JOURNAL - OFFICE OF LEGISLATIVE COUNSEL MONDAY - 30 JULY 1962

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• Collection: General CIA Records
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• Document Creation Date: December 23, 2016
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• Publication Date: July 30, 1962
• Content Type: MISC

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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
ous because our tax laws continue to be
heavily weighted in favor of foreign invest-
ment, as against increased domestic invest-
ment, and world conditions have, in the last
3 or 4 years, changed sufficiently to begin to
make this tax favoritism effective in siphon-
ing off capital and increasing the volume of
its flow to Europe and other industrially de-
veloped areas.
Let me hasten to say that I am not against
foreign investment. I am just in favor of
taxing its profits. Now every time anyone
begins to talk about foreign investment,
someone will rush to its defense with the
argument that, in the first place, increased
foreign investment increases our exports, and
in the second place, we get back more in
dividends than we send abroad in new
money. Let us see about this.
If a company is exporting machinery to
Italy, let us say, and it finds that it needs
to manufacture spare parts, or make final
assembly, or do servicing in Italy, does it
need a tax concession to encourage it to
set up a small operation in Italy? Will such
a company turn its back on this export
source of profit because it is required to pay
taxes on that part of its profit earned in
Italy? I hardly think so. And do we really
get back more in dividends than we send
abroad in new money? We may if dividends
from subsidiaries and profits from branch
operations are combined, although even this
is doubtful. Branch profits are repatriated
because they are taxed currently, although
sometimes very lightly. As you know, much
of the foreign operations carried on in branch
form are in the petroleum and mineral area,
and many of the companies concerned, when
they combine the foreign tax credit with
the depletion allowance, pay practically no
U.S. tax whatsoever. Naturally there is no
inclination on the part of these companies
to try to hide their profits in a subsidiary in
Liechtenstein.
What I am really concerned about in this
field are subsidiary operations. This is
where the big tax avoidance lies. This
is where you will find the tax haven abuses.
When an American company doing export
business in Latin America collapses its West-
ern Hemisphere trade subsidiary in favor of a
Swiss subsidiary which, in turn, fronts for
a Liechtenstein subsidiary, which, in turn,
performs no function whatsoever except to
receive a 20-percent commission on all cor-
porate exports?and these exports are actu-
ally sold by outside agents?then things have
gone too far. This sort of thing is happen-
ing daily.
Now, some may say that we should not tax
all subsidiaries, but instead we should plug
up these various kinds of tax haven loop-
holes as they are discovered. This is easier
said than done. In the first place, it is hard
to discover the true facts. Liechtenstein, for
example, has such a tight economic espio-
nage law that our Internal Revenue agents
working in Europe face the prospect of a
long jail term if they go inquiring in Liech-
tenstein to find to what American-owned
subsidiaries are up to. And once a particular
type of operation is discovered, it is some-
times difficult to devise specific legislative
language to stop it.
Consider the rather limited field of rein-
surance. We find at least three variations.
In one case, an American operating company
will reinsure with a dummy subsidiary in a
tax haven, with the reinsurance treaty
rigged so as to pull most of the profits into
the tax haven. As a variation on this, a
foreign company may set up an American
operating subsidiary with a reinsurance
treaty which pulls the profits of the Ameri-
can company into its parent abroad, or into
a tax haven subsidiary of that foreign par-
ent. A third variation is to have an Ameri-
can company set up a subsidiary in a tax
haven which, in turn, sets up an operating
subsidiary abroad. The reinsurance treaty
can be so rigged that the losses of the foreign
operating company are paid by the U.S. par-
ent out of funds earned but untaxed in the
United States, while the profits of the for-
eign operating company go into the tax
haven subsidiary. The only sure way to cure
these abuses is to tax all subsidiaries cur-
rently on their profits.
III. RESTRICTED STOCK OPTIONS
As to special means of compensating cer-
tain "key" corporation employees, the re-
stricted stock option plan is a favorite. The
restricted stock option is a loophole which
affects both the corporation and the indi-
vidual beneficiary. I classify it as a loop-
hole because, as it has been used by many
companies and insiders, it amounts only to
a scheme for transforming what is in fact
ordinary income into a type of income which
the tax code recognizes as being entitled to
a capital gains tax treatment, if taxed at all.
Here is a case which has been called to my
attention. It does not involve a Michigan
company, I am glad to say. In this particu-
lar company, reportedly almost 5 percent of
the shares of stock outstanding were set
aside for options. Those insiders who were
able to take advantage of the situation have
made a profit of about 500 percent on the
arrangement. Even worse, when the options
were exercised, in at least some cases, the
company accepted a note from the officers
exercising the options for 95 percent of the
purchase price, with a rate of interest so
low that the dividends would pay the inter-
est on the loan. What a free ride-500 per-
cent profit without capital, without risk, and
with very little tax liability.
But the ordinary stockholder can do noth-
ing. The stock exchanges require fairly full
disclosure In proxy statements, but that is,
perhaps, all they can do. No Government
agency has any authority to review these
plans, in most instances.
The root of the trouble lies with the Con-
gress. Because of faulty legislation, this
sort of thing has been encouraged until it is
now at the point of becoming a national
scandal. The only way to put a stop to this
sort of thing is to correct the laws. I am
trying to accomplish that during this ses-
sion of Congress.
You know, people have short memories.
Just last December the Wall Street Journal
ran a wrap-up article on restricted stock
options, and the headline, believe it or not,
was "Options on the Wane." During the
period covered by the SEC March report,
officers and directors of the companies listed
on the major exchanges reported 358 sepa-
rate purchases of stock under options, with
a market value?based on the closing prices
for May 8, 1961?of $27,144,000. Restricted
stock options are anything but "on the
wane." Every time the market goes up, both
sales and purchases increase.
So far as I am concerned, the restricted
stock option is wholly unjustified. I. am
told that corporate executives need stock
options to encourage them to do a con-
scientious job. I don't believe it. Would
you quit your job if the law were changed?
If you did, what would you do? Would you
be less conscientious in your work if you
did not have stock options? Of course not.
I am working for greater tax equity. I
would also like to see lower tax rates. But
the only way we can have lower rates and
more equity is to eliminate special tax
favoritism, only a few instances of which I
have mentioned tonight. When that is done,
we can begin to treat equal incomes, from
whatever source, equitably, and with some
possible preference to earned income.
r17029
House Resolution 211?Specia+ Commit-
tee on Captive Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, September 6, 1961
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, on March
8, 1961, I introduced a measure calling
for the establishment of a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives. This measure is
now House Resolution 211. There are
not sufficient words to express my pro-
found gratitude and personal delight to
the more than 20 Members of the House
who joined with me in that most stimu-
lating and very enlightening discussion
which took place then on the subject
of the captive nations--CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, March 8, 1961, "Russian Colo-
nialism and the Necessity of a Special
Captive Nations Committee," pages
3286-3311.
The popular response to House Reso-
lution 211 has been so enthusiastic and
impressive that I feel dutybound to dis-
close the thoughts and feelings of many
Americans who have taken the time to
write me on this subject. These citizens
are cognizant of the basic reasons under-
lying the necessity of the proposed com-
mittee. They understand clearly the
vital contribution that such a committee
could make to our national security in-
terests. In many cases, they know that
no public or private body is in existence
today which is devoted to the task of
studying continuously, systematically,
and objectively all of the captive na-
tions, those in Eastern Europe and Asia,
including the numerous captive nations
in the Soviet Union itself.
Because their thoughts and sentiments
are expressive and valuable, I include
the following responses of our citizens
to House Resolution 211 in the Appendix
of the RECORD:
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.,
August 17, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
U.S. Congress,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: It has come to
my attention that you have authored House
Resolution 211, a bill asking that a Special
House Committee on Captive Nations be
created.
Congratulations. I sincerely approve of
this bill as a means for the American people
to receive reliable information systematically
and methodically reported concerning peo-
ples of captive nations. Good thinking,
Congressman.
A copy of this letter is going out to the
Congressman from my county of San Diego,
Calif. and as well to the local newspaper.
Again, congratulations and the best of
luck to you.
Mrs. TOM LUCAS.
DEAR MR. FLOOD: We are vriting in regards
to your House Resolution.V11. We think a
Special House Committee on Captive Na-
tions is a wonderful idea.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. PATRICK SEATON.
LONG BEACH, CALIF.
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A7030 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
SAN MARINO, CALIF.,
August 15, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
Congressman of Pennsylvania, House Office
Building, Washington, D.C.
HONORABLE SIR: You are to be commended
on House Resolution 211. I hope a Special
House Committee on Captive Nations will be
formed at once.
Continue your fine work striving for what
is right.
Most respectfully,
Mrs. 0. L. PUTTLER.
DEAR SIR: I am in favor of the bill you
authored, House Resolution 211. I would
let the people in the captive nations
throughout the world know that the United
States has not forgotten them and some
day, God willing, we will free them of their
atheistic chains.
Sincerely,
MTS. JOAN G. MCDONALD.
ENCINITAS, CALIF.
AUGUST 10, 1961.
Congressman DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: Just a line to
let you know that I like your House Resolu-
tion 211 to establish a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations.
Keep up the good work.
RONALD P. SCHMIDT.
LOS ANGELES, CALIF.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I heartily ap-
prove your bill, House Resolution 211. We
certainly need this kind of legislation.
Sincerely,
NEWPORT BEACH, CALIF.
MTS. C. E. Cox.
AUGUST 18, 1961.
DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: I wish to commend you for your
House Resolution 211, to provide a special
House Committee on Captive Nations.
Mrs. Lois SALMANS.
NEWPORT BEACH, CALIF.
AUGUST 24, 1961.
The Honorable DANIEL J.
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR M. FLOOD: I am writing to congratu-
late you on your fine bill, House Resolution
211, which would provide a Special House
Committee on Captive Nations. I'm sure if
your bill is passed, it would bring hope to
the millions of enslaved people throughout
the world. It is very important for these
people to know the free world has not for-
gotten them. It would also be a reminder
to Khrushchev that we have not abandoned
these people. These people need hope.
I am writing my Congressman about your
bill, and I certainly wish you success.
Sincerely,
Mrs. H. S. SAMUELS.
FTJLLERTON, CALIF.
GRYPHON OIL & GAS CO.,
Amarillo, Tex., August 19, 1961.
The Honorable DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
MY DEAR MR. FLOOD: Anticommunistic
actions speak louder than our foreign-aid
giveaway. Passage of your House Resolu-
tion 211 will do far more good to help stop
the growing tide of communism than all the
millions of dollars the executive branch
would pour into Communist captive nations.
We must expediently show the Russian
dictators that we do not now, nor do we ever
intend to write off the captive nations. We
must offer the people of these nations new
hopes for freedom, which the committee un-
der your resolution would do by letting these
enslaved people know that we do care, and
at the same time we will not furnish capital
to their masters to further the Communist
criminal conspiracy through foreign aid.
Congratulations for your foresight to pre-
sent this bill. It will meet with unequivocal
approval by those who know the real meaning
of the atheistic international Communist
conspiracy.
Sincerely yours,
CHARLES A. SHAW.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN DANIEL J. FLOOD: I
strongly support the proposal to establish a
Special House Committee on Captive Na-
tions. We can't forget these nations that
have been enslaved by the Communist mur-
derers. It would certainly boost their morale
to know that the United States has still been
thinking of their plight.
Sincerely,
MT. and MTS. GRAHAM KRAUS.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF., August 15, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: Could you
please send me some information on your
bill, House Resolution 211, to "establish a
Committee on Captive Nations." This seems
to me an excellent idea, which will perhaps
offset some of the odium attaching to our
foreign relations failures.
Sincerely,
GEORGE W. RAIN.
AUGUST 22, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: I came across this
item in Elta, the official publication of the
Supreme Committee for Liberation of Lith-
uania. Thought you might like to include it
with other similiax "mouthings."
The very idea of Captive Nations or Cap-
tive Nations Committee has gotten under
the skin of the Soviets.
My very best to you.
Sincerely,
MARY Kiszrs.
NEW YORK, N.Y.
[From Elta, the official publication of the
Supreme Committee for Liberation of Lith-
uania, Aug. 26, 19611
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK ATTACKED BY RADIO
VILNIUS
The Captive Nations Week 1961 was fiercely
attacked, as in the previous years, by the
media in Soviet-occupied Lithuania. Radio
Vilnius stated on July 20 that the week was
organized by the most reactionary circles in
the United States together with the "splint-
ers of bourgeois nationalists who have fled
across the ocean." These "splinters," accord-
ing to radio Vilnius, do not lose hope to
restore capitalist order in the countries of
peoples' democracies.
-
AUGUST 28, 1961;
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
f
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: Thank you for intlio-
1
duction of this bill to form a House Comm -
tee on Captive Nations. This should gi e
hope to the millions of Coramunist-enslav d
people of the world. I am asking my Co -
gressman WALT HORAN to give you his suppokt
\ on this bill. 1
Sincerely,
SPOKANE, WASH.
CHARLES UHDEN,.
September 6
California State Water Plan Is Outgrowth
of Central Valley Project
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CLAIR ENGLE
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, September 6, 1961
Mr. ENGLE. Mr. President, a tragic
drought again is menacing broad ex-
panses of the West. California is ex-
periencing its third dry year ,in succes-
sion and this is its driest year in the last
quarter century. In the most populous
counties no drier year has been recorded
since statehood, 111 years ago.
Grim disaster is being averted in Cali-
fornia this summer and fall only by the
existence of two great reclamation pro-
jects built by the Federal government,
and the related aqueducts and local pro-
jects built by agencies in California. I
refer to the Boulder Canyon project on
the Colorado River which regulates that
stream and supplies water to much of
southern California and to the Central
Valley project which serves the great
Sacramento and San Joaquin Valleys.
My State this year would have become
a major disaster area without these proj-
ects.
This is recognized in California where,
under the leadership of Gov. Edmund
G. "Pat" Brown, new ground is being
broken in Federal-State cooperation in
water resources development. The
voters of California last year approved
the mammoth California State water
project which will transfer excess water
from the Feather River south as far as
the Mexican border through a great sys-
tem of reservoirs and aqueducts. The
job is being undertaken by the Cali-
fornia Department of Water Resources
headed by William E. Warne as director.
Many of you will remember Bill Warne
as a former Reclamation official and As-
sistant Secretary of the Interior.
Mr. Warne has written an article, now
appearing in certain California newspa-
pers, which emphasizes the value of the
Central Valley project to the new State
water plan. It is an expression of the
cooperation and coordination I have
noted. I ask unanimous consent that
the article be printed in the Appendix
of the RECORD.
There being no objection, the article
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
THE CENTRAL VALLEY PROJECT
(By William E. Warne, director, Department
of Water Resources, Sacramento, Calif.)
The Central Valley project of the U.S.
Bureau of Reclamation in California is
known worldwide, and well it might be, since
it is outstanding among its kind.
Originally conceived by the State of Cali-
fornia, the Central Valley project was taken
over for construction by the Federal Gov-
ernment on a finding of feasibility by Interior
Secretary Harold L. Ickes which was approved
by President Franklin D. Roosevelt on Decem-
ber 2, 1935. At the start, the project was
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1.41.1,1_10 k.ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Soviet Union have been increasingly intense.
Since the spring of 1951 vast purges of the
proportions of 1935-38 had taken place in
Ukraine, Azerbaijan, Turkmenistan, Kazakh-
stan, and Uzbekistan, and the most intensive
campaign at Russification is under way. Re-
liable reports filter through almost daily on
this score. In Uzbekistan, the poet Zulfia is
condemned for her work "My Uzbekistan,"
admiring its national traits; in Azerbaijan,
writers like Shirvan and Akhundla are up-
braided for their nationalism; the histories
of the Azerbaijanis, Uzbeks, and Kirghizes
are distorted to dim the memories of their
past independence; in Turkmenistan, writers
are severely reproved for writing in the spirit
of its national heroes: in Ukraine, a simple
poem entitled "Love Ukraine" and written by
V. Sossuyrs in 1944 suddenly comes under
heavy censure, and Pravda, on November 25,
1951, sweepingly attacks Ukrainian writers
for the use of nationalist words and their
attempt to wrench the already mutilated
Ukrainian language from the Russian lan-
guage. Similar tragedies have now befallen
the non-Russian peoples of the so-called
satellite area of the Soviet Empire. For the
occupied non-Russian countries of the Soviet
Union they measure the ever burning pas-
sion of just nationalism without which any
nation could not endure, without which the
unity of its history, its traditions, its free-
dom would perish. The entire decade is
filled with such repressions.
MEANS AND ENDS IN AMERICAN NATIONAL
STRATEGY TOWARD THE NON-RUSSIAN NA-
TIONS IN U.S.S.R.
The concrete means and ends in an in-
telligent and winning American psycholog-
ical strategy toward the non-Russian peoples
In the U.S.S.R. must be realistically adapted
to the persistent historical forces and
political actualities that prevail in the areas
from the Baltic to the Black and Caspian
Seas over to the Pacific. The keynote for
the formation of these means and ends has
already been sounded in the prophetic words
of Mr. Acheson that the Soviet Empire "can-
not escape the difficulties that, history
teaches us, befall all empires." And, as the
evidence shows, its foremost difficulty is the
long attempted extinction of the will of the
non-Russian peoples for a free and inde-
pendent national existence. Here is the
powder keg at the very doorstep of the
Kremlin that can serve as one of the strong-
est deterrents against the outbreak of a hot
war and, in the tragic event of one, can
serve as the most potent means toevictory
with the least possible cost in American
lives. As so often in the past, so in the
future, these non-Russian nations in the
U.S.S.R. will fight in their tradition of
freedom.
The means to concretize the unique iden-
tity of interest that exists between America
and these peoples are many. Here I would
urge that full support be given to House
Resolution 211 which seeks to assist in an
objective and scholarly manner the national
liberation movements of these non-Russian
peoples. Second, every pressure should be
brought to bear for an effective implementa-
tion of the Captive Nations Week resolu-
tion, through the Voice of America, through
the United Nations, through diplomatic
and other means. Third, with over 60 free
nations having already ratified it, it is high
time that we give full expression to our
moral leadership in the world by ratifying
the genocide convention and indicting the
Soviet Government for the perpetration of
genocide in the non-Russian areas of its
empire.
Fourth, an "American Committee for the
Liberation of the Non-Russian Peoples in the
Soviet Union" should be formed to assist
materially and with intelligent understand-
ing the heavily organized anti-Communist
unity of non-Russian groups in Western
Europe and in Ankara. Another vitally
needed means is the creation of a fully inde-
pendent psychological strategy agency in our
Government, responsible on the Executive
level only to the President and efficiently
equipped with functional control over t
Voice of America and other necessar
struments devised to capitalize on t
weaknesses of the illusory Soviet
But far more important are th
which these and other instr
are applied. To simply sit
an endless defensive wit
of impairing seriously
tions or to merely "coe
betrays not only a
universal moral va
tual myopia as
Our future will
mere biologic ver
practical expe
calls for a pow
ciples and val
tion of Inde
great Americ
survival, but
histories of
Soviet Unio
of a substan
ing the real
of national
responsible
now, they lo
pression of t
Washington."
?
n-
major
onolith.
ends toward
ental means
te ourselves on
the sure prospect
r own free institu-
ist with Khrushchev"
allous indifference to
es but also an intellec-
the realities of history.
deed prove insecure on a
ion of self-preservation and
ency. The hour urgently
ful reassertion of those prin-
es treasured in our Declara-
ndence and nurtured in the
n tradition. Not only for our
or the freedom of others. The
e non-Russian nations in the
are in essence a heroic struggle
ial segment of humanity seek-
ation of these selfsame rights
reedom, self-government, and
ndependence. As before, so
k hopefully to the living ex-
ese principles, the "Land of
* '
? 4
SPECIAL HOUSE COMMITTEE ON
CAPTIVE NATIONS
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mr. BARRY) was given permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and include extraneous matter.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, I
join the distinguished gentleman from
Pennsylvania [Mr. FLoop] in urging that
the House Rules Committee take affirma-
tive action on the resolution to establish
a special House Committee on Captive
Nations, so that we can organize this
vitally important committee prior to the
adjournment of the Congress. So much
has been said, with proper statistics and
documentation added, that it is my
opinion the issue is thoroughly familiar
to the Members of the House, and it has
been under consideration by the majority
party leaders in consultation with the
State Department and the White House.
It seems obvious to me that a policy de-
cision on this subject has been reached.
I am most hopeful that it is, as I have
indicated, affirmative support for the
creation of this Captive Nations Com-
mittee.
Mr. Speaker, at this point in the REC-
ORD I wish to insert an article that ap-
peared in the summer 1961 edition of the
Ukrainian Quarterly, by the distin-
guished American scholar and chairman
of the National Captive Nations Week
Committee, Prof. Lev E. Dobriansky, of
Georgetown University. The article is
entitled "The Viennese Dance and the
Cold War":
THE VIENNESE DANCE AND THE COLD WAR
(By Lev E. Dobriansky)
The summit meeting of President Kennedy
and Khrushchev in Vienna will very likely
go down in history as the Viennese dance
of the cold war. In short time there was
much movement of bodies and tongues, some
of it polite and graceful and even colorful,
but after the swift rendition of culturalistic
I ?I-
Septerif,b6 5
pomp and pa er there was really nothing
to record . t the motion itself. What was
well . .wn prior to the meeting was in no
w altered or supplemented by the diplo-
atic dance. From a propaganda and cold
war viewpoint the gain, as usual, was Mos-
cow's, not ours.
For what reason did the President accomo-
date the head of the greatest empire in the
world with this meeting? Following the
Cuban fiasco, the Lao retreat, and the
lowering of U.S. prestige to the lowest level
yet, the timing of this fruitless meeting was
the worst conceivable. Moreover, many
Americans have not forgotten the words of
candidate Kennedy last October 21 when he
boldly stated, "I believe we should not go
to the summit until there is some reason
to believe that a meeting of minds can be
obtained on either Berlin, outer space, or
general disarmament?including nuclear
testing." On empirical grounds alone the
value of this campaign statement is obvious.
Indeed, as will be shown below, the increas-
ing marked discrepancies between overflow-
ing words and expected deeds by this admin-
istration are causing grave concern in many
quarters of this Nation with regard to the
matter of sheer integrity of the word, not
to mention competence in cold war conduct
and activity.
MOSCOW PROPAGANDA GAIN
Many observers, including this writer,
anticipated that Moscow would gain in
terms of propaganda from this inconsequen-
tial conference. On the very eve of the
meeting the propaganda drums of Moscow
nd its puppets began beating the familiar
unes. Radio Sofia in Bulgaria let it be
nown to the captive peoples that "President
ennedy knows from his own experience?
exactly 100 days after his inauguration?
whose actions from a position of strength
may lead." Sarcastically, it had in mind
Cuba and Laos.
This theme of Kennedy being compelled
to shift from a position of strength policy
to one of peaceful coexistence?and all that
this implies from the Red totalitarian view-
point?was repeated throughout the Red
radio and press networks. For example, the
Czech newspaper Rude Pravo wrote, "The
time has come for Washington to realize
that things do not work out with the present
kind of policy." The net effect of this kind
of propaganda on the audience within the
captive world and also in several areas of the
free world should not be difficult to perceive.
The image cast is one of increasing weakness
in the position of the United States and
thus, relatively, one of enhanced strength
in that of the Russian totalitarian empire.
With this and the platform provided by the
meeting itself, Khrushchev was afforded a
good vantage point from which to launch
again his pressing campaign on Berlin.
Under close examination none of the rea-
sons offered for Kennedy's meeting with
Khrushchev has any actual validity. One
would have to be quite naive to believe that
a face-to-face meeting was necessary to im-
press upon Khrushchev the dangers of mis-
calculation. In the past as now Russian
cold war policy has been firmly based on such
an awareness. Logically, the only guarantee
against the incurrence of a mistake is the
cessation of this policy, but in the nature of
things Moscow qua Moscow neither can allow
it nor has any intention of changing it. As
a matter of fact, since the beginning of the
year down to a few weeks prior to the sum-
mit meeting when the Russian leader ad-
dressed the Georgians in Tiflis, Khrushchev
has beefi predicting victory of what he calls
communism. And this, naturally, can only
mean the permanent cold war.
The other reasons given, such as person-
ally sizing up his opponent and reaffirming
our positions on a variety of subjects, are
equally specious. If the President by now
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hasn't had a working knowledge and under-
standing of Khrushchev, his background,
ways, and motives, then surely a brief meet-
ing was inadequate to meet this deficiency.
Transient impressions acquired in such a sit-
uation, no matter how informal, are hardly
the basis of knowing the policies and aims
of an adversary. As to reaffirming our posi-
tions. Khrushchev can and does read transla-
tions of our newspapers and periodicals in
which these positions are plainly expostu-
lated. He's far more familiar with them than
many seem to realize.
For substantiation of these critical ob-
servations one need only turn to the Presi-
dent's report on his trip? A close and care-
ful reading of the report shows nothing
more than a repetition of these reasons with
the usual and rather overdone stress placed
on his "responsibility of the Presidency of
the United States." Aside from the ever-
present danger of concluding secret agree-
ments which a favorite predecessor of his
indulged in, he asserts that "No new aims
were stated in private that have not been
stated in public on either side." Without
revealing anything new we are also told
that the Soviets?whoever they are?attach
different meanings to the words of war,
peace, democracy, and so forth, even inti-
mating in a following paragraph that the
rational, thinking processes of the Russian
totalitarians are different from ours. The
extent to which the President still fails to
comprehend the nature and character of
the enemy is seen in his references to the
U.S.S.R. as a nation and to the myth of
the dynamic concept of world communism
which he imputes to Khrushchev. Finally,
as is becoming more and more appreciated,
his pontifical remarks on self-determination
and independence await concrete deeds, and
the policy of patched-up containment that
he advocates in this report scarcely indi-
cates a working comprehension of the na-
ture of the cold war. The continued shell-
out of billions for foreign aid is certainly not
the answer in this type of war.
PROTRACTED CONFUSION
In this report the President makes the
point that he "wanted to make certain Mr.
Khrushchev knew this country and its poli-
cies, that he understood our strength and
our determination, and that he knew that
we desired peace with all nations of every
kind." This obviously is an old record that
was played over and over again to justify
Khrushchev's visit to this country 2 years
ago. In fact, as indicated above, quite a
number of old records are being played in
the statements and outlooks of the Ken-
nedy administration. What is most dis-
turbing is not only the widening gap be-
tween word and deed but also an accented
protraction of confusion regarding the cold
war, as seen in the President's conception
of the enemy and the Soviet Union, his re-
affirmation of the containment policy, the
lack of a cold war strategy and the absence
of a cold war apparatus, and the adminis-
tration's almost total neglect of support for
projects pertaining to the captive nations.
When viewed against the background of
confusion and attitudes in this country dur-
ing the past 2 years and in terms of certain
basic essentials of cold war concept, the
secular Russian cold war policy, and the Cap-
tive Nations Week resolution, the Vienna
meeting cannot but be regarded as a puny
dance. It symbolizes the quasi-appeasement
that continues to afflict us. We are ready to
abstain from creating and generating any
troubles for Khrushchev in the domain of his
imperial realm and wishfully hope that he
would abstain likewise in the area of the free
world. This is the level of our blissful
1 "Text of President's Report on European
Talks," the Washington Post, June 7, 1961.
naivete, not to say ignorance, of the nature
of Russian totalitarianism and its cold war
coefficient. This is the protracted state of
our confusion and quasi-appeasement.
Let us survey, then, this background of
confusion, attitudes, and quasi-appeasement.
It can be said quite truthfully that since the
Mikoyan visit to this country in 1959 many
quasi-appeasement forces have been pressing
on with increasing confidence. When one
looks back over these months, one finds, for
instance, some openly stating that there were
no or are no slave labor camps in the Soviet
Union; others telling us that Khrushchev
was simply appalled by the crimes com-
mitted by Stalin, as though Khrushchev had
never committed a crime.2
At the same time we have numerous oth-
er Americans in economics, in science, and
in education?who are actually peddling,
whether they are aware of it or not, the
very things that Moscow seeks to peddle.
Many of them are really doing Moscow's
propaganda work at no cost to Khrushchev.
Khrushchev has so effectively administered
tranquilizing cold war pills to major seg-
ments of our society that an increasing
number of Americans aren't even aware of
the great strides made by imperialist Mos-
cow in this perilous phase of the permanent
cold war. For instance, the singular victory
of exacting an invitation to this country in
itself produced confusion and doubt in this
country. It entrenched the power of Khru-
shchev with new airs of respectability and
legitimacy while it depressed the freedom of
millions of patriots in Moscow's empire. It
also impressed the newly independent na-
tions with Moscow's inflated power and at
the same time has caused uneasiness among
our most loyal allies situated about the pe-
riphery of the new Russian Empire.
In this period we also heard a great deal
about peace and friendship. One of our of-
ficials used it at great length on a tour of
the Soviet Union. However, before we un-
critically accept this particular slogan, we
should look also at its significance, not only
at this time but in the course of history. A
sober American would say: "Yes, peace and
friendship, but first, justice and freedom"
The traditional Russian political slogan of
peace and friendship has for centuries been
used to seduce neighboring non-Russian na-
tions into captivity. It was indicative of our
lack of cold war insight and imagination
that we failed to turn this slogan to our ac-
count in whatever sphere of human exist-
ence. Peace and friendship are and can
only be the consequence of justice and free-
dom, not their cause. The harmony implied
by peace and friendship is logically predi-
cated on the dictates of justice and freedom.
The Russians, with typical deception, put
the cast before the horse, and some of us
were uncritically amenable to be taken for a
ride in the cart. And this wasn't the first
time in the course of these past 40 years.
When one looks back at these evidences of
error and confusion, he should begin to re-
flect on certain essential points. The first
point is that the cold war is not new. It's
not a new institution. It wasn't started in
1947, despite the fact that began then to
affect the United States. Actually, it didn't
even commence in 1917. Historically and
analytically, one could show Russian cold
war techniques going as far back as the 16th
century. The second point is that the de-
velopment and refinement of these tech-
niques have been linked with the expansion
of an empire. These techniques have a
tradition and have served to build an empire,
with military power always kept in second-
ary reserve. The third point is that unless
we develop a perspective and an understand-
2For these crimes see, Campaigne, Jame-
son, G., "American Might and Soviet Myth,"
pp. 143-144.
17059
ing of these techniques, to see the whole
background to what we now call protracted
conflict or the cold war, we can only hope
to make all sorts of transient shift, make-
shifts, executed in a haphazard and aimless
manner, constantly reacting to the perpetual
initiative shown by the enemy. In such a
case, we will find much to our surprise and
also dismay that military power will vir-
tually be neutralized. Even superior mili-
tary power, in such a case, could really prove
to be of little avail. And in exposing our-
selves in this way we truly risk an eventual
hot war with greater probability of defeat.
FIVE DOMINANT U.S. ATTITUDES
In the United States, at this time, there
seems to be five dominant attitudes toward
the world struggle. These are: (1) Wishful
cold war cessationism; (2) accommodation-
ism to Moscow's empire; (3) military hard-
warism; (4) evolutionism; and (5) cold war
realism.
The first, the wishful cessationists, er-
roneously believe that understanding and
cultural exchange will secure peace? They
argue as though the two did not prevail in
far greater degree with regard to Nazi Ger-
many prior to World War II. We had cul-
tural exchange and a very close and inti-
mate understanding with the German people
prior to World War II, and yet these factors
were not sufficient to avert the outbreak of a
Second World War. The plain fact is that
the cold war is at Moscow's instigation and,
contrary to what they now say, it certainly
has never been at our instigation. Under-
standing and people-to-people programs are
important, but if you begin to understand
that the cultural exchange program in itself
continues to be an instrument carefully
manipulated and used by Moscow for its own
benefits, then this could hardly produce that
kind of understanding which presumably
will pave the road to permanent peace.
The second group consists of the accom-
modationists. They never learn from his-
torical experience that this form of appease-
ment only encourages the enemy to bolder
ventures. We have many of them in this
country, in official circles and outside.
They'll say, "Well, if we can only accom-
modate them. They've expanded far enough.
We could make a deal with them. This is
your sphere, and this is ours"?which is,
curiously enough, the very thing that Khru-
shchev has been seeking and demanding for
his own advantage.
A third group is made up of the military
hardwarists. These hardwarists obtusely ig-
nore the forces of spirit, will, and ruse which,
so often in the past, have undermined a
mighty fortress. In the Armed Forces there
are those, of course, like Admiral Burke, who
recognize that actually the decision of to-
morrow will not rest in the military, espe-
cially in the period of mutual deterrence,
but, instead, in the area of the nonmilitary,
the psychological, propaganda or what we
properly call the cold war.
Then, fourthly, there are the evolution-
ists. Many, without declaring whether they
are random or selective evolutionists, are
equally wishful in their desire that history
will for some inscrutable reason be on our
side. This position certainly stimulates a
passivity, a wishful hoping that somehow
there'll be a strong liberalizing process at
work in the U.S.S.R., either through con-
sumer goods production or edycation and
the rest of it, followed eventually by an
institutional blend. This, too, fails to rec-
ognize the nature of what we call the pro-
tracted conflict and only contributes to what
is the protracted confusion.
3 See the excellent article by Philip E. Mose-
ly, "Soviet Myths and Realities," Foreign Af-
fairs, New York, April 1961.
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The fifth, the cold war realists, are guided
by the evidence not only of today, of yes-
terday, or even of 40 years of Russian Com-
munist conquests, but also of centuries of
established Russian cold war techniques.
The evidence precedes any act of hope.
THE COLD WAR CONCEPT
Now, in some circles of our Government
and elsewhere there is no firm general grasp
of what a cold war means. Lacking a work-
ing concept, it is no wonder that there is
scarcely any appreciation of its long back-
ground of methods and techniques. How-
ever, on the other hand, it is plainly com-
prehensible why we continue to operate in
aimless, haphazard, makeshift, and piece-
meal fashion, incurring losses as we hobble
along. The imposing irony of our current
situation is that while Moscow carefully
plans its cold war tactics and maneuvers in
the broad context of its fixed cold war strat-
egy and objectives?including even the les-
sening-of-tensions maneuver?we are en-
gaged in no such cold war gaming and don't
even possess the apparatus for it. In a hot
war we wouldn't think twice about imme-
diately creating such an apparatus.
Yet, definitionally, a cold war is a twilight
condition of neither peace nor hot war,
where all the basic elements of a hot war?
predatory design, aggressive strategy, tactics
and techniques?are present, except for open
military combat between states. A cold war
is really the very soul and spirit of a hot
war, with the massive body of military con-
flict in secondary reserve. A cold war en-
tails objectives and the will to realize them.
It entails all the techniques of ruse, subver-
sion, infiltration, cunning, treachery, plot-
ting, fraud, bluster, blackmail and indirect
aggression. It includes every conceivable
thing as an instrument?the psychological,
the economic, the ideological, demographic,
the political, scientific, education. And it
also allows for action on two levels: the level
of official pretext, like Khrushchev coming
here as head of state and, second, the level of
subofficial cold war operation, viz., Khru-
shchev as the head of a world conspiracy.
Many of us rightly lean on the authority
of Clausewitz to gain insight into the nature
of the cold war. Lenin studied him closely
and quoted him often. And Khrushchev, a
professed Leninist, must see himself in the
mirror of Clausewitz's words: "A conqueror
is always a lover of peace; he would like to
make his entry into our state unopposed."
But few of us realize that Clausewitz gained
his cold war knowledge in Russia's military
service. With Russia's military position
much weaker than Prussia's at the beginning
of the 19th century and, yet, the czar ex-
tending his domination over nations, Clause-
witz asked himself, "How could this be?"
He entered Russia's military service to ob-
tain the answers, in order to save his own
Prussia. When he returned in 1814, he
rejoined the Prussian Army and in 1818 was
already commandant of the General War
School in Berlin. Lenin studied him and
many of us turn to Clausewitz to gain in-
sights into the nature of the cold war.
TRADITIONAL RUSSIAN COLD WAR
In essence, the cold war methods em-
ployed by Khrushchev today are no different
from those developed by Ivan the Terrible,
Peter the Great, Catherine the Great, and
other Russian tyrants. In looking at these
techniques; one has to bear in mind a tra-
ditional and institutional nexus, the nexus
between internal, totalitarian tyranny and
external, imperialist expansionism. The two
have always worked hand-in-hand, one lead-
ing upon the other, in the past as well as
in the present. Substantially, the techniques
have not changed. In content, by virtue of
technological changes over the centuries, and
especially in the recent period, marked
changes have, of course, taken place. But
this fact of technologic change shouldn't
blind us, as it appears to do for some,' to
the basic continuity of cold war policy in
imperial Russian politics.
The methods are in substance psychologi-
cal, propagandistic, political and of numerous
other veins. The military, on the other hand,
has always been kept in reserve, marching in,
if you will, at the climax to a situation. In
this respect there is a work by which many
of us could profit immensely. We cannot
quote too often this work written by a
French cultural traveler in the Czarist Em-
pire, the Marquis de CUstine. It provides
his diary notes on the Russian Empire of
1839. Their timelessness will amaze you.
With changes for a few characters, you would
believe that he is describing the present Rus-
sian situation. He says, for example, in one
place: "I try to analyze the moral life of the
inhabitants of Russia. The Russian thinks
and lives as a soldier * ? * a conquering
soldier." 5 In another passage, which is very
appropriate to the Khrushchev exchange
visits and the hospitality involved, he says,
"Once again I say, everything is deception
in Russia, and the gracious hospitality of the
Czar, gathering together in his palace his
serfs and the serfs of his courtiers, is only
one more mockery.",
The cold war methods we want to observe
for every century since the 16th?the
methods of ruse, subversion, infiltration, in-
direct aggression, fraud, bluster, blackmail?
were adroitly employed to build up an un-
precedented empire. The tyrants of the
past left a wealthy legacy of cold war tech-
niques for the Red Russian totalitarians,
including Nikita the Sanguine. By these
methods the contemporary tyrants of Mos-
cow have extended the empire and are now
threatening the independence of our own
Nation. The spurious ideologies of the
Third Rome and Pan-Slavism were used in
the same deceptive way that the mythical
Ideology of communism is manipulated
today. It would do well for our people to
learn more of the growth of the Russian
Empire, both past and present, than to
learn the Russian language. Such learning
would reveal the secrets of empire-building,
which are the cold war techniques. Frontal
military aggression was always secondary.
RUSSIAN COLD WAR CASES
A full cold war perspective requires an
historical appreciation of traditional Rus-
sian cold war techniques. Let us just
quickly review this, taking one illustrative
case for each century. In the case of Basil
III and Ivan the Terrible, the groundwork
for the swift expansion of Muscovy was laid
in the 16th century. The real starting point
was 1519; the target and victim was Kazan,
the citadel of the great Golden Horde. For
33 years Moscow worked at it in "peaceful
coexistence," using infiltration, subversion,
and intervening support, as it does now, for
a contender (Shah Ali) against the posses-
sor of the throne. Finally, in October 1522,
the Muscovite forces simply walked in when
Kazan itself was so weak it couldn't even
defend itself.
There's a definite similarity here between
this technique and the one employed by
Khrushchev in connection with the Middle
East. Khrushchev first builds up a man?
Nasser?and hopes that through Nasser he
would be able to neutralize the area and
thus exclude the influences of the United
States, Britain and others. Then, later, he
builds up a contender in the area in order
to provide the contention and the clash that
4For example, Karpovich, Michael M.,
"Russian Imperialism or Communist Aggres-
sion?" in Soviet Conduct in World Affairs,
Columbia University, New York, 1960, pp.
186-195.
5 "Journey for Our Time," New York Times,
1951, p. 150.
Ibid., p.5.
September-5
would lead to division and chaos. Ulti-
mately, like a ripe apple, the area drops into
the laps of Moscow.
Following this first case, 4 years later, in
1556, by the same techniques and support of
the contender Derbish Ali, Moscow managed
to take over Astrakan. The entire area of
Siberia and also the Middle Last was at that
time opened up to further aggression.
Here is a representative case for the 17th
century. This case is very appropriate in
view of the fact that 7 years ago in the
Soviet Union and throughout Moscow's em-
pire, a whole year of celebration was con-
ducted in bbservance of the Pereyaslav
Treaty of 1654. Theses were produced, and
these had to be taught and learned in cells
throughout the Soviet Union and also in the
so-called satellite states. These glorified the
alleged union of two Slav nations, namely
Russia and Ukraine. One not knowing the
history of the Pereyaslaw Treaty would cer-
tainly not be in a position to evaluate the
reason why, in 1954, a 300th anniversary of
this event was put on. Of what significance,
of what value to Moscow was there in putting
on such a gala event throughout the empire?
Well, the fact is that Moscow twisted the
meaning of the treaty to show today an in-
dissoluble union between these two nations.
Yet historical facts show that when the
treaty was consummated in 1654, it was only
a military alliance, a mutual security pact,
between Muscovy and Ukraine against hos-
tile Polish or Turkish forces. In 4 years
that pact was violated by Moscow. We speak
of treaties being violated by Moscow in our
day. When one looks at the history of the
growth of this empire, he finds the same
gross violations. As a further example in
1559, a war took place?an inevitable war?
between Ukraine and Muscovy. Hetman Vy-
hovsky, who was the head of the Ukrainian
forces, declared: "The treacherous action of
Moscow was apparent in preparing for us a
slavery primarily by means of institgating a
civil war in Ukraine." How many instances
do we know of institgated civil wars, many
that are currently going on, indirectly if you
will, in Laos and numerous other places?
Again, a precedent for the present.
Let's now look into the case of Poland in
the 18th century. We know of the Polish
partitions. But how many of us know, for
example, the operation of the Russian "Smil-
ing Mike" of that day. The Russian Ambas-
sador Repnin, in Warsaw, employed the
religious issue of orthodoxy to divide the
Catholics against the orthodox in Poland
until, finally, he managed successfully to
bring about the first partition in 1772. Im-
mediately thereafter, his successor, Ambas-
sador Steckelberg, operated just as Vishinsky
had in 1940 when he entered Latvia and by
ultimatum legalized the situation. Steck-
elberg had the Polish Sejm legalize the first
partition. Then, in 1793, with the second
partition, a new issue was infused, 50 years
before Marx even made his name. Discord
was sown between the social classes of the
boyars and the peasants. Obviously these
are old techniques, no matter how you at-
tempt to grace them and perhaps seek to
change them.
Another interesting case in point of illus-
tration was that prepartory to the conquest
of Georgia. From 1768 on Russia was at war
with Turkey and allied itself with Georgia.
In this case Catherine the Great placed the
Russian forces in agreement with the
Georgians to thwart the Turks. On the
eve of battle, the Russian forces withdrew,
leaving the Georgians exposed. Let us re-
call that a century or more later an agree-
ment between the Polish underground and
Moscow's forces was consummated to de-
stroy the Nazis in Warsaw. The agreement
designated a certain time of uprising to
Wage together a war against the common
enemy, only to be deceitfully broken by
Moscow.
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As one goes through these cases, one can-
not help but be impressed by the tech-
niques that have been used to build up an
empire, least of all that of frontal military
assault. Numerous other examples can be
given. One is reminded of the case in
Persia toward the close of the 19th century
because of the operations of Moscow sur-
rounding Iran today. You might have
noticed on the economic level where Mos-
cow is offering Iran 85 percent of the oil
profits. The highest is about 60 to 65 per-
cent in mutual engagement for oil exploita-
tion in the Middle East. Moscow is even
willing to build dams and numerous other
things, so long as Iran refuses to set up
any missile bases.
In the 1880's, the Russian Ambassador in
Persia played a very instrumental role that
led to the bombing of the Parliament, to
the abdication of the Shah, and the with-
drawal of the constitution. The division
of the country between the Russians and
the British soon followed. A repetition of
such division occurred in Iran in the 1940's.
