet member. This is no time
for partisan I politics.
One reason for the failure of the anti-
Castro Cuban invasion lay in the fact that
there was no second line either of attack or
defense. If' there was one, it appears to
have been abandoned. President Kennedy's
error was his statement, made when Castro
began screaming "invasion," that this coun-
try would not send military forces to inter-
vene in Cuira. Senator HUMPHREY, of Min-
nesota, Democratic whip of the Senate, fol-
lowing a breakfast of the Democratic con-
gressional leaders with the President on
Tuesday, is reported to have reiterated there
will be no U.S. Invasion of Cuba. Why
should such assertions be made? Especially
when it may turn out invasion is the only
way in which to deal with this Communist
menace in( Cuba. Why give Castro and his
Russian bpCkers this assurance. and so en-
courage them to strengthen the hold of
Communi t dictatorship in Cuba, militarily
and otherwise?
PROPOSALS FOR ACTION
Meanwhile, various proposals of what to
do about,Cuba have been advanced. One is
to cut oTall trade between this country and
Cuba-already almost entirely curtailed. A
second iy an economic blockade. A third,
suggested by a Republican member of the
Foreign Relations Committee, Senator
HICKENLOOPER, of Iowa, is for an immediate
meeting of the Latin American heads of gov-
ernment~ in conjunction with representatives
of this country, perhaps in Venezuela, to
discuss he Cuban issue and to arrive at an.
agreeme . t on what should be done.' A
fourth proposal came from Senator DODD,
Democr t of Connecticut, who told the Sen-
ate thef a should be an immediate blockade
of arms shipments from Soviet Russia to
Castro's Cuba, and a stern warning that
Soviet military aircraft will not be tolerated
over Caribbean waters.
The Connecticut senator said that If this
country, had given the Cuban Freedom Fight-
ers th proper air support, their invasion
of Cuba last week would have succeeded.
He added: "I say we should have done so,
and that we should be prepared to do so.
We ca.i no longer tojerate a situation in
which, a Quisling totalitarian regime, di-
rected at the subversion of the entire West-
ern Hemisphere, is able to maintain its hold
over tie Cuban people because of massive
quant ties of arms placed in its hands by
the K emlin."
Castro and the Communists in Cuba, are,
at the present, much more of a threat to
the Latin American republics in the Carib-
bean and South America than they are to
the iJnited States-which Castro has not
A2967
the force to attack. He might, indeed, be
able by subversion and force of arms to over-
throw some of these other governments and
make possible Communist regimes, unless he
is effectively chec.ced, Eight of these Latin
American countries have no diplomatic re-
lations with the Castro government, six have
broken such relations, two not having had
such relations. The raix which have broken
off relations with Castro are the Dominican
Republic, Guatemala, El Salvador, Nica.s?
ragua, Peru and Honduras, Haiti and Para-
guay have not hod such relations.
I ALm the American Flag
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES C. AUCHINCLOSS
CIF NTW JERSEY
IN THE HOU8E OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. AUCHINCLOSS, Mr. Speaker?
recently I had the privilege of partici-
pating in the dedication ceremony of a
branch post office in the Monmouth
Shopping Center, Eatontown, Monmouth
County, N.J.
On this occasion a brief speech was
read by a young man named Edmund
Labuda, Jr., who attends the Red Bank
Catholic High School, Red Bank, N.J.,
being a member of the freshman class.
Young Labuda's father is a member of
the post office staff at Eatontown, N.J.
He read his address in an impressive and
dignified manner, and I am glad to have
permission to have it printed in the CoN-
GRESSIONAL IZEC'ORD:
I Asi THE AMERICAN FLAG'-,
Since the time of my birth many stories
have been told about me. Now I feel it is
my duty to fell you what I am and for what
I stand.
Born durl ag the Nation's infancy, I have
grown with it, my stars increasing number
as the country has grown in size. The do-
main over which I wave is now expanded
until the stn on my flying now never sets.
I am not only an emblem showing the au-
thority of the United States, Indicating su-
premacy when flying over land., possession
when flying over Government buildings,
power when displayed by troops-I mean
much more than that. I represent the ideals
and traditions, the principles and institu-
tions, the hopes and aspirations which con-
stitute what is to mankind the greatest na-
tion in the world, the American Nation.
Stirring are the stories of my stars and
stripes. 10y 18 red and white stripes recall
the history of that long, bitter 8-year strug-
gle in. which the Thirteen Colonies fought
and stood side by side for freedom, exempli-
fying the principle that "In union there is
strength."