The old borderlands policy of using non-
Russian peoples within the Russian Empire
against adjoining territories is a standard
one for Moscow. Just as it is attempting to
use the Kurds in Iraq and elsewhere, so
with the Azerbaijani Moscow seeks to divide
Iran.
Even in this century many of us don't
realize what transpired immsdiately prior
to World War I and in that very fateful
period of 1917-20. In the postwar period
many of the so-called "republics" in the
Soviet Union today were independent states.
Georgia entered into a mutual security pact
with Soviet Russia. Ukraine was promised
that its sovereignty would be respected. One
by one, through infiltration, subversion, and
ideological deception, they were raped and
have since been kept in a submerged state
within the Soviet Union.
IIHRTISHCHEV AND THE CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
The passage of the Captive Nations Week
Resolution in July, 1959, disclosed two in-
disputable facts: one, the sensitivity of Mos-
cow about the weakest and most vital nerve
In its empire and, two, the lack of under-
standing in many sections of our Nation
with regard to the significance and content
of this resolution. Khrushchev's rantings
against the resolution and in his foreign
affairs article released in August 1959, and
once again, at the end of October before the
Supreme Soviet, clearly demonstrated how
deeply the resolution penetrated Moscow's
cold war armor. Khrushchev fears this
resolution more than anything else. And
the reason for this is that the resolution is
fraught with enormous and even decisive
cold war possibilities, particularly on the
colonialist issue.7
For the first time, our Government took
official cognizance of the majority of captive
non-Russian nations within the Soviet
Union itself. Without the captive Baltic
nations, Ukraine, the Caucasian nations,
Turkestan, and others mentioned in the
resolution, Russia, with its 100 million pop-
ulation and its own resources, could hardly
be called?as the Moscow propaganda ma-
chine now does?the greatest power in the
world. It would be no more comparable in
power to the United States than a reunited
Germany would be. A cold war development
of this crucial weakness in the synthetic
state known as the Soviet Union would seri-
ously deflate all the bluster, bluff, and sham
of Moscow's economic prowess, military
might, scientific achievements, and cultural
attainments. Parasitic growth on the basis
of captive resources is not exactly alluring
7 See "Colonialism in the Soviet Empire,"
Neue Zuericher Zeitung, Switzerland, Nov.
20, 1960.
No. 154-22
In propaganda or otherwise. Khrushchev
has the vision to see this and thus continues
to bellow against this resolution. Unfortu-
nately, the possibilities inherent in the res-
olution escape most of us.
The low level of our understanding about
the Soviet Union and its ersatz political char-
acter was shown at the time of the resolu-
tion's passage. Many reporters and writers
inquired to know where Turkestan or White
Ruthenia are located. Some wrote as
though the minority captive nations in Cen-
tral Europe were the only nations listed in
the resolution. What can one expect when
on the highest levels of our Government,
the U.S.S.R. is referred to as the Soviet na-
tion and the different nations within the
Soviet Union are arbitrarily and somewhat
insularly called the Soviet people or the So-
viets. Aside from the historical and demo-
graphic untruths of these usages, the sug-
gestion of a united, integrated, and mono-
lithic power in the U.S.S.R. is not even in-
telligent from a cold war point of view.8
Our many economic, military, scientific, and
other comparisons between the U.S.S.R. and
the United States of America are drawn on
false premises. The U.S.S.R., in essence an
empire within an empire, is not at all quali-
tatively comparable to the United States
which is a nation-state.
In short, if you don't know the nature of
your opponent, how could you expect to
convert his weaknesses into real vulnerabil-
ities? We are like the fighter entering the
ring with an obscurantist disregard of the
information given him that his opponent has
several loosely patched-up broken ribs.
More, like him, we even refuse to test it.
Khrushchev fears such a test and virtually
paralyzes some of us with his coexistence
or codestruction propaganda, while at the
same time his cold war activities continue
undiminished in every quarter of the globe.
And these activities include every conceiv-
able instrument?political, diplomatic, psy-
chological, demographic, economic, cultural,
scientific, military. Certain recent develop-
ments show conclusively how the Russians
can be easily thrown on the defensive..
If we are not to be cornered into a hot war
we must face up to the realities of the cold
war. An unparalleled empire was built up
over 500 years by cold war techniques. With
modern technology and communications, it
could expand in short time. A sound basis
for necessary cold war-gaming is provided in
the Captive Nations Week Resolution. With
an indispensable apparatus, such as a Free-
dom Commission, the possibilities sug-
gested by the resolution could be develope
peaceably and victoriously in the name of
justice and freedom first? The captive na-
tions throughout the totalitarian Russian
empire, and particularly in the Soviet Union,
constitute our most powerful weapon in this
period of mutual deterrence.
AMERICA'S OPPORTTJNITY, 19 6 0-7 6
We are really on the eve of an important
decade and a half. Last year, 1960, we cele-
brated the 100th anniversary of the presi-
dency of the Great Emancipator. As he
stated, no nation can be half slave and half
free. With the global international signifi-
cance of our daily doings today, we can
paraphrase that and say the world certainly
can't be half free and half slave. But we
must also look to 1976, the period of the
200th anniversary of our own Declaration of
8 An example of this is "Russia," Charles
W. Thayer, Life World Library, New York,
1960.
8Parkhomenko, M., "Taras Shevchenko
and Champions of the Cold War," Soviet
skaya Kultura, Moscow, Dec. 24, 1960.
10E.g., Gill, William, "Dead Poet Becomes
Live Issue," Pittsburgh Family magazine,
May 7, 1961, pp. 4-5.
Independence. It seems that in these 16
years we should face a period of moral and
political rededication to show the tremen-
dous will and the stubborn patriotism of
the American people, not the old age that
Khrushchev ascribes to us now. It is a pe-
riod for us to prepare for the many chal-
lenges that will certainly present themselves.
In terms of our own moral and political
principles, as enshrined in our Declaration
of Independence, the Constitution, and the
Bill of Rights?not to speak of the im-
portance of preserving our own national
independence?we have a global field for
the most successful endeavor, provided we
are able to express these principles adroitly,
skillfully, and in a peaceful manner. The
entire Red Empire, including even the Rus-
sian people, is ripe for the spirited drive
of independence. For the Russians, inde-
pendence from centuries of tyranny, op-
pression, and slavery?for the non-Russian
nations, both within and outside the Soviet
Union, national independence and freedom.
These objectives constitute a tremendous
opportunity for America, and with the
proper kind of rededication, we can then
begin to implement the means whereby we
can seize this opportunity. No team, on
any football field, has ever won a game play-
ing on its own side of the 50-yard line.
We've been doing that now for over a dec-
ade. It is not a winning proposition; and
there are many avenues?many feasible
avenues?for this kind of pressure for free-
dom.81 As it was once said, si vis pacem
para bellum?if you wish peace, prepare for
war. And the war we have to prepare for
In the case of Russia is primarily a cold
war. The Vienna meeting, in the light of
all this, was simply a Viennese dance.
Mr. Speaker, Dr. Dobriansky in his
remarks points out very effectively per-
tinent issues which have been discussed
from time to time in the discussion of
the Captive Nations Committee. To
speak as plainly as possible on this sub-
ject, may I sum up the entire issue by
stating that a special House Committee
on Captive Nations would produce a
progressive, practical, tremendously ef-
fective service; would strengthen our
foreign policy position; would point out
the basic weaknesses in the Soviet Union;
would provide material for our United
Nations staff, and could only result in
a direct vital contribution to our free-
dom and help achieve the freedom of
peoples behind the Iron Curtain of which
they are now deprived.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from New York [Mr. HALPERN] is
recognized for 10 minutes.
Mr. HALPERN. Mr. Speaker, yester-
day, one of the most colorful parades in
Gotham's history marched down Fifth
Avenue. Over 200,000 working men and
women, all members of the AFL-CIO,
proudly stepped out in a dedicated,
enthusiastic demonstration of a wonder-
ful, meaningful old custom. Hundreds
of bands and colorful floats marked what
unquestionably was one of the Nation's
most impressive demonstrations of soli-
darity and pride in achievement.
31"ilussian Colonialism and the Neces-
sity of a Special Captive Nations Commit-
tee," the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Mar. 8,
1961, pp. 3286-3311.
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While parades and demonstrations
signified this great day in many other
sections of the United States as well, the
spectacular display in New York was the
largest of its kind ever held and it is
interesting to note that this symbolic
tradition was resumed in New York only
2 years ago after a lapse of 20 years.
The last such parade was held in 1939
until this demonstration was renewed in
1959. The fact that the participants
have doubled in 2 years is heartening.
The intervention of the war years and
the gradual drifting away from the
custom were responsible for the aban-
donment of the parade in the city.
With the lapse of the parade, and with
similar waivering of overt demonstra-
tions in other cities and towns, Labor
Day was beginning to lose its true sig-
nificance. It was a day that America
began taking for granted. For too many
Americans the day had come to mean
little more than a day off, the last fling
to mark the end of summer, the time
when families trek back from vacation,
the beginning of a new school year.
But going back to first principles,
Harry Van Arsdale, president of the New
York City Central Labor Council, re-
membered the spirit in which the day
was founded.
Thanks to him and to the New York
City Central Labor Council the parade
was returned in 1959 to New York City.
Now organized labor of this great city
is given the opportunity once again to
display its dedication to the theme of
this historic day?a theme which Mr.
Van Arsdale so aptly applied to the
parade?"A strong, free labor movement
means a strong free America."
It is a theme that over 200,000 men
and women joined in yesterday. They
represented the unions affiliated with
the American Federation of Labor and
Congress of Industrial Organizations
ranging in skills from acting to welding.
This was truly a dedication of labor
unity and pride in its role in the Na-
tion's economic and social life. It was
echoed in cities, in towns, in villages
throughout the breadth of our land in
many forms?parades, meetings, services,
statements, articles, and other means of
public expression.
Let us hope in the years to come, more
observance, more dedication, more re-
spect for this day will be realized.
It follows the true spirit of the man
who is recognized as the founder of
Labor Day?Peter J. McGuire?whose
inspiration gave rise to the observance of
this day. He wrote:
Pagan feasts and Christian observances
have come down to us through the long ages.
But it was reserved for the American peo-
ple to give birth to Labor Day. In this they
honor the toilers of the earth, and pay hom-
age to those who from rude nature have
delved and carved all the comfort and grand-
eur we behold.
More than all, the thought, the concep-
tion, yes the very inspiration of this holiday
came from men in the ranks of the working
people?men active in uplifting their fellows,
and leading them to better conditions.
Today marks the 79th anniversary of
the first Labor Day. Labor truly has
great reason for pride in accomplish-
ment. It is not only the solid better-
ment in living conditions for so many
Americans which labor has helped to
achieve, but the strengthening of our
democracy and the giving of deeper
meaning to our incomparable individual
rights?national acceptance of the belief
that every man has the right to earn a
living and provide for his loved ones un-
der decent conditions?to receive a re-
muneration worthy of his efforts. These
are rights of modern American men and
labor's role in attaining them has been
a magnificent one.
Our American civilization?for that
matter, all civilization?has never seen
an equal throughout all of history. The
individual has been afforded greater
significance and greater protection than
in any other society. Labor has helped
to make this possible. That was the real
meaning of its march up Fifth Avenue,
its parade on Main Street, its meetings
and its tributes.
Because it has so great an importance
for all Americans?and to the world?I
want to join in this tribute to those who
initiated the idea of Labor Day so many
years ago, and to those who have con-
tributed so much through the years
and to those who are now doing so much
to transform the American dream into
reality.
LEAVE OF ABSENCE
By unanimous consent, leave of ab-
sence was granted to:
Mr. MADDEN (at the request of Mr.
YATES) , on account of death in the fam-
ily.
Mr. JOHNSON of Maryland (at the re-
quest of Mr. FALLON) , indefinitely on ac-
count of death in the family.
SPECIAL ORDERS GRANTED
By unanimous consent, permission to
address the House, following the legis-
lative program and any special orders
heretofore entered, was granted to:
Mr. JOHN W. DAVIS, for 1 hour, today.
Mr. ALBERT, for 30 minutes, today.
Mr. HEMPHILL (at the request of Mr.
ALBERT), for 5 minutes, today, and to
revise and extend his remarks and in-
clude extraneous matter.
Mr. noon (at the request of Mr. AL-
BERT) , for 15 minutes, today, and to re-
vise and extend his remarks and include
extraneous matter.
Mr. HALPERN (at the request of Mr.
BARRY) , for 10 minutes, today.
Mr. SAYLOR, for 60 minutes, on Thurs-
day, September 7, 1961.
Mr. WILLIS, for 15 minutes, today.
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
By unanimous consent, permission to
extend remarks in the Appendix of the
RECORD, or to revise and extend remarks,
was granted to:
Mr. SIKES in five instances and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
Mr. ULLMAN in three instances and to
include extraneous matter.
Mr. JONES of Alabama and to include
a newsletter.
Mr. LANE in five instances and to in-
clude extraneous matter.
Septems,bers.5
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. BARRY) and to include ex-
traneous matter:)
Mr. LAIRD and to include extraneous
matter, notwithstanding the fact that it
exceeds two pages of the RECORD and is
estimated by the Public Printer to cost
$189.
Mr. YOUNGER in two instances.
Mr. SHRIVER.
Mr. RAY in three instances.
Mr. JONAS.
Mr. HOSMER in three instances.
Mr. Rosisox in five instances.
Mr. WILSON of California.
Mr. KEITH in two instances.
Mr. CUNNINGHAM in two instances.
Mrs. ST. GEORGE in two instances.
Mr. HIESTAND in two instances.
Mr. MICHEL.
Mr. HORAN.
Mr. DOOLEY.
Mr. DERWINSKI in two instances.
Mr. BERRY.
Mr. MATHIAS in two instances.
Mr. BROMWELL.
Mr. MACGREGOR in two instances.
Mr. SAYLOR.
Mr. FuvroN in five instances.
(The following Members (at the re-
quest of Mr. ALBERT) and to include ex-
traneous matter : )
Mr. GARMATZ.
Mr. HERLONG.
Mr. ANFUSO in two instances.
Mr. MADDEN.
Mr. MULTER in three instances.
Mr. FASCELL.
Mr. CAREY.
Mr. HECHLER.
Mr. ALFORD.
Mr. GATHINGS.
Mr. KASTENMEIER in four instances.
Mr. TUCK.
SENATE BILLS, JOINT RESOLUTION,
AND CONCURRENT RESOLUTION
REFERRED
Bills, a joint resolution, and a concur-
rent resolution of the Senate of the fol-
lowing titles were taken from the Speak-
er's table and, under the rule, referred as
follows:
S. 235. An act for the relief of Evagelos
Mablekos; to the Committee on the Judiciary.
S. 486. An act to provide for the appoint-
ment of two additional Judges for the ju-
venile court of the District of Columbia; to
the Committee on the District of Columbia.
S. 557. An act to amend the act entitled
"An act to authorize the Commissioners of
the District of Columbia to remove dan-
gerous or unsafe buildings and parts thereof,
and for other purposes," approved March 1,
1899, as amended; to the Committee on the
District of Columbia.
S. 560. An act to amend the act entitled
"An act to provide for compulsory school at-
tendance, for the taking of a school census in
the District of Columbia, and for other pur-
poses," approved February 4, 1925; to the
Committee on the District of Columbia.
S. 563. An act to amend the act entitled
"An act to create a Board for the Condemna-
tion of Insanitary Buildings in the District
of Columbia, and for other purposes," ap-
proved May 1, 1906, as amended; to the Com-
mittee on the District of Columbia.
S. 1037. An act to amend the provisions
of the Perishable Agricultural Commodities
Act of 1930, relating to practices in the
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? 16744 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
information to make an investigation but
it was 4 years before any action was taken.
Even then "both Regional Director Atwood
and Ambassador Achilles (Theodore C.) per-
sisted in impressing on the Board their be-
liefs that Neale was simply a victim of spite.
Neither appeared to have any knowledge of
the actual facts.
"There were no end use checks made of the
drought program. ICA/W on the basis of
information from various sources, could have
taken action to correct this situation."
Special audits finally came when Congress
began its investigation.
"USOM/Peru Deputy Director Coon tried
for over a year to get action from respon-
sible ICA officials on his charges of Neale's
maladministration in Peru, only to get re-
buffs from ICA Director Smith (James H.
Jr.) and Regional Director Atwood. It was
not until it became known that he was to
appear before a congressional committee,
that P.S. & I. (ICA Office of Personnel Secu-
rity) was finally directed to investigate
Coon's charges.
"After failing for over a year and a half to
make any substantial inquiry into the
charges that a USOM employee (a Peruvian
national) had improperly profited from the
sale of some $42,000 in surplus grain stocks,
OIGC finally reopened the case, 1 day af-
ter this subcommittee had expressed interest
in the case."
Now this is an example of what Regional
Director Atwood called a foreign aid program
"perhaps better than any other program that
we have in Latin America." We wonder what
the worse programs are like. Atwood also
called Neale a man who "made perhaps the
greatest contribution to the entire technical
cooperation in Latin America * * ?" and
one of the "most outstanding technicians we
have in the field." If this is so, those not
so outstanding must be awful.
Nothing in the new Kennedy program
would correct the kind of situation described
in Peru. It would only make it more perma-
nent and worse. At the same time, if ICA
officials think the program in Peru is so
great, it seems only logical to suppose that
there are scores of other cases?as already
shown up in Laos and Vietnam?all over the
world, of mismanagement, conflict of inter-
est, stupidity, poor planning, waste and en-
trenched bureaucracy.
American taxpayers who support the for-
eign aid program should send for the com-
mittee report "U.S. Aid Operations in Peru"
from Porter Hardy Jr. of Virginia who headed
the investigation. Address, House Office
Building, Washington. People who oppose
the foreign aid program should write their
Congressmen, same address, and tell them
to read the report before they vote for more
foreign aid.
LABOR DAY
(Mr. HARVEY of Indiana (at the re-
quest of Mrs. MAY) was given permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD.)
Mr. HARVEY of Indiana. Mr.
Speaker, I would like to take this op-
portunity to salute all our working men
and women, past and present, whom we
honor on Labor Day.
From the first unofficial observance
of this day in New York City in 1882
has evolved nationwide recognition of
the importance in setting aside a day
to honor all laborers. Labor Day has
been observed for 79 years, not through
congressional action, but primarily as
a result of action taken by State legis-
latures and local government officials.
This is a day on which we should
pause to assess our many gains, our
growth, and our achievements wrought
by the labor of so many dedicated in-
dividuals. Our progress in all areas of
endeavor has been phenomenal even
though we are as yet a young nation
in comparison with so many others
around the world. We could not have
prospered and widened our sphere of
influence without the honest and sin-
cere efforts expended by our working
men and women.
I truly recognize the importance of
our working men and women, now and
more especially for the future. With-
out their continued devotion to our form
of government and our way of life, we
should surely have collapsed as a na-
tion before now. We have gone through
several periods of extreme stress and
strain as a nation, always with the full
support and cooperative dedication
of our working people.
It is, then, with gratitude and ad-
miration that I join with so many
others in taking my hat off in acknowl-
edgment of the importance of America's
working men and women. May your
contributions to our future progress be
adequately recognized and appreciated
by us all. .
HOUSE
COMMITTEE ON CAPTIVE
NATIONS
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mrs. MAY) was given permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD, and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, the
distinguished gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania [Mr. FLoonl and I have repeat-
edly called the attention of the Members
of the House to the urgent need for the
creation of a special House Committee
on Captive Nations.
At the present time, the resolution
creating this committee remains bottled
up in the House Rules Committee due to
the objections of the State Department,
as voiced by the Speaker's spokesman
in the committee, the distinguished gen-
tleman from Missouri [Mr. BoLLINGl.
I need not dwell on the fact that the
deliberate suppression of this and other
resolutions is certainly contrary to the
statements made on the floor of the
House by many Members during the de-
bate which "liberalized" the Rules Com-
mittee.
However, the issue before us is the
value and accomplishments that could
come from a special House Committee
on Captive Nations. The gentleman
from Pennsylvania [Mr. FLoon] called
to your attention yesterday the state-
ments made by the President and other
key officials, indicating support of the
principles involved in this committee.
Certainly, there can be no basic objec-
tion to the statement that the Soviet
Union is at the present time the only
colonial and imperialistic power in the
world, and this fact could be thoroughly
exposed for proper world understand-
ing and judgment by this House com-
mittee.
Mr. Speaker, I ask leave to place into
the RECORD at this time an editorial that
appeared in the Ukrainian Quarterly,
./ /1'
'('August 31
summer of 1961, entitled "The World,
the President, and Captive Nations
Week, 1961."
THE WORLD, THE PRESIDENT, AND CAPTIVE
NATIONS WEEK, 1961
The observance of Captive Nations Week
in 1961 was more successful than that of
1960 or 1959. This is as it should be. With
more experience, a background of planning,
and more efficient coordination by the Na-
tional Captive Nations Committee in Wash-
ington, citizen committees in various sec-
tions of the country have come to organize
the festivities of the week with increased
skill and performance. One of the highlights
of the week was, of course, the proclamation
issued by President Kennedy.
It serves no useful purpose to compare the
contents of Kennedy's proclamation with
those of Eisenhower's in the 2 preceding
years. Comparisons along this line are,
nevertheless, already underway. For ex-
ample, under the caption "Captive Nations
Week?An Unfortunate Symptom" a state-
ment of Representative JouN M. AsHintoox,
of Ohio, in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD of
July 27 contends that the President "issued
a halfhearted proclamation which never
once mentioned the Communists." Others
point to the pithy character of this third
proclamation. These strictures may be cor-
rect. On the other hand, however, the Ken-
nedy proclamation eliminates the misleading
term "Soviet-dominated nations" which ap-
peared in the Eisenhower proclamations.
Contrary to the wording of the Captive Na-
tions Week resolution, this term caused peo-
ple to assume that the nations referred to
? are those under the domination of the
Soviet Union rather than all of the captive
nations under the foreign heel of Soviet
Russia. Moreover, the resolved part of the'
present proclamation stresses explicitly "the
just aspirations of all peoples for national
Independence and freedom." This does not
appear in either of the Eisenhower procla-
mations.
The fact is that President Kennedy did
issue a proclamation which, it is reported,
he himself prepared. In certain funda-
mental respects, as indicated above, it im-
proves upon the previous proclamations. In
other respects, also as shown above, it could
have been more substantial in the "whereas
clauses" and more decisive in spotlighting
the myth of Communist ideology. It is
hoped that in future proclamations there
' will be absolutely no grounds for complaint
and criticism. And there is every reason to
be confident of this. These proclamations
are read widely and carefully, behind the
Iron Curtain as well as in the free world.
They reflect the foreign policy thinking of
our Government at given times. With the
state of the world today, whether one looks
at Berlin, Cuba, Laos, Turkestan or East
Germany, our displayed interest in the cap-
tive nations always bears important rele-
vancy. Words, the cloak of our ideas, are
profoundly consequential.
THE POWER OF THE PRESIDENT'S WORDS
It should be quite evident, therefore, that
the words, declarations and proclamations
of the President of the United States com-
mand and convey tremendous power. They
create impressions, they affect minds and
thoughts, and they influence, for better or
for worse, the actions and activities of
groups and individuals. What is not said
in particular situations is just as conse-
quential as what is said.
In the past 7 months there has been in-
creasing doubt about the proper and ju-
dicious use of this power in the White House.
This does not mean the President alone but
also those about him. Many statements are
prepared for the President and although the
responsibility for checking on them rests
with him, oftentimes circumstances prevent
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- 1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
the giving of the most careful attention to
them. As concerns the captive nations, the
record of this first phase of the new ad-
ministration is a checkered and unstable
one. It reflects uncertainty of thought and
conviction regarding the captive nations, the
world, and our security.
Here is the record. In contrast to Eisen-
hower's first inaugural address, President
Kennedy's made no mention whatsoever of
the captive nations. The New Frontier,
which the President defined in these terms?
"if freedom is to survive and prosper, it
will require the sacrifice, the effort and the
thoughtful attention of every citizen. It
is this effort and concern which makes up
the New Frontier"?obviously did not in-
clude the captive nations. Then, in his
state of the Union message, the President
inserted one weak, sentimental sentence:
"We must never forget our hopes for the
ultimate freedom and welfare of the East-
ern European peoples."
The Cuban fiasco changed this trend
radically. Before the American Society of
Newspaper Editors in April, the President
asked some to recall "the long rollcall of
refugees who cannot now go back?to
Hungary, or to North Korea, or to North
Viet Nam, or to East Germany, or to Poland,
or to any of the other lands from which a
steady stream of refugees pours forth, in
eloquent testimony to the cruel oppression
now holding sway in their homelands." In
the same address he emphasized what many
have been declaring for a decade: "The
evidence is clear?and the hour is late. We
and our friends will have to face the fact
that we cannot postpone any longer the
real issue of survival itself." One may ask
whether the peoples of the non-Russian
captive nations are regarded as "our
friends" and, if so, what preparations are
being made to enlist them in the war of
survival?
At this time the reply of the President to
Khrushchev reached a high point that
months ago should have been a starting
point: "The people of the United States be-
lieve that the right of self-determination is
fundamental and should apply throughout
the world. We reject the right of any nar-
row political grouping or any country to
arrogate to itself the power to determine the
'real will of the people.' " Nothing explicit
about the captive nations which Khrushchev
does not like to hear but, nonetheless, the
meaning is clear.
In June, the President's report on his
European talks is now marked by confusion
as well as omission. He affirms again our
belief "in a system of national freedom and
independence" and "that liberty and inde-
pendence and self-determination, not com-
munism, is the future of man," but with
regard to Khrushchev's basic empire, the
U.S.S.R., he speaks of that "nation's achieve-
ments in space" (the U.S.S.R. a nation!)
and also of the different meanings given by
"the Soviets" to the "same words?war,
peace, democracy, and popular will." The
Soviets, or councils of workers and peasants,
can scarcely express themselves, and the
colonial Russian totalitarians who alone can
assign their meanings to words, obviously
do not have different brain structures from
ours and impute meanings they want for
purposes of confusion, deception, and di-
vision. It is surprising that the President
was pulled in by this.
Concerning all of this and more, it is no
wonder that toward the close of June the
London Times depicted the administration
in a state of "political disarray." With this
situation prevailing, many began to wonder
whether the President would proclaim Cap-
tive Nations Week the following month.
There can be no doubt of the fact that the
Khrushchev message to Kennedy on our In-
dependence Day was designed to influence
No. 152-27
the President from issuing the proclama-
tion. Moscow and its colonial puppets
would then have a propaganda heyday. The
Issuance of the proclamation on our own
Independence Day would have had a com-
pounded effect. But the President chose to
release solely his statement on "The Mean-
ing of Liberty" in which he says, "What
matters is the concrete meaning that our
words gives our lives. We make the revolu-
tion of liberty, not by what we exhort others
to do, but what we do ourselves."
The proclamation was issued on July 14,
2 days before the Captive Nations Week
commenced. But a week after the period,
in an otherwise excellent address to the
Nation on the Berlin crisis, the President
made a fantastic statement which again sug-
gests a lack of understanding and a deep
uncertainty with regard to East European
history, the captive nations, and their stra-
tegic relationship to us. It is hard to be-
lieve hut he did say: "We recognize the So-
viet Union's historical concerns about their
security in central and eastern Europe, after
a series of ravaging invasions?and we be-
lieve arrangements can be worked out which
will help to meet those concerns, and make
it possible for both security and freedom to
exist in this troubled area." One finds it
difficult to conceive a more logically con-
fused and mixed-up statement than this.
Also, as Senator KEATING, of New York,
rightly pointed cut in the Senate, "The
President seemed to be stressing the rights
of the Soviet Union to security rather than
the rights of the people there to self-
determination not only for East Berlin, but
also for East G-rma,-y, and all of east and
central Europ?L"
As to the fantastic statement itself, first
it is evident that a state which has been
in existence for less than 40 years could
scarcely have developed "historical concerns"
in this short period. Second, if the Presi-
dent doesn't as yet know, this empire-sate
was created and built by the destruction
of numerous independent non-Russian na-
tions and states which are enumerated in
the Captive Nations Week resolution.
Third, if the "security" of the present Red
Russian Empire and that of the previous
White Russian Empire is an object of our
concern, we are desperately in need of his-
torical training to see in what direction the
"series of ravaging invasions" took place.
According to this statement, the invaded
have now become the invaders. Only the
Russians have had the reputation of distort-
ing and rewriting history. It appears some-
one in the administration has chosen to
compete with them. And fourth, the state-
ment is almost sublimely self-contradictory.
Concern for the security of an empire mixes
with freedom as oil with water.
FROM THE WEEK TO A COMMITTEE
The above facts, more than anything else,
explain why a Special House Committee on
the Captive Nations is a patent necessity.
During the observance of the 1961 Captive
Nations Week the theme of creating such a
committee was sounded over and over again.
Throughout the country countless Ameri-
cans recognized the urgent need for such
Lommittee to serve not only Congress and
the represented American citizenry but
also?quite necessarily?our executive
branch of the National Government. The
July 24 issue of the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
gives an impressive account of the activities,
festivities and expressed thoughts of groups
and individuals who observed Captive Na-
tions Week.
In addition to this theme there were, of
course, other ideas furthered by observers of
the week. These included a firm stand
without any compromise on West Berlin, a
determined opposition to the admission of
Red China to the U.N., the establishment
16745
of a Freedom Academy, the activation of the
Kersten amendment to the Mutual Security
Act with reference to Cuba, the expansion
and improvement of the "Voice of America"
broadcasts to the non-Russian nations in
the U.S.S.R., and the restoration and exten-
sion of the "Champion of Liberty" stamp
series. However, the theme which attracted
most attention was the passage of House
Resolution 211. The resolution was spon-
ored originally by the Honorable DANIEL J.
FLOOD of Pennsylvania and calls for the
establishment of a Special Committee on
the Captive Nations in the House of
Representatives.
The argumentation in favor of this and
similar resolutions has been set forth in de-
tail since March 8 when the original resolu-
tion was submitted. The addresses of Con-
gressmen FLOOD, DERWINSKI, SCRANTON, HAL-
FERN and some four dozen other legislators
spell out all the compelling reasons why
such a committee is a "must." The reader
can profit immensely from reading the
RECORD issues of March 8, March 27, May 10,
June 20, 24, and August 3. No direct refuta-
tions have been given to the dozen and more
reasons cited for the necessary formation
of the committee. There is no question but
that once the measure is reported out by the
Rules Committee, it will pass overwhelm-
ingly in the House.
Thus in this project alone one can see how
the world, the President, and Captive Na-
tions Week observances are tied together.
Through its investigations, studies, hearings
and reports a Special Committee on the Cap-
tive Nations would fix the the attention of
world opinion on the only real threat to the
nontotalitarian free world, namely Soviet
Russian imperialism and colonialism. It
would thereby put to account statements
made by leaders in the free world, as, for ex-
ample, President Sukarno's statement in
June that it is nonsense to accuse Moscow
and Peiping of carrying out imperialist poli-
cies. Furthermore, the work of such a com-
mittee would give the constant lie to the so-
called 20-year plan launched by Moscow,
particularly by its disclosures of the rampant
colonialism and imperialism within the
Soviet Union.
In serving our Government and the Amer-
ican people this committee would be the
prime vehicle of public information and en-
lightenment concerning all of the captive
nations. It would be performing an indis-
pensable job that no agency, public or pri-
vate, is doing. And the salutary results of
the committee's work and findings would
help to prevent the incurrence of grandiose
statements on the Soviet union, and on the
captive nations within and outside it, at
any high level of our Government. Twisted
conceptions about the enemy and his victims
are not exactly solid grounds for meeting the
tasks of a war of survival.
Finally, the creation of a Special Commit-
tee on the Captive Nations would represent
the first concrete implementation of the
Captive Nations Week resolution. It would
also be the fitting response of Congress to
the 1961 Captive Nations Week, to the urg-
ings of millions of Americans who see in it a
powerful means to ultimately defeat Moscow
in the cold war.
ON ACC...PIPTATTCE OF "6-611MR-rNcE
- R-EPORT ON FOREIGN AID BILL
(Mr. SEELY-BROWN (at the request
of Mrs. MAY) was given permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD, and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. SEELY-BROWN. Mr. Speaker,
I am in favor of accepting the confer-
ence report on S. 1983, the foreign aid
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16746 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
authorizations bill, because I believe that
it will achieve substantially all of the
objectives which I, as a member of the
Committeee on Foreign Affairs which
considered and reported the legisation,
sought.
During my entire service in Congress,
I have supported the successive Foreign
Aid programs. I am in favor of long-
range planning with annual appropria-
tion and review by the Congress, not only
in this instance but in all Government
activties where it will promote economy
and efficiency. In the bill as agreed
upon between the House and Senate con-
ferees, this is achieved in an effective
manner.
Although the bill does not provide the
authority for borrowing from the Treas-
ury which the President once said was
essential to the success of his program,
he has stated that the bill in the form
in which it is now before us is "wholly
satisfactory." Certainly, it will provide
him with full authority to carry out in
the most effective manner the interna-
tional development projects in which our
Government is to assist, and which in
the 5 years ahead will be so important
a part of our foreign relations.
The bill authorizes the appropriation
for international development in this
fiscal year of $1.2 billion, and $1.5 billion
for each of the next 4 fiscal years, which
funds shall remain available until ex-
pended, thus providing full opportunity
for such commitments as the adminis-
tration deems prudent in long-range
planning. It should be noted that any
unappropriated portion of the amount
authorized to be appropriated for any
fiscal year may be appropriated in any
subsequent fiscal year in addition to the
amount otherwise authorized, so that if
Congress should appropriate in any 1
year less than the amount authorized,
the authorization would be cumulative
in the succeeding years.
The authority of the President to enter
into agreements committing funds au-
thorized in this bill is clearly stated, and
it is to be subject only to the annual ap-
propriation of the funds authorized.
The President very properly is required
to notify the Senate and the House of all
agreements entered into under the au-
thority of this act, and the amounts of
funds involved.
Thus, under this bill, the people of the
United States are entering into an in-
vestment in good neighborliness which
between now and fiscal 1967 will involve
grants and loans which will aggregate
more than $11.9 billion. We hope and
expect to get back the portions which
are in the form of loans. If the program
is well administered, the return on the
investment in the form of good will and
mutual security should be many times
the outlay.
PRESIDENT ENDORSES TEMPO-
RARY CEASE-AND-DESIST OR-
DERS FOR THE FEDERAL TRADE
COMMISSION
(Mr. PATMAN (at the request of Mr.
EDmoNDSON) was given permission to ex-
tend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD, and to include extraneous mat-
ter.)
Mr. PATMAN. Mr. Speaker, on Au-
gust 28 President John F. Kennedy sent
a letter to the Honorable OREN HARRIS,
Chairman of the House Committee on
Interstate and Foreign Commerce,
strongly endorsing pending legislation
introduced by Hon. Tom STEED, my-
self, and a number of our colleagues,
to authorize the Federal Trade Commis-
sion to issue temporary cease-and-desist
orders against unfair practices while
cases concerned with permanent relief
are pending before the agency. I should
like here to introduce the President's
letter into the RECORD.
AUGUST 28, 1961.
Hon. OREN HARRIS,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HARRIS: I want to ex-
press my strong support for pending legis-
lation to authorize the Federal Trade Com-
mission to issue temporary cease-and-desist
orders against the continuance of unfair
practices while cases concerned with perma-
nent relief from such practices are pending
before that agency. I understand measures
to accomplish that purpose are now pend-
ing before the House Committee on Inter-
state and Foreign Commerce: H.R. 1233 and
H.R. 1817, introduced by Congressmen
STEED and PATMAN.
Effective law enforcement by the Federal
Trade Commission has long been hampered
by delays in litigation and an increasing
backlog of cases. Despite a concerted effort
to decrease these delays through recent
revision of the Commission's organization
and procedures, the basic difficulty requires
additional remedies. At present, the Com-
mission is powerless to halt allegedly illegal
practices until the termination of frequently
protracted proceedings. As a consequence,
small businessmen who are so often the
target of discriminatory and monopolistic
activities are often irreparably injured or
destroyed long before the lengthy process
of adjudication has been completed. The
proposed legislation will provide means to
prevent such injury during that interim
period. It will thus provide important pro-
tection for the small business community
and, indeed, all those who are confronted by
violations of the laws which seek to sustain
our competitive economy. Such orders
should, of course, be subject to the protec-
tion of appropriate due process, including
the safeguards of judicial review.
The White House Committee on Small
Business which I established in April and
which includes representatives of the major
Government agencies, has studied the pro-
posed legislation and recommended its
approval.
I have concluded that such legislation will
provide essential protection for small busi-
nessmen and thus strengthen competition
throughout the Nation's economy. I am
hopeful that congressional action on behalf
of the objectives of this legislation will be
both expeditious and favorable.
Sincerely,
JOHN F. KENNEDY.
As the President so clearly sees, long
delays in litigation and the increasing
backlog of cases have seriously ham-
pered the Commission in its efforts to
achieve effective law enforcement.
As the President states:
Small businessmen who are so often the
target of discriminatory and monopolistic
activities are often irreparably injured or
destroyed long before the lengthy process of
adjudication has been completed.
The President also states that this
legislation "will provide essential pro-
tection for small businessmen and thus
%
August 31
strengthen competition throughout the
Nation's economy."
IMMEDIATE PASSAGE A MUST
Mr. Speaker, passage of this bill at
this session of Congress is an absolute
must if we are to halt the destruction of
small business in this country.
This bill has strong bipartisan sup-
port. Similar bills have been intro-
duced by Mr. EVINS, Mr. ROOSEVELT, and
Mr. MULTER, all members of the Small
Business Committee. Similar bills have
been introduced by the gentleman from
Colorado [Mr. ROGERS] and a number
of other Members of the House. As the
President states, the White House Com-
mittee on Small Business, including
representatives of the major Govern-
ment agencies, have studied the pro-
posed legislation and recommended its
approval.
This bill will correct the inordinate
delay which has characterized proce-
dures during the past several years be-
fore the Federal Trade Commission. It
will give to the Federal Trade Commis-
sion power to issue temporary cease-and-
desist orders, certainly a modest addi-
tion to the Commission's powers, since
the Congress long, long ago gave the
Commission the power to issue perma-
nent injunctions against objectionable
practices.
BILL WILL REDUCE BACKLOG AND DELAYS
The crux of the matter is that this bill
will cut through the legal entanglements
that have hamstrung the Commission in
achieving effective relief for small busi-
nessmen being pressed to the wall by
predatory practices and all manner of
unfair competition. With this power, the
Commission can step in before the dam-
age is done?before the legal experts
employed by big business defendants can
start spinning-their legal web.
In my testimony before the Interstate
and Foreign Commerce Committee in
support of this legislation, I cited a re-
port which the Federal Trade Commis-
sion made to me on March 21, 1961,
showing how serious this problem has
become with that agency. I placed that
statement in the RECORD on March 22 at
pages 4338-4339. That report showed
the large number of cases of vital inter-
est to small business which have been
pending, without decision, at the FTC
for periods ranging from 6 to 10 years.
Although the Commission has en-
deavored to expedite proceedings within
the framework Of its statutory powers, it
has never been able to provide small busi-
ness complainants with the immediate
relief which is necessary to stop the prac-
tices which are destroying them while
the litigation is pending. The Commis-
sion also has been powerless to forestall
consummation of objectionable mergers
threatening to destroy competition.
LONG DELAY IN PILLSBURY CASE
Let me give a brief chronology of the
notorious delay involved in the famous
Pillsbury merger case.
On June 12, 1951, more than 10 years
ago, Pillsbury Co. acquired Ballard &
Ballard Co. On March 7, 1952, Pills-
bury acquired the Duff Baking Mix Divi-
sion of American Home Foods, Inc. The
Federal Trade Commission issued a com-
plaint against these acquisitions in July
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
munity might meet the needs of the
mentally ill.
I have long had an interest in the prob-
lems of the mentally ill, Mr. Speaker. As
a State senator in New York I sponsored
the law establishing the New York Men-
tal Health Commission and the one au-
thorizing the current $350 million men-
tal hospital expansion program. I am
a director of the Queens County Mental
Health Society. These years of study
in the field have forcibly demonstrated
to me the great need for a national,
coordinated attack on the problem.
In the words of one of the experienced
experts in the field, Dr. Paul Sivodan,
"Mental diseases are the most curable
and the most hopeless of all illnesses.
The most curable because, if detected
early, modern treatment will effect a
cure."
Herein lies the basis for an under-
standing of the need for a nationwide
program. Intensive treatment of pa-
tients requires more of everything?re-
search, personnel, facilities, and under-
standing. But it means earlier return
of the mentally ill to normal, productive
lives with a consequent real dollar sav-
ing to the taxpayer.
Progress has been substantial. But
much, much, more has to be done. Men-
tal illness is still a danger to society,
but mainly to its pocketbook. Frugal
authorities have come to understand that
curing patients is the cheapest way of
having none. Healthier citizens are a
national asset of immeasurable value.
That is why, Mr. Speaker, I urge the
Congress to consider fully the incalcul-
able benefits in terms of human and ma-
terial resources which can flow from a
national conference which will provide
the focal point for an assault on the ill-
ness which levies the heaviest toll on our
country.
U.S. GOVERNMENT POLICY AND A
SPECIAL COMMITTEE ON CAPTIVE
NATIONS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Pennsylvania [Mr. FLOOD] is
recognized for 30 minutes.
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, in numer-
ous previous addresses I have stated the
reasons and arguments justifying the
formation of a Special House Commit-
tee on Captive Nations. Many Members
have urged on a bipartisan basis that
immediate action be taken by the Rules
Committee on this vital proposal. Re-
cently, however, a new development
emerged, involving the attitude of the
State Department toward such a com-
mittee. Because this development has
unnecessarily clouded the situation
somewhat I should like to read the fol-
lowing communication I sent to the
Honorable HOWARD W. SMITH, chairman
of the Rules Committee. The contents
of this letter should be sufficient to
clarify the situation surrounding the res-
olutions calling for a Special Committee
on Captive Nations. I feel certain that
my distinguished colleagues will profit
from them, and I also hope that these
points will serve to overcome what ap-
pears to be a delaying action on these
resolutions. The contents of this com-
munication go a long way, I believe, to
dissipate false notions and rumors that
a special committee would run counter to
U.S. Government policy.
The aforementioned letter to Chair-
man SMITH follows:
CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES,
HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES,
Washington, D.C., August 29, 1961.
Hon. HOWARD W. SMITH,
Chairman, House Committee on Rules, House
of Representatives, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. CHAIRMAN: TWO weeks ago I was
Informed that the Rules Committee re-
quested the appearance of a State Depart-
ment representative to discuss the desir-
ability of establishing a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations. In order to be
given the possible opportunity of rebutting
the representative I asked Mr. Carruthers
to notify me and others sponsoring the reso-
lutions of the time of this appearance. Now
I am given to understand that no such ap-
pearance will take place and that, instead,
the Department has expressed in general
and unexplained terms a negative position
on the proposal, along with an insinuation
that the White House supports this posi-
tion.
It appears to me, as I am sure it does to
you, that this kind of response to your
request is grossly unsatisfactory. A mere
expression of attitude in vague terms and
without justifying reasons is scarcely a foun-
dation for serious consideration of this very
Important and most essential proposal.
Worse still is the misleading implication that
the creation of this committee would run
counter to State Department policy. I am
advised that this is the impression conveyed.
Aside from the considerations of the ap-
propriate weight to be given to an executive
opinion in a matter that is exclusively legis-
lative and also of the curious unwillingness
of the Department to send someone in person
before your committee so that the oppor-
tunity for incisive questioning may be avail-
able to you. I should like simply to dispel
he impression that a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations would not be in
accord with the policy of our Government.
In fact, in the light of all the documented
evidence furnished in my addresses on this
subject since last March 8, I am astonished
to learn that this is the inference drawn
from a patently inconsistent position ex-
pressed by some group in the Department.
Anyone clinging to this inference simply has
not familiarized himself with the facts.
The facts are as follows:
(1) In my address on August 10, 1961
(CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, pp. 14314-22) I of-
fered 15 solid reasons justifying the neces-
sary formation of a Special Committee on
Captive Nations, reasons ranging from the
principle of national self-determination to
legislative intent. My colleagues and I still
have to hear convincing counterarguments
to any of these detailed reasons. But I
emphasize that my first reason is the guiding
principle of national self-determination;
(2) As to the policy of our Government,
It is interesting to note that on April 23,
1961 the Department of State, in a reply to
Khrushchev's stand on Cuba, declared the
following: "The people of the United States
believe that the right of self-determination
is fundamental and should apply through-
out the world. We reject the right of any
narrow political grouping or any country to
arrogate to itself the power to determine the
real will of the people." A careful reading
of the resolutions would readily show that
a special committee would be in full and
complete accord with this policy position
and also in its fact-finding and scientific
No. 151-21
16495
investigations would continuously mirror
the "real will of the people" of the two
dozen captive nations;
(3) Again as to the policy of our Gov-
ernment, only last month in his July 17
Captive Nations Week Proclamation, Presi-
dent Kennedy stressed that "it is in keeping
with our national tradition that the Ameri-
can people manifest its interest in the free-
dom of other nations" and "I urge them- to
recommit themselves to the support of the
just aspirations of all peoples for national
independence and freedom." What better
way can we manifest this interest and re-
commit ourselves, especially in the present
crisis, than by way of this people's commit-
tee to study continuously, persistently,
methodically and objectively the plight of
all the captive nations;
(4) Once more on policy, in his state of
the Union message the President declared:
"We must never fcrget our hopes for the
ultimate freedom and welfare of the Eastern
European peoples." Again, what better way
is open to the Chamber of the American
people's will, this House of Representatives,
to give living and consistent expression to
these hopes than by way of the proposed
special committee;
(5) The statements of the President al-
ways impinge on policy and on April 20, 1961
before the American Society of Newspaper
Editors, he said: "It is clearer than ever that
we face a relentless struggle in every corner
of the globe that goes far beyond the clash
of armies or even nuclear armaments. We
dare not fail to see the insidious nature of
this new and deeper struggle. We dare not
fail to grasp the new concepts, the new tools,
the new sense of urgency we will need to
combat it." Indeed, we dare not. And f,rom
what better source can our people learn all
this than from the captive nations to which
a special committee will be especially de-
voted;
(6) Recognizing the basic continuity of
the policy of our Government, we should also
observe that President Eisenhower on two
occasions called upon the American people
"to study the plight of the Soviet-dominated
nations" and the then Under Secretary
Douglas Dillon expressed the same viewpoint
for the Department of State in an address
I used for documentary proof (CONGRES-
SIONAL RECORD, Mar. 8, 1961, pp. 4295-4297) ;
and
(7) Not to needlessly extend this further,
let us recall the statement of President Ken-
nedy which seeks to implement the policy
directions given above: "The captive nations
should be studied intensively. If a Joint
Congressional Committee on the Captive Na-
tions is the best way to insure such popular
study, I would naturally not be opposed to
it." (CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, Mar. 8, 1961,
p. 3292). Not to incur other known difficul-
ties, many Members and I feel strongly that
the best way is the creation of the Special
Committee of the House on Captive Nations,
one to which I feel sure the President would
naturally not be opposed.
In the light of all this and more one can-
not but be amazed by the position taken by
the State Department. Since a special com-
mittee by its concentrated study of the cap-
tive nations would work in behalf of our
people and our executive organs, one can-
not but wonder who in the State Department
determined this position and, actually, for
what concrete reasons and with what moti-
vation. I seriously doubt that the leadership
of our Government shares this unjustified
position. The facts overwhelmingly point in
the other direction.
Within our own legislative precincts let
us be guided by these facts. Let us also be
guided by the fact that approximately 40
resolutions have been submitted by our
Members in favor of a special committee.
And let us be guided by the popular support
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16496 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
for this proposal. In almost every legislative
week since March sample letters of this sup-
port have been printed in the RECORD. I
have no doubt whatsoever that the House
would overwhelmingly vote for this proposal.
With the Berlin crisis staring us in the
face it is time now to report out favorably
this proposal for a Special House Committee
on Captive Nations. Our Members and I
seek your immediate action on this. It is
now almost 4 months since the first hearing
was held on this vital proposal.
In gratitude for your studied considera-
tion of this and your favorable action, I am
Sincerely yours,
DANIEL J. FLOOD,
Member of Congress.
GROWING POPULAR INTEREST IN STUDY OF ,
CAPTIVE NATIONS
Mr. Speaker, as has been my habit
throughout these discussions, I should
like to offer additional evidence of grow-
ing popular interest in the study of the
captive nations. Many Members will
find much of this evidence of the greatest
interest. It is drawn not only from do-
mestic sources but also from foreign
areas. And some of it, as, for example,
the two recent scientific Ukrainian de-
fections to the free world, would be of
enormous value to the studies of a Spe-
cial Committee on Captive Nations from
its chief viewpoint of Moscow's imperial-
ism and colonialism both within and out-
side the Soviet Union.
I therefore request, Mr. Speaker, that
the following items be printed at this
point in the RECORD:
First. The observance of Captive Na-
tions Week in the Free Republic of
China;
Second. The observance of the week
in Bremerton, Wash.
Third. An excellent analysis of two
UNESCO publications by Dr. Roman
Smal-Stocki of Marquette University,
dealing with cultural colonialism in the
U.S.S.R.;
Fourth. The resolutions and letter of
the American Friends of the Anti-
Bolshevik Bloc of Nations pertaining to
the captive nations; and
Fifth. The New York Times editorial
and report on the two defections, along
with the account in the Telegram of
Toronto, Canada:
[From the China Post, July &8, 1961]
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK MARKED HERE?DEC-
LARATION OF FREEDOM RALLY IN SUPPORT OF
THE PEOPLE OF THE CAPTIVE NATIONS IN
THEIR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM
Since the end of World War II, over 800
million people of the world have been shut
behind the Iron Curtain. To strive for their
freedom and survival, an overwhelming ma-
jority of them have been carrying on their
fight against Communist tyranny. In fact,
the heavier the oppression, the more violent
is their resistance. The demonstrations by
workers in East Germany in 1953, the up-
rising by the Polish people in 1956, the Hun-
garian revolution in October of the same year,
the anti-Communist revolution by the Tibet-
an people in 1959, and the anti-Communist
movements by the people under Com-
munist domination in various parts of the
Chinese mainland in the past years are ex-
amples in point.
As an expression of their sympathetic sup-
port to the captive nations and their peo-
ples in the struggle for national independ-
ence and freedom, the American Govern-
ment and people have designated the third
week of July as Captive Nations Week, which
was passed by both the House of Represent-
atives and Senate, and formally proclaimed
by former President Eisenhower on July 17,
1959. As from that year, the people in all
parts of the United States hold various kinds
of ceremonies and activities within that week
each year. And the commemoration of this
week will continue to be observed as long as
the enslaved peoples behind the Iron Curtain
have not regained their freedom.
RIGHTEOUS MOVE
This great and righteous move on the part
of the U.S. Government and people deserves
high respect of the countries and peoples of
the whole free world. Particularly at the
time when contradictions within the ranks
of the Communist Parties have been deep-
ening, peoples behind the Iron Curtain have
been fighting relentlessly against the tyran-
nical Communist rule, famine on the Chinese
mainland has been aggravating to most
alarming proportions and struggle against
communism has been gaining in vigor and
effectiveness, this righteous move by the
American Government and people not only
Is an indication of its deep sympathy to the
unhappy lot of the peoples of the captive
nations and of its opposition against com-
munism, but also gives great encouragement
to the enslaved peoples in their will and
determination to strive for freedom.
However, we have to point out that the
Communist bloc, to divert the attention of
the enslaved peoples in their fight against
Communist tyrannical rule, and to achieve
its end of world domination, has been play-
ing on the fear of war on the part of the
free world. Thus, it harps on the slogan of
peaceful coexistence with a view to dividing
the free nations on the one hand and
launches an overall offensive against the free
world in the form of threats, deceit, induce-
ments, infiltration, subversion, and even
armed aggression on the other. In the face
of this formidable antagonist, it is a great
pity that there are still certain countries in
the democratic camp, either for selfish rea-
sons or out of a sense of self-complacency,
adopt a policy of appeasement in the vain
hope of existing peacefully side by side with
the Communist bloc. While holding a mass
rally in support of the enslaved countries
and peoples to Strive for their freedom here
at Taipei today, we feel compelled to call
upon the United States and other democratic
countries and their peoples to maintain their
high degree of vigilance toward this adverse
undercurrent in the world and to save on
time the danger with which the free world is
confronted.
SUGGESTIONS OFFERED
On behalf of the people from all walks of
life of the Republic of China, we wish to
offer the following suggestions:
1. It is our belief that solidarity of the
free world is the only way open in the cold
war in which it is engaged against the Com-
munist bloc. For this reason, we urge all
democratic countries to step up their anti-
Communist cooperation; to stand pat on
their policy to defend Berlin, to maintain
independence, freedom and unification of
Laos and the Congo, and to give support to
the freedom fighters of Cuba in their struggle
for national recovery, so as not to let the
Communists seize a single inch of free ter-
ritory.
2. It is our conviction that any attempt to
appease or compromise with the Communists
will not only give encouragement to the ag-
gressor but also dampen the ardor of the en-
slaved peoples in their will and determina-
tion to strive for freedom. For this reason,
we are strongly opposed to the admission of
the puppet regime of Outer Mongolia into
the United Nations. We hope also that the
United States will stop her talks with it for
the establishment of diplomatic relations
right away.
August 30
3. We believe that the only effective way -
In coping with Communist infiltration and
subversive activities is to broaden the scope
of the freedom movement in support of the
enslaved peoples shut behind the Iron Cur-
tain in their struggle for freedom and to
step up the support to them and to encour-
age them to rise in revolt against their Com-
munist oppressors. Only thus will the tyran-
nical Communist regimes be overthrown
from behind the Iron Curtain, and in unison
with the anti-Communist forces outside of
it, thoroughly tear down the Iron Curtain.
Finally, we, the people from various walks
of life of the Republic of China, wish to con-
vey to the Amercian Government and people
Our sincere support to the Captive Nations
Week and hope that the freedom-loving
peoples of the United States and the world
will dedicate themselves to the Common
struggle for the regaining of freedom for
over 800 million peoples in Europe and Asia
at any early date.
AN OPEN LETTER TO THE PEOPLES OF THE
CAPTIVE NATIONS
DEAR FRIENDS: Hitlerite nazism was up-
rooted as the result of World War II. It has
been replaced by Communist imperialism,
far more totalitarian and oppressive. Its
first victims were the countries in east and
central Europe. Their national independ-
ence has been surrendered under Com-
munist iron heels and the freedom of their
peoples has been deprived of. Later, its ag-
gressive tentacles extended from the Chi-
nese mainland to North Korea and North
Vietnam in Asia. Now almost 1 billion peo-
ples have been enslaved and persecuted,
leading a life even more miserable than
that of beasts of burden. Particularly on
the Chinese mainland, Communist tyranny
has brought about a catastrophic famine.
The Communists, instead of giving relief to
the afflicting masses, have cut down their
rations and left them to eat grass roots and
wild plants for subsistence. No one knows
how many people have died of sickness and
hunger. Indeed, tyrannical rule such as
this has been never heard of in the annals
of mankind.
To pursue freedom and to resist slavery are
the inalienable rights of mankind. Histori-
cal facts have shown once and again that
no country and people can be permanently
enslaved. Nor can any tyrannical rule last.
Caesar and Hitler, powerful as they were,
were all overthrown under the impact of the
human desire for freedom and national in-
dependence. Such being the case, can So-
viet imperialism negate this law of histori-
cal development and be free from the doom
of final collapse?
To show their sympathetic support to the
captive nations in their struggle for inde-
pendence and their people for freedom, the
American Government and people have,
since 1959, started a "Captive Nations Week"
movement. It goes without saying that it
will go a long way in enhancing immeasur-
ably your confidence in the fight for freedom
and against slavery. To unite the just force
of all freedom-loving peoples in the United
States and the whole world, the people of the
Republic of China, as from this year, give
their wholehearted endorsement to this
movement with a view to giving their sup-
port to the struggle for freedom by the
enslaved peoples under Communist domina-
tion. We shall exert our utmost to push
forward this movement, so as to give you
practical and effective help and to unite all
anti-Communist forces on both sides of the
Iron Curtain for tearing down the Iron Cur-
tains in Asia and Europe and to reestablish
your national independence and freedom.
Dear friends, darkness will leave you very
soon; and light is ahead of you. Let us hope
that you will unite yourselves and step up
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
your struggle in your common effort to
search for light and strive for freedom.
CABLE TO PRESIDENT KENNEDY
DEAR PRESIDENT KENNEDY: In Warm re-
sponse to the Captive Nations Week which
has been initiated by your country, we are
holding a rally at Taipei today as an expres-
sion of our deep sympathy to those captive
nations and their peoples. On behalf of
people of all walks of life of the Republic
of China, we wish to avail ourselves of this
opportunity to convey to you our respect for
the righteous act on the part of your Gov-
ernment which has given great encourage-
ment to the enslaved peoples in their struggle
for freedom.
At the time when over 800 million peoples
shut behind the Iron Curtains in Europe and
Asia are engaged in their life-and-death
struggle for freedom and survival, we hope
that you will take firmer stand and provide
stronger leadership to the whole free world
by pushing forward in every possible way
the freedom movement and giving effective
support to the peoples groaning under the
yoke of Communist tyranny in their fight
for freedom and exert your influence to stop
talks with the puppet regime of Outer Mon-
golia for the establishment of diplomatic
relations with it, the thought of admitting
the Peiping regime into the United Nations,
preposterous "two Chinas" concept and any
attempt to exist peacefully with the Com-
munist bloc born of a sense of complacency
and in utter disregard to the principle of
international justice, so as to realize your
hope that the cause of freedom will spread
all over the areas behind the Iron Curtain
from Peiping to Warsaw and from Budapest
to Havana. Indeed, nothing can possibly give
the enslaved peoples greater encouragement.
And only thus can the tyrannical commu-
nism be uprooted and the peoples under its
domination regain their freedom again.
With highest regards,
Ku CFIENG-KANG,
Chairman, Committee of Civic Organi-
Zation of Republic of China in Sup-
port of Struggle for Freedom Behind
the Iron Curtain.
WEEKLONG PROGRAM IN RESPONSE TO CAPTIVE
NATIONS WEEK
SUNDAY, JULY 16
Mr. Tsiang Chang-lin, an anti-Commu-
nist escapee recently fleeing to Taiwan for
freedom, meets the press to give a report on
real conditions on the Chinese mainland.
Special broadcasts to people at home and
abroad as well as areas behind the Iron
Curtain by all local broadcasting stations.
Youth forum.
Catholics in Taipei holding Mass for the
people of the captive nations.
Prayers by all Christian churches.
Slide show of slogans in various cinemas
for 1 week beginning from July 16 and ob-
servance of 1 minute of silence in memory
of victims under Communist enslavement
and persecution.
Postmarks bearing slogans on all mails
for 1 week beginning July 16.
Publishing bulletins by various public
service centers throughout Taiwan.
MONDAY, JULY 17
Rally at the Armed Forces Officers' Club
in Taipei at 10 a.m.
Activities on Kinmen.
Special broadcasts.
Catholics in Hsingchu holding Mass.
TUESDAY, JULY 18
Forum held by Chinese women at Ru Mo
Hall at 3 p.m. in Taipei.
Activities on Matsu.
Catholics in Taichung holding Mass.
Special broadcasts.
WEDNESDAY, JULY 19
Forum sponsored by labor unions at the
auditorium of the Highway Bureau, at 9
a.m.
Activities in Taichung.
Special broadcasts.
Catholics in Chiayi holding Mass.
Buddhist temples saying prayers for those
who died under Communist slavery and
persecution.
THURSDAY, JULY 20
Forum sponsored by intellectuals.
Rally held in Tainan.
Catholics in Tainan holding Mass.
Special broadcasts.
FRIDAY, JULY 21
Forum sponsored by the commercial and
industrial circle in Taiwan, at Taipei City
Hall at 4 p.m.
Special broadcasts.
Rally held in Kaohsiung.
Mosques conducting religious services.
Catholics in Kaohsiung holding Mass.
SATURDAY, JULY 22
Rally held in Keelung.
Catholics in Haulien holding Mass.
Special broadcasts.
Evening party at Taipei Park.
Forum held by anti-Communist ex-POW's
of the Korean war.
KU PREDICTS COLLAPSE OF RED TYRANNY IN
RALLY TO MARK CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
Ku Cheng-kang, chairman of the Com-
mittee of Civic Organizations of the Re-
public of China in Support of the Struggle
for Freedom Behind the Iron Curtain, yes-
terday predicted that Communist tyranny
which enslaves people will finally be washed
away by the surging tide of struggle by the
enslaved peoples for freedom.
Presiding over a freedom rally held at 10
o'clock yesterday morning at the Armed
Forces Officers' Club, Ku said that the Rus-
sian people have been enslaved under the
iron heels of communism since 1917. "Fol-
lowing the close of World War II, 14 coun-
tries in Europe and Asia became victims of
Communist aggression. Some of them have
lost their national independence, while
others have been left divided," he pointed
out.
"The number of people shut behind the
Iron Curtain including the Russians totals
around 1 billion," Ku declared.
However, Ku said, these peoples are
strongly against Communist tyranny. "Dur-
ing all these years," he pointed out, "anti-
Communist movements have followed in
rapid succession one after another." The
strikes by workers in East Germany in 1953,
the riots by the Polish people in 1956, the
anti-Communist uprising by the Hungarians
in 1956, the revolution by the Tibetan people
in 1959, and anti-Communist movements
both in the slave camps of the Soviet Union
and on the Chinese mainland are just some
examples in point, he added.
STRIVE FOR FREEDOM
"These facts show on the one hand that
communism is deeply detested by all the
peoples shut behind the Iron Curtain and
on the other that the peoples under the
Communist domination are putting up posi-
tive fight to strive for their freedom," Ku
declared.
Archbishop Paul Yupin spoke after Ku.
He said that the free world is supporting
the efforts made by the captive nations to
regain freedom out of humstnitarian and
religious considerations.
Richard M. McCarthy, Director of the
U.S. Information Service, declared at the
meeting that Communist tyranny on the
Chinese mainland is aimed at destroying
the ancient tradition of respect for the in-
16497
dividual, the strength of family ties and
any independence of thought or expression.
FAILURE OF COMMUNES
"It has also imposed upon the Chinese
people the inhuman regimentation of the
'people's communes-.' From the communes
the Communists expected to harvest more
grain and extract more work out of the
mainland," the USIS Director said.
McCarthy said that these efforts made
by the Chinese Communists are in vain.
"Instead," he added, "they have reaped only
hardship, misery, and famine."
"If we are going to preserve freedom for
ourselves and others," McCarthy pointed
out, "we must remember, we must not only
maintain our strength but increase it."
Chiang Chang-lin, exofficial of the Com-
munist Ministry of Geology, also delivered
a speech concerning conditions on the Chi-
nese mainland. He said that the people
on the Chinese mainland are living under
the worst tyranny. "They have not enough
to eat and are being forced to work as long
as possible," he declared.
The 28-year-old native of Antung Prov-
ince also told of how he fled the Commu-
nist-controlled mainland for freedom. He
crossed the Yunnan-Thailand border to flee
for freedom a couple of months ago. He
arrived here on July 1.
ANTI-RED UPRISING
Yeh Hsiang-chih, Director of the Intelli-
gence Bureau of the Ministry of National
Defense, also gave a lecture at the meeting.
He declared that the people on the Chinese
mainland are rising against the puppet re-
gime in Peiping.
The MND Intelligence Chief said that the
Republic of China must cooperate closely
with other free nations in helping the peo-
ple shut behind the Iron Curtain to regain
freedom.
"Above all," Yeh said, "we must do every-
thing within our power to help our com-
patriots on the mainland to regain their
freedom. He added that only through co-
ordinated efforts by people on both sides of
the Iron Curtain can Communist tyranny
be crushed and mankind saved from ca-
lamity.
PROGRAM FOR THE RALLY IN SUPPORT OF THE
PEOPLE OF THE CAPTIVE NATIONS IN THEIR
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM, SPONSORED BY THE
GENERAL PUBLIC OF THE REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Beginning of the program.
Chairman assuming chairmanship.
Audience standing up.
Band playing.
National anthem.
Salute national flag and the portrait of
national founder, the late Dr. Sun Yat-sen.
One minute of silence in memory of vic-
tims under Communist enslavement and per-
secution.
Report by Mr. Ku Cheng-kang, Chairman
of the Committee of Civic Organizations of
Republic of China in Support of Struggle for
Freedom behind the Iron Curtain.
Read messages from the president of the
Republic of China.
Speeches by: Archbishop Paul Yupin; Mr.
Richard M. McCarthy, director of USIS,
Taipei office; Mr. Tsiang Chang-11n, an anti-
Communist escapee recently fleeing to Tai-
wan for freedom.
Special lecture: Mr. Yeh Hsiang-tze, an ex-
pert on Chinese Communist affairs.
Adoption of declaration and statement of
the rally.
Shouting slogans.
Band playing.
End of the program
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CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
MESSAGE BY PRESIDENT CHIANG TO THE MASS
RALLY IN SUPPORT OF THE PEOPLES OF CAP-
TIVE NATIONS IN THEIR STRUGGLE FOR FREE?
DOM
Since the end of World War II, the So-
viet imperialists have become more audacious
than ever in their persistent scheme to com-
munize the whole world. By either direct
or indirect aggression, they have carried out
external expansion and pushed hundreds of
millions of people in Europe and Asia behind
the Iron Curtain. The enslavement and mas-
sacre of large numbers of people is a tragedy
unprecedented in human history. The Gov-
ernment and people of the United States, in
order to express their sympathy with and
support to the enslaved peoples in their
struggle for freedom and independence, have
since 1959 set aside a "Captive Nations Week"
each year. This annual event has steadily
gained in momentum and grown in impact.
Being the voice of righteousness, it has won
the praise of all freedom-loving peoples of
the world, and given unparalleled encourage-
ment to the peoples behind the Iron Cur-
tain and their resistance to Communist
tyranny stiffened.
The fate of Chinese people suffering un-
der the Peiping regime on the mainland is
even worse than that of the enslaved peoples
in other Iron Curtain countries. It follows
that their hostility to communism is the
strongest and their yearning for deliverance,
the most urgent. Since the autumn of 1960,
the Chinese mainland has been visited by a
series of natural disasters rendered ever
graver by Communist tyranny and malad-
ministration. As a result, discontent has
become widespread, and there have been in-
numerable cases of mass pillagings of gran-
aries and mass killings of Communist cadres.
The anti-Communist movement is spreading
in scope as well as in seriousness. This proves
that no matter how strict is the Commu-
nist control, and how cruel are Communist
measures of repression, they cannot destroy
the determination and the will of our en-
slaved compatriots to fight for existence and
freedom. Once the opportunity ripens, they
will surely throw off the shackles on them
and free themselves of the present oppres-
sion.
Today, as people in the Republic of China
gather here in observance of the U.S.-
initiated Captive Nations Week, all of
us Chinese should further strengthen the
unity among ourselves in order to be able
to carry out our sacred duty of national re-
covery. We should also unite with all free
and democratic nations and peoples in the
world and take positive actions to render
effective support to peoples enslaved on the
Chinese mainland and elsewhere behind the
Iron Curtain. Above all, I hope all our com-
patriots on the mainland will continue to
fight against Communist tyranny with an
undaunted spirit, and seize every opportu-
nity to deal the enemy a mortal blow. Only
through coordinated efforts by peoples on
both sides of the Iron Curtain can Com-
munist tyranny be crushed and mankind be
saved from calamity. May this be a signal
for greater dedication on the part of all of
US.
DECLARATION OF THE FREEDOM RALLY IN SUP?
PORT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE CAPTIVE NA?
TIONS IN THEIR STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM
Since the end of World War II, over 800
million people of the world have been shut
behind the Iron Curtain. To strive for
their freedom and survival, an overwhelm-
ing majority of them have been carrying on
their fight against Communist tyranny. In
fact, the heavier the oppression, the more
violent is their resistance. The demonstra-
tions by workers in East Germany in 1953,
the uprising by the Polish people in 1956,
the Hungarian revolution in October of the
same year, the anti-Communist revolution
by the Tibetan people in 1959, and the anti-
Communist movements by the people under
Communist domination in various parts of
the Chinese mainland in the past years are
examples in point.
As an expression of their sympathetic sup-
port to the captive nations and their peoples
in the struggle for national independence
and freedom, the American Government and
people have designated the third week of
July as Captive Nations Week, which was
passed by both the House of Representa-
tives and Senate and formally proclaimed
by former President Eisenhower on July 17,
1959. As from that year, the people in all
parts of the United States hold various kinds
of ceremonies and activities within that
week each year. And the commemoration
of this week will continue to be observed as
long as the enslaved peoples behind the Iron
Curtain have not regained their freedom.
This great and righteous move on the part
of the U.S. Government and people deserves
high respect of the countries and peoples of
the whole free world. Particularly at the
time when contradictions within the ranks
of the Communist Parties have been deep-
ening, peoples behind the Iron Curtain have
been fighting relentlessly against the tyran-
nical Communist rule, famine on the Chi-
nese mainland has been aggravating to most
alarming proportions, and struggle against
communism has been gaining in vigor and
effectiveness, this righteous move by the
American Government and people not only
is an indication of its deep sympathy to the
unhappy lot of the peoples of the captive
nations and of its opposition against com-
munism but also gives great encouragement
to the enslaved peoples in their will and de-
termination to strive for freedom.
However, we have to point out that the
Communist bloc, to divert the attention of
the enslaved peoples in their fight against
Communist tyrannical rule and to achieve
its end of world domination, has been play-
ing on the fear of war on the part of the
free world. Thus, it harps on the slogan of
peaceful coexistence with a view to dividing
the free nations on the one hand and
launches an overall offensive against the
free world in the form of threats, deceit,
inducements, infiltration, subversion, and
even armed aggression on the other. In the
face of this formidable antagonist, it is a
great pity that there are still certain coun-
tries in the democratic camp, either for self-
ish reasons or out of a sense of self-com-
placency, adopt a policy of appeasement in
the vain hope of existing peacefully side by
side with the Communist bloc. While hold-
ing a mass rally in support of the enslaved
countries and peoples to strive for their
freedom here at Taipei today, we feel com-
pelled to call upon the United States and
other democratic countries and their peo-
ples to maintain their high degree of vigi-
lance toward this adverse undercurrent in
the world and to save on time the danger
with which the free world is confronted.
On behalf of the people from all walks of
life of the Republic of China, we wish to
offer the following suggestions:
1. It is our belief that solidarity of the
free world is the only way open in the cold
war in which it is engaged against the Com-
munist bloc. For this reason, we urge all
democratic countries to step up their anti-
Communist cooperation, to stand pat on
their policy to defend Berlin, to maintain
Independence, freedom, and unification of
Laos and the Congo, and to give support to
the freedom fighters of Cuba in their strug-
gle for national recovery, so as not to let
the Communists seize a single inch of free
territory.
2. It is our conviction that any attempt
to appease or compromise with the Com-
munists will not only give encouragement
to the aggressor but also dampen the ardor
of the enslaved peoples in their will and
determination to strive for freedom. For this
August 30
reason, we are strongly opposed to the ad-
mission of the puppet regime of Outer Mon-
golia into the United Nations. We hope
also that the United States will stop her
talks with it for the establishment of diplo-
matic relations right away.
3. We believe that the only effective way
In coping with Communist infiltration and
subversive activities is to broaden the scope
of the freedom movement in support of the
enslaved peoples shut behind the Iron Cur-
tain in their struggle for freedom and to
step up the support to them and to encour-
age them to rise in revolt against their Com-
munist oppressors. Only thus will the tyr-
annical Corrunuist regimes be overthrown
from behind the Iron Curtain, and in uni-
son with the anti-Communist forces outside
of it, thoroughly tear down the Iron Curtain.
Finally, we, the people from various walks
of life of the Republic of China, wish to
convey to the American Government and
people our sincere support to the Captive
Nations Week and hope that the freedom-
loving peoples of the United States and the
world will dedicate themselves to the com-
mon struggle for the regaining of freedom
for over 800 million peoples in Europe and
Asia at an early date.
CABLE TO MR. KENNEDY, PRESIDENT OF
THE UNITED STATES
)c:)EAR PRESIDENT KENNEDY: In warm re-
sponse to the Captive Nations Week which
has been initiated by your country, we are
holding a rally at Taipei today as an expres-
sion of our deep sympathy to those captive
nations and their peoples. On behalf of
people of all walks of life of the Republic
of China, we wish to avail ourselves of this
opportunity to convey to you our respect
for the righteous act on the part of your
Government which has given great encour-
agement to enslaved peoples in their strug-
gle for freedom.
At the time when over 800 million peoples
shut behind the Iron Curtains in Europe and
Asia are engaged in their life-and-death
struggle for freedom and survival, we hope
that you will take firmer stand and provide
stronger leadership to the whole free world
by pushing forward in every possible way the
freedom movement and giving effective sup-
port to the peoples groaning under the yoke
of Communist tyranny in their fight for
freedom and exert your influence to stop
talks with the puppet regime of Outer Mon-
golia for the establishment of diplomatic re-
lations with it, the thought of admitting the
Peiping regime into the United Nations, pre-
posterous two Chinas concept and any at-
tempt to exist peacefully with the Commu-
nist bloc born of a sense of complacency and
in utter disregard to the principle of inter-
national justice, so as to realize your hope
that the cause of freedom will spread all over
the areas behind the Iron Curtain from Pei-
ping to Warsaw and from Budapest to Ha-
vana. Indeed, nothing can possibly give the
enslaved peoples greater encouragement.
And only thus can the tyrannical commu-
nism be uprooted and the peoples under its
domination regain their freedom again.
With highest regards.
Ku CHENG-KANG,
Chairman, Committee of Civic Organil
zations of Republic of China in Sup-
port of Struggle for Freedom Behind
the Iron Curtain.
SPEECH BY MR. Ku CHENG?KANG, PRESIDENT
OF THE CHINA CHAPTER, APACL AT THE
FREEDOM RALLY IN SUPPORT OF THE PEO?
PLE OF THE CAPTIVE NATIONS IN THEIR
STRUGGLE FOR FREEDOM
Today is the third anniversary of the
Captive Nations Week which was announced
by Mr. Eisenhower, the former President of
the United States, in accordance with a
joint resolution by the American Congress.
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1 mi CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
, The purpose for this movement is to give
support to all enslaved peoples in their
struggle for freedom and national independ-
ence. That the people of the Republic of
China give their warm response to this
movement is motivated by a desire to unite
all freedom-loving peoples in the United
States and other parts of the world in their
common support to the captive nations and
their peoples, so as to tear down the Iron
Curtains in Asia and Europe with their
concerted efforts and to bring into consum-
mation the mission of this movement.
Russia fell prey to tyrannical communist
rule in 1917. Since then, the Russian peo-
ple has been enslaved under the iron heels
of communism. Following the end of World
War II, 14 countries in Europe and Asia be-
came victims of Communist aggression.
Some of them have lost their national in-
dependence, while others have been left
divided. The number of people shut behind
the Iron Curtain including the Russians
totals around 1,000 millions.
However, these peoples are strongly
against Communist tyranny. During all
these years, anti-Communist movements
have followed in rapid succession one after
another. The strikes by workers in East
Germany in 1953, the riots by the Polish
people in 1956, the anti-Communist revolu-
tion by the Hungarians in 1956, the anti-
Communist uprising by the Tibetan people
in 1959 and anti-Communist movements
both in the slave camps of the Soviet Union
and on the Chinese mainland are just some
examples in point. These facts show on
the one hand that communism is deeply
detested by all the peoples shut behind the
Iron Curtain, and on the other, that the
peoples under the Communist domination
are putting up positive fight to strive for
their freedom. We are confident that Com-
munist tyranny which enslaves people will
finally be washed away by the surging tide
of struggle by the enslaved peoples for
freedom.
In the fight against the Communist bloc,
the great weakness on the part of the free
nations is lack of a firm stand, of a spirit of
unity, and of a basic policy to tear down the
Iron Curtain. Thus, it provides an opportu-
nity to the Communists to divide them and
to practice their tactics of infiltration and
subversion and brings about a tense world
situation with the world security and human
freedom seriously threatened. At the time
when we are exerting our utmost to extend
our support to the enslaved peoples in their
struggle for freedom, we wish to call upon
all nations of the free world, especially the
United States upon whom devolves the re-
sponsibility to provide leadership to the
whole free world, to make a review of their
anti-Communist policy and to lay down a
positive and firm policy in the fight against
communism so as to meet the requirements
of the current world situation and to strive
for the victory in the struggle against aggres-
sion and for freedom.
First of all, we wish to point out that the
free world should give up its policy of ap-
peasement. The Munich Conference sacri-
ficed Czechoslovakia and resulted in the out-
break of World War II. At the Yalta Con-
ference, the interests and rights of China
were sacrificed and, finally, it led to the fall
of the Chinese mainland. Largely because of
this appeasement policy on the part of the
free world is it possible for the Communist
bloc to expand its influence today. It is our
belief that a firm stand is the basic condi-
tion and the most effective measure to fight
against communism. For this reason, let us
hope that anything which may affect the
morale of peoples on both sides of the Iron
Curtain and may give encouragement to
the growth of Communist influence should
be stopped right away.
Secondly, we wish to point out that the
free world should not entertain any illusion
toward neutralism. As a matter of fact,
neutralism is a Communist tactic for the
implementation of the so-called peaceful co-
existence. The Communists use peaceful co-
existence to create the illusion of neutral-
ism, making those politicians having no
independent will and no ability to protect
themselves to believe that neutralism is the
only way for their own security. The end
result is that neutralism has become a Com-
munist trap for them. Right now, the Com-
munist bloc is trying to create a neutralist
bloc beside the two existing world opposing
camps?democratic and Communist. In
fact, this is a means to divide and paralyze
the free world and is a sinister plot on the
part of the Communists to change the bal-
ance of the world today. Particularly at the
present moment when the influence of the
two world opposing blocs has almost come
to a point of equilibrium, the danger of neu-
tralism is especially great. For this reason,
we have to call upon the free world to
heighten its vigilance.
Finally, we wish also to point out that the
free world should adopt a policy of liber-
ation. The policy that is being followed
by the free world under the leadership of
the United States is a policy of contain-
ment, retaliation and deterrance. This pol-
icy achieved much success in the past, be-
cause it arrested the Communist bloc to
launch armed aggression against their weak
neighbors. But now the Communist bloc
has adopted a strategy of indirect aggression
by infiltrating and subverting various areas
and democratic countries of the world in
political, economic, and cultural fields. This
new strategy has helped the Communist in-
fluence grow. This fact proves that the policy
of containment is not able to contain Com-
munist expansionism any longer. For this
reason, we hold that the free world should
adopt the policy of liberation as the basic
anti-Communist policy. This is to say, the
free world should help the growth of free
force in Europe and Asia so as to arrest the
Communist expansionism on the one hand,
and give support to the growth of free force
behind the Iron Curtain so as to rock the
foundation- of Communist rule behind the
Iron Curtain on the other. Only by linking
up the anti-Communist forces on both sides
of the Iron Curtain can Communist aggres-
sion be effectively checkmated. Only thus
can Communist rule be overthrown and the
captive nations regain their independence
and the enslaved peoples recover their free-
dom.
We are confident that, to tear down the
Iron Curtain, it calls for the concerted efforts
of the free world as well as those of the en-
slaved peoples. President Chiang Kai-shek
has long ago initiated support to the anti-
Communist revolutionary movement behind
the Iron Curtain, so as to realize the policy
of liberation. All people of the Republic of
China, in response to this great call, have
started the Freedom Day movement in their
positive support to the peoples shut behind
the Iron Curtain in the struggle for freedom.
APACL, in all its annual conferences, passed
resolutions to give support to the anti-
Communist movement behind the Iron Cur-
tain and to give ,positive support to it. To-
day, we give our hearty response to the
Captive Nations Week movement. It signi-
fies the union of the anti-Communist forces
behind the Iron Curtains both in Europe and
Asia. It also means solidarity of the anti-
Communist forces both in the East and in
the West in their common struggle for the
same cause. At the same time, it is an
indication that the freedom movement of
the world is gaining in momentum. In
actuality, growth of the force in support to
the enslaved peoples in their struggle for
16499
freedom is the only forcible guarantee to
maintain world peace and freedom of man-
kind. The people of the Republic of China
are willing to strive jointly with the peoples
of the United States and the world for the
realization of this common objective?to re-
gain the freedom of the enslaved peoples.
BREMERTON CAPTIVE
NATIONS COUNCIL,
Bremerton, Wash.
REPORT: CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK, JULY 16
THROUGH JULY 22, 1961
Proclamations: Hon. Albert D. Rosellini,
Governor, State of Washington; Hon. H. 0.
Domstad, mayor, city of Bremerton, Wash.
Letters in support of Captive Nations
Week:
House of Representatives: Hon. Thole C.
TOLLEFSON; Hon. THOMAS M. PELLY; Hon.
CATHERINE MAY.
U.S. Senate: Hon. HENRY M. JACKSON;
Hon. WARREN G. MAGNTJSON.
Kitsap County Republican Central Com-
mittee, Robert J. Bryan, chairman; Assem-
bly of European Captive Nations, Vaclovas
Sidzikauskas, chairman.
KBRO, spot radio anouncements through-
out Captive Nations Week.
Bremerton Captive Nations Council let-
ters to 37 Kitsap County churches urging
special captive nations services. Response
continues through newly formed study
groups.
Window displays: Bremerton Chamber of
Commerce. Full color captive nations
maps (four, poster size) . Public Law 86-
90. Eisenhower's proclamation. City of
Bremerton proclamation. Bremerton Cap-
tive Nations Council resolution.
First Federal Savings & Loan Association:
Special report (14 parts) of the Select Com-
mittee on Communist Aggression, House Re-
port 2694. City of Bremerton proclama-
tion. Bremerton Captive Nations Council
resolution. Full color captive nations maps.
East German photo poster.
Shevchenko poster, hand-lettered in
Ukrainian and English.
Hard-bound books: "Masters of Deceit,"
J. Edgar Hoover. "The Naked Communist,"
Skousen.
Booklets: "Ukrainian Quarterly," "Hand-
book for Summit," "The New Colonialism,"
"Facts on Communism," vols. I and II; "Hun-
gary Under Soviet Rule."
Information center and window display:
medical-dental building, street floor. Open
daily 10 a.m. to 5 p.m. (8 p.m. Friday and
Saturday).
Partial list of items displayed: "Crimes of
Khrushchev" (7 parts); "Soviet Union,
Prison House of Nations and Races"; all proc-
lamations, letters, and resolution; "Soviet
World Outlook"; "North Korea?A Study of
Communist Takeover"; poster showing Hun-
garian revolt, pictures from Life magazine,
1956; photoposter of "Lest We Forget,"
HUAC.
Distribution of 8,200 Government docu-
ments and miscellaneous publications re-
lating to Communist totalitarianism at the
information center.
Other: Letter to Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD in
support of H.R. 211 (see CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD, May 22, 1961).
Bremerton Captive Nations Council reso-
lution and letter printed in central Wash-
ington paper.
Assisted large numbers of summer school
students in making reports at the request
of their instructor.
We express our sincere appreciation to:
Assembly of European Captive Nations, Na-
tional Captive Nations Committee, American
Friends of the Captive Nations, Hungarian
Committee, American Council of Christian
Laymen, and our elected representatives for
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16500 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
their contributions which made the first ob-
servance of the Captive Nations Week in the
city of Bremerton a memorable occasion.
JAMES K. MORGAN,
Chairman.
STATE OF WASHINGTON,
EXECUTIVE DEPARTMENT,
Olympia, July 12, 1961.
A STATEMENT BY THE GOVERNOR
The Congress of the United States by pub-
lic law approved in July of 1959, designated
the third week in July of each year as Cap-
tive Nations Week.
All the captive peoples behind the Iron
and Bamboo Curtains, including the Russian
and Chinese people themselves, have for long
years been enslaved by Communist tyranny.
The imperialistic policies of Communist
Russia have led, through direct and indirect
aggression, to the subjugation of the national
independence of Poland, Hungary, Lithuania,
Ukraine, Czechoslovakia, Latvia, Estonia,
White Ruthenia, Rumania, East Germany,
Bulgaria, mainlaind China, Armenia, Azer-
baijan, Georgia, North Korea, Albania, Idel-
Ural, Tibet, Cossackia, Turkestan, and North
Vietnam. The captive peoples of these na-
tions have never ceased to strive for freedom
and look to the United States for leader-
ship in bringing about their liberation and
independence.
This week has been set aside to keep fresh
in the minds of all people the fact that the
free world has not forgotten these nations
and that they must some day become inde-
pendent, and that the people of our State
share with them their aspirations for the
recovery of their freedom and independence.
Now, therefore, I, Albert D. Rosellini, Gov-
ernor of the State of Washington, do hereby
urge the people of this State to join with the
citizens of other States in the observance of
Captive Nations Week and further urge the
people to remember our promises to the peo-
ple of the submerged nations and to show
that we have not forgotten our silent allies.
ALBERT D. ROSELLINI,
Governor.
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK, JULY 16-22, 1961
Many nations throughout the world have
been made captive by the imperialistic and
aggressive policies of Soviet communism.
The peoples of the Soviet-dominated nations
have been deprived of their national inde-
pendence and their individual liberties.
The citizens of the United States are linked
by bonds of family and principle to those who
love freedom and justice on every continent.
It is appropriate and proper to manifest
to the peoples of the captive nations the sup-
port of the Government and the people of
the United States of America for their just
aspirations for freedom and national inde-
pendence.
Whereas the Senate and the House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
by Senate Joint Resolution 111, and House
Joint Resolutions 454 and 459, authorize
and request the President of the United
States to designate the third week of July
as Captive Nations Week;
Now, therefore, I, H. 0. Domstad, mayor
of the city of Bremerton, Wash., do hereby
invite our citizens concerned with the free-
dom and security of our Nation to observe
the week of July 16-22, 1961, as Captive
Nations Week, and urge you to study the
plight of the Soviet-dominated nations and
to recommit yourselves to the support of the
just aspirations of the peoples of those cap-
tive nations. Freedom will be secured only
when all men everywhere are free, and peace
can be preserved only by people who are pre-
pared to make sacrifices for it.
BREMERTON CAPTIVE
NATIONS COUNCIL,
Bremerton, Wash.
Whereas many of the free people of the
United States Of America have ancestral roots
in Europe and Asia;
Whereas the major portion of these ances-
tral lands have now been annexed by force
into the totalitarian Russian Empire;
Whereas this annexation was perpetrated
by a small minority of reactionaries and ter-
rorists;
Whereas this colonial system has been
maintained by political genocide and sup-
pression of non-Russians through fear;
Whereas this inhuman process has tended
to destroy ethnic languages, values, herit-
ages and societies; and
Whereas this rule by force cannot be con-
scientiously recognized as the legitimate
representative government of these peoples:
Now, therefore, be it
Resolved by the membership of the Brem-
erton Captive Nations Council assembled,
That all evidence supports the proposition
that the Russian Soviet Socialist Republic
is the one great colonial power still existing
today, that world opinion should be con-
tinually focused on the criminal deeds of the
Russian imperialists, and that the formerly
free people caught in this web of internation-
al exploitation should be given a chance to
regain that lost freedom.
Throughout the country thousands of
civic, fraternal, veterans' and other patriotic
organizations, and countless American citi-
zens, are preparing to observe the 1961 Cap-
tive Nations Week which this year falls on
July 16-22.