Each of my stars tells the story of a great
and sovereign State which has entered the
Union.
Filled with significance are my colors of
red, whit:, and blue into which have been
woven the courage and strength of Ameri
cans.
The red in my stripes proclaims the, cour-
age that inspires men to face danger and to
do what is right. The strength and courage
of American manhood from the conquest of
the wilderness by the pioneer through the
Revolutionary War, the Civil War, Spanish-
American War, World War I. World War II,
and In the Korean conflict has done more
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD -APPENDIX May 1
Having driven off the bombers the fighter
planes secured control of the air and went
about seeking two invasion ships with vital
ammunition and radio communications
equipment. Then they joined the heavy
tanks in driving the invaders off the beach-
head and into the surrounding swamps.
About 45 hours after the landing operation
was initiated, Capt. Roberto San Roman,
commander of the Cuban expeditionary
force, sent an urgent appeal to Washington
for air support. Unless this was forthcoming
within a few hours, he reported, the entire
operation would have to be abandoned. He
spoke from a walkie-talkie to a ship which
relayed his message.
Richard M. Bissell, Jr., Deputy Director of
the CIA, alerted some of the key men in
Washington. These advisers awoke Presi-
dent Kennedy at 2 a.m., April 19, and dis-
cussed the crisis for 2 hours. They argued
in favor of fighter air support from the Amer-
ican aircraft carrier in the Caribbean in a
last attempt to save the situation.
But it was too late. A naval communica-
tions snag developed and before anything
could be done, even if there had been a
disposition to do anything, it was all over.
The invasion force was trapped in the
swamps, and Castro had scored the greatest
victory of his career.
Another desperate attempt to save the sit-
uation was made just before dawn of Thurs-
day, April 20. Cargo planes and two B-26's
tried to ferry fresh supplies to the beach-
head, but were shot down.
The pilot who related part of this account
was standing by at his base at 9 a.m. that
day, ready to return to the beachhead. But
before he could take off, word arrived that
the last resistance had been snuffed out.
He survived to level this bitter attack
against those responsible for the operation:
"It was a crime to commit us to war in
which we were denied the right to destroy
the enemy fighter force and were denied
fighters of our own so as to be able to de-
fend ourselves."
Russian Flight Into Space: Triumph or
Disgrace?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES S. GUBSER
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. GUBSER. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
ORD, I submit herewith a letter from my
constituent which places the achieve-
ment of the Russians in putting a man
in space in its proper perspective:
Los ALTOS, CALIF., April 19, 1961.
DEAR MR. GUBSER: Enclosed is a newspaper
editorial which very well describes the sacri-
fices which have been required of the Rus-
sian people in order for their country to be
first in space. Before we embark on any
crash program to catch the Russians in space
we should well consider the points brought
out in this editorial.
No doubt there will be many who will pro-
pose panic-type programs to catch the Sov-
iets. As for myself I want to know how
much any of these crash programs will cost
me in additional taxes per month. And
more important yet I want to know how
much more of my American freedom I must
sacrifice, for I am not willing to become a
slave to the state so that I can "catch up
to the Soviets."
Those who tire of being second should
bear in mind that we lead the entire world
in liberty and justice and the dignity of the
individual. One Soviet citizen has experi-
enced a ride around the earth in space, yet
no Soviet citizen has experienced the bless-
ings that the least U.S. citizen has inherited
as his inalienable right; namely, freedom.
Let them try to catch us in this respect.
In the meantime let us maintain and
exploit our advantage.
Very truly yours,
W. ASHLEY CHAPMAN.
[From the San Francisco News-Call Bulletin,
Apr. 17, 19611
RUSSIAN FLIGHT INTO SPACE: TRIUMPH OR
DISGRACE?
(By David Lawrence)
WASHINGTON.-Not by any means the
greatest "feat" in world history, but in many
respects the biggest disgrace-this is another
way to look at the successful launching of a
man into outer space by the Soviets.
Millions of human beings in Russia live
six to a room in slums and in hovels, while
millions of others work in slave-labor camps.
Billions of dollars that should be expended
to lift the living standards of a nation are
spent instead for one of the most spectacular
propaganda stunts of all times.
For what else is it? Is human life im-
proved because a small vehicle travels in the
sky at about the same distance from the
earth as New York is from Wilmington or
Baltimore? Was human life further ad-
vanced because in 1957 the first Sputnik
sped around the earth in an hour and a
half? Today the United States continues
to have "sputniks" in orbit around the
globe and the Russians have one. Has any
human being felt any benefits from such
stunts?