The Bremerton Captive Nations Council
invites the citizens of the Bremerton area to
visit their window displays at the Bremerton
Chamber of Commerce, First Federal Savings
& Loan, and in the Medical-Dental Building.
Proclamations by Gov. Albert D. Rosellini
and Hon. H. 0. Domstad, mayor of the city of
Bremerton, as well as statements from Sen-
ators HENRY M. JACKSON, WARREN G. MAG-
xusoN, and Representatives THOR C. TOLLEF-
SON, THOMAS M. PELLY, and CATHERINE MAY,
an original copy of the joint resolution by
Congress designating the Captive Nations
Week observance under Public Law 86-90,
and President Eisenhower's original proc-
lamation, inclusive, are on display at the
Medical-Dental Building location.
Churches throughout the area have initi-
ated the local observance through announce-
ments and special services in accordance
with President Kennedy's proclamation.
DISCRIMINATION AND BIAS IN Two UNESCO
PUBLICATIONS
(By Roman Smal-Stocki, Ph. D., Marquette
University)
This article is the response to a duty
which the writer feels, as an American
scholar, to evaluate two important pub-
lications of the United Nations Educa-
tional, Social, and Cultural Organization
(UNESCO) . The basis of this evaluation is
Public Law 565, adopted by the 79th U.S.
Congress, which authorized this country's
acceptance of membership in this organiza-
tion. The law states that this organization
was established in order "" to contrib-
ute to peace and security by promoting
collaboration among the nations throughout
education, science, and culture in order to
further universal respect for justice, for the
rule of law, and for the human rights and
fundamental freedoms which are affirmed for
the peoples of the world without distinction
of race, sex, language, or religion, by the
Charter of the United Nations."
Augua 30
The first publication to be considered is .
"The Use of Vernacular Languages in Edu-
cation" in the "Monographs on Fundamental
Education series," second printing, Paris,
UNESCO, February 1958.
The work includes an introduction fol-
lowed by "A Continental Survey of Vernacu-
lar Languages and Their Use in Education"
(ch. I).
The meaning of a vernacular language,
according to the definition given on page 46,
chapter II, of the report of the UNESCO
meeting of specialists held in 1951 in Paris,
is "A language which is the mother tongue
of a group which is socially or politically
dominated by another group speaking a dif-
ferent language. We do not consider the
language of a minority in one country as
a vernacular if it is an official language in
another country."
There is an interesting editorial footnote
to the definition:
"UNESCO recognizes that, while this
definition holds in the generality of cases,
for it to be universally applied and comply
with the conditions governing individual
particular cases, variations in emphasis and
wording would be necessary."
It is important also to take the other
definitions of terms into consideration:
"Mother or native tongue: The language
which a person acquires in early years and
which normally becomes his natural instru-
ment of thought and communication.
"National language: A language used in
the business of government?legislative,
executive, and judicial.
"Pidgin: A language which has arisen as
the result of contact between peoples of dif-
ferent language, usually formed from a mix-
ing of the languages."
It is clear from the definitions of these
terms that the political qualifications of the
nations speaking the pertinent languages are
Involved. Thus for a language to qualify as
"vernacular" it must be spoken by a na-
tionality which is in fact not a nation which
constitutes its own independent political,
social, and cultural entity; it means that this
language is not used as the official language
in the business of government?legislative,
executive, or judicial. In short, the quali-
fications of language as "vernacular" is the
official recognition by UNESCO of the
colonial status of a nation.
Discussed in chapter I, which is interest-
ing and detailed, are the following topics:
Africa with its 369 languages; the imperialist
language policies of the English, the French,
and the Belgians toward the vernacular
languages of the natives; the American con-
tinents with their hundreds of indigenous
languages. Other areas considered are Asia
and the Pacific with their problems of India,
Pakistan, Burma, Ceylon, Indonesia, Philip-
pines, Turkey, Iran, Nepal, China, Japan,
the Arab-speaking world, Israel, and finally,
"Europe Including the U.S.S.R." The in-
formation about the U.S.S.R. and the Slavic
world which appears on pages 41-43 of the
UNESCO publication leans heavily on E.
Koutaissof's "Literacy and the Place of Rus-
sian in the Non-Slavic Republics of the
U.S.S.R.":
"Europe is a crossroads of languages and
cultures * ? ? the number of ways of speak-
ing in the whole of Europe and the Soviet
Union is, therefore, enormous. Of the main
languages mentioned, only 26 (including as
one unit Czech and Slovak, and the Serbo-
Croat and Slovene) are official languages;
the rest are vernaculars. Some of these
vernaculars are dialects of main languages
as Alsatian, spoken in France, which is a
dialect of German, as Letzenburguer of Lux-
embourg and Frisian of Holland and Ger-
many. Macedo-Rumanian, spoken in Greece,
is a variant of Rumanian; Walloon of Bel-
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1961. CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
glum may be taken as a French dialect;
Judeo-Spanish is a variant of Castilian; the
language of the Faroe Islands is very close to
Icelandic; Galician of Spain is similar to
Portuguese; Ruthenian and White Russian
speakers can understand Great Russian.
"Main languages which are real vernacu-
lars in Europe, not including the Soviet
Union, though some of them are also spoken
in the Union, are: Armenian, spoken in Bul-
garia, Turkey, and the U.S.S.R.; Basque,
spoken in Spain and France; Lapp, spoken
in Finland, Norway, Sweden, and the
U.S.S.R.; Catalan, spoken in Spain, France,
and in Italian Sardinia; Lusatian-Serb or
Wend, spoken in Germany; Maltese, spoken
in Malta (under British administration);
Manx, spoken in the Isle of Man; Provencal,
spoken in France; Welsh, spoken in the
United Kingdom; Gaelic, spoken in the
United Kingdom; Lithuanian, spoken in
Poland, Germany, and the U.S.S.R.; Karaite,
spoken in Poland; Romany or Gypsy, spoken
in varied forms almost everywhere.
"In the Soviet Union about 100 different
main languages are spoken; these include 6
Slavic (Great Russian, Polish); 11 Finnish;
43 Caucasian (Georgian is the most im-
portant); 27 Turco-Tatar; 4 Mongol; 4
Iranian-Manchurian (Turco-Tatar, Mongol,
and Manchurian are classed as Altaic by
some authorities), and some Paleoasiatic and
Samoyede minor languages. 'Soviet educa-
tional policy,' an authority writes, 'has aimed
at providing education in the vernacular;
languages that had no written form have
been endowed with scientifically devised
alphabets and grammars, a work of great
magnitude which is still proceeding, for
obviously the earlier grammars were at first
approximations. These languages, whose
alphabets were difficult and ill-adapted, were
made to replace them by simpler Latin and
later by the Russian script, which made the
art of reading and writing more accessible
to the masses. In time, the need for a
unifying language led to the introduction of
compulsory Russian and the concomitant use
of the Russian alphabet for most vernacu-
lars. With the extension of compulsory at-
tendance from 4 to 7 or 8 years, and the
provision of boarding schools for pupils from
outlying villages, the standards for profi-
ciency in Russian are likely to improve.
This will help solve the problem of more
advanced education among minor linguistic
groups.
"So far there have been no attempts at
devising a simplified form of pidgin-Russian.
The aim seems to be a bilingual population
proud of its own national achievements, yet
enjoying access to the wider world through
Russian.
"In this connection it should be borne in
mind that even great Russian writers have
not scorned the work of translating from
other languages, the modern Soviet writers
consider it part of their vocation. As a con-
sequence, usually good translations of both
major European works and popular native
songs and epics are available in Russian. A
Chukchi may read the Manes and a Karelian
the works of Rustavelli in Russian. This is
admittedly not the best way of knowing the
poetry of other nations but it broadens the
range of reading of the multilingual popula-
tion of the U.S.S.R. and enables small lin-
guistic groups to participate in the intellec-
tual life of a much larger community." 1
On this presentation of the language prob-
lems of the U.S.S.R. and its sphere of influ-
ence we offer the following remarks:
1E. Koutaissof, "Literacy and the Place of
Russian in the Non-Slavic Republics of the
U.S.S.R." Regional paper on vernacular lan-
guages, No. 21, Paris, 1951, M.S.
(1) The information about the Soviet
Union is, in comparison with the abundance
of data on the other countries, superficial
and misleading. Responsible along with
UNESCO for this are the United States dele-
gate to UNESCO, Dr. M. Swadesh, of Colum-
bia University, and the U.S. Department of
State. The U.S.S.R. joined UNESCO in 1954
and therefore shares responsibiilty for the
second printing of this work.
(2) From the linguistic point of view it is
inadmissible to mix state units with existing
languages and to treat "as one unit" Czech
and Slovak, because the linguistic fact is
that in existence are two separate units,
Czech and Slovak. It is also inadmissible
to establish as one unit Serbo-Croat and
Slovene because, again, there exist at least
two units, Serbo-Croat and Slovene. (In
our opinion it is better to operate with three
units because of the developed differences
between Croat and Serb. In fact, however,
in Yugoslavia there is yet a fourth unit,
Macedonian, which was completely disre-
garded in the UNESCO publication.)
(3) Only the 26 main languages in Eu-
rope and U.S.S.R. are declared as "official
languages"; the rest are "vernaculars."
"Some of these vernaculars are dialects of
main languages," or "variants." Here, among
mention of Alsatian, Letzeriburguer, Fri-
sian, Walloon, etc., is also to be found:
"Ruthenian and White Russian speakers can
understand Great Russian."
The inclusion of "Ruthenian and White
Russian" in this paragraph discussing the
dialects or variants of main languages and
the statement, "Ruthenian and White Rus-
sian speakers can understand Great Rus-
sian," induce the false idea in the reader
that "Ruthenian and White Russian" are
In the same linguistic relation to Great
Russian as the enumerated "dialects or vari-
ants to their man languages." This is con-
trary to linguistic fact and is simply Rus-
sian imperialist propaganda.
(4) We object to the term "Ruthenian."
This medieval term is justified for the proper
era and area (as "Bohemian," "Hungarian,"
etc.) , but for scholarly publications of our
time the correct contemporary usage is called
for; i.e., Czech, Magyar, etc., as are also to
be found in the UNESCO publication. Con-
sequently, the term "Ruthenian" here is
misleading and inaccurate; Ukrainian
should be used instead. This term is known
to the editors, for we find in Appendix I,
page 142, under the "Tentative Classification
of the Languages Spoken in the World To-
day," "Ruthenian (or Ukrainian) , (Czecho-
slovakia, Poland, Rumania) ."
(5) We object also to the confusing term
"White Russian," which customarily is used
as a political term antithetically to "Red
Russian."
(6) The languages of these two Slavic na-
tions legitimately merit in UNESCO publica-
tions the application of proper scientific
terminology because their states, the Ukrain-
ian Soviet Socialist Republic and the Byelo-
russian Socialist Republic, are charter mem-
bers of the United Nations. Consequently,
for these languages only the terms "Ukrain-
ian" and "Byelorussian" should be used
in the official publications of the United
Nations.
These two republics, it is to be recalled,
have been members of UNESCO since May
12,1954.
(7) The information about the territories
where these languages are spoken is wholly
nonsensical and contrary to fact: "Ruthen-
ian (or Ukrainian) , (Czechoslovakia, Poland,
Rumania) ." Equally nonsensical is it to
insist, as is done on page 142, that "Russian"
is spoken in "Rumania, Bulgaria, Finland."
The fact is that just as there exists a Bul-
garian, Czech, and Slovak Polish, Serbo-
Croat, and Slovene linguistic and ethno-
graphic territory (see page 142), there also
16501
exists Ukrainian and a Byelorussian lin-
guistic and ethnographic territory in the
mentioned republics of these nations. But
to mention only "Ruthenian and White Rus-
sian minorities" and not to mention the
proper Ukrainian and Byelorussian lin-
guistic territories is confusing.
(8) The term "Russian," which is used
Without explanation, alternating with "Great
Russian," is confusing in its linguistic use;
therefore, we prefer the term "Muscovite,"
because the "Russian Federated Soviet So-
cialist Republic," which uses this term
"Russian" in its political meaning, is a mul-
tinational and multilingual state encom-
passing the rest of the old czarist Russian
empire, the national and linguistic nucleus
of which is the Muscovite nation and its
language.
(9) Taking into consideration the defini-
tion above of the term "vernacular," which
states that "we do not consider the language
of a minority in a country as a vernacular
if it is an official language in another coun-
try," we object to the degradation ill this
UNESCO publication of the Ukrainian and
Byelorussian languages to vernaculars be-
cause they are official languages in their own
republics, which, as pointed out above, are
charter members of the United Nations, and
because, according to the constitutions of
these republics not only their state laws, but
according to the Constitution of the U.S.S.R.,
all federal laws must be upheld and published
in the official languages of the two mentioned
Slavic Union Republics. Article 40 of the
union constitution orders:
"Laws passed by the Supreme Soviet of the
U.S.S.R. are published in the languages of
the Union Republics over the signatures of
the President and Secretary of the Presidium
of the Supreme Soviet of the 'U.S.S.R."
(10) A strange and unscientific argument
was employed by the authors in order to
degrade these two Slavic languages to "ver-
naculars": "Ruthenian and White Russian
speakers can understand Great Russian."
This point of "understanding" demands a
scientific qualification "partly"; besides, it
is not a one-way argument, but logically
also applies in the other direction, to wit,
"partly" Great Russian speakers understand
Ruthenian and White Russian. But surely
this does not degrade "Great Russian" to a
vernacular of the official languages of the
Ukrainian or Byelorussian Republics. In
addition, the authors should know that the
"Ruthenian and White Russian speakers" un-
derstand Polish far more easily. Do not the
Slovaks and Czechs, on the one hand, and
the Poles and Ukrainians, on the other, un-
derstand themselves partly mutually? And
likewise the Slovenes, Croats, Serbs, and
Macedonians?
This "understanding" argument betrays
linguistic and historical dilettantism and
even Russian imperialistic bias, none of
which belongs in scholarly publications as-
piring to scientific qbjectivity.
(11) The following excerpt is obscure:
"Main languages which are real vernaculars
in Europe, not including the Soviet Union,
though some of them are also spoken in
the Union, are: Armenian, spoken in Bul-
garia, Turkey and the U.S.S.R. * * * Lithu-
anian, spoken in Poland, Germany, and
the U.S.S.R. ? * 5," and together with
Basque, Lapp, Catalan, Lusatian-Serb or
Wend, Gaelic, etc., they are finally classed in
the same group as "Roman or Gypsy, spoken
in varied forms almost everywhere" (p. 42) .
Where is simple logic? The editors cited
their definition of vernacular and expressly
stated that "we do not consider the languages
of a minority in one country as vernacular
if it is an official language in another." But
they do just that by classifying Armenian,
the official language of the Armenian Soviet
Socialist Republic, as spoken in Bulgaria,
Turkey, and even in the Soviet Union, to
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16502 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
which the Republic belongs, as a "real ver-
nacular." The same treatment is accorded
Lithuanian, the official language of the Lith-
uanian Soviet Socialist Republic, as spoken
In Poland, Germany, and even in the Soviet
Union?
These three nations?Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania?have a record of heroic resistance
to the dictatorship of Russian communism,
which by breaking all principles of justice
and international law abolished in these
countries all human rights and fundamental
freedoms. Our Government does not rec-
ognize their occupation and integration into
the Soviet Union; but just now, when these
nations are fighting for their very existence,
UNESCO erases Estonian and Latvian from
the European family of existing national and
official languages while Lithuanian is clas-
sified as a real vernacular on a level with
the Gypsy language.
III
In the Soviet Union, the reader is in-
formed, about 100 different main lan-
guages are spoken. These include six
Slavic languages, but only two are given be-
tween parentheses (Great Russian, Polish).
The languages of the two other Slavic re-
publics of the Soviet Union were not re-
garded as important enough to cite, although
Polish was included by some strange logic of
the UNESCO linguists. Then follows the
long quotation from the work by E. Koutais-
sof, an individual cited by UNESCO as an
authority on Soviet educational policy. Mr.
Koutaissof makes the following points on
Soviet educational policy:
(a) that it has aimed at providing educa-
tion in the vernacular;
(b) that languages which had no written
form have been endowed with scientifically
devised alphabets and grammars;
(c) that difficult and ill-adapted alphabets
of languages were replaced by similar Latin
and the latter by the Russian script which
made the art of reading and writing more
accessible to the masses;
(d) that the need for a unifying lan-
guage led to the introduction of compulsory
Russian and the concomitant use of the
Russian alphabet for most vernaculars;
(e) that so far there have been no at-
tempts at devising a simplified form of pid-
gin-Russian;
(f) that the aim of the Soviet policy
seems to be a bilingual population proud
of its own national achievements yet en-
joying access to the wider world through
Russian; and for that purpose even great
Russian writers have translated major Euro-
pean works and popular native songs and
epics into Russian.
On these points on "Soviet educational
policy" which are accepted and publicized
by UNESCO as objective truth, we should like
to make the following comments:
(1) It is wholly untenable on the part of
UNESCO to accept as gospel the Russian
Communist point of view about the "place
of Russian in the Non-Slavic Republics of
the U.S.S.R." American scholars of the So-
viet language and educational policy are not
provided with an equal opportunity to pre-
sent their point of view. But above all it
is unobjective to disregard the opinions on
these problems of the free scholars of those
nationalities now in exile. UNESCO pre-
sents only one side of the coin?the Com-
munist one. The reverse side is ignored. Is
the free world yet to be a free market of
ideas?
It is a fact established by an immense
amount of material and authoritative state-
ments of the Russian Comunist Party itself
2 "Gaelic, spoken in the United Kingdom,"
is also falsely degraded to a vernacular be-
cause it is the official language of the Irish
Republic.
that philology, linguistics and education are
subordinated to the dictatorship of the Com-
munist Party for the realization of its pro-
gram. Therefore, to publish such informa-
tion on Soviet educational policy and its at-
titude toward the non-Russian languages in
the Soviet Union without critical remarks
and factual background information is a
flagrant abuse of the UNESCO forum.
This disregard for the human rights and
fundamental freedoms of these non-Russian
nations is the more unfortunate in that it
is displayed by a U.N. organization. More-
over, it appears in a publication whose ex-
penses are paid for by the free world, espe-
cially the United States.
(2) As background information for the un-
derstanding of the Russian Communist
policy regarding education and non-Russian
languages in the Soviet Union, one must
keep in mind its guiding principles and
dialectical method of thinking and acting.
The aim, 'as formulated by Stalin at the
16th Congress of the All-Union Party (1930)
regarding languages, is:
"The flourishing of national culture and
languages during the period of the dictator-
ship in a single country is permitted, but
with the purpose of preparing conditions for
the dying out and amalgamation of these
cultures and languages into a? single culture
and common language when socialism
achieves victory in the whole world." 3
The historic mission of Russian, as formu-
lated by D. Zaslavsky, is:
"The Russian language has become the
world language. * * ? The succession of
languages runs through the ages. Latin was
the language of the ancient world; French,
of the feudal epoch; English, of capitalism;
Russian is the world language of socialism.
French is the fancy language of courtiers,
and English is the jargon of traders. They
were the tongues of ruling classes and of
snobbish intellectuals. The English lan-
guage corrupted people in foreign lands,
Russian is the first language of internation-
alism. No one can call himself a scholar if
he does not know Russian. Russians un-
questionably occupy first place in the social
sciences. All future progress in these
sciences has been determined by the genius
of Lenin and Stalin."
For the realization of these aims, the Rus-
sian Communist dictatorship used the so-
called Soviet Linguistic Theory of N. Ya.
Marr, who, after 1920, elaborated it on the
basis "of the tenets of dialectical and his-
torical materialism. 6 (The theory was re-
voked by Stalin himself in June 1950.6)
The main principles of Marr's theory are:
(a) all things in society?the political, ju-
dicial, philosophical, religious, and artistic?
are superstructures resting on an economic
basis; consequently, language also is a
superstructure; (b) as everything in society
has class characteristics, there do not exist
national languages but only class languages;
(c) the historical and economic process
moves inevitably toward the establishment
of the one and indivisible proletarian repub-
lic the world over, and Lenin postulated for
this era the emerging of one Soviet nation,
with one Soviet culture and one language.
The task of Soviet linguistics is to realize
6We underscore the point that languages
have no rights as such in the Soviet Union
but only permission from the Russian Com-
munist Party.
4 Literaturnaia Gazeta, February 1949.
See Roman Smal-Stocki, "The National-
ity Problem of the Soviet Union," pp. 79-92.
*See Roman Smal-Stocki, "Reasons for the
Revocation of Marr's Linguistic Theory by
Stalin, June 1951," Proceedings of the
Shevchenko Scientific Society, vol. I, Philo-
sophical Section, New York-Paris, 1955, pp.
5-22.
August 30
the first phase of this process and to speed
up through enforced use of Russian the uni-
fication process of languages in the Soviet
Union, and (d) all Indo-European linguis-
tics, with their conception of an Indo-Eu-
ropean family of languages and its original
protolanguage, is "bourgeois nonsense"; in-
stead, all languages of the world developed
from four original elements?sal, ber, yon,
and rosh?from which all words of all lan-
guages stem.
Marr, convinced that there exists in the
whole world a "single glottologic-language-
forming process," classified languages accord-
ing to stage theory in four groups based on
the level of the economic development of the
peoples. At the very top appear the Semitic
and Indo-European languages. Next appear
three groups of languages frozen at a given
stage?economically, socially, linguistically?
which represent obsolete language systems
because their stagnation is final. To these
groups belong also the Finno-Ugric, Turkic,
and Mongolian languages. Into the most
primitive group at the very bottom, Marr
placed Chinese and the living Middle and
Far African languages. (The main reason
for Stalin's revocation of Marr's theory was
the Communist conquest of China.)
Marr's Soviet linguistic theory underlaid
the linguistic, nationality, and educational
policy of the whole Stalin period up to
1950, and it clarifies the statement of Stalin
at the 16th Congress in 1930, on the
"flourishing of national culture and lan-
guages during the period of the dictator-
ship." But Stalin simultaneously advanced
an important condition for this "flourish-
ing," namely, in the non-Russian languages
everything has to be Of "Socialist content"
and must be expressed only in "national lan-
guage form." Its practical consequences
soon became apparent: "Socialist content"
could best be expressed by introducing only
Russian words and phrases into the non-
Russian languages, that is, by Russifying
them.
At the same time the Russian classic lan-
guage and literature, developed by the Rus-
sian nobility and bourgeoisie, were pro-
claimed by the Russian Communists as the
"proud heritage of the Russian proletariat."
Russian was proclaimed as "classless," "all-
national,', as the "language of the great
Lenin and the Communist revolution" and
of the "big brother." Therefore, this lan-
guage has to be preserved in absolute purity
as a holy language. The application of
Marr's Theory after 1928 signified an enforced
Russification of all non-Russian languages
In the Soviet Union.
Russian communism thus established not
only a Russian political and economic dic-
tatorship, but a linguistic one as well. All
non-Russian languages and nations lost the
freedom to express their peculiarities in
orthography, terminology, vocabulary, phra-
seology, and syntactical constructions. The
aim of Soviet policy clearly was the creation
of a "Soviet nation" with a Russian culture
and language.
This aim has been partially realized by
applying genocide, by liquidating leading
linguists, writers, even Communist leaders
of the non-Russian nations and nationali-
ties, by a systematic Russification of the
universities and the education of the non-
Russian nations and by colonizing their ter-
ritories with Russians and accusing all op-
ponents of this Russian imperialism of
"bourgeois nationalism."
The present Khrushchev era is character-
ized by the same dialectical thesis-antithesis.
In slogans of "flourishing national cultures
and languages" for the non-Russian nations
and nationalities, on the one hand, and eter-
nal friendship among the Soviet family of
progressive peoples, on the other, we note a
deepening Russification of the schools of
the non-Russian nations. Soviet educa-
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
tional standards compel the teaching of
Russian 15 hours weekly in non-Russian
schools, whereas only 81/2 hours are given
over to native language instruction. This is
in accord with established Soviet goals for the
"synthesis" of all nations into one Russian
Soviet nation, which will be the "vanguard
of humanity" and give the world "Russian as
the international language." This cultural
world imperialism is pursued by all means,
including the so-called "cultural exchanges."
This privileged and master position of the
Russian language in the Soviet Union is
established by the Russian Communist
Party in direct violation of Article 13 of the
Soviet Constitution:
"The Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
is a federal state, formed on the basis of
a voluntary union of equal Soviet Repub-
lics."
And also of article 123:
"Equality of rights of citizens of the
U.S.S.R., irrespective of their nationality or
race, in all spheres of economic, govern-
mental, cultural, political, and other public
activity, is an indefeasible law.
"Any direct or indirect restriction of the
rights of, or, conversely, the establishment
of any direct or indirect privileges for citi-
zens on account of their race or nationality,
as well as any advocacy of racial or nationad
exclusiveness or hatred and contempt, is
punishable by law."
The Soviet Constitution is thus mere
window dressing.
For 40 years the non-Russian nations and
nationalities have been resisting Russian
cultural imperialism and its linguistic dic-
tatorship. This fight is one of the facets of
so-called national communism among the
non-Russian Communists, who demanded
for all languages in the Soviet Union equal
rights with the Russian language. They de-
manded the right for the writers, poets, and
scholars of all nations and nationalities of
the U.S.S.R. to develop and to cultivate their
languages in order to make language an in-
strument of perfect understanding among
the individuals using it toward popular edu-
cation in democracy and humanism. They
demanded full liberty of languages as real-
ized in Switzerland, the United States, Can-
ada, or the British Commonwealth. The
non-Russian linguists and philologists espe-
cially demanded the right of language self-
determination for all non-Russian nations,
Including the right?without interference
from Russian Communists?to establish the
orthographic, grammatical, and terminologi-
cal norms of the languages and to conduct
free objective research in the field of lin-
guistics and philology.
This background information is essential
for the understanding of the language prob-
lems of the non-Russian nations and na-
tionalities which are inseparably merged with
the basic ideas and purposes of the United
Nations Charter, namely "* ? * to develop
friendly relations among nations based on
respect for the principle of equal rights and
self-determination of peoples?and to
achieve international cooperation in solving
international problems of an economic,
social, cultural, or humanitarian character,
and in promoting and encouraging respect
for human rights and for fundamental free-
doms for all without distinction as to race,
sex, language, or religion."
Without this information the American
reader in the free world would get a com-
pletely false idea from the UNESCO publi-
cation about the plight of the non-Russian
languages in the Soviet Union; he would be
prone to accept the baseless thesis as truth
that the Russian dictatorship has left free
at least one field, that of language and
linguistics, for the non-Russian nations,
nationalities, and peoples.
(3) Against this background of the non-
Russian languages problem in the Soviet
No. 151-22
LIA-RDP63T00245R000300340001-3
Union, we now turn to an evaluation of the
information about the Soviet Union, point
for point:
With reference to point (a) : Soviet educa-
tional policy- has not "aimed at providing
education in the vernacular." First, the So-
viet educational policy is aimed not at all
at education, in the sense that we under-
stand education, but at Russian Communist
Indoctrination with the final goal of propa-
gandizing the world revolution. Second, it
is wrong to classify the official languages of
the non-Slavic Union Republics or even the
languages of the autonomous Soviet Socialist
Republics as vernaculars. Third, the Rus-
sian Communist Party is everywhere provid-
ing not education in the vernacular, but
Russification of the vernaculars by making
their natural development practically im-
possible.
On point (b) : It is true that some lan-
guages which had no written form have been
endowed with alphabets and grammars, but
it is also true that this was done to facilitate
the Russification of these languages and
peoples by imposing on them the Cyrillic
script, used in Russian.
On point (c) : It is untrue that difficult
and ill-adapted alphabets were replaced by
simpler Latin and later by the Russian script
in order to make the art of reading and that
of writing accessible to the masses. The fact
is that in order to separate the Moslem
nations from the alphabets of their cultural
Islamic heritage and to facilitate atheist
propaganda and Russification, first the Rus-
sians used the slogan: "The Latin alphabet
is the beginning of the revolution and of
progress." This reform cut off the literate
native masses from the art of reading and
writing. Becoming aware that the Moslem
nations of the Soviet Union acquired through
this reform a common Latin script with Tur-
key and that by this script their opposition
to Russification became stronger, the Rus-
sian Communist Party then ordered the
Cyrillic script to be used in the languages of
all the non-Russian nations (with the ex-
ception of the Georgian and Armenian) to-
gether with the Soviet Linguistic Theory of
Marr. Even upon Rumanian in the Molda-
vian Soviet Republic was the Cyrillic script
impressed, and the Rumanian nation was
split.
It is unscientific in a UNESCO publication
to use for the Cyrillic script the term "Rus-
sian"; moreover, it demonstrates the Russian
Communist imperialist bias. This script in
scientific literature is called Cyrillic after its
supposed creator, the Slavic apostle of Chris-
tianity, St. Cyril. This script is used by the
Bulgarians, Serbs, Macedonians, Ukrainians,
Byelorussians, Cossacks, and Russians. To
introduce the term "Russian script" in a
UNESCO publication, a political term which
is preferred by Russian communism and im-
perialistic pan-Russianism and atheism, is
strikingly unfair to all the other Slavic na-
tions and their languages.
On point (d) : It was not the need for a
unifying language which led to the introduc-
tion of compulsory Russian and the con-
comitant use of the Russian alphabet for
most vernaculars in the Soviet Union, but
the interest of Russian cultural imperialism
and Russian Communist world revolution,
the first stage of which was and is the at-
tempted Russification of the non-Russian
languages in the U.S.S.R. and the creation of
a Russian speaking "Soviet nation."
On point (e) : The statement that so far
there have been no attempts at devising a
simplified form of "pidgin-Russian" is only
partly true. As a matter of fact, the Rus-
sian language is proclaimed as a kind of
"holy language" of the Russian Communist
secular faith, and the Russian Communists
prefer full Russification of the non-Russians
to simplified forms of pidgin-Russian.
But we must remark that the term
16503
"pidgin" is not used here in the proper
meaning of the definition. Pidgin is a lan-
guage which has arisen as the result of con-
tact between peoples of different language;
It is usually formed from a mixing of the
languages, and that presupposes a natural
process, as in the rise of pidgin-English.
But pidgin-Russian was created by Commu-
nist terror, compulsion, mass exiles, and by
the artificial methods of Marr's linguistic
theory. Therefore, among pidgin-languages
it merits a special term: Russian terror-
pidgin. (It was a special phenomenon in
the concentration camps.) The Russian
Communist Party became disinterested in
the creation of pidgin-Russian because the
Marr method stimulated anti-Russian na-
tionalism among the non-Russian nations,
and "national communism" rose among the
non-Russian Communists. Also the enforce-
ment of Russian in the captive countries of
Poland, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Hungary,
Bulgaria, and Yugoslavia had the same re-
sults. The Russian language, despite its
great literature, is presently hated among
non-Russian nations as the language of Rus-
sian Communist dictatorship and Pan-Rus-
sian chauvinism and Messianism.
On point (f ) : The statement that "the
aim of the Soviet policy seems to be a bilin-
gual population proud of its own national
achievements, yet enjoying access to the
wider world through Russian" is simply con-
trary to fact and to the statements of Lenin,
Stalin, and even present-day Communist
leaders. Everything national in regard to the
non-Russian nations is denounced as bour-
geois nationalism and counterrevolution by
today's Russian Communist imperialists.
The classic authors of the literatures of
the non-Russian nations (for instance:
Shevchenko, Franko, and Lesya Ukrainka of
Ukraine) are published in purged and falsi-
fied editions while the Russian classic au-
thors remain untouched. Consequently, the
non-Russian nationalities have no access to
their own national achievements or any feats
of heroism to take pride in. In any event,
any display of their national pride consti-
tutes bourgeois nationalism.
In the same way the ascribing to Russian
writers of a sense of devotion to the non-
Russian nations and nationalities which
motivates them to supply translations so
that all may participate in the intellectual
life of the larger community is only partly
true, and the examples are badly selected.
A "Karelian," which means a "Finn," can
read Rustavelli in Finnish, yet a Chukchi
fears to read the heroic poem "Manes" since
It was denounced as "nationalist Kirghiz"
by the Russians and since the purging of
many Kirghiz scholars by special "decree"
because they were "proud of their national
achievements." 8
Iv
Chapter II is dedicated to the report of
the UNESCO meeting of specialists in 1951.
This discussion completely ignored the lan-
guage problems in the Soviet Union, their
history and experiences since 1920.
To be sure, many of the suggestions and
recommendations of this report are valuable,
but these will never be seriously considered
by the Russian Communist dictatorship. It
is worthwhile for linguists to compare the
*See the experiences of an American speak-
ing Russian in Poland in the article, "I'm
Suspected," in "Talmanac Goes to Poland
and Czechoslovakia." Talman Federal Sav-
ings and Loan Association. Chicago, Ill., p.
1. One Pole warned another: "This man
says he is American but he speaks Russian.
Be careful."
8 See Roman Smal-Stocki, "The Nationality
Problem of the Soviet Union," pp. 290-293;
"Vestnik Akademii Nauk S.S.S.R.," No. 12,
1950.
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16504 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE August 30
suggestions and recommendations on "The
Choice of Writing Systems" and "Questions
of Vocabulary and Structure" with the real
situation enforced on the non-Russian na-
tions by the Russian Communists. The
statement of Professor Sauvegeot on pages
72-74 is excellent, a point which especially
must be applied to all non-Russian languages
in the Soviet Union:
"If Finnish had not adapted itself through
centuries to the successive needs with which
it was confronted, the Finnish people would
today speak only Swedish, and would thereby
have lost all the treasures which they have
inherited from their ancestors and which
they have succeeded in handing down to the
present generation. Many other examples of
the same type could be quoted, showing that,
for a people desirous of preserving their
heritage, no price could be too high in an
effort to adapt their language to the needs
which circumstances impose upon them.
Success in this is essential if we wish to
preserve, for the future of mankind, that
diversity of civilizations which enriches all,
and modern linguistics vastly facilitates it."
Here is the great tragedy of present times?
that the Russian Communist dictatorship
attempts to do just the opposite. It at-
tempts to impose on the non-Russian lan-
guages and nations the fate of the Karelian
part of the Finnish language whose speaking
population the Russians hope to completely
Russify and absorb in the next decade, as
they have already done with the Jews. Their
Karelo-Finnish Union Republic already is
abolished.
Chapter III includes some case histories.
Only one of them has any connection with
present-day Russian communism, namely,
the Finno-Ugrian Experiment, reported by
Professor Sauvegeot. We are happy to see
that the Estonian language, missing in ap-
pendix I in the "Tentative Classification of
the Languages Spoken in the World Today,"
appears here. But the article is purely his-
torical, and the author does not mention
what happened to the Karelo-Finnish lan-
guage in the Soviet Union, or to Estonian
and Magyar, after World War II under Rus-
sian communism. Also the Ingrians, an
example of Soviet genocide, are in this con-
nection not mentioned at all.
Only in one case did we find an impor-
tant principle applied for the solution of
language problems. On page 99 in a discus-
sion on Bahasa Indonesia:
"This not democratic in the modern sense,
and does not appeal to the generation which
has coined the slogan, 'One country, one
people, and one language.'"
Thus there is a double moral standard in
the UNESCO publication, one, the demo-
cratic principle, for the countries of the free
world and the languages of the colonial peo-
ples liberated by the free world, another for
the languages of the nations and nationali-
ties which fell victim to Russian Soviet
imperialism.
In summation, the information on the
Soviet Union and its sphere of influence
is unobjective and inaccurate. It creates
a false impression about the language prob-
lems of the Soviet Union by silencing the
attitude of the Russian Communist Party
toward the non-Russian languages. Lastly,
it was allowed to be written with pro-Soviet
Russian imperialist bias.
The second publication to be discussed
is: "Contributions a l'Histoire Russe?
Studies on Russian History?Contribuciones
a la Historia Russ, Cahier d'Histoire Mon-
diale, Numero Special," 1958; Editions de la
Baconniere, Neuchatel; published under the
financial assistance of UNESCO.
It consists of a preface of A. A. Zvorikine,
vice president of the commission interne-
tionale pour une histoire du developpement
scientiflque et cultural de l'humanite, and
three chapters with articles dedicated to
(1) prehistory, (2) the Middle Ages and the
16th century, and (3) the period from the
18th to the 20th century, written by
representative Soviet scholars of good
standing in the Russian Communist Party.
The following matters cannot but provoke
strong criticism in the free world:
(1) Terminology: In English, French, and
Spanish the volume uses in the title the
terms: Russian, Russe, and Rusa. Just what
do these terms mean in this UNESCO pub-
lication?
From Zvorikine's preface (p. 13) the reader
learns that Georgia, Uzbekistan, Eastern
Siberia, North Caucasus, Ukraine, Crimea,
Armenia, and Central Asia (p. 14) since the
paleolithic and mesolithic ages are "Rus-
sian" and the histories of all the colonies
of the old czarist Russian Empire from the
dawn of man up to the present are "Rus-
sian history." Zvorikine does use objec-
tively and systematically in his preface the
terms "Soviet Union" or U.S.S.R., but in
the title the Russian imperialistic bias comes
to full expression, "Soviet Union" being
equated with "Russia."
Is this terminology of the title objective
and scientific or is it Russian imperialist
propaganda?
Would UNESCO write in this fashion in
the case of the countries and peoples of the
former European colonies in Asia or Africa,
including, for instance, India or Egypt since
ancient ages in the history of Great Britain,
or Morocco and Tunis in French history?
Why must "Russian Lebensraum" be re-
spected by UNESCO in such a way and why
must it be propagated by such terminology
throughout the free world?
The term "Russie-Russia" has a second
meaning in chapter I in the article of I. U.
Boudovnitz. Here it is used for the Kievan
Rus-Ukraine in spite of the fact that even
Soviet Academician A. D. Grekov, in his
English works published in Moscow, insists
for this state and era on the use of the term
"Kiev Rus" ("The Culture of Kiev Rus,"
Moscow, 1947) as well as in his German
translations on the term "Rus" ("Die Bauern
in der Rus, Geschichte der Kultur der Alten
Rus," Academie Verlag, Berlin, 1959).
The term "Russie-Russia" has a third
meaning in chapter II, denoting Moscovia-
Muscovy?which is also used in the present
Soviet terminology in Russian.
To top off this terminological confusion
the term "Russie-Russia" is used in the
third chapter. Czar Peter I changed the
name of the Muscovite Czardom to "Russian
Empire"; from that time on this term for
the state is fully justified. The ruling Mus-
covite nation and empire changed its na-
tionality term gradually to "Russian" and
now also terms as "Russian" its language,
culture, and history. This term is an ex-
pression of the Russian imperialism and co-
lonialism of the Russian Petrine empire. It
has created constant confusion between
"Russian" equalling citizenship or, better,
"subjectship," and "Russian" equalling the
language, culture, and history of the im-
perial Muscovites. Consequently, at the
present time these two meanings should also
always be terminologically separated in the
interest of an objective presentation of East
European history.
What is behind these terminological tricks
of the Soviet "savants"? It is this. By the
introduction of a common term "Russie-
Russia" for all the periods of East European
and partly even Asiatic history from the
paleolithic up to the present Soviet Union,
the Russian Communists attempt to create,
in the free world, the impression of a "con-
tinuity of Russia" for the defense of the
integrity and indivisibility of "Russia" be-
hind which lurks the old Russian-Muscovite
imperialism and colonialism.
In order to provide a firm basis for the
evaluation of the present problem of the
term "Russia" being equated with the term'
"Soviet Union," we submit the scholarly
opinion of a distinguished American geog-
rapher, Prof. Eugene Van Cleef, Ohio State
University, who in his article "Russia or
U.S.S.R.?" ? writes:
"It may be well enough for the 'man on
the street' to use the term 'Russia' when
he means the U.S.S.R., but when a geog-
rapher does so the sin seems unpardonable.
"Today, officially speaking, the U.S.S.R.
consists of * * ? so-called Republics one
of which is commonly named 'Russia' or
technically, Russian Federated Socialist Re-
public. Presumably, the Government of the
Soviet Union has a right to organize itself
into such political units as pleases itself.
Because it has decreed to employ as the
name for one of its divisions, a name which
once upon a time referred to the whole na-
tion is no justifiable ground for continuing
to use Russia in its wrong sense?certainly
not among an intellectual folk.
"There are those who contend that `Russia'
Is more convenient to say than 'U.S.S.R.,'
much less the protracted expression 'Union
of Soviet Socialist Republics.' And there
are those who argue that inasmuch as the
R.S.F.S.R. contains the seat of the National
Government and is the largest in area and
population of the Republics it is legitimate
to say 'Russia, when we mean U.S.S.R.
Again, we may hear it said, `Everybody knows
what we mean when we say Russia, so why
bother with saying U.S.S.R.?'
"Of course, it is the privilege of any per-
son to use any nomenclature which pleases
his fancy, provided he announces in advance
what his intentions are. If he declares, 'I
am now going to discuss matters pertaining
to the U.S.S.R., but I shall use the word Rus-
sia in its stead,' he is on safe ground.
"These contentions, justifications, whims,
and other bases for deviating from the
standard or the official nomenclature may
satisfy millions of persons and, arguing
'common usage' to be the criterion for the
accepted meaning of a word, these persons
are sincere in their continued erroneous
ways.
"Even if we were to grant as sound all
these misuses by the masses, we as geogra-
phers can hardly tolerate an identical atti-
tude among ourselves. Nor can we excuse
our own error, when we commit it, on the
ground of wishing not to give an impression
of superior knowledge by being correct. If
there be geographers who dissent, then we
can only say they do a disservice to our sci-
ence.
"After World War I, many nations sought
to gain official recognition by other nations,
of the native names of their cities. For ex-
ample, Norway announced the abandonment
of Christiania and its replacement by Oslo.
Interestingly enough, the world promptly
acceded to the request, and few if any of the
younger generation are aware of the change.
On the other hand Eire, or Ireland, asked
that Dublin give way to Baile Atha Cliath.
But although modern atlases show this
name, hardly a person outside Eire uses that
form?the probable reason is clear enough.
The correct pronounciation of the native
name is almost impossible by those unfa-
miliar with the Celtic language. Even so,
this type of substitution for the correct
name is of a different order from that of
Russia for the U.S.S.R. The two forms are
synonymous. They do not have different
official meanings. A part is not substituted
for the whole as in the case of Russia for the
"The U.S. Board of Geographic Names
'In editing materials for accuracy and con-
sistency of geographic names * * permits
the abbreviation "U.S.S.R." and the term
? The Journal of Geography, vol. 54, No-
vember 1955, pp. 413-415.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
"Soviet Union" for the present-day entity,
but limits the use of "Russia" to references
to pre-Soviet Russia.' Again, 'We recom-
mend "Russian Soviet Federated Socialist
Republic," or the abbreviations "RSFSR"
for the largest of the Soviet republics.' So
states the Executive Secretary of the Board.
This recognition by the Board ought to serve
as a sufficiently authoritative basis for any-
one to employ the term 'Russia' correctly
and without embarrassment. Certainly for
the geographer there is no alternative; nor
need he be apologetic for being correct."
(2) Scholarly objectivity: In order to
evaluate the articles from the scholarly point
of view one must consider facts of Soviet
life under Communist dictatorship. Hav-
ing sketched the plight of linguistics under
Russian Communist dictatorship, we now
present the situation of all liberal arts and
sciences under the Soviet regime.
It is a matter of fact, unquestioned by
the Communists themselves:
(a) that since the establishment of the
Russian Communist dictatorship in Petro-
grad, its later expansion into the Soviet
Union and, after World War H, over the
new colonies, academic freedom has been
abolished in all the captive nations. The
inalienable rights of all scholars in the
fields of liberal arts and sciences were de-
stroyed with irreparable damage to these
disciplines, to the culture of all the captive
nations inside and outside of the Soviet
Union, and to the whole of mankind.