President Kennedy stated, in a nutshell,
at his Wednesday press conference the simple
truth about the Soviet's cruel disregard of
human welfare as it concentrates on propa-
ganda stunts. He said: "A dictatorship en-
joys advantages in this kind of competition
over a short period, by its ability to mobilize
its resources for a specific purpose."
This is the real reason for the Soviet
achievement In sending the first man into
outer space. The United States could have
done it even earlier if it had decided to take
away from other necessary things the money
to spend on space research. As it is, the
people of the Soviet Union are deprived of
the benefits of better living.
It is significant that one of the big re-
wards to the new "hero of the Soviet Union"
is that he will be permitted to have a four-
room apartment for himself, wife, and two
children, instead of the two rooms he has
heretofore been allotted.
In the not-far-distant future, the United
States, too, will be sending a man around
the world a couple hundred miles above
ground. Someday also there'll be a flight to
the moon and to other planets. But, as a
practical matter, these stunts cost vast sums
and the question is whether humanity can
afford them.
The biggest achievement to look forward
to is some way to talk to all the Russian
people at one time and to persuade them to
get rid of the dictatorship that terrifies the
world and inflicts misery on human beings
everywhere.
As for "discoveries," the biggest of all
times is still that of Christopher Columbus,
who found the land where freedom and
liberty can flourish as it does today. Some-
day the Russian people, too, can enjoy the
benefits of that same discovery.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. RALPH HARVEY
OF INDIANA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr. Speak-
er, under leave to extend my remarks
in the RECORD, I include the following
editorial from the Muncie Star of March
28, 1961:
To THOSE WHO ARE AFRAID
Following our recent defense of the House
Un-American Activities Committee, we re-
ceived a letter from a college student who
says he is a loyal American, but is afraid
of this House committee:
"I am an American and I am afraid," he
writes. "I am afraid that a committee such
as HUAC would twist my words around to
prove, or should I say to show evidence, that
I hold undemocratic ideas. * * * Would I be
able to speak against some part of the Gov-
ernment, say HUAC, without being called a
Communist or a Communist dupe? Would
I be presumed to be innocent, or would I
have to prove my innocence by denouncing
my beliefs or opinions?"
Apparently this student is indeed afraid.
He was afraid to sign his name. He says he
believes himself to be only one of many
young citizens who have such fears.
How about it? Are his fears groundless?
Or are they realistic?
Our student didn't explain the beliefs he
holds which he thinks might bring him be-
fore the Un-American Activities Committee.
So we don't know whether he really has
reason to be afraid, or not.
Does the committee twist the words of a
witness to create a false impression that the
witness is disloyal? There's no way to prove
this, either way. Let's say that sometimes it
may happen. But far more often the wit-
ness himself twists and contorts his own
words in efforts to avoid questions he does
not want to answer.
Witnesses before this committee most
often come into the headlines-and into
trouble with the courts, loss of jobs and loss
of reputation-over two kinds of questions.
In one kind the committee is trying to get
from the witness a flat statement as to
whether he is loyal, or has been involved in
subersive activities or connections. The
other kind includes questions aimed at any
knowledge the witness may have of other
persons involved in activities with which the
committee is concerned.
If a person is loyal, why should he fear or
resent being asked if he is? If he has not
engaged in subversive activities, or has done
so only innocently and unwittingly, why
should he be afraid to talk about that? If
he is himself loyal, but knows persons of
activities that may be subversive, does not
his own loyalty compel him to disclose what
he knows? A person sure of his own loyalty
has no need to fear the questions of the Un-
American Activities Committee.
But if a person knows himself to be dis-
loyal, has knowingly joined disloyal groups
or activities, then he has every reason to be
afraid of the committee. The only way out
we have to suggest is to make a clean breast
of it and then set out to salvage himself.
Can a witness speak against the Govern-
ment, against the committee itself, with-
out being called a Communist or a Com-
munist dupe? Well, that depends. If what
he has to say follows the Communist line,
he should be prepared to defend it vigorously
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
The black eye a small minority has given
the labor movement affects all of us.
A case in point Is a recent statement by
Senator McCLELLAN.
The McClellan hearings built up steam
for the Landrum-Griffith law. This law put
the clamps on the officials of dishonest
unions. But it also put the clamps on
honest unions. Thus, it hurts you and me.
This month, Senator MCCLELLAN de-
manded still more restrictive legislation. He
claimed "stronger laws are needed in some
areas to protect working people who are
members of some unions."