(b) that all liberal arts and sciences in
the Soviet Union and its sphere of domina-
tion are subordinated to the Marxist-
Leninist dictatorship of the Russian Com-
munist Party, which has converted them
into tools of the Russian cultural imperial-
ism. This is also especially true of the sci-
ences, which have become one of the most
efficacious tools of Communist world revo-
lution.
(c) that the Soviet police state created a
Soviet police liberal arts and sciences and
also a Soviet police literature, according to
Marxist-Leninist Party dogmas and the
established directives of the Russian Com-
munist Party. Thus in fact from the very
top, from the Soviet Academy of Sciences
and its system of academies over the uni-
versities and its institutions to the lower
levels of education, all research and educa-
tion is directed by the Communist Party ac-
cording to Marxism-Leninism in a constant
cold war inside and outside the Soviet Union
against any freedom of thought. All liberal
arts and sciences are subordinated to rigid
conformism following the party line, and
only the party can change, through new
directives, the opinions of scholars and pro-
fessors, who, having no tenure, are com-
pletely at the mercy a the party. Scholars
cannot collaborate (in the meaning of the
free world); one can only collaborate with
the Russian Communist Party, which ter-
rorizes them. Soviet scholars are merely
the loudspeakers of the Russian Commu-
nist Party?not the representatives of free
and objective research of the nations, na-
tionalities, and peoples of the Soviet Union.
In the present era of Soviet Russian im-
perialism and colonialism since the end of
World War I, the Communist Party continues
the policy of the old czarist Russian Gov-
ernment, especially with regard to the liberal
arts. The old White Russian czarism sys-
tematically persecuted all liberal arts of the
non-Russian nations, especially history,
philology, and linguistics. The far-reaching
persecution of all free research was accom-
panied by the creation of pseudo-scientific
imperialist conceptions in history, philology,
and linguistics, imposed by the czarist gov-
ernment upon schools and teaching in the
empire. The most important pseudo-scien-
tific conceptions of Russian imperialism
were:
(a) the official scheme of "Russian his-
tory," which negated the existence of sepa-
rate Ukrainian and Byeloruthenian (Byelo-
russian) historical streams. The Kievan
Rus-Ukraine and all its cultural achieve-
ments simply disappeared in the maw of
"Russian" history.
(b) the conception of the so-called
"Proto-Russian parent language" in Slavic
philology, which gave Russian chauvinist
politicians the terms "Russia and Russians"
in order to deprive the Ukrainian and Byelo-
ruthenian languages of their rank as inde-
pendent Slavic languages and to degrade
them to "dialects of Russian," unfit for use
in public life or for instruction. Thus Rus-
sian was forced upon Ukraine and Byelo-
russia as the literary language (by ukase
of the czar Ukrainian has been forbidden
since the year 1876). These dogmas of
"unity in history and language" of the
Ukrainians and Byeloruthenians with the
Russians became the cornerstone of Russian
imperialist propaganda to preserve the "in-
tegrity and indivisibility of the Russian em-
pire."
After the expansion of the Russian Com-
munist dictatorship by aggressive wars and
subversion into the former colonial terri-
tories of czarist Russia, territories which
made legitimate use of the right of self-
determination and during the revolution
proclaimed their independence (Idel-Ural
Tarters, Ukraine, Kuban Cossacks, Byelo-
ruthenia, Don Cossacks, North Caucasians,
Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Siberia, Tur-
kestan?only Finland, Estonia, Latvia, and
Lithuania preserved their freedom) the Rus-
sian Communist dictatorship at the end of
the NEP period (1928) reestablished the old
czarist pseudoscientific conceptions as dog-
mas. In philology the conception of the
"Proto-Russian unity of the Byeloruthenian,
Russian, and Ukranian languages" (amongst
which Russian is not equal with the others,
but rules as the "language of the older
brother" and the "holy language" of the
Communist revolution) was revived and
Marr's "theory" was used, as discussed, for
the forced Russification a all non-Russian
languages in the Soviet Union. M. N. Po-
krovsky's official Marxist history 11 condemn-
ing Russian imperialism and colonialism was
banned. The old czarist official Russian
scheme of history was reintroduced, and
Under the editorship of Mrs. A. M. Pan-
kratova, the history of the Soviet Union
and of all non-Russian nations was re-
written, according to the conception that
Russian imperialism was the "lesser evil,"
"progressive," and "beneficial" to the eco-
nomic, political, and cultural development
of all non-Russian nations. A glorification
of Ivan the Terrible and a Peter I is a
peculiarity of the new Communist evalu-
ation of Muscovite and Russian history,
which also expanded the idea of the "in-
tegrity and indivisibility of Russia equal the
Soviet Union" into the paleolithic age.
According to M. A. Zinoviev: 12 "History is
a powerful weapon of Communist education
and it must wholly serve the cause of the
struggle for communism," and so the history
of the Soviet Union for the last few decades
is a history which Is continuously being
rewritten. This fact is proven by a large
10 In 1906 some objective Russian academi-
cians, among them the leading Russian lin-
guists?F. E. Korsh, F. F. Fortunatov, A. A.
Shachmatv?defended the independence and
equality of the Ukrainian language in a
"considered opinion" of the Imperial Acad-
emy of Sciences.
11 M. N. Pokrovsky, "Brief History of Rus-
sia," vol. I, II, Marxist Library, Works of
Marxism-Leninism. New York, 1933, Inter-
national Publishers.
12M. A. Zinoviev, "Soviet Methods of
Teaching History," Washington, 1952.
16505
literature (example, C. E. Black, "Rewriting
Russian History," Frederick A. Praeger, 1956,
New York). The history of Slavic philology
and linguistics in the Soviet Union has also
a large literature (see the writer's work, "The
Nationality Problem of the Soviet Union,"
Bruce Co., 1952, Milwaukee, Wis., pp. 93-259)
and the work (in Ukrainian) of Pantelei-
mon Kovaliv, "Principles of Formation of
the Ukrainian Language in Comparison
With Other Eastern Slavic Languages,"
Memoirs of the Shevchenko Scientific So-
ciety, vol. CLXVIII, New York, 1958). How
the Russian Communist Party eliminated
free creativeness and thought in the litera-
tures of the nations under its dictatorship is
well represented in the work of Avrahm
Yarmolinsky, "Literature Under Commu-
nism," Russian and East European Institute,
Indiana University, 1957, Bloomington, Ind.
To recapitulate, all the articles of the
mentioned book published under UNESCO
auspices reflect Russian Communist Party
dogmas and directives. No credit attaches
to UNESCO for its endorsement and fi-
nancial support of this work of Communist
propaganda. Briefly, in "Russian history"
mention is made of all paleoanthropological
finds on the territory of the U.S.S.R. and
Siberia; the study of the Urartu civilization
in the Caucasus of such great importance for
Armenia and Georgia; the Rus-Ukrainian
written monuments of the llth century; an
article minimizing the influence of the Mon-
gols on the Muscovite civilization (in order
to counteract the school of thought that
Russia-Muscovy, in spite of her Byzantine
Orthodox religion, belongs not to the Byzan-
tine civilization but to the Turanian); the
great cultural achievements of Armenia and
Georgia before the Mongol invasion; the first
printed books of all Slavic nations. Then
all articles are restricted to the Russian-
Muscovite aspect of the history: the political
and social Russian literature of the 16th cen-
tury (attempting to make the tyranny of
Ivan the Terrible a European phenomenon
of the Renaissance); the Russian-Muscovite
inventors of the 18th and 19th centuries;
the evolution of the Russian theater, 1800-
1860; the development a Russian plastic arts
in the 19th century; Russian music in the
19th century. Hense these articles tend to
leave the reader with the impression that
not one of the Russian-conquered colonial
nations, nationalities, and peoples, who in
previous chapters were included in this
"Russian history," also had its own develop-
ment in literature, the theater, the plastic
arts, and music.
The book ends with an article on the
Marxian philosophy of G. V. Plekhanov and
with a eulogy for Lenin the philosopher,
Which reaches the level of a typical Com-
munist agitka.
VT
In light of the above, we hold that both
UNESCO publications are unobjective and
are permeated with the dogma of the Rus-
sian Communist Party. An abuse of the
objectives of UNESCO and a waste of the
money of the American taxpayer, they
comprise at the same time a direct aid in
the present cold war of ideas to the Russian
pseudoscientific infiltration in the free world.
Not to be overlooked is the effect on the
American scholar, who, grounded in the idea
of free scholarship from birth, labors under
the delusion that in collaborating with a
Soviet scholar he is advancing the objective
search for truth. In actuality, he collabo-
rates with the Russian Communist Party,
the fountainhead of all the scientific opin-
ions of its UNESCO delegates.
Hence such collaboration as in these
UNESCO publications comprises a direct vi-
olation of the spirit of the UNESCO Consti-
tution.
The attention of our Government is called
to the fact that it would be illogical and
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16506 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
without legal foundation to justify the con-
tent of these UNESCO publications by point
3 of article I of the UNESCO Constitution
which says:
"With a view to preserving the independ-
ence, integrity, and fruitful diversity of the
cultures and educational systems of the
States members of this organization, the or-
ganization is prohibited from intervening in
matters which are essentially within their
domestic jurisdiction."
We do not hereby propose any intervention
In Soviet domestic affairs; but we do demand
as an American scholar and citizen that
UNESCO publications must comply with its
constitution and that they be the expres-
sions of an "unrestricted pursuit of objec-
tive truth" and of a "free exchange of ideas
and knowledge," rather than a vehicle for
Russian Communist propaganda.
The truth is that the Russian Communist
dictatorship, as a signer of the U.N. Charter,
has violated its pledges regarding the non-
Russian languages, nations, and national-
ities, even with respect to two U.N. members,
Ukraine and Byelorussia, as are implicit in
article 55:
"With a view to the creation of conditions
of stability and well-being which are neces-
sary for peaceful and friendly relations
among nations based on respect for the
principle of equal rights and self-determina-
tion of peoples, the United Nations shall pro-
mote: (c) universal respect for, and observ-
ance of, human rights and fundamental
freedom for all without distinction as to
race, sex, language, or religion."
By collaborating with the Russian Com-
munist dictatorship, as it has in these ill-
conceived UNESCO publications, the United
States is depriving the United Nations and
herself as well of political and moral prestige
among all the non-Russian victims of the
Soviet Union, The publications comprise a
blatant disregard and contempt of their hu-
man rights, their fundamental freedoms and
their right to self-determination.
This collaboration manifests the double
standard of morals of the United States
which, on the one hand, condemns the Do-
minican and Cuban dictators, but on the
other collaborates in UNESCO with the dele-
gates of the Russian Communist Party, the
most tyrannical regime history has ever
known.
Finally, this collaboration with Soviet
scholars is based on a naive belief in "peace-
ful coexistence" with and a "gradual lib-
eralization" of Russian communism, a dan-
gerous obsession of some State Department
officials who did not even wait for the Soviet
"Trojan Horse," but voluntarily opened wide
the gates at UNESCO to it (at American ex-
pense), anticipating the "liberal Khrushchev
era." 13 Zvorikine is properly appreciative of
this (p. 13) :
"Le consentement donne par la redaction
des Cahiers a la publication de ce numero
special temoigne que le principe de la col-
laboration amicable des savants de divers
13For the whole Soviet Union all scholarly
activities are now regulated by the Resolu-
tions of the 21st Congress of the Communist
Party, which are enforced on all Academies
of Sciences of all Union Republics of the
non-Russian nations. In liberal arts the
aims are: "increasing the struggle against
bourgeois ideology, especially against bour-
geois nationalism and revisionism ? * * an
integral part of the propaganda of Marxist-
Leninist ideas must be an aggressive criti-
cism of the reactionary bourgeois ideology,
especially contemporary revisionism, bour-
geois nationalism and cosmopolitanism."
To these directives are subordinated history,
linguistics, philosophy, literature, law, social
sciences, and ethnography. Cf. "Dopovidi
Akadexnii Nauk U.S.S.R.," copy 6, 1960, p.
848-849.
pays se realise dans notre travail en Com-
mum."
(3) On behalf of the Shevchenko Scientific
Society, an American learned association, we
protest against these publications and re-
quest our Department of State:
(a) To influence UNESCO in the name of
fair play to grant equal rights to American
scholars whose opinions do not conform with
Russian Communist Party lines in a similar
"numero special" publication under the
auspices of UNESCO and with its financial
assistance.
(b) To insure that this UNESCO publica-
tion receives the same treatment in Soviet
Union libraries as the mentioned UNESCO
publication got in the free world. Only
then will a basis have been established for
a scholarly discussion and exchange of ideas,
(c) To insist that the American delega-
tion to UNESCO be supplemented by Ameri-
can scholars?specialists in the field of
liberal arts and sciences of the non-Russian
nations, nationalities and peoples inside the
Soviet Union and within the sphere of in-
fluence of Russian communism.
go,
RESOLUTIONS ADOPTED AT THE OBSERVANCE OF
THE SECOND ANNIVERSARY OF CAPTIVE NA-
TIONS WEEK, SPONSORED BY THE AMERICAN
FRIENDS OF THE ANTI-BOLSHEVIK BLOC OF
NATIONS ( AF-ABN) , JULY 16, 1961, NEW
YORK CITY
Whereas the President of the United States
of America has proclaimed Captive Nations
Week according to Public Law 86-90 in sup-
port of the liberation of all captive nations;
and
Whereas the Communist menace has in-
creased during the last year, especially in
Cuba, Laos, and in Berlin; and
Whereas the free world, particularly the
United States of America has become the last
resort and bastion of hope of the captive na-
tions; and
Whereas the Communists, pursuing their
openly declared policy of world domination,
have violated and usurped the then-free na-
tions of Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bul-
garia, Byelorussia, China (mainland), Cos-
sackia, Croatia, Cuba, Czechia, East Ger-
many, Estonia, Georgia, Hungary, Idel-Ural,
Latvia, Lithuania, North Korea, North Viet-
nam, Poland, Rumania, Serbia, Slovakia,
Slovenia, Tibet, Turkestan, and Ukraine and
destroyed their respective Governments, in-
dividual rights, and freedom and carried out
a policy of genocide, deportation, and wide-
spread deployment (reshuffle) of native
populations for the purpose of completely
subjugating these nations; and
Whereas we and all God-fearing and peace-
loving peoples, who demonstrated by their
actions the respect for human rights and
freedom as well as the integrity of all other
nations, are firmly convinced that there can-
not be real peace until and unless the wrongs
which have been perpetrated by Communist
Russia and Red China are righted by return-
ing to all the captive nations and all the
captive peoples their fundamental freedom
and national independence; and
Whereas we are further convinced that any
compromise with Communist Russia in any
area of the world will lead to nothing less
than the confirmation of the declared policy
of Moscow aimed at world conquest, and
will in fact encourage it to further aggres-
sion and territorial aggrandizement; and
Whereas in recent declarations by states-
men of the United States and other free
countries there has been expressed the tra-
ditional faith in self-government and na-
tional independence of all the nations, thus
making us confident that peace, justice, and
liberty shall be restored as the inalienable
rights of all the captive nations: Now, there-
fore, be it
Resolved, That we respectfully request the
President, the Government and the Congress
of the United States of America:
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1. To implement the Captive Nations Week
resolution with appropriate and fitting
actions;
2. To call for a full-scale United Nations
Investigation into Russian Communist ag-
gression against all formerly independent
non-Russian nations now held in bondage
both within and outside the Soviet Union;
3. To ask the United Nations General As-
sembly to adopt a resolution calling for the
withdrawal of all Soviet Russian troops and
political police from the captive nations of
Eastern and Central Europe and Asia and for
the return to their respective homelands of
all peoples and their families who have been
deported to Soviet slave camps, contrary to
their will and in pursuance of Soviet Rus-
sia's policy of national genocide, and to allow
them to resume their lives under a system
of freedom and democratic governments,
elected by free and unfettered peoples within
their own national boundaries;
4. To provide material aid and support
to the enslaved peoples who are struggling
for their liberation from Communist tyran-
ny;
5. To create an international military
force to be composed of troops from all
countries enslaved by Communist-imposed
regimes to help uphold the principles of the
United Nations Charter;
6. To refrain from an economic aid to
countries now enslaved by Communist Rus-
sia, including Yugoslavia, thus weakening
the Red regimes to the point where their
enslaved peoples can successfully rebel and
throw off their yoke of captivity;
7. To press relentlessly in the United Na-
tions to bring Khrushchev and his
murderous regime to trial for his crime of
destroying the freedom of Hungary;
8. To regard the people of East Germany
as much in capitivity as the other Com-
munist-enslaved nations behind the Iron
Curtain; any compromise on Berlin should
be considered as the abandonment of the
cause of freedom;
9. To move toward the recognition of free
representatives of the captive peoples, rather
than ; the tyrants who now misrepresent
10. To oppose the admission of Red China
into the United Nations; such an admission
would be in violation of every principle
upon which the United Nations was founded
and for which it stands, and would in ef-
fect end the usefulness of the United Na-
tions as an instrument of justice and peace;
11. To support the passage of the Flood
resolution calling for the establishment of
a permanent House Committee on Captive
Nations, which is now before the House Rules
Committee. Such a committee would pro-
vide authoritative and unbiased knowledge
and information on the captive nations.
which could be made available for the U.S.
Government policymaking agencies; finally,
be it
Resolved, That we express our sincere and
lasting gratitude to the President, the Gov-
ernment and the Congress of the United
States for their resolute and fearless en-
couragement rendered to all captive peoples
In their struggle for liberation and national
independence.
This resolution is hereby unanimously
adopted the 16th day of July 1961, and at-
tested to by the signatures of the president
and secretary general of the executive council
of the American Friends of the Anti-
Bolshevik Bloc of Nations, Inc.
IGNATIUS M. BILLINSKY,
Chairman.
CHARLES ANDREANSZKY,
Secretary General.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
JULY 19, 1961.
Hon. JOHN F. KENNEDY,
President of the United States of America,
The White House, Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: The executive coun-
cil of the American Friends of the Anti-
Bolshevik Bloc of Nations takes the liberty
of transmitting to you the resolutions which
were unanimously adopted at a commemora-
tive meeting observing the second anniver-
sary of the Captive Nations Week resolution,
which was held on Sunday, July 16, 1961, in
New York City.
We also want to express to you, Mr. Presi-
dent, our heartfelt gratitude for the great
foresight and wisdom which you demon-
strated by issuing a special Presidential proc-
lamation of Captive Nations Week on July
14,1961.
Your proclamation is a great and encour-
'aging manifestation that the U.S. Govern-
ment and the American people as a whole
will never acknowledge the enslavement of
the captive nations of Europe and Asia. We
can assure you that the captive nations in
Russian Communist slavery are relieved and
encouraged by your step and will continue
to fight against Communist despotism with
redoubled determination and courage, know-
ing that the United States, the leader of the
free world, is on their side and against Com-
munist enslavement.
Respectfully yours,
IGNATIUS M. BILLINSKY,
Chairman.
CHARLES ANDREANSZKY,
Secretary General.
AMERICAN FRIENDS OF ABN OBSERVE CAPTIVE
NATIONS WEEK
Marking the second anniversary of the
Captive Nations Week resolution approved by
the U.S. Congress in 1959 and signed as a
law of the Nation by former President D. D.
Eisenhower, in which the Senate and the
House of Representatives of the United
States of America authorized and requested
the President of the United States of Amer-
ica to issue a proclamation designating the
third week in July 1959 as "Captive Nations
Week" and to issue a similar proclamation
each year until such time as freedom and
independence shall have been achieved for
all the captive nations of the world. Exec-
utive Council of the American Friends of
Anti-Bolshevik Bloc of Nations held a spe-
cial observance, on Sunday, July 16, 1961,
at the Hotel New Yorker, in New York City,
at which Attorney General Louis Lefkowitz
read the proclamation of Governor Rocke-
feller.
The ceremony, which was attended by a
large audience of the representatives of cap-
tive nations and American guests, began at
7:30 p.m., with the addresses of Mr. Charles
Andreanszky, secretary general of the
AFABN, and Mr. Ignatius Billinsky, chair-
man, stressing the significance of Captive
Nations Week and the possibilities of a prac-
tical implementation of the liberation pol-
icy, after which the resolutions, concerning
the American foreign policy in regard to na-
tions enslaved by Moscow, were adopted. It
was decided to forward copies of these reso-
lutions to President Kennedy and Members
of U.S. Congress.
The culminating feature of the evening
was an address by Attorney General Louis J.
Lefkowitz, of New York State, who also read
the proclamation of Governor Rockefeller
urging the observance of Captive Nations
Week in the State of New York.
Among the other speakers on the program
were Mr. Justin McCarthy, New York State
chairman of the Captive Nations Committee,
Mrs. Catherine Dorney, secretary of the
American Educational Association and Dr.
Albert Kalme, vice chairman of the
AFABN.
The ceremonies commenced and were con-
cluded with a moment of silence which
symbolized the suppression of free speech
and individual liberties under communist
tyranny.
Preceding the ceremonies a press confer-
ence was held with representatives of New
York newspapers and press agencies attend-
ing.
[From the New York Times, Aug. 21, 1961]
DR. KLOCHKO'S DEFECTION
It was not uncommon in the 1920's or
early 1930's for Soviet scientists to defect
when given the opportunity by a trip out-
side the country. Many of such defectors
then were people who had come to maturity
under czarism and were unsympathetic to
communism, while to be a Soviet scientist
then was a source neither of prestige nor
appreciable material reward.
All this has changed greatly in recent
years, and Soviet scientists are today the
relatively well-paid elite of that country.
Not surprisingly, therefore, there have been
few, if any, defections of Soviet scientists in
recent years until Dr. Mikhail A. Klochko
made his dramatic break in Ottawa last week.
His story reveals that there are still power-
ful motives for even a relatively affluent So-
viet scientist to be at odds with that system.
Dr. Klochko denounces "the lack of human
dignity in the U.S.S.R.," the political pres-
sures on scientists, and the lack of freedom
among the factors impelling his decision.
No doubt there are other factors, too, that
played a role. His name sounds Ukrainian
and he may well have smarted over great
Russian rule in the Soviet Union. His pay
was good, but his lodging was a one-room
cubbyhole pervaded by gasoline fumes and
noise. If a relatively prominent Soviet
scientist had to live in such an environment,
we can imagine how much worse living con-
ditions must be for ordinary Soviet citizens.
Dr. Klochko, we may assume, represents a
current of Soviet dissidence which is far more
important than his isolated act alone implies.
[From the Toronto (Canada) Telegram,
Aug. 17, 1961]
KLOTCHKO ASKED ABOUT WORK HERE BEFORE
DEFECTING
(By Leon Kossar)
MoNTREAL.?Questions that Soviet scien-
tist Dr. Michael Antonovich Klotchko asked
people here before he asked for asylum in
Canada indicate he took the step only after
careful planning and thought.
"He asked about the working conditions
here and the manner of life," said a local
man who met Klotchko.
PERSONAL LIFE
This man, who did not want his identity
revealed, reported that Dr. Klotchko did
not say much about his personal life.
But he said he had no family in the So-
viet Union. He is a widower.
The Montreal man who met him said
Klotchko was born in the Ukrainian region
of Poltavschyna and had lived in Moscow
since 1935.
UKRAINIANS
Dr. Klotchko told him at least one-quar-
ter of the Soviet scientists are Ukrainian,
and asked about Canada's 500,000-strong
Ukrainian community.
"Dr. Klotchko had an opportunity to talk
to his professional colleagues here and as
he speaks English quite well, he was not
restricted to those who spoke only Russian
or Ukrainian.
"It seemed as if he was earnestly trying
to find out as much firsthand information
about Canada as he could."
[From the New York Times, Aug. 23, 19611
SECOND SOVIET SCIENTIST SAID TO ASK ASYLUM
VIENNA, August 22.?A Soviet electronics
expert has asked Austrian authorities for
political asylum, reliable sources said today._
The scientist, 24-year-old Nikolai I.
Sereda, of Kiev, a member of a Soviet tour-
16507
ist group, is said to have walked up to a
Viennese traffic policeman and told him he
did not want to return home.
The sources said Mr. Sereda's father, a
professor and member of the Ukrainian
Academy of Sciences, flew to Vienna and
made an unsuccessful attempt to persuade
his son to change his mind.
In Ottawa last week, a Soviet sicentist,
Dr. Mikhail A. Klotchko, requested and re-
ceived political asylum.
A holder of the Stalin Prize for his work
in general and inorganic chemistry, Dr.
Klotchko went to Canada to attend an in-
ternational scientific meeting.
He was the first important Soviet scien-
ist to defect to the West since the death
of Stalin.
E RULES COMMITTEE
(Mr. CURTIS of Missouri (at the re-
quest of Mrs. MAY) was given permis-
sion to extend his remarks at this point
in the RECORD and to include extrane-
ous matter.)
Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. Mr.
Speaker, after today's vote on the Fed-
eral aid to education bill there should
no longer be any doubt about whether the
House Rules Committee was accurately
reflecting the sentiments of the House
in not reporting out an omnibus Fed-
eral aid to education bill.
It is now quite clear that the House
Rules Committee was not thwarting the
will of the House.
Perhaps now we can go back and re-
examine the stories of the past to see if
the Rules Committee was ever at any
time thwarting the will of the House.
It has been my contention that the
Rules Committee has seldom, if ever,
thwarted the will of the House. Calen-
dar Wednesday procedure was placed in
the Rules of the House to guard against
just such abuse of power.
The reason Calendar Wednesday has
been used infrequently in the past is
because there has been no serious abuse
by the Rules Committee, not because
Calendar Wednesday is a cumbersome
procedure. Calendar Wednesday pro-
cedure is not cumbersome; it is very
simple. It is not subject to filibuster or
delay any more than any more proce-
dure of the House. Of course, any
procedure is cumbersome if one lacks a
majority of the votes.
Finally, I would like to say a word to
my unperceptive Republican friends who
were so anxious to beat the phony reform
of the Rules Committee back in January
this year. Had you been successful do
you think that the political by-play to di-
vert the public's attention away from the
basic schism in the Northern Democrat-
Southern Democrat coalition by blaming
the Rules Committee and the Republi-
can members on it would have ever been
exposed? I think not. We can all be
thankful that the Rules Committee is no
longer the handy scapegoat for the left-
wing politicians to blame when their ill-
conceived legislative proposals founder
for lack of votes. I think a few apologies
are in order to the Rules Committee for
the unfair castigation it has received in
the past. It was not the Rules Commit-
tee that needed reforming but rather
some of the half-baked and incompletely
considered legislative proposals pre-
sented to it.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
Nuckolls, principal, and the Ashland Public
School system in desegregation work.
He said a New York university recently
commended Ashland Public Schools for its
success in the desegregation program.
Of 790 schools in the United States that
were investigated, Ashland schools had the
greatest success in desegregation, he noted.
Other comments made at closing ceremon-
ies were:
"Professor Nuckolls has done for the people
of Ashland things which might have never
been achieved. He is the most conscientious
educator I know of in Kentucky."?Dr. E. T.
Bufford, principal, High Street High School,
Bowling Green.
"This is the first school I know of which
closed when the principal retired. This is a
demonstration of what can be done when
people of good will work together for what
is just and right."?Dr. A. D. Albright, pro-
vost, University of Kentucky.
"The approach to desegregation in Ash-
land was sensible. Professor Nuckolls has
been an excellent representative for Ashland
and the State of Kentucky to the Kentucky
and National Educational Associations."?
Dr. J. Marvin Dodson, executive secretary,
Kentucky Education Association,
Others present at the closing ceremonies
were:
Dr. A. E. Harris, dean of the graduate
school, Marshall University; Dr. Rufus At-
wood, president, Kentucky State College; Dr.
Clyde Orr, director, Ashland Center, Univer-
sity of Kentucky; members of the Board of
Education and Ashland Board of Trade; city
officials; and other school officials.
Musical interludes were provided by the
Ashland High School band, under direction
of Ernest White, Jr., and the Booker T.
Washington chorus.
The Reverend T. D. Johnson, one of the
first graduates of Booker T. Washington and
pastor of the First Baptist Church of Win-
chester, pronounced the invocation.
Benediction was given by the Reverend
J. E. Newell.
A Food-for-Freedom Program by the
Honorable Cal D. Johnson
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BEN F. JENSEN
OF IOWA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 29, 1961
Mr. JENSEN. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my own remarks in the
RECORD, I am pleased to include a food-
for-freedom program which our former
colleague, the Honorable Cal D. Johnson,
advocates.
Calvin D. Johnson is one of America's
outstanding contemporary speakers. In
the course of his public life, he has ad-
dressed hundreds of business, civic and
fraternal organizations and has stimu-
lated the thinking of many Americans to
a new hope in the future of our coun-
try.
He began early his career in the pub-
lic's service. A resident of Belleville,
Ill., he served as a member of the school
and park boards of his community; 4
years as a member of St. Clair, Ill.,
County Board-of Supervisors; 6 years as
a member of Illinois General Assembly.
Elected to the U.S. Congress in 1942,
he continued his fight for the American
people.
His concern for the traditional Ameri-
can ideals of freedom is inherited from
his ancestors who landed at Jamestown
in the early 1600's. Born near Fords-
ville, Ky., Mr. Johnson is a descendant
of the famous pioneer Kentucky surgeon
Ephraim McDowell, whose likeness
stands in Statuary Hall in the Nation's
Capitol.
Few men in public life today can
match him for his ability to impart to
the people the principles of the Ameri-
can way of life.
Mr. Speaker, after giving Mr. John-
son's program considerable thought, a
plan whereby the military would use our
farms as they use our factories to win
the cold war, I feel that the President,
the American people and the Congress
should give serious consideration to
such a program, especially since it is
crystal clear that the program now in
effect, to make friends in foreign lands
to head off the devilish Communist
threat to enslave the world, has not been
effective to say the least. Mr. Johnson's
food for freedom program follows:
FOOD-FOR-FREEDOM PROGRAM?A PLAN
WHEREBY THE MILITARY WOULD USE OUR
FARMS AS THEY USE OUR FACTORIES TO WIN
THE COLD WAR
Have the military initiate a giant food-for-
freedom program, utilizing present farm sur-
pluses and starting with 1961 supplement
the program with approximately $2 bil-
lion of military or foreign aid funds
to purchase additional farm products over
and above those originally purchased by the
Department of Agriculture. This would per-
mit the acquisition by the military of spe-
cial foods to meet the needs of various re-
ligious or ethnic groups. It would also per-
mit the military to order the production of
products other than feed grains to sup-
ply various needs. The transfer of corn acre-
age to soybean production would materially
help to remedy the world's food shortage as
millions of the world's hungry to whom corn
is unknown have known soybeans as a food
since the dawn of history.
Suggestions have been made by leading
Americans that this country's surplus food
should be made available to the world's hun-
gry through the United Nations. I would
suggest instead that we merely notify the
United Nations of the total tonnage of vari-
ous foods we are willing to make available,
but let the United Nations act only as an
allocating agency, setting the amount to be
delivered to each respective country.
I reemphasize, do not let the United Na-
tions distribute our products. Have every
pound of food carried abroad by American
ships, delivered by American military trucks,
and distributed to the needy under the su-
pervision of men clothed in the military uni-
form of the United States. In other words,
have American Armed Forces approaching
the foreign needy with a biscuit as well as a
bullet, and thus build the image of a bene-
factor as well as a protector.
I would also suggest that in every package
of prepared food supplied by this country,
that we enclose a minature plastic replica of
the Statue of Liberty or an American flag
or a miniature Uncle Sam. Children would
keep these and they would serve as a con-
tinuing underfoot reminder of American
help. It is high time that America starts
getting credit for her generosity. The psy-
chological effect of a program of this type
would be enormous.
If every American base overseas is a food-
distributing center, I cannot imagine any
nation demanding that we remove that base
as long as it is used to distribute food to
needy of that country. In countries where
there are no bases, establish military mis-
sions (with uniforms but without guns) to
handle the distribution of all foods supplied
by the United States. Men in uniforms of
A6783
the United States distributing food to the
needy countries will go a long way toward
removing the stigma of militarists and im-
perialists so successfully applied to our
Armed Forces by the Russians. That term
just doesn't apply to a man giving you food
for your needy family.
No doubt the Russians would object to a
program of this kind, as for the first time
it would put them in a position percentage-
wise where they have always belonged.
To the total amount of food made avail-
able for allocation by United Nations, it
would probably be necessary for the United
States to put up 95 percent with Russia and
the rest of the world putting up the other 5
percent. If the Russians insisted upon ini-
tiating a program of this type of their own,
it would be fine for us as we would be dis-
tributing 19 pounds to their 1 pound.
No doubt the charge will be that we
are destroying the markets of our allies,
namely, Canada, Argentina, Australia and
New Zealand. To meet this charge, I would
suggest the following:
Insist that any country participating in
the United Nations allocating program must
first purchase anually one-fifth of the total
tonnage purchased during the past 5 years
before they became eligible for additional
assistance. This could be modified if it could
be proven that economic changes within a
country made this procedure impossible.
This, however, will be the problem of the
United Nations, but my personal thought
is that we should insist on the adoption of
this grandfather clause in order to protect
our allies. It should be our intention to
assist the needy?not the greedy.
In conclusion, the military of this country
does things in a big way. We appropriate
$40 to $43 billion for defense, and food for
a freedom program should definitely become
a part of our military operation. Building
good will among the people of the world is
as important as manufacturing guns with
which to subjugate them. Thus taking $1
to $2 billion of this military appropriation
and going to the American farmers ask-
ing them to produce instead of curtail-
ing production, then distribute the results
of their efforts to the world's needy would
build unlimited good will throughout the
world and restore confidence to the Ameri-
can farmers. There are 2,800 million people
In the world and 1,800 million of them go
to sleep each night having consumed less
than 2,000 calories of food. Communism
thrives on empty stomachs and 1,800 mil-
lion of them is a fertile field in which to
propagate.
CAL D. JOHNSON,
Former Member of U.S. Congress.
GLAD ACRES, UPPER MARLBORO, MD.
Mr. Speaker, Mr. Johnson wrote me,
as follows:
DEAR JEW: Enclosed is a copy of my pro-
posed food-for-freedom program.
America has through various foreign aid
programs given away approximately 6100 bil-
lion. I consider, it high time that we start
receiving some credit for our generosity.
Sincerely,
CAL,
House Resolution 211--Special Commit-
tee on Captive Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, August 29, 1961
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, on March
8, 1961, I introduced a measure calling
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A6784 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
for the establishment of a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives. This measure is
now House Resolution 211. There are
not sufficient words to express my pro-
found gratitude and personal delight to
the more than 20 Members of the House
who joined with me in that most stimu-
lating and very enlightening discussion
which took place then on the subject of
the captive nations?CONGRESSIONAL
RECORD, March 8, 1961, "Russian Colo-
nialism and the Necessity of a Special
Captive Nations Committee," pages
3286-3311.
The popular response to House Reso-
lution 211 has been so enthusiastic and
impressive that I feel dutybound to dis-
close the thoughts and feelings of many
Americans who have taken the time to
write me on this subject. These citizens
are cognizant of the basic reasons under-
lying the necessity of the proposed com-
mittee. They understand clearly the vi-
tal contribution that such a committee
could make to our national security in-
terests. In many cases, they know that
no public or private body is in existence
today which is devoted to the task of
studying continuously, systematically,
and objectively all of the captive na-
tions, those in Eastern Europe and Asia,
including the numerous captive nations
in the Soviet Union itself.
Because their thoughts and sentiments
are expressive and valuable, I include
the following responses of our citizens
to House Resolution 211 in the Appendix
of the RECORD:
Santa Barbara, Calif.
August 18,1961.
DEAR MR. FLOOD: Congratulations on your
wonderful bill, House Resolution 211. We
desperately need bills such as this one to
counteract the actions of those who are de-
termined to go along with communism.
We are writing our good Congressman,
Mr. TEAGUE, to ask that a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations be formed at
once.
Our thanks to you for acting like an
American.
Sincerely,
Mr. and Mrs. ROBERT WHITEHEAD.
AUGUST 18, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: I wish to congratulate
you for your House Resolution 211?Special
Committee on Captive Nations, and all your
other efforts in this very important and
urgent problem concerning our enemy, com-
munism.
Yours is a courageous and splendid exam-
ple of establishing a policy which is in ac-
cord with the finer impulses and desires of
the thinking majority in the world, as one
of best, the weapon against communism.
We are in a war which the Communists
can win without changing their tactics. We
cannot win without changing ours.
All loyal Americans will join you in your
efforts. For the majority anticommunistic
people in the captive nations, your efforts
are an encouragement and a witness that
this country does not lack morale and other
resources needed to contribute to freedom
and independence.
Kindly send me a copy of House Resolution
211. I need about 50 copies. These copies
I wish to send to my friends in this country
who wish to support the resolution as I am
doing.
Sincerely yours,
MILINKO D. ALEKSICH,
Secretary of American-Serbian Veter_
ens, Chicago Chapter.
CHCAGO, ILL.
DEAR REPRESENTATIVE FLOOD: I am very,
very much in favor of House Resolution 211.
This would be of great strategic value, and
would show the captive people of the world
that we still care.
Mrs. EDWARD STASEIT,
Los Angeles, Calif.
SPRINGFIELD, MO., August 17, 1961
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I am sending
you a copy of the letter I have written to
Congressman DuRWARD G. HALL, Congressman
from my congressional district in Missouri,
In support of the House Resolution 211
which you introduced. I feel that no effort
or objective has ever been more timely than
the House Resolution 211 is.
We must do our best to turn on, or turn
brighter the lights of freedom in the hearts
and minds of the people of the world if we
are to continue to enjoy freedom for our-
selves. As President Kennedy said in the
inaugural address "The energy, the faith, the
devotion which we bring to this endeavor
will light our country and all who serve
it * * * and the glow from that fire can
truly light the world."
Very truly yours,
VIRGIL C. PFEIFFER.
P.5.?I am sending a copy of the Hall letter
to President Kennedy.
SPRINGFIELD, MO., August 16, 1961.
Hon. DURWARD G. HALL,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN HALL: I want to write
a note in support of the House Resolution
211, introduced by Congressman DANIEL J.
FLOOD, of Pennsylvania, which, as you know,
proposes the formation of a Special House
Captive Nation Committee. It would, as
I understand, have the primary objectives of
studying systematically and objectively and
continuously the problems of peoples of the
captive nations.
President Kennedy in his inaugural ad-
dress said, "Man holds within his mortal
hands the power to abolish all forms of hu-
man poverty and all forms of human life.
And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for
which our fore-bearers fought are still at
issue around the globe * * * the belief that
the rights of men come not from the gen-
erosity of the state but from the hands of
God." Somehow one feels that there Presi-
dent Kennedy was stating the heart of the
issue of the "long twilight struggle," of
which we are so conscious as a result of the
current Berlin crisis.
I think that this House Resolution 211
would provide, we the people of the free
world, up to date information relative to how
millions of silent efforts are now being made
by people in captive nations to secure free-
dom and human dignity for themselves.
It would enable us to seize the propaganda
initiative, too long held by the Communists,
and strengthen the hopes of the enslaved
people behind the Iron Curtain. And surely
as a result of a better universal understand-
ing of the problem, means can be found to
help these people to freedom.
It would help display for all the uncom-
mitted people of the world to see the in-
side working of Khrushchev's "communistic
August 29
paradise" and thus strengthen the cause to
freedom among these people.
It would strengthen the "self-determina-
tion of peoples" phase of our foreign policy
by giving us all in the free world a better
understanding of it.
I hope you will lend your support to Con-
gressman Flood's Special Committee on Cap-
tive Nation Resolution which I am convinced
would strengthen the spirit and the voice of
freedom around the world.
It is my understanding that both Presi-
dent Eisenhower and President Kennedy
have approved this, or a similar resolution.
Very truly yours,
VIRGIL C. PFEIFFER.
AUGUST 16, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I heartily en-
dorse your fine bill, House Resolution 211,
to give help and encouragement to the cap-
tive nations. Such a committee should be of
value in keeping the finger on the pulse of
these poor peoples and encourage them to
assert themselves more.
Mrs. J. B. DICKINSON.
SAN DIEGO, CALIF.
AUGUST 17, 1961.
Representative DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
REPRESENTATIVE FLOOD: I Strongly commend
you for your House Resolution 211 proposi-
tion which would provide a Special House
Committee on Captive Nations. This com-
mittee will be of great value and will be a
permanent reminder to Khrushchev that we
do not now or shall we ever write off the
captive nations.
Keep up the good work.
Cordially,
JACK MCWETHY.
AUGUST 15, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD: I am in hearty
agreement with your House Resolution 211
for a special House Committee on Captive
Nations to be formed at once.
I hope this resolution will be passed.
Sincerely,
MARTHA C. TALBOT.
PASADENA, CALIF.
CHANNELVIEW, TEX., August 12, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. FLOOD: Congratulations On your
authorship of House Resolution 211. I feel
that we should do all that we can to en-
courage the millions of people enslaved by
communism to revolt for freedom. I was
very dismayed at letting the bloody butcher
come to our shores. I am sure that his
slaves were convinced that the United States
was against them when we let Khrushchev
and our President kiss each other.
Tell my Representative, Mr. ALBERT
THOMAS, that I am expecting him to support
your bill or similar bills.
Sincerely yours,
EVERETT LINDSTROM.
ALTAVISTA, VA., August 15, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: It is not, of
course, a privilege of mine to be a con-
stituent of yourt.
I did want to express my admiration, how-
ever, for your splendid statement on the
Manion Forum, July 16. In this, among
other things, you made correct reference to
the cynical meaning behind Khrushchev's
statement of last December 27, about "Sub-
jugated colonial peoples," etc.
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iiui coNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
I have earnestly wondered for some time
why our Government has not made more
use against the Communists of some of their
completely provable bald faced lies, not only
to the world in general but to their own
people, as well as documentary proof of their
announced lack of good faith in any agree-
ments or negotiations.
Recently, I secured from a Communist
bookstore in New York a copy of the volume
Soviet State Law, printed in Moscow. For
purposes of identification, I am enclosing the
title page of this, as well as the first page
of the appendixes, which contains the con-
stitution of the U.S.S.R. Am also enclosing
reproductions of the pages which include
articles 13 and 17 of the U.S.S.R. constitu-
tion.
As complete and total evidence, borne out
by our historical experience, of their deliber-
ate bad faith, you will notice that in article
13, in the very same sentence in which they
provide for the ratification of treaties, they
also provide for the denunciation of same.
As proof of their utter and sardonic cy-
nicism, you will note that article 17 states
that each Union Soviet Republic has the
right to freely secede. Considering their ac-
tions in Hungary and East Germany, to men-
tion merely two examples, which areas are
not even officially Soviet Union Republics,
it is doubtful that Satan ever coined a more
mendacious jest than this provision in their
constitution.
If our State Department is sincerely in-
terested in winning the contest with Russia
(which on more than one occasion I have
had reason to question), why, with ammuni-
tion like this, don't we hold them up to the
world as the cynical liars they are?
Respectfully,
LANDON B. LANE.
AUGUST 11, 1961.
HONORABLE SIR: In reference to your bill,
House Resolution 211, more power to you.
God bless you for your work.
MARGIE ALEXANDER.
GLENDALE, CALIF.
Impressive Progress of the Small Business
Administration During First 6 Months
of 1961
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ABRAHAM J. MULTER
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Monday, August 28, 1961
Mr. M'ULTER. Mr. Speaker, it is my
pleasure to commend to the attention of
our colleagues the following report of
the Small Business Administration. It
is particularly gratifying to note that the
aid given through each of the major
SBA programs during the first 6 months
of 1961 has been greater than any com-
parable period since the beginning of the
agency.
Certainly John E. Horne, the Ad-
ministrator, is to be congratulated on this
signal service to the small business com-
munity of our Nation.
The report follows:
REPORT ON SBA ACTIVITIES IN FIRST HALF OF
1961?HIGHLIGHTS OF REPORT
Recent gains in significant economic in-
dices show clearly that the Nation is moving
out of the business recession, and an eco-
nomic resurgence is now under way. Small
firms are benefitting from this economic up-
turn, and a continued rise in business ac-
tivity should bring further improvement in
the position of small business in the last
half of 1961 and the early part of 1962.