Such may be the case. But we are sure
antiunion employers and lawmakers will
clap their hands in glee.
To paraphrase President Crowell's words,
the Landrum-Griffin law does not differen-
tiate between clean unions and corrupt ones.
We hope President Crowell is right in
predicting that gangsterism in unions will
decline in the next 2 years. However, we
hope it doesn't take a new Landrum-Griffin
law to do it.
Another remark by President Crowell is
also worth repeating. Crowell predicted the
recession will make more members turn out
for union meetings. We agree that this
is fine.
But, as Crowell pointed out, there are
some unions whose leaders "have forgotten
how to lead." And, in these unions, greater
membership participation will cause trouble.
No union member or officer should forget
that the union exists for the rank-and-file
membership.
Both President Crowell and Executive
Secretary Robert S. Ash stressed the im-
portance of electing friends of labor. This
applies to everything from the board of edu-
cation to the President of the United States.
Alameda County's clean, vigorous labor
movement has an outstanding record in this
respect.
Many labor councils and federations give
lip service to the fact that gains over the
bargaining table can be lost through anti-
labor ordinances, laws, and court rulings.
In Alameda County, we do something
about it.
As a result, most of the county's legisla-
tors are friends of labor. Governor Brown
and President Kennedy carried Alameda
County by big margins.
EXTENSION OP REMARKS
OF
HON. STEVEN B. DEROUNIAN
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, May 1, 1961
Mr. DEROUNIAN. Mr. Speaker, here
is a report on the Cuban fiasco, with the
conclusions formed by Joseph Newman
of the New York Herald Tribune. The
article appeared in this morning's issue:
SEARCH FOR THE. GUILTY IN THE CUBAN AFFAIR:
THIS IS ONE VERDICT
(By Joseph Newman 1)
WASHINGTON, April 30.-President Ken-
nedy's top foreign policy advisers, anxious to
'The writer of this article-Joseph New-
man-is the chief United Nations corre-
spondent of the Herald Tribune, and was the
author of this newspaper's recent series,
"Cuba-S.S.R.7" which exposed the extent to
which Castro has alined himself with the
Communists. Newman was the Herald Trib-
une's roving Latin American correspondent
for several years and before that was sta-
tioned in Moscow.
protect the United States from worldwide
condemnation, watered down the battle
plan for the invasion of Cuba to the point
where it was virtually doomed to failure
froth the outset.
This is one of the major conclusions that
emerge from questioning of American and
Cuban participants in the abortive scheme
to ring down the pro-Communist regime
of 1 idel Castro. They were interviewed in
the' three principal centers of the Invasion
operation-New York, Miami and Wash-
ington.
Secretary of State Dean Rusk is scheduled
to appear tomorrow at a closed-door hearing
of the Senate Foreign Relations Subcom-
mittee on Latin America to testify about the
administration's handling of the Cuban
Invasion.
Tae committee also plans to hear Allen W.
Dulles, director of the Central Intelligence
Agency. Mr. Dulles originally was scheduled
to testify tomorrow, but when it became
known that Mr. Rusk would appear, the testi-
mony of Mr. Dulles was put off "until a later
time, " possibly Tuesday.
The special investigation, now being under-
tak$:n by Gen. Maxwell D. Taylor at Presi-
dent. Kennedy's request, is almost certain
to each this final conclusion: The military
support provided by Washington was enough
to ompromise the United States in the eyes
of the world, but it was too little to give
the; invading Cuba force a fair chance of
overthrowing Castro.
The blame must fall in the first instance
on the military-intelligence side (the Joint
Chiefs of Staff and the Central Intelligence
Agency) as well as on the foreign policy
advisers. These two groups entered into a
compromise between military needs and
international political considerations. The
compromise resulted in failure.
President Kennedy. in the last analysis,
acceded to the compromise, and he author-
izthe operation, in its crippled form, to
proceed against heavy odds.
The plan to invade Cuba with a relatively
insignificant force of 1,400 Cuban exiles was
based on two broad assumptions: (1) con-
trol of the air to secure a beachhead, and (2)
snowballing support from the Cuban people,
once the invading force could demonstrate
that its foothold was secure and that it was
on he march.
hese two prerequisites for success were
severely impaired by restrictions insisted on
by three of President Kennedy's chief foreign
policy advisers-Secretary of State Dean
Rusk, Under Secretary Chester Bowles, and
Adlai E. Stevenson, American Ambassador
to the United Nations.