At the same time, various economic barom-
eters indicate that the recession had an
especially sharp impact on small firms, and
that small business therefore has farther to
go than other sectors of the business popu-
lation in regaining lost ground.
In the 6 months which ended June 30,
1961, and which marked the start of new
leadership of the Small Business Administra-
tion, the Agency gave record assistance to
small business.
Without exception, the aid given small
firms through each major SBA program was
greater in January-June 1961 than in any
comparable period since start of the Agency.
The record volume of assistance to small
business resulted primarily from objectives
set for the Agency by the present SBA Ad-
ministrator after he took office in February
6, 1961.
Specifically, SBA has sought since then to
make all its services to small business more
effective than ever before; to give maximum
aid to small businesses and communities
in areas of substantial unemployment; and
through this expansion of assistance, to help
attain President Kennedy's goals of recov-
ery for economically depressed areas, and
more rapid growth of the national economy.
Accomplishments in each major SBA pro-
gram in January through June, 1961, with
significant comparisons, are summerized be-
low:
Business loans: SBA received 6,356 ap-
plications for $403,901,000 and approved
3,068 loans for $154,170,000. This was a
47-perent increase over the 4,329 applica-
tions for $263,752,000 received in January-
June 1960, and almost a 47-percent increase
over the 2,091 loans for $98,887,000 approved
1 in that period.
Government contracts: SBA and cooperat-
ing purchasing agencies jointly set aside
122,320 proposed Government purchases
I totaling $998,464,102 to be bid on solely by
;small business; 22,361 contracts amounting
%to $746,827,443 were awarded to small firms
as a result of set-asides. (The number of
proposed purchases set aside for small busi-
ness bidding and the number of contract
awards resulting from set-asides do not
necessarily correspond in a given period, be-
cause bids may not be asked on a set-aside
purchase for several months. Further, a
single set-aside may result in several con-
tract awards to small business.) The num-
ber of set-asides for small business bidding
was 81-percent higher in this 6-month peri-
od than in January-June 1960; the number
of contract awards resulting from set-asides
was 69-percent higher. It should be noted,
however, that contract awards resulting from
the joint set-aside program for small busi-
ness are only a part of total Government
contract awards to small firms. Therefore,
an increase in small business awards under
the set-aside program does not necessarily
lead to an increase in overall awards to small
business by the military and civilian agen-
cies. In fact, as discussed subsequently, de-
spite continuing progress of the SBA-De-
partment of Defense joint set-aside pro-
gram, the small business percentage of total
military purchasing declined steadily from
fiscal year 1954 until the early part of calen-
dar year 1961.
Small business investment companies: In
January-June 1961, SBA licensed 128 addi-
tional investment companies to provide
equity capital and long-term loans to small
business. By comparison, in January-June
1960, SBA licensed 48 small business invest-
ment companies. From Aurust 18, 1958,
when the program was authorized by the
Small Business Investment Act, to January
1, 1961, SBA licensed 175 companies. As of
A6785
June 30, 1961, SBIC's had total funds of
$240.5 million for small business loans and
investment purposes; if their authority to
obtain operating loans from SBA totaling
up to 50 percent of their capital and surplus
is included, their potential capital as of
June 30 was $360 million.
Development company loans: In January-
June, SBA approved 37 loans for $4,480,000
to local development companies, and 2 loans
for $490,000 to State development companies,
to help provide financing and facilities for
small business. In January-June 1960, SBA
approved 19 loans for $1,972,000 to local de-
velopment companies, and 2 loans for $1,300,-
000 to State development companies. In al-
most 21/2 years' operation of the program
prior to January 1, 1961, SBA approved 81
loans totaling $9,349,000 to local develop-
ment companies, and 5 loans for $3,614,000 to
State development companies.
Management assistance: In January-June
1961, SBA and 144 leading educational insti-
tutions cosponsored 207 administrative man-
agement courses which were attended by
more than 6,700 small businessmen. This
compares with 123 courses, cosponsored by
113 schools, and attended by 5,000 business-
men in January-June 1960. In the manage-
ment publications program, businessmen ob-
tained nearly 1,370,000 copies of SBA publi-
cations in the first half of this year, com-
pared with approximately 932,000 in the same
period of 1960.
SBA ACTIVITIES IN JANUARY-JUNE 1961
I. INTRODUCTION: ECONOMIC POSITION OF
SMALL BUSINESS
Recent gains in a number of significant
Indexes show clearly that the Nation is mov-
ing out of the business recession of 1960,
and an economic resurgence is now under-
way.
Personal income has been increasing. In
February of this year, the seasonally ad-
justed annual rate was $406.2 billion; by
June it was $416.5 billion. In June of 1960,
the annual rate was $406.1 billion.
As a result of the rise in personal income,
retail sales have improved. On a seasonally
adjusted basis, they increased from $17.8
billion in February to $18.1 billion in May.
Department store sales during the 4 weeks
ended June 24 were better than a year ago-
42 percent above the 1947-49 average, com-
pared with 39 percent a year ago.
Manufacturers' new orders (seasonally ad-
justed) increased from $29.1 billion in Febru-
ary to $31.07 billion in May; in durable goods,
the increase was from $13.36 billion to $14.87
billion. The trend is up.
Industrial production also is increasing.
The seasonally adjusted index of production,
based on the year 1957, rose from 102.1 in
February to 108.2 in May.
The average workweek in manufacturing
industries (seasonally adjusted) also has
risen, from 39 hours in January to 39.8 hours
in May. An increase in the average work-
week typically occurs during the month just
prior to new hiring.
Small business?like all business?has
benefited from the economic upturn. Fur-
thermore, a continued rise in economic ac-
tivity should lead to still greater improve-
ment in the position of small firms in the
last half of 1961 and the early part of 1962.
At the same time, there is abundant evi-
dence, such as a slowdown in growth of the
business population and a continued high
rate of business failures, that the 1960 reces-
sion was especially severe on small firms.
The small business sector of the economy
therefore has further to go than the other
business sectors in regaining lost ground,
and in recapturing stability and profitability.
Business population
Because most businesses start out as small
ones, growth of the business population
largely reflects the small business "birth
rate." A slackening in this rate has been
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uoi kAANGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
mitment, will put the statesmanship of the
Kennedy administration to its supreme test.
Even so, resentment against Western power
is likely to persist among neutralist nations,
and with it the tendency to play off the East
against the West. To counteract this, it
will avail the United States little to try to
curry favor with the neutralists by trimming
Its policies to their preferences; neutralism
feeds on this kind of weakness. Rather, we
must pursue clearly defined, strongly exe-
cuted, and ably Presented policies to a suc-
cessful conclusion, thereby demonstrating to
all concerned that we know what we are
about and that it does not pay to cross us.
Only so will we gain the respect of the neu-
tralists and have a chance to win their sup-
port as well.
And we might well remind the neutralist
nations?at appropriate occasions, and tact-
fully but firmly?that their neutralism is but
a function of the power of the United States.
Neutralism, like peaceful coexistence, is for
the Soviet Union but a stepping stone to-
ward commuization. A nation can afford to
be neutralist, not because this is what the
Soviet Union wants it to be, but because the
power of the Soviet Union is not sufficient
to absorb it into the Soviet bloc.
Were the United States not committed to
containing the Communist bloc, neutralism
could not exist as a policy and would at best
survive as an impotent desire and a vain
hope. For neutralism in the cold war, like
neutrality in a shooting war, depends upon
the balance of power. It is a luxury which
certain nations can afford because the power
of one antagonist cancels out the power of
the other.
[From the Washington Post, Aug. 28, 19611
THE NEUTRAL SUMMIT
Mr. Nehru's blooper about Berlin may have
had the effect of increasing apprehensions
about the 25-nation neutral summit meeting
opening Friday in Belgrade. The somewhat
reluctant presence of the Indian Prime Min-
ister had been looked upon in the West as a
moderating influence against any tendency
toward extremism in conference resolu-
tions?though perhaps some of the other
nonalined nations attending would not wel-
come it in quite this fashion.
Certainly no plague on both houses state-
ment from Belgrade would be very helpful
in the tense test of rights and determination
at Berlin. Still, the neutral nations can
hardly be expected to remain unconcerned
about a situation that could plunge the
world into war. What one must hope, there-
fore, is that there will be at least some ap-
preciation of the human values at stake.
On questions involving colonialism, the
West is altogether likely to come in for criti-
cism, with greater or lesser applicability.
It would not be at all surprising to have pro-
tests about the French role in Tunisia.
There is a very great difference, however, be-
tween the policy heretofore followed by, say,
Portugal in the case of Angola and that fol-
lowed by Britain in the case of British
Guiana. Mr. Khrushchev views every West-
ern policy as imperialist. Will the neutrals
be objective enough in their own remarks to
recognize the very substantial imperialism of
Mr. Khrushchev in Eastern Europe?
In point of fact the colonialist line is get-
ting a bit thin. President Nasser of the
United Arab Republic, one of the sponsors
of the Belgrade meeting, has implicitly rec-
ognized this in his own recent policies.
Preoccupation with the sins of others is not
a very constructive substitute for attention
to real internal problems. To his credit, the
United Arab Republic President has been
showing increased concern with practical
measures to help the standard of living at
home.
It also is likely that the neutral summit
meeting will have something to say about
disarmament and about the situation of the
United Nations. The realities of disarma-
ment make it peculiarly an affair between
the Soviet Union and the United States; and
a mere denunciation of nuclear weapons or
testing would not be much contribution to
agreement. Here again, though, an expres-
sion of concern would be understandable and
perhaps helpful.
With respect to the U.N., the neutrals have
a case for more adequate representation on,
say, the Security Council. But the Soviet
troika concept for the Secretariat would be
quite as dangerous for the neutrals as for the
West. Indeed, the neutrals have an especial
dependence upon the executive authority
and initiative of the Secretary General.
Whatever may be the expectations of the
State Department from the Belgrade assem-
bly, happily there have been no advance
panics and alarms here like those before
the Bandung Conference of 1955. It would
be difficult to find a strong common denomi-
nator among the rather disparate nations
represented at Belgrade except, perhaps, the
quest for status. It would be even more
difficult to arrive at a definition of neutral-
ism or nonalinement acceptable to all the
participants. These factors militate against
the formation of a neutral bloc as such.
In any simplistic view of world affairs,
it is more gratifying to have another coun-
try stand positively with you than to remain
aloof. Still, the United States fortunately
has moved away from the for me-or-against-
me formula and the "neutralism is immoral"
view of Mr. Dulles toward a better under-
standing of the motivations of new coun-
tries and their rather specialized way of ex-
pressing their independence. The proper
criterion for judgment of the results of the
Belgrade Conference will be in how neutral
the neutrals really are.
ANNIVERSARY OF THE 19TH
AMENDMENT
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, Sat-
urday was the anniversary of the enact-
ment of the 19th amendment. This
amendment, which extended the right of
voting to women, is one of the many
markers along our path of effective
democracy, standing alongside the 15th
amendment and the 17th amendment.
The former guaranteed the right of the
people to vote regardless of "race, color,
or previous conditions of servitude."
The latter guaranteed the right of the
people to elect Senators of their choice.
Each amendment in its own way was an
expression of the belief that the people
can govern themselves. Universal suf-
frage is at once the cornerstone and key-
stone of a genuinely human -way of
living.
It is entirely appropriate today, as a
tribute to those who are working and
sacrificing so much for true universal
suffrage, that we pay our respect to the
ladies who also made sacrifices for uni-
versal suffrage.
The struggle for woman suffrage in
this country was long. It took seven de-
cades. Suffragettes were at first armed
only with their ingenuity, imagination,
courage, and remarkable perseverance.
Few elected officials were responsive to
the pleas of these voteless citizens.
However, those who firmly believed in
self-determination befriended them, and
soon women could cast their ballots in
selected States and elections. In Illi-
nois, by legislative action, they were able
to vote for President and certain State
officials. Despite efforts of some to over-
16057
come this advancement by challenge in
the courts, Illinois women retained their
precious victory.
The basis of a lasting and responsible
democracy is one where the government
is responsive to the needs and wishes of
its people. The achievement of woman
suffrage and the history of efforts to at-
tain it stand as an encouraging example
for all those who truly want to achieve a
repi csaitative form of government.
HE INDOMITABLE SPIRIT OF CAP-
TIVE PEOPLES
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, let us
iiever forget that to the captive nations
of Europe we owe an invaluable debt of
gratitude for their courage and indomi-
table spirit, which has been and shall
continue to be, the rallying point for
freedom behind the Iron Curtain. This
passion for liberation from the tyranny
of communism inspired the Hungarian
revolt of 1956. This hatred of dictator-
ship led to the Berlin revolt of June,
1953. This refusal to be chained to a life
of regimentation and misery guided
thousands of East Germans across
boundary in the city of Berlin to the free
society of the West. And now, Mr. Presi-
dent, the Communists have barricaded
that boundary in Berlin and shoot to kill
any man who dares to defy the will of the
puppet government.
But we should not think that this wall
will halt the desire of the East Germans
for freedom. Wherever there are people
under the yoke of tyranny these people
have the hope for freedom.
Mr. President, I would like to offer as
an example of the spirit of a captive peo-
ples a speech delivered by Hon. Joseph
Kajekas, the charge d'affairs ad in-
terim of Lithuania, before the Second
Festival of Songs of Canadian and Amer-
ican Lithuanians in Chicago last month.
I ask unanimous consent that this speech
be printed in the RECORD.
There being no objection, the address
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
It is a particularly great pleasure to be
the honorary chairman of this Festival of
Songs, and to address you today. The cir-
cumstances of our gathering are especially
meaningful for me, because it was in this
country that I spoke my first Lithuanian
word, and learned my first Lithuanian song.
And I know that the honor which you show
me today in having invited me to address
you in our mother tongue is honor which
you show to our dear homeland.
At first glance, it might be hard to under-
stand how it is that songs and a diplomat
could go together on an occasion such as
this. But I remind you that many are the
roads that lead to Lithuania. There are the
ways, for example, of politics, nationality and
culture. But today, the Lithuanian songs
and dances stand in the forefront of our
minds; this is especially so for me, as I re-
call that just several weeks ago, Lithuanian
folk dances were performed in the U.S. De-
partment of State, in the world's greatest
diplomatic center.
At any rate, we certainly know that
Lithuanian songs are much older than
Lithuanian diplomacy. Thousands of years
before Christ, we may think, our earliest
ancestors found themselves at the ambered
shores of the Baltic Sea, and surrounded
their arrival with song. It was with a song
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1011DO l.ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? SENATE
that Lithuanians drew water from the
Danube. And at the height of our national
existence, Lithuanian soldiers often raised
their native songs even at the very gates of
the Kremlin. And these songs resounded as
well on the fields of Zalgiris (Tannenberg) in
1410.
When, at the end of the 18th century
Lithuania was covered with the darkness
of czarist rule and a ban on all Lithua-
nian printing, there were only two ambas-
sadorial tasks life for our homeland?and
these were Lithuanian prayers and Lithua-
nian songs. Today, we are again in a position
of adherence to work, prayer and song as our
leaders in hope for a brighter future for
Lithuania.
The power of songs is remarkable. A song
will outlive the most moving speech or ser-
mon; it is the first thing which moves a
child to wonder and to imitate. And it is in
song that great love is always expressed, for
words are not enough to bespeak the deepest
things that fill a man's heart. Is it any
wonder that Beethoven's immortal "Ninth
Symphony" breaks into song in the final
chorale movement, the "Hymn to Joy"?
It is in song that the history and the heart
of a nation are revealed. Lithuanian songs
encompass, throughout the many centuries,
all the powers of God and man, all sadness
and all joy, beauty and fear, nature and love.
They have been admired by many writers,
among them Lessing, Herder, Gothe and
Schiller. Both Schumann and Chopin used
them for themes in their own compositions.
And when Lithuania as a nation embraced
Christianity in the middle ages, the power
of song was led to express a powerful faith,
and the beautiful simplicity of a people's
luminous quest for the numinous, the
sacred. It is in this tradition that the
aspirations of a nation developed, with re-
spect for freedom and human dignity. And
today, when one hears a Lithuanian congre-
gation intone Strazdelis' hymn "Fall On
Your Knees," one never forgets the experi-
ence: it is impossible to forget the moment
at which song becomes prayer. And when
this prayer is fashioned from a whole history
of trials and sufferings in the life of a na-
tion, it is even more unforgettable. As Joyce
Kilmer once said: "The very best songs that
ever are sung are sung while the heart is
bleeding."
The treasury of Lithuanian song is a vast
one. I can recall having witnessed a group
of London Lithuanians singing all night
which journeying from Manchester to Lon-
don. Several weeks ago. I know that a group
of Lithuanian dancers sang almost without
ceasing from Boston to Washington. And
here, on the banks of Lake Michigan, any
Lithuanian who hears again the language
and song of Birute, may well know that,
someday, his country will again be free.
It is because Lithuania i.e a land of song
that we have set aside this festival in honor
of our country. We have gathered here freely
and of our own will. But in the present cir-
cumstances, we also gather in remembrance
of the fact that it is a far different tune that
the Kremlin sings.
For it was the tyrants of the Kremlin who,
In July of 1940, falsified the will of the
Lithuanian nation, just as they falsified her
history and her aspirations. Every one of
our meetings, and this significant occasion
in particular, serves as an opportunity for
us to make clear to the whole world that
the will of the Kremlin is not the free will
of the Lithuanian nation and its people.
As the world hears our songs today, it may
know that Lithuania cries out for justice,
for the harmony of a free and independent
national life to which she has a God-given
right.
This month marks the passage of 21 years
since the U.S. Department of State refused
to recognize the illegal absorption of Lith-
uania by the Soviet Union. The remem-
brance of this act and its continued validity
Is an occasion of rejoicing and hope for all
Lithuanians, both in the free world and
under Soviet enslavement. This month is
also the 39th anniversary of the recognition
of the Baltic States de jure by the United
States.
As a commemoration of these two anni-
versaries, let our songs rise as a sign of
thanks to the American people and their
government. May they also rise as a token
of gratitude to the Honorable Richard J.
Daley, mayor of Chicago, for his sympathetic
and impressive proclamation of Lithuanian
Day here in Chicago. In these expressions
of gratitude, all the participants in this
festival join wholeheartedly.
Finally, we take note of the fact that, in
2 days, all Americans celebrate the 185th an-
niversary of their Declaration of Independ-
ence. This declaration acknowledged God-
given, inalienable rights for all men; Abra-
ham Lincoln pointed out that, as such, the
declaration gave lasting hope not only to the
people of America, but to all freedom lov-
ing peoples for all time. In this hope, let
us raise our voices in song, and proclaim
throughout all lands our aspirations to lib-
erty: until the day when we shall surely
hold a festival of songs on the day of
Lithuania's triumph, in the very city of
Gediminas, in our beloved Lithuania.
PROGRESS IN SAMOA
Mrs. NEUBERGER. Mr. President, on
July 26 of this year I rose in the Senate
to describe for my colleagues the appall-
ing state of affairs in American Samoa.
The title in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD
for my remarks that day, "South Sea
Slum," was unfortunately an all too ac-
curate description of conditions on those
islands. Today, in the Washington Post,
there appears an editorial concerning
American Samoa, which suggests that
progress is now, if somewhat belatedly,
being made to institute a comprehensive
development program. I ask unanimous
consent that the editorial be printed in
the RECORD.
There being no objection, the editorial
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
SOMETHING FOR SAMOA
It finally appears as if American Samoa
will cease to be a forlorn ward of the De-
partment of the Interior. A new Governor is
on the island, and the administration is
working out a development program for this
tiny outpost in the South Pacific. The fact
that New Zealand is due to grant independ-
ence to nearby Western Samoa next year has
helped to wake up the administration to the
backward colonial policy heretofore prac-
ticed for the 20,000 Polynesians who live on
an island about the size of the District of
Columbia.
Thanks to the initiative of Senator OREN
E. LONG of Hawaii, Samoa has been included
In the recently enacted area redevelopment
bill and would also benefit from the aid-to-
education measures still before Congress.
Industries are being sought for the island,
and hotel and recreational facilities planned
to help the Samoans to help themselves.
H. Rex Lee, the new Governor, is an expe-
rienced Interior official who will have his
hands full, among other things, in preparing
for a South Pacific conference to be held in
Samoa next year. The conference will bring
together indigenous leaders from various cor-
ners of the Pacific and it will be important
that U.S. territorial policy show to good ad-
vantage. About $500,000 is due to be spent
on conference facilities which can subse-
quently be used as classrooms and other
August 28
permanent structures. A new $2.3 million
Jet runway will also be constructed as part
of the plan.
Taken together, these steps can help the
Samoans prepare themselves for a mean-
ingful choice when the ultimate status of
the island is decided. However regrettable
the delay, it is good that something is being
done to make up for lost time.
PROVISION FOR SUPPLEMENTAL
AIR CARRIERS
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore. Is there further morning busi-
ness? If not, morning business is closed.
Mr. MANSFIELD. I ask unanimous
consent that the Chair lay before the
Senate the unfinished business.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore. The Chair lays before the
Senate the unfinished business, which
will be stated by title.
The LEGISLATIVE CLERK. A bill (S.
1969) to amend the Federal Aviation Act
of 1958, as amended, to provide for a
class of supplemental air carriers, and
for other purposes.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore. The committee amendment,
being in the nature of a substitute is
open to amendment and, for the purpose
of amendment, will be considered, under
the precedents, as original text.
Mr. MANSFIELD. Mr. President, I
suggest the absence of a quorum.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore. The clerk will call the roll.
The legislative clerk proceeded to call
the roll.
Mrs. NEuBERGER. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent that the order
for the quorum call be rescinded.
The ACTING PRESIDENT pro
tempore. Without objection, it is so
ordered.
SENATOR HAYDEN AND THE 19TH
AMENDMENT TO THE CONSTITU-
TION
Mrs. NEUBERGER. Mr. President,
earlier this month the League of Women
Voters honored our wonderful colleague,
the senior Senator from Arizona [Mr.
HAYDEN] at a surprise party because he
is the only Member of the 87th Congress
who voted for passage of the amend-
ment which gave women the right to vote.
Senator HAYDEN was a Representative
from Arizona at the time. His vote
helped open wide a world of new experi-
ences for women in our country. Per-
haps there have been times when Senator
HAYDEN wondered if he had cast a wise
vote.
I hope that we women will never
disillusion him and make him sorry for
that historic vote. I first heard about
Senator HAYDEN when my husband be-
came a Member of the Senate, and I
remember his telling of the fact that
here was a Senator who had been in Con-
gress ever since his State had been a
member of the Union.
I would ask Senator HAYDEN to be
patient with us. After all, the women
have only had the privilege of helping
select their national officeholders for 41
years. In the life of a woman that is a
short time. We hear often that phrase
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16182 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
power?note the word "legal?to change
its mind and amend a law in practically any
way it deems appropriate. But hanging on
legalisms here substantially begs the ques-
tion?certainly where delicate and far-
reaching arrangements with sovereign for-
eign nations are involved.
His superior, Secretary Rusk, told the
House Committee on Appropriations that
"As a matter of the law and the Constitu-
tion, it (Congress) would have the same con-
trol. However, I would be less than candid
if I did not say that the exercise of that con-
trol by the Congress on an annual basis
would be a more serious step in terms of our
commitments and relations with other gov-
ernments than would be true under the
present arrangement."
LIMITING EXPENDITURES
This question of control by Congress is so
crucial to the understanding and considera-
tion of the proposition that I again quote
from Secretary Dillon. He was asked what
would be the situation if Congress decided to
cut a part of the $8.8 billion but in the
meantime under long-range programing,
commitments had been made with foreign
countries. Could Congress then limit ex-
penditures below what had been committed?
Dillon said:
"I would like to be perfectly clear on that,
Senator. Congress does have the authority
to limit it, and could limit it, but it would
have the effect of the United States not liv-
ing up to its commitments. So I believe
there would be very strong pressure on Con-
gress not to have the United States default
on a commitment which it had legally
made."
In the fact of that statement, Mr. Tan-
nenwald says Mr. Krock was "incorrect"
when he suggested that if Congress were to
limit or terminate the previously granted
borrowing authority the United States would
be in default in its foreign-aid commitments.
Then hanging on technicalities, he concludes
that "there could be 'no question of a de-
fault." Secretaries Rusk and Dillon say
otherwise.
Mr. Tannenwald insists it is not true, as
Mr. Krock states, that:
"Since technically the Executive could
commit in 1 fiscal year the entire $8.8 billion
Congress had given it for 5 years, there con-
ceivably could be no money left for Congress
to recapture."
Once again, let's see what Secretary Dillon
says: "Mr. Passman: In effect, the executive
branch could, if it should so determine,
commit the entire $8.8 billion during fiscal
year 1962 on a conditional basis?" "Secre-
tary Dillon: They could commit $1,187 mil-
lion firmly, and they could commit the rest
of it conditionally." "Mr. Passman: It could
be committed, nevertheless?" "Secretary
Dillon: Conditionally, it could be."
In conclusion, this long-term financing
proposition, and some others similar to it
and now rather commonly known as back-
door financing, raises questions vital to the
orderly processes of representative govern-
ment. The Congress, as the elected repre-
sentatives of the people, has but one certain
way effectively to control the Government.
That is the power of the purse.
So when such a proposition as the pending
$8.8 billion, 5-year borrowing authority is
submitted, above all things, we must know
it full dimensions and characteristics before
we finally vote. Do what we will?but know
what we are doing.
GERALD R. FORD, Jr.,
Representative, Fifth District, Michi-
gan.
WASHINGTON, August 10, 1961.
SPECIAL HOUSE COMMITTEE ON
CAPTIVE NATIONS
(Mr. DERWINSKI (at the request of
Mrs. MAY) was granted permission to
extend his remarks at this point in the
RECORD and to include extraneous
matter.)
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, one
of the basic weaknesses of the Soviet
Union slave empire is the discontent of
the people of the so-called satellite na-
tions and the discontent of non-Russian
peoples within the Soviet Union proper.
This opposition, if properly sustained
and if, through our efforts the continued
attention of the world is focused upon it,
could result in placing the Soviet Union
in a position of complete defense in the
propaganda phase of the cold war.
The Soviet charges against U.S. colo-
nialism and U.S. aggression relative to
Guantanamo Bay are a perfect example
of the smokescreen leveled by them to
take the eyes of the world off their own
imperialism and colonialism as practiced
in Eastern Europe.
With these thoughts in mind, I have
repeatedly urged that the Rules Com-
mittee approve for discussion on the
floor one of the resolutions dealing with
the creation of a special House Commit-
tee on Captive Nations. These various
resolutions introduced by many Mem-
bers of both political parties, must be
acted upon by the Rules Committee in
the very near future, or for all practical
purposes, they will have been killed.
Mr. Speaker, I ask leave to place in
the RECORD a copy of the letter I have
written to each member of the Rules
Committee, urging that body to permit
the House to work its will on the subject
to create a special House Committee on
Captive Nations.
DEAR COLLEAGUE: I don't wish to wear out
my welcome and take up your tremendously
busy schedule with an issue with which you
are thoroughly familiar but feel it impera-
tive that one of the captive nations resolu-
tions be cleared by the Rules Committee for
discussion by the entire House. I would like
to call some additional items to your atten-
tion that show the urgency and bipartisan-
ship of this special House committee.
On April 23, a State Department press re-
lease, discussing the letter from Khrushchev
to President Kennedy on Cuba stated:
"The people of the United States believe
that the right of self-determination is funda-
mental and should apply throughout the
world. We reject the right of any narrow
political grouping or any country to allegate
to itself the power to determine the real
will of the people."
May I also call your attention to this
statement from President Kennedy's state
of the Union message:
"We must never forget our hopes for the
ultimate freedom and well being of the
Eastern European peoples."
And last, but not least, I call your at-
tention to the following quotation from
President Kennedy's Captive Nations Week
proclamation:
"Whereas it is in keeping with our na-
tional tradition that the American people
manifest its interest in the freedom of other
nations:
"I invite the people of the United States
of America to observe this week with appro-
priate ceremonies and activities, and I urge
them to recommit themselves to the support
of the just aspirations of all peoples for
national independence and freedom."
Along with the gentleman from Pennsyl-
vania [Mr. FLOOD] and numerous other
Members on both sides of the aisle, I have
urged that the creation and operation of
this special House committee would be of
extreme value to the State Department and
to our United Nations representatives in
/
August 28
dealing with Red propaganda concerning
Western imperialism, pointing out the true
facts that imperialism and colonialism as
practiced by the Soviet Union in Eastern
Europe far exceeds any abuses which could
be charged to Western nations.
It is my understanding that the State
Department has not taken a position in
support of the creation of a Captive Nations
Committee. If this be the case, I believe
it is acting in contradiction to the above-
quoted items, and it would be most con-
sistent for the House to create this special
committee and work effectively with the
State Department in exposing Soviet
manipulations of the previously free peoples
of Eastern Europe.
Sincerely yours,
EDWARD J. DERWINSKI,
Member of Congress.
Mr. Speaker, this is a vital issue, and
I am enclosing for the RECORD addi-
tional material which very effectively
points out the area of Soviet weakness
in Eastern Europe. The additional
matter I refer to is an editorial in the
August 26 issue of the Chicago Daily
Tribune entitled "The Veiled Offer."
THE VEILED OFFER
Arthur Veysey, our London correspondent,
reports that the British Government is pro-
moting a conference of foreign ministers for
late September in the belief that agreements
governing West Berlin and the status of
divided Germany, can be reached with the
Soviet Union. Meanwhile, Khrushchev con-
tinues to apply the heat, his latest move
being a veiled threat to cut off Western ac-
cess by air to West Berlin on the theory that
the allies are abusing the air routes by ferry-
ing in spies and troublemakers.
In these circumstances, what kind of
agreement is possible with the Russians?
Some persons may think they see the es-
sential clue in overtones of appeasement in
British official circles. But perhaps a more
direct clue has been provided by President
Kennedy and Secretary of State Rusk.
While the President and Rusk have said
what they will not give up in Berlin, they
have told Khrushchev by indirection that
they are willing to give up a great deal else-
where. Too little attention has been directed
to this veiled offer of a quid pro quo.
Mr. Kennedy's overture, made in his speech
July 25, began with the statement that "we
are willing to consider any arrangement or
treaty in Germany consistent with the main-
tenance of peace and freedom, and with the
legitimate security interests of all nations."
Directly after this statement came an offer
that covers a good deal of ground.
"We recognize," said Mr. Kennedy, "the
Soviet Union's historical concerns about
their security in central and eastern Europe,
after a series of ravaging invasions?and we
believe arrangements can be worked out
which will help to meet those concerns, and
make it possible for both security and free-
dom to exist in this troubled area."
Mr. Rusk, speaking 2 days after Mr. Ken-
nedy, expressed belief that there could be a
"peaceful adjustment." He said the Presi-
dent had indicated "some broad possibilities
that might open up" for negotiations.
While the Secretary's remarks are to some
degree ambiguous, Mr. Kennedy's are less so.
Russia has expressed its "historical con-
cerns" about the security of its borders by
pulling more than half a dozen countries of
eastern and central Europe into the Com-
munist orbit and installing over them pup-
pet governments responsive to every com-
mand from Moscow.
It has taken territory from Poland, one
of these captive nations, and had Poland
compensate itself by taking German terri-
tory on its western frontier. And the Rus-
sians themselves have converted what was
supposed to be a temporary military occupa-
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/9,U1 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
tion of Eastern Germany into permanent
possession by erecting a fictitious state in
that territory, with which Khrushchev now
proposes to conclude an equally fictitious
treaty of peace.
All of these actions express what Mr.
Kennedy calls Soviet "historical concerns"
over the safety of its own frontiers. If Mr.
Kennedy is willing to acknowledge that these
concerns are historical, and to that extent
acknowledges their validity, what "arrange-
ments" can he work out to allay these con-
cerns except by confirming Russia's title to
all the territory it holds as a consequence of
military occupation in World War II?
It is to be noticed that, while the State
Department's long note to the Soviet Union
of July 18 spoke of the right of self-deter-
mination of all the German people, and of
the necessity of reunification of the whole
of Germany, Mr. Kennedy did not once refer
to unification in his speech.
What he seems to be offering Khrushchev
is a settlement on the basis of the status quo,
just so long as Berlin is left as it is. Al-
though this will take care of "historical" So-
viet concerns about Russian security, it will
constitute no grant of freedom in eastern
and central Europe, whatever Mr. Kennedy
may choose to say about freedom.
As for the historical concern, Russian
mobilization in 1914 had quite as much
bearing on the outbreak of war as German
iniquity, while the repetition of this con-
flict in 1941 resulted from a falling out be-
tween Hitler and Stalin because their terri-
torial ambitions could not be mutually ac- ?
commodated. It is admitting too much to ;
concede that the Soviet Union has valid
fears about the safety of its frontiers, for it I
need have none if it were willing to respect
the frontiers of others.
COMMITTEE ON GOVERNMENT
OPERATIONS
Mr. HECHLER. Mr. Speaker, on be-
half of the gentleman from Illinois [Mr.
DAwsoN1 I ask unanimous consent that
the Committee on Government Opera-
tions may have until midnight tonight
to file a report on the bill H.R. 8429.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there
objection to the request of the gentle-
man from West Virginia?
There was no objection.
INDUSTRIALIST SUPPORTS H.R.
4222?THE HEALTH INSURANCE
BENEFITS ACT
(Mr. KING of California (at the re-
quest of Mr. HECHLER) was given per-
mission to extend his remarks at this
point in the RECORD and to include
extraneous matter.)
Mr. KING of California. Mr. Speaker,
public support for the President's pro-
gram to provide health care for the
aged through social security has been
building up at a dramatic rate over the
last several months. Gallup poll figures
show that 67 percent of the population
favors the health benefits program con-
tained in my bill, H.R. 4222. An increas-
ing number of newspapers and responsi-
ble magazines have endorsed the pro-
gram during last year, a major insur-
ance company has declared itself in
support, and a former Secretary of
Health, Education, and Welfare under
the Eisenhower administration has
urged its enactment. Recently, H.R.
4222 has received the enthusiastic public
backing of a substantial number of phy-
Reluctant as I am to see increased pay-
sicians. To this growing list of persons
and organizations of stature and integ-
rity who believe that the preservation
of dignity in old age is a worthwhile
goal, who are not paralyzed by shib-
boleths and scare words, and who know
that effective Federal action is needed
to finance the health needs of the aged,
there has now been added another
strong voice.
H.R. 4222 has been vigorously endorsed
by one of America's greatest, most suc-
cessful, and most imaginative industri-
alists, the president of Kaiser Industries
Corp., Edgar F. Kaiser. Mr. Kaiser had
hoped to appear before the Ways and
Means Committee at its recent hearings
on health care for the aged, but was un-
able to do so because of illness. He has
just sent me the statement that he had
hoped to present in person. This careful
statement presents an excellent analysis
of the reasons why one of the country's
outstanding businessmen, who is also the
head of a voluntary prepaid health plan
serving more than 800,000 persons, be-
lieves that, in his words, "voluntary cost
spreading organizations cannot, alone,
meet the health care needs of retired
persons adequately and realistically,"
and why "the simple and proven social
security system, coupled with provision
of services through private and voluntary
organizations, constitutes the most prac-
tical and desirable solution yet proposed
to this major national problem."
Mr. Speaker, under unanimous consent
I insert the text of Mr. Kaiser's state-
ment in the CONGRESSIONAL RECORD:
STATEMENT BY EDGAR F. KAISER, PRESIDENT OF
KAISER INDUSTRIES CORP. AND PRESIDENT OF
KAISER FOUNDATION HEALTH PLAN
INTRODUCTION
I appreciate the opportunity which this
committee has afforded me to present the
following statement in support of H.R. 4222,
the King-Anderson bill, and I am sorry that
an illness made it impossible for me to ap-
pear before you in person. The viewpoint
on which this statement is based is the result
of our combined experience in industry and
in the prepaid health care field.
A management viewpoint: Kaiser Indus-
tries Corp., together with its affiliated com-
panies, carries on a variety of industrial en-
gineering and construction operations in the
United States and throughout the free world.
As management, we are concerned that too
many Americans, individually, cannot afford
the costs of being sick. We know that this
problem is especially serious for retired peo-
ple. As management we are also concerned
with production costs and are keenly aware
of the impact of additional payroll taxes on
production costs. Because my principal
work is in management, it is fundamental
to me that the justification for increased
payroll taxes must be real, substantial and
pressing.
A health care viewpoint: Kaiser Founda-
tion health plan is the largest community-
based group-practice prepayment health
care plan in the United States. It now
serves well over 800,000 persons in the Pa-
cific Coast States and Hawaii. As president
of this health plan, I am vitally concerned
with problems of health care and the distri-
bution of health care costs.
The essence of the bill: In essence the
King-Anderson bill provides for collection of
funds on a very broad economic base, and
disbursement of these funds to purchase
needed services from private institutions.
roll taxes, my combined experience in indus-
16183
try and with our health plan has led me to
conclude that the payroll costs increases re-
quired under this bill are warranted and
necessary to provide a fair and adequate
base for financing institutional health care
services for our retired population.
Preference for private enterprise solutions:
Before outlining the considerations leading
to this conclusion, I want this committee to
know that I appear as a proponent of volun-
tary solutions, within the framework of
private enterprise, to the problems which
confront our Nation. Indeed, it is because
of my belief in private enterprise, rather
than a socialized economy that I am sub-
mitting this statement in support of Ha.
4222.
King-Anderson bill is not socialized medi-
cine: We firmly believe that the Kaiser
Foundation health plan is the antithesis of
socialized medicine. In fact, we feel that
health plans such as our are the best single
answer to socialized or Government-admin-
istered medicine. Similarly, I do not be-
lieve that the King-Anderson bill in any
way fosters socialized medicine.
In many fields, Federal, State, and local
governments must perform cost distributing
functions which cannot be handled effec-
tively through private institutions. Thus,
our Nation's need for a highway system
has been met through governmental collec-
tion of tax revenues to pay for the con-
struction of highways.
Similarly, if a major national problem,
such as financing health care services for
retired persons, is not being effectively
handled through nongovernmental means,
then the Government has an obligation to
assist.
King-Anderson bill will foster nongovern-
mental health care: The logical outgrowth
of social security financing, as contrasted
with appropriations from general revenues
and administration through social welfare
agencies, will be to keep a greater and in-
creasing proportion of retired persons in the
main stream of medical and hospital care,
with services provided in private and volun-
tary hospitals. This will reduce reliance on
county hospitals and other governmental
institutions.
Thus, far from having socialistic impli-
cations, the King-Anderson bill will actually
tend to strengthen the role of nongovern-
mental institutions. The expansion since
World War II of voluntary prepaid health
coverage by health insurance companies and
service type health plans is the private en-
terprise alternative to a nationwide govern-
mental health insurance program. In sim-
ilar fashion, governmental distribution of
the cost of key health care services for re-
tired persons, with services actually being
provided through private and voluntary
means, constitutes not socialized medicine
but rather an effective alternative to satisfy
this need through private enterprise.
Is governmental cost distribution essen-
tial?
The answer to this question is undoubtedly
and emphatically, "yes." But, in part, the
question conceals the problem. Govern-
mental action to finance health services for
aged persons is not only necessary; it is a
fundamental fact of our present medical
economy.
The extent of government participation in
providing health care to our citizens is in-
dicated by the fact that in 1960, 25 percent
of total expenditures for medical and hos-
pital services were made by governmental
agencies. In California, the State of my
residence, two governmental programs alone
will, by the end of this year, provide health
care coverage paid for by tax revenues to
nearly 60 percent of the population aged 65
and over. The first program?for the in-
digent aged?covers 256,000 persons, or about
18 per
cent of the population over 65 years
Th
of age. e second program?for the medi-
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WNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
however, if returns on capital invest-
ments are not attractive in the United
States, capital funds will seek markets
overseas?as we have painfully wit-
nessed in recent months?and they will
be hoarded until a better investment op-
portunity appears.
We have heard much in the past year
about how America must increase her
economic growth rate?I could not agree
more, but when will Government take
the steps essential to promote such
growth.
We cannot expect to achieve an in-
come tax rate-schedule which will foster
increased capital investment by per-
mitting our Government to sink deeper
and deeper into deficit spending as this
necessarily precludes a sound revision
of existing tax laws. Efficiently admin-
istered national defense expenditures
are essential, of course, but Government
expenditures in other areas could be
sharply curtailed. Capital accumula-
tion must precede capital formation for
if business profits are half taxed away
to pay for the many Government ven-
tures, capital accumulation is severely
restricted. Our present tax structure
digs deeply into the very sources on
which capital investment and a growth
in our national employment depends.
If we are to have a 3-, 4-, or 5-percent
economic growth rate, we must revise
our thinking about unfettered Govern-
ment spending programs
As stated initially, Members of Con-
gress have an obligation to the 5.6 mil-
lion unemployed and, more particularly,
to the 1.6 million longtime unemployed.
A realistic reappraisal of our national
unemployment problem should be made,
for the present administration has al-
ready demonstrated millions of dollars
alone will not change the statistics. The
administration is gearing its efforts to
the results of unemployment, rather
than than the cause of the problem.
The unemployed men and women, par-
ticularly those with families, cannot wait
forever for a solution to their distress.
It is time the widely circulated, fine
sounding phrases of expanding job op-
portunities be replaced with the action
necessary to encourage a growing econ-
omy, and an appropriately trained labor
force.
Mr. GOODELL. Mr. Speaker, will the
gentleman yield?
Mr. DOLE. I yield.
Mr. GOODELL. I think the point
made by the gentleman is very definitely
underscored by the statements which are
made by the administration that we are
at this moment in our economy on the
upward move, as a matter of fact, rather
dramatically moving upward, and it is
anticipated that we will have in the pe-
riod of high prosperity by the winter of
1961-62?and yet the administration
spokesmen have been making it clear
that they anticipate an unemployment
low point of about 6 percent next win-
ter. This in spite of their big spending
program, in spite of their deficit financ-
ing, and presumably they are going to
go ahead and spend more money from
the Federal Government to try to correct
this problem, even in a period of high
prosperity. I think it is generally con-
ceded by even the economists who feel
we should spend more than we take in
in periods of recession, but certainly we
should not do it in periods of prosperity
because then you are just stoking the
fires of inflation.
Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. Mr.
Speaker, will the gentleman yield?
Mr. GOODELL. I yield.
Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. The gen-
tleman from New York is certainly cor-
rect in his statement. The thing that
to me is tragic is the way the adminis-
tration spokesmen say that if they get to
a 4-percent unemployment figure, that is
what we are always going to have. I do
not understand such a negative ap-
proach to this thing, but they nontheless
have said that. In my judgment and in
the judgment of many others I think we
should not be content with such a figure.
Mr. GOODELL. It is almost as if they
were anticipating the failure of their own
program and are laying the groundwork
in advance to prepare the public for the
failure.
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker, will
the gentleman yield?
Mr. GOODELL. I yield.
Mr. DERWINSKI. The point that
the gentleman from New York just made
was excellent because in 1960, during the
campaign, there was a deliberate attempt
first of all to plant a fear psychology in
the minds of the people and then to
work from that point.
Coming into power we find that a lot
of their basic philosophies are anti-free
enterprise, anti-American business. The
unemployment statistics which the gen-
tleman gives show a high and continued
rate of unemployment which is at least
in part the result of anti-America free
enterprise attitude on the part of key
administration officials.
Mr. DOLE. According to the admin-
istration, it will be the latter part of
next year before we will have a sub-
stantial reduction in unemployment. We
can account for a large part of that.
That is not due to anything except the
fact we have appropriated $3.5 billion for
defense. This will create new jobs. We
are going to draft a couple of hundred
thousand people, we are going to call
the Reserves. That will take care of
some unemployment. I do not think
that is what we had in mind when we
talked about an objective solution of
this problem.
Mr. CURTIS of Missouri. I am glad
the gentleman mentioned that. We are
going to take care of 200,000 to 300,000
young people by putting them in the
armed services. The reason that is im-
portant is this: In the past 8 years of
the recent administration, spokesmen of
the present administration were con-
stantly critical of this area of unemploy-
ment. They pointed to the recession year
of 1954. I would point out that at that
timc we had just closed down the Korean
war. We had returned out of the armed
services many hundreds of thousands of
young men, as well as many people from
munition plants. We had to find jobs
for them. To this day the administra-
tion spokesmen and economists will not
pay any attention to the impact of war
on employment. Sure, you can solve
13583
unemployment tomorrow by going to war.
The gentleman in his speech referred
to the fact that the New Deal did not
solve unemployment in the great depres-
sion; in fact, there were over 10 million
unemployed after 6 or 7 years of its
operation. Unemployment and the de-
pression were solved by World War II,
by America becoffiing the arsenal for
the democracies. That is the record.
Our job is to try to figure out how
we can take care of unemployment based
upon a peacetime economy, not a war-
time economy. I hope that the Ken-
nedy administration will bear in mind
as we look into these next few months
that they have not been able to help
alleviate unemployment by drafting peo-
ple into the service.
I hope they do not try to take credit
for that method of operation.
Mr. GOODELL. Regardless of wheth-
er they try to take credit for it or not,
I hope they will assign the right reasons
for the improvement in unemployment.
I would agree it is related to the fact
we have gone into an emergency, we are
drafting more people, and it would be a
sorry thing for them to claim that the
big spending programs they have initi-
ated were the reasons for some improve-
ment in this figure. I think we all an-
ticipate there will be a slight improve-
ment due to the fact they are going to
draft more people and take people in the
Reserves. But that is not the way we
want to solve the unemployment prob-
lem.
Mr. DOLE. I have heard it said they
could draft people from the State De-
partment and solve two problems: First,
help unemployment, and, second, the
world situation in general.
Full employment is and will continue
to be a primary goal of the Republican
Party. Full employment cannot be at-
tained by wishful thinking, by massive
expenditure of public moneys, by high
sounding phrases, tours of inspection, or
by Executive order. We are dealing with
deep personal misfortunes of millions
who have every right to expect progress,
not pity, cooperation not charity, and,
most of all, results not regimentation by
Federal bureaucracy. To this end Con-
gress should be dedicated.
Mr. GOODELL. I conclude by thank-
ing my colleagues for their contribution
this discussion and particularly to pay
triSute to the chairman of our Opera-
tions Employment Committee, the gen-
tleman from Missouri [Mr. Clams] for
the very great and constructive effort
that he has put forth, and we are very
proud of it?our party?both as Repub-
licans and aj Americans.
PROPOSAM FOR THE ESTABLISH-
MENT OF A SPECIAL HOUSE COM-
MI rrEE ON CAPTIVE NATIONS
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Illinois [Mr. DERWINSKI]
is recognized for 30 minutes.
(Mr. DERWINSKI asked and was
given permission to revise and extend
his remarks and to include extraneous
matter.)
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13584 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD? HOUSE
Mr. DERWINSKI. Mr. Speaker,
since last March the proposal for the
establishment of a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations has been be-
fore the Rules Committee. Hearings
on the measure were conducted on two
occasions, and all essential aspects of
the numerous resolutions advancing
this important proposal have been care-
fully considered. I know that I express
the thoughts and hopes of an over-
whelming number of my colleagues
when I say that the necessity and urg-
ency of such a committee warrant im-
mediate final determination of these
resolutions. Time is running out in
more ways than one.
WIDE SUPPORT OF THE RESOLUTIONS
Wide popular support of the resolu-
tions calling for a Special Committee on
Captive Nations is clear and unmistak-
able. In these many months an
impressive amount of evidence substan-
tiating this support has accumulated.
Led by the original resolution of the
gentleman from Pennsylvania [Mr.
FLoord almost two dozen similar resolu-
tions have been submitted as a clear re-
flection of this growing support.
Consistently, week after week, letters
have been pouring in from all parts of
the country in favor of such a special
committee. The RECORD has shown
some of this two or three times a week
since last March. Moreover, in re-
sponse to this popular support, the
House Republican policy committee
placed itself on record on May 23, 1961,
fully and unequivocally backing the
proposal of a Special Committee on
Captive Nations.
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK CRYSTALLIZES SUPPORT
Mr. Speaker, this year's observance of
Captive Nations Week crystallized this
support for a special committee. In
area upon area one of the major themes
of the observance was the creation of a
Special Committee on Captive Nations
in this session of Congress. And, as was
shown over a week ago in this chamber,
this paramount theme was sounded not
only in cities like New York, Chicago,
and San Francisco, but also in Miami,
New Orleans, and Los Angeles. I should
like to add to the material and evidence
provided in that discussion on Captive
Nations Week, 1961, and the necessity of
a Special Committee on Captive Na-
tions?REcoRD, July 24, pages 12203-
12232. I request that at the conclusion
of my address, this material from the
Miami Herald, New Orleans Times Pica-
yune, the Denver Register, and other
sources be inserted in the RECORD. The
mounting interest in the strategic im-
portance and value of all the captive
nations, as shown in every section of our
country, offers solid justification for the
establishment of a Special House Com-
mittee on Captive Nations. It cannot be
emphasized too often that nowhere in
this Nation is there any systematic,
methodic and continuous study being
made of the captive nations in the
aggregate.
We in this body have now an excel-
lent opportunity to satisfy this urgent
need and to meet and abet the interest
shown by our people in the captive na-
tions. This need, this interest?can be
effectively realized and satisfied only by
the creation of this special committee.
THE BERLIN CRISIS, THE PRESIDENT, AND MOSCOW
Mr. Speaker, it has frequently been
pointed out that there is nothing more
irritating, more fear inducing, more dis-
turbing to the Moscow colonialists than
the subject of captive nations. As a
matter of fact, except for the U-2 inci-
dent last year, no single event in the
last ten years has produced such an out-
burst of staged indignation and hurt
than the passage of the Captive Nations
Week resolution by Congress in 1959
The most sensitive chord of Moscow's
colonial empire was struck. Khru-
shchev knew it and most of us did.
We cannot ignore the fact that last
year and, significantly again this year,
Moscow and its colonial puppets have
reacted even more vehemently and vitu-
peratively to the Captive Nations Week
observances. Last week, others pointed
to the sharp attack in Izvestia and many
puppet organs against President Ken-
nedy's Captive Nations Week proclama-
tion. To this I should like to add the
fact that the Russian organ, Pravda,
launched a similar attack in its July
21 issue. More than this, a report dis-
tributed by the American Committee of
Liberation, which I append to my re-
marks, shows the staff of Radio Moscow
going to the lengths of calling Missis-
sippi Gov. Ross R. Barnett to estab-
lish for its listeners the fantastic thesis
of enslaved people in the United States.
These and other facts demonstrate be-
yond doubt that we have pierced the
sprawling Bear where it hurts most. We
should be guided by this evidence and
also profit by it, particularly in this pe-
riod of the Berlin crisis. We should un-
cover, cultivate, and disseminate such
facts in the interest of American public
enlightenment and also of U.S. policy
and action. Once again, for the purpose
and objective only a Special Committee
on Captive Nations can do the enormous
job required.
Mr. Speaker, it is necessary to mention
a grievous error committed by the Presi-
dent in his address to the Nation last
week on the Berlin crisis. But this also
proves the need for precise and sound
knowledge about the captive nations
which a special committee, by its spe-
cialized undertaking of study and infor-
mation, can guarantee and insure. The
President's statement. "We recognize
the Soviet Union's historical concern
about their security in central and east-
ern Europe after a series of ravaging
invasions," is shocking for its historical
inaccuracy and lack of factual base. I
shudder to think what the Lithuanian,
Latvian, Ukrainian, White Ruthenian,
Polish, Byelorussian and other captives
in and outside the Soviet Union must feel
upon hearing this?their lands ravaged
and exploited by Moscow. But this dom-
inant fact is rationalized away by an
American President under the cloak of
some fictitious historical concern on the
part of the Soviet Union for its security.
And this only 1 week after the Presi-
dent's proclamation of Captive Nations
Week.
f
August 3
ADDITIONAL REASONS FOR A SPECIAL
COMMITTEE
Mr. Speaker, when we witness such
gross inaccuracies and historical fatui-
ties on the highest levels of our Gov-
ernment, what could be expected from
some other spheres of our society with
regard to accurate knowledge and under-
standing of our natural allies, the cap-
tive nations? This should be reason
enough for the establishment of a special
committee devoted to this vital subject.
However, there have been many reasons
offered by my colleague from Pennsyl-
vania and others?reasons which have
yet to be refuted?RECORD, May 10, pages
7221-7222.
I should like to add to those reasons
and arguments the following points
which have emerged in discussion about
this crucial subject:
First. A Special Committee on Captive
Nations would have definite legislative
intent. This intent is indicated in the
proposal and resolutions. The sequence
of events leading to the full realization
of this intention would be:
(a) Extensive and intensive study and
investigation;
(b) Conclusions based on the commit-
tee's findings;
(c) Recommendations founded on
conclusions for legislative action; and
(d) Formulation of legislative acts in
connection with the captive nations. A
whole spectrum of activities in relation
to the Red colonial empire could con-
ceivably come for reexamination in the
light of the committee's findings.
Second. In reality, such a committee
would not encroach upon the work of
any standing committee. The out-
standing fact is that none of our com-
mittees is engaged in a systematic, me-
thodic, and continuous study of the cap-
tive nations as a whole, in the aggregate.
Indeed, our committee structures do not
? even run along these lines to perform
? the tasks contemplated. For example,
with the draft of the 20-year plan an-
nounced by Moscow, it is appropriate to
ask what committee has had the time
and resources to investigate the reality
of economic imperialism and colonial-
ism within the Soviet Union or the
plight of the over 30 million Moslems in
this empire? Yet, one need not think
twice about the possible impact that de-
tailed facts in these areas could produce
on our legislation and general policy.
Third. These examples alone suggest
that considerable time, effort, and ap-
plication would be necessary for the ful-
fillment of the objectives of such a com-
mittee. No existing committee could
possibly afford this. A special commit-
tee, comprised of Members who have a
profound interest in the captive nations
and are dedicated to the task of show-
ing the tremendous strategic value the
captive nations have for the security of
our Nation and the free world, could
alone meet these requirements.
Fourth. There are, of course, numer-
ous proposals and resolutions made for
special and select committees to deal
with various matters. But who, in these
times of foreign crises, the threat of
Moscow, and the threat of war, would
deny the priority of purpose and value
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
attached to the necessity of studying,
knowing, understanding, and function-
ally appreciating the captive nations
both within and outside the Soviet
Union? It is an open secret that we lag
badly in this important respect and yet,
sooner perhaps than we think, we may
have to depend heavily on these natural
allies in the Red colonial empire.
Mr. Speaker, it is for these reasons
and the many others that have been
given since the beginning of March that
I urge speedy bipartisan action on the
resolutions proposing a Special Commit-
tee on Captive Nations. The full justi-
fication for such a committee is being
discussed and well received in many
quarters of this Nation. As a further
example of this, I wish to introduce as
part of my remarks the lecture delivered
by Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, of George-
town University, on "A History of Com-
munist Aggression." This lecture was
given last week at the anticommunism
strategy seminar held at the U.S. Army
Command and General Staff College,
Fort Leavenworth, Kans. One of the
conclusions reached by Dr. Dobriansky
is that our general knowledge of the his-
tory of Communist aggression is basi-
cally faulty. In the public interest, in
the interest of our national security, this
defect can be rapidly overcome by the
work and effort of a Special Committee
on Captive Nations.
In addition, Mr. Speaker, I place in
the RECORD at this time an editorial from
the Chicago Daily News of Tuesday,
August 1, entitled "Ventriloquist," which
is illustrative of the Red propaganda
against Western imperialism and other
illogical suggestions that we turn the
tables on the Communists in this arena.
Mr. Speaker, to sum up my purpose in
once more calling this matter to the
attention of the House, may I point out
that we are obviously in the home
stretch of this congressional session. It
would be most practical for the Rules
Committee to approve a captive nations
resolution so that the House could act,
and the committee organize and com-
mence this most needed work imme-
diately at the close of the session. It is
my understanding that the chairman
of the House Foreign Affairs Committee
has had numerous invitations to appear
before the Rules Committee on this sub-
ject, and has failed to avail himself of
the opportunity.
I certainly hope, Mr. Speaker, that I
am in error if I draw the conclusion that
there is a deliberate attempt being
made to block the creation of this
special House committee on captive na-
tions. Surely there must be some people
in our State Department with enough
imagination and energy to realize that
we must take the counteroffensive in
propaganda against the Soviet Union,
and that this special House committee
would perform a tremendously impor-
tant function to the benefit of our State
Department in its concern with inter-
national problems. I have repeatedly
emphasized the value of this committee
to our representatives in the United
Nations and to the entire American posi-
tion in world affairs. I am convinced
No. 132-17
that a vast majority of House Members
would give the creation of this commit-
tee their vigorous support, and I express
my appreciation to my colleagues who
have been untiring in their efforts to
achieve this goal.
The sands of time in this session, Mr.
Speaker, are running out. They must
not do so before we have created this
committee, put it to work, and then prop-
erly anticipate its progress, accomplish-
ments, and effective contribution to the
cause of freedom for the enslaved cap-
tives of communism.
A HISTORY OF COMMUNIST AGGRESSION
(By Dr. Lev E. Dobriansky, Georgetown Uni-
versity, to the Anti-Communisn Strategy
Seminar held at the U.S. Army Command
and General Staff College, Fort Leaven-
worth, Kans.)
"History is bunk"?so observed one of
America's foremost industrialists and a
prominent maker of history. Instinctively,
of course, we would brush this statement
aside, as, indeed, many in the past have. But
actually this extreme observation cannot be
written off entirely because, in fact, there is
much bunk in the written histories of
Eastern Europe and central Asia which con-
stitute primary and basic parts of the com-
posite history of Communist aggression. In
our schools and in the public forum much
of this bunk is being uncritically transmit-
ted, and the results become clearly and ap-
pallingly evident in the bleak record of our
struggle with communism.
For some quite intellectually vulnerable
critics of these indispensable seminars this
may be the introduction to an extremist
speech. However, it cannot be too strongly
emphasized that the contents of this lecture
are open to any honest criticism by popular
deliberation rather than by secret memo-
randa. Many scholars, writers, and leaders
with a keen sense of history have pointed to
this grave defect in the fundamental his-
tory of Communist aggression. Among them,
even President Truman has said: "I have
several histories of Russia?not one of which
has been satisfactory. Most of them are
based on ideas that were formed before the
man started his book and are not based on
facts." I In short, if our historical accounts
of Russia, the base of the world Communist
conspiracy, are inaccurate and even ficti-
tious, then what can be expected of our
higher formulations of thought, concept,
policy, and operation regarding this global
menace?
LESSONS FROM THE HISTORY OF COMMUNIST
AGGRESSION
"Human history," said H. G. Wells, "is in
essence a history of ideas." The history of
Communist aggression is undoubtedly a ma-
jor episode of human history and in basic
essence sharpens the contrast between the
Ideas of national and personal freedom and
those of imperialist domination and totali-
tarian control. History, one can say, is phi-
losophy teaching by examples, and the ex-
amples we shall consider here are not, as
Khrushchev would have it, evidence of any
spurious contest between communism and
capitalism but, instead, growing examples of
Soviet Russian imperialism and colonialism
versus national self-determination and per-
sonal liberty. Needless to say, those who do
not know or remember the history of Com-
munist aggression are condemned to repeat
it. .
What, then, can we learn from this his-
tory? What are the general lessons to be
gained from the history of Communist ag-
13585
gression? For one, this history provides an
Indispensable background for our under-
standing of the motives, aims, and actions of
the last formidable imperialist power on
earth. It, more than anything else, empiri-
cally and concretely answers the essential
question, "How did this menace come to be
what it is?" In effect, it answers the fur-
ther crucial question, "What is the nature of
the threat? " Second, the history of Com-
munist aggression portrays a genetic devel-
opment of conquest, predation, and exploi-
tation without which pure analysis remains
sterile. In this respect, our Short under-
standing of this history explains in largest
measure our persistent misconception of the
Soviet Union, our gullibility for skillful Rus-
sian propaganda, and our constant reac-
tionism to the cold war ventures of the
adversary.
The third important product of a complete
history of Communist aggression is a vivid
appreciation of what the aggressed, the con-
quered think and feel about the nature of -
the disease rather than what we, at a remote
distance in time, place, or experience, think
it to be or what the conqueror pretends it
to be. For example, in 1956 the Hungarian
patriot shouted, "Russkie, go home" instead
of wasting his breath on the myth of com-
munism, and earlier in the same year the
Georgian patriot scrawled on the public
buildings of Tiflis the positive slogan "Long
live an independent Georgia" instead of
the negative one "Down with communism!"
These and endless more teachings by example
lead to the fourth benefit derived from the
history of Communist aggression; namely,
the insights obtained for opportunities of
action, of the positive offensive, against the
calculating and increasingly confident
enemy.
Thus a complete and factually grounded
history of Communist aggression is indis-
pensable to our thoughts and actions in the
permanent cold war staged by Moscow. It
is no more necessary for our behavior and
operations in any hot global war. The his-
tory of Communist aggression is the very
basis of justification and confirmation of
the sound warning given by the renowned
Russian philosopher, Nicholas Berdyaev: "It
is particularly important for Western minds
to understand the national roots of Rus-
sian communism and the fact that it was
Russian history which determined its limits
and shaped its character. A knowledge of
Marxism will not help in this." 2 As one
views the history of Communist aggression
over the years?including even the form of
spiritual aggression against certain non-
Russian nations prior to 1917?this sober
warning sounded by one of Russia's greats
in this century cannot be repeated too often.
THE BACKGROUND OF THE WHITE RUSSIAN
EMPIRE
It is an open secret that we Americans are
not exactly conspicuous in the areas of his-
torical research, interpretation, and analysis.
In fact, until recently, in our schools and in
our daily existence we have even shown a
disdain for historical inquiry and historical
understanding. With regard to the reality
of Communist aggression some of us woke
up only when colonial Moscow took to overt
means of threat and bluff against the inter-
ests of the United States following World
War II. Of little concern was it to most of
us that we, by private or official agency,
helped substantially to build up this mon-
ster from 1917 to the present, either by com-
mission or omission of various deeds and
works. Without the indispensable aid of
history we were content to form our illu-
sions, some of which thrive this very day,
such as the illusion that the cold war began
I Hillman, William, "Mr. President," New 2 Berdyaev, Nicholas, "The Origin of Rus-
York, 1952, p. 232. sian Communism," London, 1948, p. 7.
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13586 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
in 1947, or the illusion that Communist
aggression commenced with the Russian in-
vasion of Poland in September 1939, or the
illusion that if Marx hadn't existed, we
would not be threatened from the Russian
source today. These and other illusions can
only be permanently dissolved by grasping
the major forces and patterns in the his-
tory of Communist aggression.
As Berdyaev, Struve and others solidly
teach, it is impossible to arrive at such a
grasp without an intensive analysis of the
real, empirical background to the series of
Communist aggressions in our time. The
roots of these aggressions by Soviet Russia
rest deep in the background presented by
the White Russian Empire of the Czars.
Every conceivable Communist technique
today has an able institutional precedent in
the empire-building enterprise started by
Ivan the Terrible in the 16th century: divide
and conquer, conspiratorial networks, geno-
cide, Russification, two steps forward and
one backward, broken treaties, a self-assur-
ing mystical messianism, smokescreens of
totalistic ideologies, political partitionism,
the police state, inventions and distortions
of history, incitement of class struggles, slave
labor, anti-Semitic pogroms, Potemkin vil-
lage tactics, peaceful coexistence?in brief,
the fashioned implements of cold war gam-
ing aimed at eventual conquest.
Lest we deceive ourselves, we are bucking
up against 500 years of cumulative empire-
building experience from which Lenin pri-
marily drew on and Von Clausewitz distilled
his classic cold war formulations. It is an
experience based on the institutional nexus
of internal totalitarian rule and external im-
perialism and colonialism. It is an experi-
ence masked by a succession of deceptive
ideologies: the Third Rome doctrine of Or-
thodox supremacy, racist Pan-Slavism, and
materialistic communism!, Where it serves
Moscow's purposes, each of these is put into
use today. For example, the Morros testi-
mony which led to the Soble spy case in New
York brought out the fact that, as Morros
put it, the "Russian plot * * * goes beyond
communism. They are for Pan-Slavism on a
scale more ambitious than Hitler's fanatical
dreams of world conquest." And Morros
operated with functionaries on the highest
levels of the Kremlin conspiratorial setup.
But more immediate to the first phase in
the history of Communist aggression is the
period from the end of the 19th century
to the downfall of the White Russian Em-
pire. We cannot intelligibly comprehend the
first wave of Soviet Russian aggression un-
less we come to know and appreciate the
powerful force of nationalism which mani-
fested and expressed itself in the empire
during this period. Regrettably our studies
of this subject are virtually nil, and as a
consequence we are ill prepared today to
exploit in behalf of world freedom this same
force operating within the Soviet Union.
The White Russian Empire suffered from
the same rebellious upsurge of patriotic na-
tionalism that the Austro-Hungarian and
Ottoman Empires did. We know of the
Polish resistance and fight for national free-
dom in the spirit of Mickiewicz, Kosiuszko,
and Pulaski, but do you know of the free-
dom fighters and the resistance against Rus-
sian domination elsewhere within the em-
pire: the White Ruthenians Kalinovsky and
Hryniavetski who assassinated Alexander II
in 1881; the Ukrainian Shevchenko and the
pervasive spirit of Mazepa in subjugated
Ukraine; the jealous independence of the
Don and Kuban Cossacks in the spirit of
Razin and Pugachov; Chamyl, the freedom
star of the Caucasus and the innumerable
revolts of the North Caucasian peoples
throughout the 19th century; the Muslim
Congresses of 1905-06 through which Turk-
estani and Azerbaijani formed a religious
common front against Russian colonialism?
This is only a small fraction of the history
for freedom in Eastern Europe and Central
Asia?a history that assumes increasing
meaning, value and significance in the light
of current developments in Turkestan,
Georgia, Idel-Ural, Ukraine and other non-
Russian nations in the U.S.S.R. In marked
measure the Russian defeat in the Russo-
Japanese War was attributable to the rumb-
lings and dissension of the subjugated non-
Russian peoples, and the Revolution of 1905
was in part the explosion of this force of
nationalism. A decade later, in World War
I, mass desertions of these non-Russian na-
tionals crippled the so-called military
steamroller of the Russian Empire; and
over two decades later?after a long period
of ostensible Communist indoctrination?
millions of these non-Russians deserted
again, practically placing the platter of vic-
tory before the Germans. Even the socialist
movement in the White Russian Empire was
split along national lines, such as the
Arrnenian Socialist Party, the Tartarian So-
cialist Revolutionary Party, the Ukrainian
Socialist Democratic Party and others.
Although we still have to uncover and
make use of these facts, in the field of ex-
perience the Bolsheviks led by Lenin knew
them well and used them well for their own
ends. Today, this account would be con-
demned by Moscow as "the provocations of
bourgeois nationalism"; before the collapse
of the White Russian Empire it was accepted
by the forthcoming heirs of the empire in
the name of national self-determination. "If
Finland, if Poland, if the Ukraine break
away from Russia," wrote Lenin, "there is
nothing bad about it. * * * Anyone who
says there is, is a chauvinist. No nation can
be free if it oppresses other nations." 5 As to-
day in Africa and Asia, this record on na-
tional self-determination was played over
and over again until the overwhelming force
of non-Russian nationalism contributed
heavily to the breakup of the White Russian
Empire in 1917. But it wasn't too long be-
fore Lenin and the heirs of the empire
proved themselves as outright chauvinists.
By the established techniques of lies and de-
ception they committed a spiritual aggres-
sion even before 1917.
. You and I know of the two Russian Revo-
lutions in 1917, but how many of us are
aware of the widespread Non-Russian Revo-
lutions for national freedom and independ-
ence at that time? Yet the significance of
these Non-Russian Wars of Independence
cannot but have profound meaning for us
today. Independent national republics were
established in area after area: Idel-Ural, No-
vember 12, 1917; Finland, December 6, 1917;
Ukraine, January 22, 1918; Kuban Cossackia,
February 16, 1918; Lithuania, February 16,
1918, followed in that year by Estonia, White
Ruthenia, Don Cossackia, North Caucasia,
Georgia, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Poland and
Latvia. In Siberia, on April 4, 1920, the
Democratic Republic of the Far East was
founded, and in Central Asia a republic was
proclaimed by Turkestan on April 15, 1922.
With some of these, such as Georgia, Poland
and Ukraine, formal recognition was tend-
ered by Soviet Russia by treaty or official
declaration. Yet, in short time, only a few
of these independent nations and states
survived the first wave of Soviet Russian
imperialism.
THE FIRST WAVE OF COMMUNIST AGGRESSION
As shown in part by the former Select
House Committee on Communist Aggression,
the history of Communist aggression com-
menced with the onslaught by Trotzky's Red
Radzinski, John M., "Masks of Moscow,"
Illinois, 1960, p. 268.
The New York Times, Aug. 13, 1957.
5 Lenin, V.I., "The Right of Nations to Self-
Determination," New York, 1951, p. 123.
August 3
Russian army against most of these non-
Russian republics. , States like Ukraine and
Georgia were subverted, conquered, and made
to appear as independent Soviet Republics
by the end of 1920. Familiar techniques of
"intensive revolution," infiltration, propa-
ganda distortion, espionage, conspiracy and
planted governments were in full use before
the military blow struck. One republic was
picked off after another on the traditional
basis of divide-and-conquer. By 1922 the
first wars between non-Russian nations and
Soviet Russia were over, and on January 31,
1924, the forcible incorporation of these
many nations into the new prison house of
nations was formally declared with the estab-
lishment of the Union of Soviet Socialist
Republics. A new Red Russian Empire was
now in being.
This eventful period gives us much cause
for serious and sober reflection, and the
fruits of this reflection may have consid-
erable bearing on our own future and
destiny. The "ifs" of history are just as
much parts of reality as the "whens." If the
leaders of the victorious West had under-
stood the nationalist forces at work through-
out the Russian Empire and fully supported
them on the principle of national self-deter-
mination, it is reasonable to assume that
communism would have only been a short
echo in the arena of human history. If the
Russians desired to apply its philosophy on
the legitimate terrain of Russia, then, as in
the similar case of Germany, nazism and
non-Germans, non-Russians wouldn't go to
war over it. If these newly independent
non-Russian republics had formed a com-
mon front against Soviet Russian im-
perialism, the outcome of world develop-
ments would surely have been different.
Little is it appreciated that the first smash-
ing defeat of the imperialist forces of Soviet
Russia was registered in 1920 by the Polish-
Ukrainian alliance between Pilsudsky and
Petlura. If their combined forces had
crossed the proper borders of Russia and
completely wiped out the Red Russian Army,
Europe and the rest of the, world would
certainly have benefited from far more than
a 20-year breathing period. As reflections
of historical reality many of these "ifs" have
pointed meaning for us today.
Foolish, indeed, is the notion that Soviet
Russian aggression starts and finishes with
a military war. After the conquest of any
non-Russian country the aggression contin-
ues?in fact is Intensified?against the insti-
tutions, the historical past, and the future
hopes and aspirations of the conquered peo-
ple. Finland, Poland, Lithuania, Latvia, and
Estonia escaped the ravages of this aggres-
sion in the 1920's and 1930's. The other
non-Russian nations, now parts of the Red
Russian Empire under the guise of the So-
viet Union, were not this fortunate. The
two decades are historically replete with de-
portations, slave labor, a horrible man-made
famine in 1931-32, severe Russification, the
Vinnitsa genocide, and extensive economic
colonialism. It is in this period that Khru-
shchev first soaked his hands in the blood
of these early and first captive peoples., It
is also in this period that so-called Soviet
history is punctuated with recurring upris-
ings, passive resistance, and the mortal dan-
ger of "bourgeois nationalism," as witness
the uprisings of 1929-30 and the purges of
1935 and 1937 in Georgia, the revolt of the
young Turkestani in the Basmachi under-
ground during 1935-41, the armed revolts of
the Azerbaijani in 1925, 1929-30, and 1933,
Investigation of Communist Takeover
and Occupation of the Non-Russian Nations
of the U.S.S.R., House of Representatives,
1954.
, "The Crimes of Khrushchev," pt. 2, Com-
mittee on Un-American Activities, House of
Representatives, Washington, 1959.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
and the persistent opposition of the Ukrain-
ians which caused a Russian satrap, Kossior,
to blurt out in 1933 that "Ukrainian na-
tionalism is our chief danger." Aside from
revisionism, the greatest and most endur-
ing of crimes in the Soviet Union today is
so-called bourgeois nationalism, which for
us is plain national patriotism.
Most important in this first-stage of Soviet
Russian aggression is the dominant fact that
the imperio-colonial foundation was laid for
the subsequent waves of Moscow's aggres-
sions, whether direct or indirect. History
was indeed repeating itself. The cycle of
Russian conquests in the 18th and 19th cen-
turies was again in motion. Without these
conquered non-Russian areas, Russia and its
100 million people in itself could only be a
second- or third-rate power. Ukraine by it-
self stands as the largest non-Russian
nation both in the Soviet Union and behind
the Iron Curtain. It should be noted, too,
that the major economic resources in the
U.S.S.R. are largely concentrated in the non-
Russian nations. Turkestan, which Moscow
deliberately partitioned into five artificial
central Asiatic republics and exploits severe-
ly, literally abounds in diverse natural re-
sources. Over 110 million non-Russian cap-
tives under the alien yoke of Moscow live
in the Soviet Union today. About 24 million
were added in the second wave of Soviet
Russian aggression in World War II.
THE SECOND WAVE OF SOVIET RUSSIAN
AGGRESSION
This second wave of Soviet Russian ag-
gression was really triggered off by Moscow
signing a 10-year nonaggression treaty with
Berlin on August 24, 1939. The treaty paved
the way to the Nazi invasion of Poland, the
outbreak of World War II followed, and the
opportunity for Russian colonial expansion
presented itself in Poland, Finland, and the
Baltic States. The paramount feature of this
massive aggression was, of course, the forced
incorporation of Estonia, Latvia, and Lithu-
ania into Moscow's prison house of nations.
The fate met by other non-Russian nations
in 1924 now, inevitably, befell these. De-
pendent on the fortunes of World War II, it
was only a matter of time before others
would meet a similar fate.
The struggle for national freedom in East-
ern Europe and central Asia in the very
course of World War II is a saga of invincible
will and heroism still to be written for the
benefit of the free world. While the war
gave Soviet Russia the opportunity to extend
its colonialism, it also gave the non-Russian
captives an equal opportunity to strike for
national freedom. Even some freedom-lov-
ing Russians saw their opportunity, too.
As in World War I, mass desertions from the
polyglot multinational armed forces of the
U.S.S.R. were the order of the time. White
Ruthenians, Cossacks, Bashkiri, Georgians,
Tartars, Chechens, Ukrainians, and others
who were surfposed to be hopelessly indoc-
trinated by communism deserted in the mil-
lions in the hope of fighting for the freedom
of their lands. For example, let's listen to
the words of a German journalist on the
eastern front: "The steady flow of Ukrainian
volunteers for the German forces we ignored.
The millions of Ukrainians, who by them-
selves could have turned the scales in the
east, were not only being left unused, but
were actually being repulsed and disillu-
sioned." 8
Here, in a nutshell, is the explanation of
the unsurpassed political blunder in this
century. The German Nazis attempted to
foist their type of imperialist totalitarianism
upon these non-Russian nations and in re-
ality, fortunately for us, it cost them the war
and victory. Throughout this period and, as
a matter of fact, up to 1950 the national un-
8 Kern, Erich, "The Dance of Death," New
York, 1951, pp. 103-104.
derground systems of Lithuania, Ukraine,
White Ruthenia, Turkestan, and others en-
gaged in guerrilla warfare against both the
Russian and German totalitarians and later
against the Russians and their colonial pup-
pets. Our interest in guerrilla warfare today
can be well satisfied by a study of the war-
fare waged by the Ukrainian insurgent
army in that period.. To project this fur-
ther, there is abundant evidence to show
that throughout the last decade this re-
sistance and opposition of so-called' bour-
geois nationalism has by no means dimin-
ished in the Soviet Union. Arrests for this
crime of crimes continue under Khrushchev.
As we now turn to the third wave of Soviet
Russian aggression, the tragedy of having
won the war but lost the peace should
awaken us to some grave defects and failures
of our thinking and policymaking regarding
aggressive Soviet Russia: Imagine, twice in
this century we have suffered this tragedy.
The colossal naivete of our leaders was dis-
played in the Yalta agreements and other
unnecessary concessions made to the greatest
imperialist power on earth. Up to that time
hundreds of agreements, treaties, and prom-
ises had been callously broken by colonial
Moscow but, for a variety of reasons, our
leaders felt it could not happen to us. The
roots of today's Berlin crisis go back to this
period, and so does the captivity of many
additional non-Russian nations. The causal
reasons of ignorance and even degrees of
Russophilism, then, are still at work today."
THE THIRD WAVE OF SOVIET RUSSIAN AGGRESSION
In short, by these reasons, we, the victors
of World War II and the advocates of na-
tional independence and personal freedom,
literally accommodated the third wave of
Soviet Russian aggression. The list of vic-
tims is as long as that of the first wave in
1920-23: In 1945, Poland, Moldavia, East
Germany, multinational Yugoslavia, Outer
Mongolia; 1946, Albania, Bulgaria; 1947,
Hungary; 1948 Czechoslovakia, North Korea,
Rumania; 1949, mainland China, where, we
were told, an "agrarian revolution" was un-
der way.
Whether by military occupation or by in-
direct means of the traditional Russian bor-
derlands policy or "intensive revolution,"
the process of aggression and the end result
of conquest and domination of a people are
the same. Satraps in most of these areas
are Moscow-bred, and although differences
have arisen, as in the cases of captive
Poland, satellite Yugoslavia, the junior part-
ner, Red China, or rascal Albania, who logi-
cally can deny that the permanence of the
unrepresentative regimes in any of these
areas is inseparably bound up with the
strength and future of their originator,
Soviet Russia? Aggression by indirection
was shown in Korea in 1950.
With the inner colonial ring in the Soviet
Union and now the outer colonial ring in
central Europe and Asia, Moscow had placed
itself in position to penetrate, directly or in-
directly?through its captives, junior part-
ner, satellite, or quisling Communist groups
in the world at large?any area of the free
world, including ours. The world's masters
in empire building continued to reap suc-
cesses of indirect aggression despite the
alliances, the United Nations, the horren-
dous presence of nuclear weapons, the Magi-
not wall of containment. By the use of
Moscow's traditional argument of no inter-
ference in internal affairs, by skillful propa-
ganda inducing fears of war, and by gaining
sanctuary from us in the consolidation of
their vast empire, they have a free field for
subversion, infiltration, and indirect aggres-
sion in the nontotalitarian free world.
Codo, Enrique M., "Guerrilla Warfare in
the Ukraine," Military Review, Fort Leaven-
worth, Kans., November 1960.
" Crocker, George N., ''Roosevelt's Road to
Russia," Chicago, 1959, p. 248.
13587
FREE AGGRESSIVE PLAY IN THE FREE WORLD
By our basic policy of containment we
accommodate colonial Moscow in a free ag-
gressive play in the nontotalitarian free
world. Tibet in 1951, North Vietnam in
1954, and Cuba in 1959 are further results of
this play. What new nations will be listed
into captivity in this decade: Laos, Cam-
bodia, Iran, Iraq? These and others are real
possibilities for which economic aid, mili-
tary assistance, the United Nations, singly
or in combination, are not the adequate
answer.
To approach the adequate answer, it is
necessary to keep firmly in mind this outline
of the history of Communist aggression.
Within the framework of this outline many
other detailed acts of aggression can be in-
cluded, as, for example, in Spain, Greece,
Iran, Guatemala, and elsewhere. But what-
ever additional facts are assembled, it should
be clear that as the permament instigator of
the cold war, Moscow is a constant aggressor.
In less speedy times and with less advanced
technology the princes of Muscovy were also
on the permanent aggressive, and with
patience, skill, fraud and deception, built an
enormous and unique empire. The inheri-
tors of that empire may use different specious
arguments but employ substantially the
same techniques and, above all, have the
same patience and propaganda skills. As
before, so now, what falls under the Iron
Curtain becomes an "internal affair," and
what lies outside the curtain of the empire
is the field for free aggressive play. What,
then, can we do? Or, in other words, what
profits us to know the history of Communist
aggression?
THE LESSONS AND GUIDELINES OF THIS HISTORY
The "ifs" of history, as I said, are parts of
our reality, for they continually haunt us
into wiser and more intelligent action in the
present and for the future. If, for example,
our Western leaders had a vivid appreciation
of the first wave of Soviet Russian aggression
and the already long record of Moscow's
broken agreements, with proper action in
1945 we would not today be confronted by
any Berlin crisis. These "ifs" sharpen the
lessons of history and contribute to its guide-
lines of our action in the present.
These lessons and guidelines of the his-
tory of Soviet Russian aggression are as
follows:
1. The nature of the threat, or the dis-
ease, or the cancer?characterized however
you will?is the imperio-colonial system of
Soviet Russia. This system has historical
roots in 500 years of empire building. By
virtue of its materialistic basis and char-
acter, the ideology of communism?in es-
sence a millenarian ideology of economic
myth?is only a weapon of deception but
more powerful than the preceding ideologi-
cal weapons of orthodox supremacy and
pan-slavism. It is hardly encouraging to
know that we are fighting against an ideo-
logical myth. In posing the spurious con-
flict between communism and capitalism
Khrushchev would want us to fight the myth
rather than the blood-and-flesh reality of
totalitarian Russian domination. Philoso-
phically and economically, Marxism bears as
much relationship to the Red totalitarian
empire as mercantilism does to our society.
As one writer aptly puts it, "Like a bull in
the arena, we have been concentrating on
the red cloth rather than the matador be-
hind It." 11
2. The paramount challenge is not in the
area of comparative military power and
build up but in the determining area of
propoganda, political psychology, and psy-
chological warfare. It is in this latter area
that images are built up, minds are moved,
and loyalties shifted. Bred on Pushkin,
Dostoyevsky, Tolstoy, and 500 years of em-
Radzinski, John M., "Masks of Moscow,"
p. xiii.
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13588 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
pire building, the present Russian totali-
tarians are masters of the art and experts
in Potemkin Village tactics, stretching
from space to athletics. On the basis of all
available evidence, the Gagaxin story may
well turn out to be the gangrene story of
history, and I am convinced that Moscow
cannot possibly, with any hope of victory,
commit its multinational armed forces in
any serious military engagement. We saw
what happened in Hungary; we saw what
happened in the two World Wars and the
Russo-Japanese War. In comparison with
these political psychological experts, we've,-
been but puny amateurs, despite the ace
cards available to us. It requires little im-
agination to call men to arms; it requires
much in imagination and vision to exploit
the weaknesses of the enemy to eventually
strangulate him without the horrible costs
of a hot war.
3. The policy of liberation, accurately con-
strued, is inescapable for our country if we
are determined to survive as an independent
nation.,2 In addition to the given quantity
of armed protection, the greatest weapon we
have is the captive nations of Europe and
Asia. The case of Hungary proved our fail-
ure to implement this policy, not the ineffi-
cacy of the policy itself. With good reason
there is nothing more frightening to Moscow
than a developing concentration by us on
the numerous captive non-Russian nations
within the U.S.S.R. itself?, In the U.N. de-
bate on colonialism and imperialism last year
the Canadian Prime Minister had the cour-
age to bring up the colonialism and imper-
ialism rampant in the Soviet Union, and
Moscow went into convulsions?' The image
of Russian power could be changed overnight
with this concentration on Russian colonial-
ism and imperialism within the U.S.S.R., and
with enormous impact on Asia, Africa, and
Latin America?, Many of us still haven't
pondered over the question, "Why was it that
Khrushchev, sitting on a pile of missiles and
nuclear bombs and boasting about economic
progress and victory of communism, almost
suffered apoplexy when Congress passed the
Captive Nations Week Resolution in 1959?"
The answer was the call for this concentra-
tion. Today a proposal is before the House
Rules Committee to establish a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations for the purpose of
achieving this concentration. But there is
no question that Russophilic and other ele-
ments in our Department of State resist and
oppose endeavors in this area.
(4) Based on the salient features of the
history of Communist aggression and also
the unique development of our Nation, our
course of policy and action must be in the
explicit and frank terms of a universalized
declaration of independence. A declaration
aimed primarily at all the captive non-Rus-
sian nations in the Red totalitarian empire
and also at the freedom-loving rather than
just the peace-loving masses of the Russian
nation.
Paradoxically enough, Marx recognized a
century ago the same problem that faces us
today: "They will have learned before that
the idea of Russian diplomatic supremacy
owes its efficiency to the imbecility and the
Dobriansky, Lev E., "A Policy of Emanci-
pation and Liberation of Khrushchev's Cap-
tives," CONGRESSIONAL RECORD, July 20, 1961,
pp. 12174-12176.
" Smal-Stocki, Roman, "The Captive Na-
tions," New York, 1960, pp. 98-101.
"Colonialism in the Soviet Empire," Neve
Zuercher Zeitung, Switzerland, Nov. 20, 1960.
Barton, Paul, "Imperialism in the Soviet
Union," NATO letter, June 1961 ( CONGRES..
SIONAL RECORD, July 24, pp.1225-1227).
Dobrianski, Lev E., "The Captive Nations
Week Resolution," CONGRESSIONAL RECORD,
Jan. 21, 1960, pp. 918-923.
timidity of the Western nations, and that
the belief in Russia's superior military
power is hardly less a delusion. There is
only one way to deal with a power like Rus-
sia, and that is the fearless way."
[From the Miami Herald, July 17, 19611
K. 'S FREEDOM TALK A CRUEL JOKE?THE CAP-
TIVES REMEMBERED
Two holes in the Iron Curtain are leaking
people by the thousands.
The closest is Cuba. Fugitives from short
rations and militarization there are stream-
ing across the Florida Straits any way they
can. Immigration officials expect the tor-
rent of refugees to crest during the next 8
days. Cubans fear the Red Dictator Fidel
Castro's blatantly advertised speech on July
26 will seal the island tight, forbidding the
departure of anyone but the aged.
But the biggest leak remains in West Ber-
lin, an enclave of freedom more than 100
miles inside Communist East Germany.
Since 1949, about 2.6 million East Germans
have fled to the West. The flow increased
sharply when Nikita Khrushchev began
whipping up a new Berlin crisis. Now it is
nearly 5,000 a week.
On the other side of the globe, Hong Kong
is jampacked with fugitives from starvation
in Red China. Tibetans are trudging over
high mountain passes into India to avoid
extermination at the hands of Chinese Com-
munists.
All these refugees are the lucky ones:
they got away.
What of the 840 million other men,
women, and children held in bondage by
communism, the only expanding colonial em-
pire on earth today? They have not been
forgotten, in the United States, at least.
Captive Nations Week, which started yes-
terday, is designed to remind the world of
the victims of Sino-Soviet imperialism. Its
sponsors are men who made their way to this
country from once-free nations conquered by
Communist force or guile.
The list is long and melancholy. It begins
with nations or land areas incorporated,
willy-nilly, into the Soviet Union. Their
names are familiar in some cases?Ukraine,
Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Lithuania,
Latvia, Estonia, East Prussia. Others have
exotic titles which mean little to most
Americans?Bessarabia, Bukovina, Sub-
Carpathian Ruthenia, Karelia, Sakhalin,
Tannu Tuva, the Kurile Islands.