Other key advisers-McGeorge Bundy,
Walter W. Rostow, and Arthur Schlesinger,
Jr.--apparently went along with these re-
strictions.
WHAT LACK OF AIR COVER MEANT
'I1he circumstances are reliably reported to
have been as follows:
The Cuban expeditionary force had a small
fleet of cargo planes and B-26 bombers. It
had no fighter protection for this fleet or for
the beachhead, once established. President
Kennedy refused to provide air cover, avail-
able from nearby Florida bases or from an
American aircraft carrier which was cruising
in the Caribbean.
Iiaa the absence of air cover, the only al-
ternative on which the invasion plan could
proceed was the total destruction of Castro's
small air force. Intelligence services esti-
mated the force consisted of 20 aircraft: 12
B-~fi bombers, 5 British-built Sea Fury
pro~aeller-driven fighters, and 3 T-33 jet
fighter-trainers.
1she surprise dawn attack on Castro's prin-
cipal airfields on April 15, just 2 days before
the! Invasion force landed on the southern
coast of Cuba, was intended to destroy the
dictator's fighter-plane force. Rebel Cuban
pilgis who carried out the raids with their
B-76 bombers reported after returning to
their secret Caribbean bases that the opera-
I
A2963
tion had been completely successful. They
took aerial photographs to support their con-
tentloa.
But; photographs are not always conclusive
evidence and the strategic plan called for two
more attacks on the Cuban airfields to pro-
vide absolute assurance that not a single one
of Centro's fighter planes had survived to
imperil the entire venture. These attacks
by the B-26 bombers was to take place just
before the dawn landings at Bahia de
Cochinos (Bay of Pigs) on April 17.
They were vetoed by Rusk, Bowles, and
Stevenson. The three men were alarmed by
Castro's outcries following the,flrst B-26 at-
tack. Charges of aggression were leveled
against the United States at a special meet-
ing of the U.N. General Assembly only a few
hours after the attack.
The three foreign policy advisers argued
that additional attacks would make it im-
possible for them to uphold the official U.S.
conteration that this country was not a direct
partic?pant in the Cuban attack, and to an-
swer charges that the United States was com-
raitti:ng acts of aggression in violation of the
United Nations Charter and provisions of the
Organization of American States.
For the same reason the three vetoed two
other important provisions of the original
invasion plan. These called for a direct
radio appeal to Cubans to rebel against Castro
and the showering of the island republic
with leaflets calling on the Cuban people to
rise Lap in revolt.
The radio appeal was to be made by Jose
Miro Cardona, head of the Cuban revolu-
tionary council, and the leaflets were to be
dropped by the rebel bombers.
By prior arrangement with the leaders of
the anti-Castro underground, in Cuba, these
were to serve as the twin signals for nation-
wide a: abotage and the beginning of an up-
rising.
When these signals failed to appear, the
underground leaders assumed that something
had gone wrong and they were immobilized
by uncertainty. Before they could even
establ:.sh what had happened, Castro, by
wholesale arrests in all the key population
Centers, was able to disarm them.
Forbidden by Washington to transmit the
prerecorded revolutionary call by Dr. Miro
Cardona, radio SWAN, situated on an island
off Honduras and used by the rebels for
propaganda warfare against the Castro re-
gime, hastily substituted a message that
said: "Alert! Alert! Look well at the rainbow.
The first will rise very soon."
But this and the rest of the message
proved. meaningless to the underground
leade:r.a in Cuba. If anything, it meant that
something had gone awry.
Much has been. written about the failure
of the Cuban people to revolt in support of
the anti-Castro forces. The fact of the mat-
ter is that the landing operation never
reached a point where the Cuban masses
was put to a real choice between Castro and
his eremies,
Contrary to widespread reports, the first
part of the landing operation went off pretty
much. as planned, with the unloading only
slightly slower than scheduled and the ap-
proach Of Castro's ground forces and guns
slightly faster than expected.
CASTRO PLANES APPEAR
What spread dismay and destruction was
the appearance of a handful of fighter
planes. The surprise bombings of April 15
had wiped out only two-thirds of Castro's
air force. According to a, rebel pilot who
partic: pated in the battle, five British-made
Sea :Furies and two American-made T-33
jet trainers survived. These were enough to
decide the outcome of the contest and give
Castrc a smashing victory.
The fighters were able to prevent the rebel
bombers from carrying out one of their prin-
cipal missions: to destroy Castro's heavy
Soviet tanks and artillery.
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