The new colonialists maintain the myth of
independence for many of their captive na-
tions, but they are truly colonies of the Sino-
Soviet Communist Empire. Next door Cuba
is the latest.
"You know that on the national question
the Soviet Union is invariably guided by the
principle of the right of nations to self-
determination," Khrushchev blandly told an
African assembly.
Then he bellowed like a bull under the
branding iron when the National Captive
Nations Committee suggested free elections
behind the Iron Curtain.
A counteroffensive for freedom has been
proposed by Dr. Charles Malik, the Lebanese
diplomat who was president of the United
Nations General Assembly in 1958. He is
now professor or philosophy at the Ameri-
can University in Washington.
Dr. Malik urges the United States to take
the offensive in debates with Communists in
the United Nations and elsewhere.
"Those who believe in the dignity of man
and his freedom, who know truth and trust
in God * * * must pass to the offensive,
not only of thought and conviction, but of
that real, decisive, historical action ? which
shall cause the Communists to take to their
heels," says the philosopher-statesman.
This week is as good a time as any to
commence.
?
August 3
[From the Miami Herald]
COMMUNISM: WHAT IT MEANS TO YOU
THEIR WORK WILL GO ON?LEGAL? ILLEGAL?
REDS DON'T CARE
(By Jeanne Bellamy)
New rulings by the U.S. Supreme Court
should handicap the efforts of Communists
to conquer this country. But the Reds will
keep trying. They have orders to work illeg-
ally even if outlawed.
The Court upheld the irght of Congress to
find that the Communist movement is con-
trolled by the Soviet Union. Therefore, it
and its members must register as agents of
a foreign power and tell where the party's
money comes from.
Citizens are free to Join the Communist
Party, but they are guilty of a crime if the
Government can prove they know its purpose
is to establish Communist totalitarian dicta-
torship by whatever means necessary.
This appiles to outright members of the
party. They are a small part of the Com-
munist network. They work through fellow-
travelers, fronts, sympathizers and dupes.
The party members are the trained, dedi-
cated conflict managers?the self-starters
for the whole apparatus serving as commu-
nism's transmission belt.
What they are trying to foist on this
Nation and every other is an idea more than
a century old which history's march has
made obsolete. Karl Marx, founder of com-
munism, based his theory on conditions
which existed in the infancy of the indus-
trial age. He lived at a time when laborers
in factories and on farms worked long hours
for low pay. He decided, erroneously, that
the cure was for these workers to seize all
real estate by violence, throw out the owners
and run everything themselves.
Marx claimed infallibility for his doctrine.
However, he has been proved wrong on at
least two counts. He failed to foresee that
employees would become capitalists, as in
the United States today. He thought his
revolution would occur first in the most
industrialized countries, but only the least
developed have fallen into its clutches.
Nothing much was done about Marx's pro-
posal until Russians rebelled against their
? czar in 1917. Nikolai Lenin, who had studied
Marx's writings, added some thoughts of his
own and put the combination into practice.
With a few henchmen, Lenin overthrew the
real revolutionists in Russia, and took over.
Lenin's contribution to Marxism was abso-
lute regimentation. He said political, eco-
nomic, and intellectual life must be ruled
by the Communist Party?an elite group
unbound by any law or ethical consideration.
Individual rights should be disregarded, ac-
cording to Lenin, and terrorism used at will
to enforce conformity.
The methods of Lenin and his successors
date back nearly a thousand years. Then
the hordes of Genghis Kahn, a Mongol war-
lord, overran Asia and Eastern Europe, in-
cluding Russia and Poland, to the gates of
Vienna. Like those ancient barbarians,
modern Communists get control of a country
any way they can, by force or guile. Then
they kill or imprison every leader who op-
posses them, and proceed to rule through
handpicked stooges.
From their base in Russia, Communists
quickly enlarged their empire. First, they
conquered nearby nations, forcing thinn to
join the Soviet Union. Today they control
over one-third of the earth's surface and
one-fourth of the human race, including
China.
A recent conquest is the island of Cuba,
only 90 miles from the United States. Their
announced purpose is to use Cuba as a
springboard for taking over the rest of the
Western Hemisphere.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RSCORD ? HOUSE
They never hexe made a secret of their
aim. It is simply to conquer the whole world
by fair means or foul; by subversion, if pos-
sible; by shooting, if necessary.
To that end, they have set up Commu-
nist Parties in 83 countries. The 33 million
members are mostly in the Soviet Union and
Communist China. The rest, whether in
large groups or small, work day and night,
openly or secretly, to extend communism's
domain.
Present membership in the Communist
Party of the United States is estimated at
fewer than 22,000. But that number can-
not be dismissed as insignificant. Party
members are an organized, disciplined force,
shrewd and determined to reach their goal.
They are backed by the immense resources
of their international army. Their power
can be measured by the fact that when Lenin
captured Russia, his followers numbered only
240,000 out of a population greater than
the present 183 million in the United States.
Why would any American, or any think-
ing person, join this worldwide plot against
freedom? Because Marxism-Leninism has
been turned into a religion, a devilish faith
which demands blind obedience. Its appeal
isnot, as its propagandists claim, to the poor.
Communism fishes for and hooks intelli-
gent men and women who can be trained
to manipulate ignorant mobs to do their
bidding.
The basic teachings of Marxism-Leninism
are four:
1. Everything that exists is due to the
interaction of material things struggling
against each other and adapting their forms
to the nature of the conflict.
2. Man is solely a product of his environ-
ment, and has developed to his present form
through natural selection. The main in-
fluence on mankind's destiny is economic
conditions.
3. The moral code of any era is deter-
mined by the necessities of the time. It is
not wrong to kill, lie, cheat, steal or commit
any crime if it advances communism. The
end justifies the means.
4. Belief in a deity is a trick invented by
the leaders of society to control the other
classes. Marx called religion "the opium of
the people." Atheism is required for mem-
bership in the Communist Party.
These contemporary heathens tell one
another their beliefs are "scientific." How-
ever, they rewrite history and twist proved
principles of science to fit their materialistic
dogmas.
The main power of communism is that
it proclaims itself sure to win. Its adher-
ents are taught that they are worthless ex-
cept insofar as they serve the Communist
cause. They are drilled to believe that by
living or dying for communism, they attain
the highest virtue of working for the final
victory of communism everywhere.
Communists call themselves the only
"progressives" but their theory and prac-
tice resemble those of the assassins in the
Dark Ages. The original assassins were fa-
natics who believed that murder of their
sect's enemies was a sacred duty. They were
drugged and sent out to slay, assured that
if killed they would go straight to a para-
dise full of material rewards?beautiful
women, food, drink, and high living.
Communism is the 20th century version
of thousand-year-old practices.
AND THEIR RULES DON'T CALL FOR A FAIR FIGHT?
WE'RE NO. 1 ON RED HATE LIST
To Communists the No. 1 enemy is the
United States of America.
They hate everything thib Nation holds
dear. They fear U.S. military and produc-
tive power. Most of all, they dread the
American ideal of individual freedom and
responsibility under God. That is what
communism is bent on stamping out.
So the Reds are waging all-out war against
the United States. They are using weapons
never before wielded on a worldwide scale.
They are attacking from two directions.
Globally, they are trying to annex every
free nation to their slave empire. . They
shoot whenever they think they can get
away with it. They stop short of acts which
would send atomic warheads crashing onto
Soviet soil. They like guerrilla warfare and
sabotage?hard to pin on them. Their pet
trick is to turn other people against the
United States: "Let's you and him fight."
That way, they don't appear in it themselves.
Communists also bore from within. Their
chief tool is a poisonous emotion: hate.
They know that hate can enflame men to
action as love cannot. Their aim is to widen
every line of division, however tiny, among
Americans.
Their agents and dupes also try to sap
the will to resist communism. To that end,
they sow uncertainty and doubt. They
strive to undermine the morale of the Armed
Forces. They sneer at patriotism, spreading
distrust of representative government, jus-
tice, and the free-enterprise system.
Bribery, blackmail, and character assas-
sination are other devices for Communist
subversion.
The blueprint for Communist conquest of
the world was drawn nearly 40 years ago
by Nikolai Lenin, cofounder of Marxism-
Leninism.
That declaration of war was repeated and
amplified last December 5 in a 15,000-word
manifesto from Moscow. It calls the United
States "an enemy of the whole world," mean-
ing the Communist world, of course.
The manifesto gives the marching orders
for Communists everywhere. For example:
"It is the supreme internationalist duty
of every Marxist-Leninist party to work con-
tinuously for greater unity in the world
Communist movement," directed from the
Kremlin.
Like all Communist talk, the December 5
manifesto is written in a "doublespeak"
jargon to deceive non-Communists. In-
stead of calling themselves Communists, the
Reds use the less-despised term, "Socialists."
"Democracy" on their tongue spells Com-
munist rule. "Peace" to them means no re-
sistance to communism
Their current line is "peaceful coexist-
ence." But they are bold enough to say:
"Peaceful coexistence of countries with
different social systems does not mean con-
ciliation of the Socialist and bourgeois
ideologies. On the contrary, it implies in-
.tensification of the struggle of the working
class, of all the Communist Parties, for the
triumph of Socialist ideas."
If anyone tries to oppose them, "the pos-
sibility of nonpeaceful transition to social-
ism should be borne in mind."
The manifesto gives the "comrades" spe-
cific instructions.
They are to push for total disarmament,
the end of free world defense treaties and
the closing of military bases maintained by
the United States and its allies. They must
insist on noninterference in the internal
affairs of countries which the Communists
are trying to take over.
They are ordered to form "united fronts"
with political parties in free nations as the
first step toward seizing control.
They must infiltrate labor unions. They
must stir up strife and riots by playing on
racial tensions, nationalism, resentment and
discontent of every kind. They must de-
nounce anticommunism as "a witch hunt."
A clear line is drawn between nuclear war
and local wars for extending the Communist
domain. Every new or emerging nation is
to be a battleground for the Reds. There,
and in other free lands, they will try to
squeeze out and bar the door to American
economic aid and private investment?
"monopoly" is their word for it.
Latin America, France, Italy, Spain and
Portugal are among the countries pinpointed
for Communist agitation.
Their object is simple: to isolate the cen-
tral fortress of freedom, the United States.
That way, they believe, this country will fall
into their hand like an overripe plum.
Shooting would come afterward, merely to
liquidate their opponents.
Of course, the Communist Party line is
subject to change without notice. It re-
versed direction three times to match shifts
In Soviet relations with Nazi Germany.
When Adolf Hitler was rising to power, the
Soviets were afraid of him, so Communists
were hot against nazism. They did an
about-face the day Josef Stalin signed an al-
liance with the Nazis and was given part of
Poland in 1939. They flip-flopped again
when Hitler invaded Russia in 1941.
Communist policy anywhere, any time, is
whatever will help communism enslave more
people.
CHECK YOUR PERSONAL ARMOR?WHO'S TO
FIGHT REDS??ONLY YOU
America's chance of beating communism
depends on you.
"Why me?" you may ask.
Because the strength of any free nation
Springs from the stamina and patriotism of
its people.
There are about 183 million men, women
and children in the United States. Each is
like one link in the chain-mail armor of na-
tional defense against outside attack and
subversion within. Each is like a molecule
of steel in a sword, our country's power to
overcome its enemies.
_ National character, like an object, is only
as strong as its weakest point.
It's useless to wag our heads and com-
plain that "So-and-so isn't doing his share
to combat communism." That way lies the
Red trap of suspicion and division among
ourselves.
The Communists?if they believe what
they say?consider us soft, weak and cor-
rupt. They think we have lost the spirit
which moved Patrick Henry to shout: "Give
me liberty or give me death."
Nor do they respect our belief in individ-
ual responsibility. They look on 183 million
Americans as on their 700-million Chinese
slaves?as faceless masses to be manipu-
lated by clever Communist bosses.
So the finger points to each of us. What
are we doing about it? What are you doing?
Each of us must rise to new heights if
our country is to stand united and uncon-
querable.
Here is a little check list to help you rate
the strength of your link in America's de-
fense against today's barbarians:
Are you strong and healthy? Do you eat
right, sleep well and get enough exercise to
keep a sound mind in a sound body?
Do you give a full day's work for a full
day's pay?
Are you honorable in your dealings? Do
you shun shady practices in work, business
or personal affairs?
Do you keep informed on what's hap-
pening in your community, State, Nation
and the rest of the world? Do you com-
mend your elected representatives for good
decisions and scold them when you think
they have erred?
Do you obey the law?
Have you read the U.S. Constitution
lately? Do you know your liberties under
the Bill of Rights, and the duties that go
with them?
Do you vote in all elections for which you
are eligible? Do you serve on juries when
called?
Are you loyal to the United States and
proud of it? Do you show respect for the
flag and the national anthem, and encour-
age others to do likewise?
Do you really do unto others as you would
have them do unto you, in traffic, at home,
wherever you are?
Do you use your right to worship God as
you choose?
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13590 CONGRESSIONA RECORD ? HOUSE
If your answer to all these questions is
"yes," you are doing your part to make
America strong.
This is not to say that every American
must be superhuman. We can hate, too.
Hating evil as as much a mainspring for
right action as fighting for something good.
We can do both.
The Communists use hatred to destroy us,
cynically fabricating it out of lies and false
insinuations. Their wicked doctrine de-
serves to be hated. All we have to do is
tell the truth about communism.
The Reds cannot prevail against 183 mil-
lion Americans who are incorruptible and
live by our national motto: "In God We
Trust." That is their undoing?a faith and
dedication better than theirs.
You can be sure that communism isn't go-
ing to vanish overnight like a bad dream.
It is real, entrenched and vicious. Turning
the tide against it will be a long, hard job.
Are you ready to start?
SPECIAL REPORT?WHAT'D LIFE BE LIKE IF REDS
TOOK UNITED STATES?
If Communists should ever take over the
United States, here's what would happen to
you:
You would do exactly as you Were told.
If you objected, you would be killed or put
in jail.
You would be assigned to a job, and you
couldn't quit.
Your home or business and any other
property you own would be subject to con-
fiscation.
Your children and neighbors would be
taught to spy on you and report anything
you said against your Communist bosses.
If you went to church or said prayers at
home, you would lose any chance of getting
ahead in the world.
You could never tell when a man in uni-
form might knock on your door in the mid-
dle of the night and haul you off to prison
for any reason or no reason.
This is the kind of living death the Com-
munists are trying to spread all over the
world.
SPECIAL REPORT?YOU COULD BE HELPING REDS
PENETRATE THE UNITED STATES
? Without knowing it, you may be the weak
spot through which communism can pene-
trate America.
Are you lazy and flabby?
Do you loaf on the job?
Are you proud when you've "pulled a fast
one?"
Do you ignore news of public significance?
Do you think it's smart to break the law?
Do you harp on "what's wrong" with the
United States?
Are you a snob?
Have you forgotten how to pray?
If so, chances are that Communists are
rubbing their hands in glee over you. They're
counting on apathy and corruption to let
them snatch control of America.
Our national character is made up of 183
million men, women and children.
SPECIAL REPORT?ARE YOU PLAYING INTO REDS'
HANDS? THEY HOPE SO
Do you look upon any group of your fellow
Americans with dislike or suspicion? If so,
watch out. Communists are working to
widen every tiny split among citizens of the
United States.
"Divide and conquer" is their aim.
They will use any trick to turn us against
one another. They are busy day and night
to get us fighting among ourselves.
They use words as dumdum bullets. You
may never know what hit you until you're
boiling with hate, ready for violence. That's
what the Communists want. Then, they
figure, they can move in and enslave us all
Without firing a shot.
Stiff-arm Communist booby-traps. They
can't hurt you when you know what they're
doing. Learn about their tireless efforts to
conquer the United States.
[From the New Orleans (La.) Times Pica-
yune, July 20, 19611
HONOR FOR RED CAPTIVES URGED?ACTIVE
MAYOR PROCLAIMS WEEK'S OBSERVANCE
A proclamation designating the week of
July 16 through 22 "Captive Nations Week"
was issued Wednesday by acting Mayor Vic-
tor H. Schiro.
The proclamation urged "all our citizens
to appreciate and recognize the fact that
the captive nations in the aggregate consti-
tute not only a primary deterrent against a
hot global war and further overt aggression
by Moscow's totalitarian imperialism, but
also a positive means to the cause of free-
dom for captive peoples everywhere."
The proclamation stated that "the funda-
mental conviction that the central issue of
our times is imperialist totalitarian slavery
versus democratic national freedom dictates
we commence to win the cold war by assem-
bling and forthrightfully utilizing all the
truths and facts pertaining to the enslaved
condition of the peoples of Poland, Hungary,
Lithuania, Ukraine, Czechoslavakia, Latvia,
Estonia, White Ruthenia, Rumania, East
Germany, Bulgaria, mainland China, Ar-
menia, North Vietnam, North Korea, Cuba,
and all the rest.
Schiro presented the proclamation on the
second floor balcony of city hall to a com-
mittee composed of Festus Brown, chairman
of the Un-American Activities Committee of
the Louisiana Department of the American
Legion; Anthony Naquin, commander of the
Legion's First District in Louisiana; and
George Soule. The ceremony was attended
also by a group of women including various
members of the American Legion Auxiliary,
the Daughters of the American Revolution,
and other patriotic organizations.
Schiro, in a brief address traced the evolu-
tion of the United States from its begin-
nings to its status as the greatest Nation in
the world, but warned against the sort of
complacency which he said had caused the
fall of Rome.
Brown in an address asserted that: "While
we stand as the greatest Republic in the his-
tory of mankind, we have retreated from our
historic policy of courage and forthrightness
that once held the respect of all nations
of the world."
He expressed the belief that "the people
of America must call an immediate halt
to the strange policy of our Government of
fraternizing with, or honoring in a manner
reserved for respectable leaders, the heads of
the Red conspiracy?of sending tanks, guns,
ammunition, fighter planes, food, money,
and supplies to strengthen the very same
bloody butchers whose atheistic conspiracy
not only holds in bondage these nations and
these people we honor today, but who are
this very minute plotting, scheming, and
driving to destroy America itself both eco-
nomically and militarily."
At the request of some of those present,
a city hall aid hauled down the United Na-
tions flag from the staff where it was flying
while the ceremony was going on. In its
place was transferred from another flagstaff,
the flag of Louisiana in a position next to
the flag of the United States which the
U.N. flag had occupied.
[From the Denver (Colo.) Register, June
18, 1961]
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
The third week of July provides for the
public pronouncement of a foreign policy
that has proved its worth.
Public Law 86-90 authorizes and requests
the President of the United States to pro-
claim Captive Nations Week, as President
Eisenhower did in 1959, to the great con-
sternation of Khrushchev.
August 3
President Kennedy is not bound by law
to issue such a proclamation; he is simply
authorized and requested by Congress to
do so. We believe, judging from the irate
reaction of Khrushchev, that it would be
good policy; for it hits him where it hurts.
Writing in the Ukrainian Quarterly, Ed-
ward M. O'Connor, former U.S. Commis-
sioner of Displaced Persons, declares that
the slogan "Africa for the Africans" would
have real meaning if translated into a pol-
icy of "Russia for the Russians."
The Russians number only 55 percent of
the population of the many-nationed
U.S.S.R. So powerful have been the stirrings
of the submerged nations in what is care-
lessly called Russia, that many think that
the collapse of the czars in 1917-18 was
brought about by the national independence
movements in the non-Russian nations of
the empire.
Since the Soviets have been so successful
in exploiting the legitimate yearnings of
the peoples of Africa for national independ-
ence, why could we not make the same ap-
peal to the submerged nations of Eastern
Europe and the U.S.S.R., some of whom, like
Poland, have proudly enjoyed a thousand
years of Christian heritage and a nation-
hood such as Russia never knew?
OMAHA CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK OBSERVANCE
PROGRAM, SATURDAY, JULY 22, 1961, AT 7
P.M. AT THE OMAHA PLAYHOUSE, OMAHA,
NEBR.
Placing a wreath at the World War II Me-
morial Saturday, July 22, 1961, at 12 am.
from the Captive Nations of Poland, Hun-
gary, Lithuania, Ukraine, Czechoslovakia,
Latvia, Estonia, East Germany, White Ru-
thenia, Rumania, Bulgaria, Mainland China,
Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, North Korea,
Albania, Idel-Ural, Tibet, Cossackia, Turke-
stan, North Vietnam and others.
II
1. Presentation of colors.
2. National anthem (Soloist Mrs. John
Gunig) .
3. Invocation (Msgr. Floid Fisher).
4. Welcome by the chairman of Omaha
Captive Nations Week Committee (Mr. Ben
C. Sulskis).
5. Greetings.
6. Address (Albert C. Walsh, attorney).
7. Adoption of resolution.
(Ten-minute intermission.)
III
Performance of national groups:
Czechoslovaks, East Germans, Latvians.
Lithuanians, Poles, and Ukrainians.
Master of ceremonies: Joe Martin, radio
WOW.
PROCLAMATION OF THE STATE OF NEBRASKA
Whereas many nations throughout the
world have been made captive by the im-
perialistic and aggressive policies of Soviet
communism, and
Whereas the people of the Soviet-domi-
nated nations have been deprived of their
national independence and their individual
liberties, and
Whereas the citizens of the United States
are linked by bonds of family and principle
to those who love freedom and justice on
every continent, and
Whereas, it is appropriate and proper to
manifest to the peoples of the captive na-
tions the support of the Government and
the people of the United States of America
for their just aspirations for freedom and na-
tional independence:
Now, therefore, I, Frank B. Morrison, Gov-
ernor of the State of Nebraska, do hereby
proclaim the week of July 16 through 22,
1961, as "Captive Nations Week."
In witness whereof, I have hereunto set
my hand and caused the great seal of the
State of Nebraska to be affixed.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Done at Lincoln this 17th day of July in
the year of our Lord 1961.
FRANK B. MORRISON,
Governor.
FRANK MARSH,
Secretary of State.
SENATE JOINT RESOLUTION 111
Joint resolution providing for the designa-
tion of the third week of July as "Captive
Nations Week"
Whereas the greatness of the United States
Is in large part attributable to its having
been able, through the democratic process, to
achieve a harmonious national unity of its
people, even though they stem from the most
diverse of racial, religious, and ethnic back-
grounds; and
Whereas this harmonious unification of
the diverse elements of our free society has
led the people of the United States to pos-
sess a warm understanding and sympathy
for the aspirations of peoples everywhere
and to recognize the natural interdepend-
ency of the peoples and nations of the world;
and
Whereas the enslavement of a substantial
Dart of the worlds population by Commu-
nist imperialism makes a mockery of the
idea of peaceful coexistence between nations
and constitutes a detriment to the natural
bonds of understanding between the people
of the United States and other peoples; and
Whereas since 1918 the imperialistic and
aggressive policies of Russian communism
have resulted in the creation of a vast em-
pire which poses a dire threat to the security
of the United States and of all the free peo-
ples of the world; and
Whereas the imperialistic policies of Com-
munist Russia have led, through direct and
indirect aggression, to the subjugation of the
national independence of Poland, Hungary,
Lithuania, Ukraine, Czechoslovakia, Latvia,
Estonia, White Ruthenia, Rumania, East
Germany, Bulgaria, mainland China, Ar-
menia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, North Korea,
Albania, Idel-Ural, Tibet, Cossackia, Turke-
stan, North Vietnam, and others; and
Whereas these submerged nations look to
the United States, as the citadel of human
freedom, for leadership in bringing about
their liberation and independence and in re-
storing to them the enjoyment of their
Christian, Jewish, Moslem, Buddhist, or
other religious freedoms, and of their indi-
vidual liberties; and
Whereas it is vital to the national security
of the United States that the desire for lib-
erty and independence on the part of the
peoples of these conquered nations should
be steadfastly kept alive; and
Whereas the desire for liberty and inde-
pendence by the overwhelming majority of
the people of these submerged nations con-
stitutes a powerful deterrent to war and one
of the best hopes for a Just and lasting
peace; and
Whereas it is fitting that we clearly mani-
fest to such peoples through an appropriate
and official means the historic fact that the
people of the United States share with them
their aspirations for the recovery of their
freedom and independence: Now, therefore,
be it
Resolved by the Senate and House of Rep-
resentatives of the United States of America
in Congress assembled, That the President
of the United States is authorized and re-
quested to issue a proclamation designating
the third week in July 1959 as "Captive Na-
tions Week" and inviting the people of the
United States to observe such week with
appropriate ceremonies and activities. The
President is further authorized and re-
quested to issue a similar proclamation each
year until such time as freedom and inde-
pendence shall have been achieved for all
the captive nations e the world.
[From the Philadelphia (Pa.) America,
July 27, 1961]
THE REDS?WHAT NOW?
(By Louis Francis Budenz)
GIVE HOPE TO CAPTIVE NATIONS
By a happy coincidence, Our Captive
Nations Week was prefaced by the publica-
tion of Pope John's Encyclical on Social
Justice.
This papal document is marked by the
same sense of balance as distinguishes all
Vatican utterances on the social question?
voicing opposition to the tyranny of com-
munism but insisting upon the need for
many and deep reforms among ourselves.
We can observe at once two major points in
the encyclical which expose the falsity of
allegations distributed by the Communists
in their present worldwide war on the
church. In recommending large-scale aid to
under-developed countries, that message
emphasized that such assistance should not
be given in such a way as to be merely "a
new form of colonialism."
AIM OF THE CHURCH
Of that caution, much can and will be
said in the,, future, but for the present, we
can note that this explodes the Communist
lies that Catholic missionaries are "neo-
colonialists in cassocks." It demonstrates
the fallacious character of the Communist
statement that "the aim of the church" is
to turn "from a faithful servitor of the old
colonialism into an instrument of neo-
colonialism."
Both of these fantastic declarations appear
in a lengthy directive in the May World
Marxist Review, which is being widely dis-
tributed here as well as elsewhere.
The same-thing happens with the fantasies
disseminated by the Kremlin regarding the
Church's stand on private property. The
encyclical brings out that defense of the
right of private property is for the purpose
of assuring its wider distribution among the
working people. It is not, as the Kremlin's
"philosophers" have contended in the March,
1960, World Marxist Review and thereafter,
that the stand for private property "expresses
the interests of the bourgeoise?today it
would be more exact to say the interests of
monopoly capital."
Refuting such an accusation, the encycli-
cal goes on to give the real basic reason for
the right of private property, as the guaran-
tee of the essential freedom of the individ-
ual."
That such is the case?that where private
property is abolished complete freedom does
not exist?is silently testified to by the long
line of refugees fleeing East Germany. This
flight has become so marked that Chancel-
lor Konrad Adenauer has described it as a
"panic."
The Soviet rulers are very sensitive to the
desire for freedom on the part of the en-
slaved peoples. Congressman DANIEL FLOOD
of Pennsylvania, who has introduced a reso-
lution in the House of Representatives to
create a special committee on the captive
nations, has disclosed what fear spread re-
cently among those rulers in the Ukraine
alone. The mere speech by Premier John
Diefenbaker of Canada in the United Na-
tions, denouncing Soviet colonialism, caused
a panic of enforced letter writing and mass
meetings throughout the Ukraine, called by
the official party hacks.
EATON STATEMENTS
In their endeavor to shut off all real
examination of the slavery in the captive na-
tions, Moscow has also sent around the world
during the last few weeks a series of state-
ments by Syrus Eaton, American indus-
trialist and winner of the Lenin Peace
Prize.
After a tour through Czechoslovakia,
Hungary, and Bulgaria?and Eaton's tour
13591
reminds us again that the United Nations
has never been allowed inside Red Hun-
gary?he writes:
"These countries have competent and in-
telligent men heading their governments,
and the United States' obsession that there
is any substantial opposition to the political
leadership of these nations is erroneous and
should be abandoned in the interest of a
practical U.S. policy."
To which he adds:
"It is abundantly clear to an objective
observer that Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and
Bulgaria are completely committed to their
present forms of government and to their
political and economic systems, and that
their relations with the Soviet Union are
cordial."
So well does the Kremlin think of this
declaration that it plays it up in the June
26, 1961, New Times, coming here from
Moscow. But Congressman FLOOD has the
proper answer to such drivel, and we can
support him in his attempt to get a per-
manent congressional committee on these
"socialist countries." In describing Khru-
shchev's cynicism in saying on December 27
last that "the subjugated colonial peoples"
can depend for their freedom on Soviet Rus-
sia, Congressman FLOOD goes on to ask:
"But aside from the underlying objectives,
can we truthfully say that our demonstrated
and sincere interest in all of the captive
nations, particularly those in the U.S.S.R.
itself, exceeds the cynical interests displayed
by Moscow in the peoples of Africa and Asia?
I think not."
[From the Brooklyn (N.Y.) Tablet, July 8,
1961]
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK WILL BE OBSERVED
WASHINGTON, D.C.?Captive Nations Week,
sponsored by the National Captive Nations
Committee in implementation of Public Law
86-90, will be observed this year from Sun-
day, July 16, through Saturday, July 22.
In announcing plans this week for the sec-
ond anniversary observance of the week, Dr.
Lev E. Dobriansky, chairman of the commit-
tee and professor of economics at George-
town University, stated that major themes
this year would be "a firm policy on Berlin
and determined opposition to the admission
of Red China into the United Nations."
In coordination with National Captive Na-
tions Committee, the Assembly of Captive
Nations, American Friends of the Captive
Nations, and other groups, cities throughout
the country will join in ceremonies reaffirm-
ing the belief that "our freedom will be se-
cure only when all men everywhere are free."
Mayor Daley in Chicago and Mayor Wagner
in New York City, among many others, are
sponsoring huge citywide ceremonies.
Dr. Dobriansky, who originated and au-
thored the Captive Nations Week resolution,
said: "The 1960 observance was so success-
ful that the vehemence and vituperation of
Moscow and its puppets exceeded that of
Khrushchev's explosion the year before.
We intend to surpass last year's successes.
"The committee is now looking forward to
an early proclamation of the week by Presi-
dent Kennedy. President Eisenhower pro-
claimed the week twice, in 1959 and 1960,
and on the basis of President Kennedy's ex-
pressed feelings in the past, we expect him
to issue the proclamation soon."
National Captive Nations Committee,
which depends on contributions to carry out
its year-round program of informing the
public on developments behind_ the Iron
Curtain countries, has a growing member-
ship of university presidents, labor leaders,
church officials, industry executives, news-
paper editors, publishers, and civic, patriotic,
and ethnic groups. It is headed by a newly
elected board of directors. In addition to
chairman Dobriansky, the board consists of:
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13592 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
Col. Charles H. Kraus, vice chairman; Col.
Daniel F. Boone, executive director; Mrs.
Colby Bowden, secretary-treasurer; and John
T. Doolittle, assistant secretary. Seventeen
Senators and sixty-five Congressmen com-
prise the honorary committee membership.
The headquarters of the National Captive
Nations Committee is at 1000 16th Street
NW., Washington, D.C.
[From the Ukrainian Weekly, July 22, 19611
GREATER NEW YORK OBSERVES CAPTIVE NA-
TIONS WEEK
NEW Yolut.?Captive Nations Week observ-
ances in New York City were held under the
official chairmanship of the Hon. Robert F.
Wagner, mayor of New York, and received
wide publicity in the New York metropoli-
tan press, including pictures of Ukrainians,
some in Ukrainian costumes. Mayor Wagner
accepted the chairmanship of the week in
response to a request by five American or-
ganizations concerned with the plight of the
captive nations.
On July 12, 1961, a delegation from these
organizations, including several Ukrainian
members, received the proclamation from
Mayor Wagner at city hall.
New York observers of Captive Nations
Week began on Sunday, July 16, with a-
solemn high mass at St. Patrick's Cathedral,
which was celebrated by Rt. Rev. Msgr. John
Balkunas. A special sermon on the suffer-
ing and plight of the captive nations was de-
livered by Bishop James H. Griffiths, auxil-
iary bishop of the archdiocese of New York,
and Francis Cardinal Spellman presided.
Similar religious services were held in
Protestant churches and Jewish synagogues
in the city. At St. Patrick's Cathedral the
Ukrainian national flag was among the flags
of other captive nations and representatives
of the Ukrainian Congress Committee of
America were present.
ATTORNEY GENERAL LEYKOWITZ READS GOVER-
NOR ROCKEFELLER'S PROCLAMATION
On the same day two separate ceremonies
were held in New York City. The Assem-
bly of the Captive European Nations, held a
flag-raising ceremony at United Nations
Plaza, where Representative EMANUEL CEL-
LER, of Brooklyn, was the principal speaker.
Late in the evening the American
Friends of the anti-Bolshevick bloc of na-
tions held a special observance of Captive
Nations Week at the Hotel New Yorker, at
which Attorney General Louis J. Lefkowitz
read the proclamation of Governor Rockefel-
ler and urged that the captive nations be
supported morally and materially by the
American people and the U.S. Government.
Justin McCarthy, New York radio com-
mentator, was master of ceremonies, and
among the speakers were Mrs. Catherine Dor-
ney, secretary of the American Educational
Association, and Ignatius M. Billinsky and
Charles Andreanszky, chairman and secre-
tary general of the American Friends of the
anti-Bolshevik bloc of nations, respectively.
IMPRESSIVE CEREMONY AT CITY HALL
The culminating and final ceremony dedi-
cated to the observance of Captive Nations
Week was held at noon, on Monday, July
17, 1961, on the steps of city hall, during
which Mayor Wagner read his official proc-
lamation of Captive Nations Week.
Among the participants were the repre-
sentatives of organizations supporting the
captive nations, many in national costumes,
city officials and American veterans.
The master of ceremonies was city coun-
cilman Thomas J. Cuite of Brooklyn, repre-
senting the National Captive Nations Com-
mittee in Washington, D.C. The program
included the rendition of the American na-
tional anthem by Neil Carlin of the Oriel
Society, the invocation by Rabbi Leo Storo-
zum, prayer by Msgr. Bela Varga, and, bene-
diction by Rev. Imre Kovacs, and short ad-
dresses by the following speakers: Christo-
pher Emmet (American Friends of the Cap-
tive Nations); Dr. Vaclovas Sidzikauskas
(Assembly of Captive European Nations);
Stephen J. Jarema (American Conference for
the Liberation of the non-Russian Nations
in the U.S.S.R.) ; and Rt. Rev. John Balkunas
(Conference of Americans of Central and
Eastern European Descent) .
There were over 300 participants and sev-
eral Bags of the captive nations. The
Ukrainian group, organized by the United
Ukrainian American Organizations of Great-
er New York, a branch of the Ukrainian Con-
gress Committee of America, was the largest
ethnic group at city hall.
In his short address Mayor Wagner said
that New York City was always a haven for
European refugees and escapees from tyran-
ny. He promised that the city will always
assist those freedom fig1,1-Prs who struggle
for the liberation of their native countries.
Neil Carlin concluded the ceremony by
singing the "Battle Hymn of the Republic."
There were many cameramen and reporters,
and the entire observance was broadcast over
New York City municipal radio station
WNYC.
[From the Brooklyn (N.Y.) Tablet, July 22,
19611
SEEK ECONOMIC BOYCOTT OF REDS?NASSAU
CONSERVATIVES SEE IT AS HELP TO CAPTIVE
NATIONS
"An economic boycott against the Com-
munist world" is called for by the Nassau
Conservatives in a resolution adopted for
Captive Nations Week, July 16-22.
Such a boycott "would breed discontent
and increase the chance of revolution and
eventually freedom and peace behind the
Iron Curtain," the Conservatives declare,
"and, by multiplying the problems of the
Communists at home, would increase the
chance of peace in the free world."
Following is the text of the resolution:
"Whereas loyal Americans, whether con-
servative or liberal, admit that world com-
munism is a continuing threat to peace,
"Whereas our national policy of diplo-
matic recognition, foreign trade, and cul-
tural exchange has done nothing to lessen
the threat,
"Whereas a new policy is needed to put
the Communist tyrants on notice that we
will actively oppose their further advances
and that we will not rest until the captive
nations have been freed,
"Whereas the international conspiracy is
dependent upon the free world for the ma-
chinery, tools, food, foreign aid, etc., neces-
sary to continue its subjugation of the cap-
tive nations,
"Whereas an economic boycott would be
cheaper than war, in money and material
as well as in the most precious commodity
of human lives,
"Whereas an economic boycott would breed
discontent and increase the chance of revo-
lution and eventually freedom and peace be-
hind the Iron Curtain, and, by multiplying
the problems of the Communits at home,
would increase the chance of peace in the
free world: Therefore be it
"Resolved, That the Nassau Conservatives
do hereby beseech our national leaders in
the legislative and executive branches to
give immediate and full consideration to the
implementation of an economic boycott
against the Communist world."
Apym6a"?
("Peace and Friendship")
Under this banner, Kremlin Boss Khru-
shchev is coming to the United States.
To Khrushchev, "peace and friendship"
means the total enslavement of all nations,
of all peoples, of all things, under the God-
denying Communist conspiracy of which he
is the current czar.
August 3
In exploiting his hypocritical theme, he
promises profitable trade to the businessman
and heaven on earth to the workingman.
No one, however, has better translated his
real meaning and purpose than has Khru-
shchev, himself, in his ugly boast: "We will
bury you."
This invitation to visit the United States
will give Khrushchev the additional standing
he needs among the Russian people and
among the peoples of those countries teeter-
ing on the Communist edge. It will also
create despair among the peoples of his
Communist-enslaved nations.
If our statesmen or business leaders over-
look that Khrushchev is reputed to be one
of history's most brutal murderers and most
vicious liars they will tend to rob the Khru-
shchev-captive peoples of their belief that
their best hope for liberation is through the
United States.
It is imperative for our national survival
that our people realize the vast difference
between what Khrushchev says and what
Khrushchev does.
The terrible brutality of burial into Com-
munist enslavement is known to the people
of the 22 captive nations listed below.
Let there be no concessions, no appease-
ment, no deals with Khrushchev. Let us not
be negotiated into that position which
Khrushchev plans for us?the position of
becoming his greatest captive nation.
Meanwhile, let us remember those thou-
sands who died trying to defend their free-
dom in these Khrushchev controlled captive
nations: Poland, Hungary, Latvia, Estonia,
Lithuania, Tibet, North Korea, North Viet-
nam, mainland China, Czechoslovakia, East
Germany, Albania, Idel-Ural, Cossackia,
Turkestan, Azerbaijan, White Ruthenia,
Georgia, Ukraine, Armenia, Bulgaria, and
Rumania.
The Allen-Bradley Co., Milwaukee, Wis.,
urges you to hold fast to your American
freedoms. These include your freedom to
live, your freedom to worship God, and your
freedom to work and to vote as you choose.
These freedoms are still with us in the
United States of America. But these free-
doms have been destroyed by the Commu-
nists in those large portions of the world
where the Communists have seized control.
Don't let it happen here.
The Allen-Bradley Co. manufactures
quality motor controls and quality electronic
components. With this public service ad-
vertisement, the Allen-Bradley Co. is trying
to sell you nothing:except the importance of
recognizing and understanding the horrible
threat posed by Kremlin-directed interna-
tional communism against our country, our
people, and our incomparable American free
enterprise way of life.
APPEAL OF BISHOP SENYSHYN ON CAPTIVE
NATIONS?RECOMMENDED SPECIAL PRAYERS
ON SUNDAY, JULY 23, IN THE STAMFORD
DIOCESE
(EDITOR'S NoTE.?Following is the appeal
of the Most Reverend Ambrose Senyshyn, ex-
arch of the Ukrainian Catholic Diocese of
Stamford, which was issued on the occasion
of Captive Nations Week and read on Sunday,
July 23, 1961, in all the Ukrainian Catholic
churches in the diocese of Stamford.)
"0 God, hear our prayer. Woe has be-
fallen our land."?(From a prayer for the
Ukrainian people.)
Very reverend and reverend fathers, dearly
beloved in Christ, no one would have sus-
pected that after World War II we would be
faced with the appalling fact of the sup-
pression of people behind the Iron Curtains.
Did the American soldiers?many of them of
Ukrainian descent?lay down their lives in
distant lands so that godless invaders could
put many nations?among them the Ukrain-
ian nation?into heavy bondage? No.
They gave their lives so that all could en-
joy freedom. Unfortunately, the lack of
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
foresight evidenced by certain powerful na-
tions pushed all the Ukrainian people and
many others into slavery. One day history
will make known these gravediggers of free-
dom, but until then a multitude of inno-
cent people suffers a violence of body and
soul in the prison of the nation.
On the 100th anniversary of the death
of Tares Shevchenko, the entire Ukrainian
nation, in spite of all its efforts to gain
freedom, finds itself in so mournful a state
as that described so vividly by the greatest
bard of suffering Ukraine. Today millions
in Ukraine and on the limitless wastelands
of Siberia still sing sorrowfully Shev-
chenko's words: "I count in prison days and
nights, and I lose the count; 0 Lord, how
slowly these days pass by." Today the best
sons of Ukraine along with Metropolitan
Joseph Slipy suffer in Siberian labor camps
because they love their church and nation
and wish these to be free.
The concept of freedom which Taras Shev-
chenko preached with the fiery word and for
which the choicest sons of the Ukrainian
people suffer, became the foundation of the
universal concept of freedom and found its
expression in the law of Congress by which
the Captive Nations Week was declared in
1959.
In celebrating Captive Nations Week I call
upon all of you, in the words of the great
Pope Pius XII to unite in prayer: "There-
fore in this very difficult moment, when
human strength seems to fail, nothing else
is left for us, venerable brethern, than to
implore the most merciful God, who renders
justice to the afflicted, judgment to the poor
(Psalms 139, 13), that He Himself would
deign to still this violent storm and bring it
to this end." (Encyclical letter "Ad omnes
Ecclesias Orientales," Rome, 1946). Let us
beseech the Almighty God, that He might
send us a Washington with his just laws.
Always remember the prayerful address of
Taras Shrevchenko to the Mother of God:
"Just and Holy Mother,
Blessed among women,
Mother of the Son of God on earth,
Don't let us perish in slavery."
Millions of our enslaved brothers and sis-
ters await our help, but most of all our
prayers for their perseverance in holy faith,
for constancy and fidelity in religious and
national ideals.
Let us bring to the freedom-loving peo-
ples with whom we live the truth about our
suffering church and our oppressed nation.
And may these words of Taras Shevchenko
find a sympathetic echo in our hearts:
"Give strength to the weakened soul,
That it might speak with fiery words,
That it might spread fire,
That it might melt the hearts of people,
That it might go to Ukraine
And that there it might be hallowed,
This word?incense of God,
The incense of truth. Amen."
In celebrating Captive Nations Week let
us celebrate it with humble and sincere
prayers to the Almighty for a better for-
tune for our people behind the Iron Curtain.
To this purpose I enjoin upon all the clergy
to celebrate after each divine liturgy on
Sunday, July 23, an impetratory moleben
to the Almighty for our suffering church and
our people behind the Iron Curtain that
God may take mercy and free our church
and people from chains of cruel bondage.
THE WEEK IN SOVIET PROPAGANDA?JULY
19-26, 1961
CAPTIVE NATIONS WEEK
The Soviet Government newspaper Iz-
vestia charged President Kennedy with ap-
ing former President Eisenhower in the ob-
servance of Captive Nations Week. While
No. 132-18
"the oversea provocateurs" call for "libera-
tion" of these nations, there is also Portu-
guese oppression in Angola, Izvestia pro-
claimed.
Besides angry outbursts of this type,
Soviet media borrowed a device from Western
correspondents?the personal interview by
phone. Raising, by long-distance connec-
tion, Mississippi Gov. Ross it. Barnett, a
staffer from radio Moscow cornered him with
questions on the legal basis for the arrest
of freedom riders, on their danger to the
security of the State's population, on their
number in prison and their treatment
there. When the last question was side-
stepped, the voice of a freedom rider was
inserted describing various indecencies al-
legedly inflicted on the Negro freedom
riders. "Thus," concluded radio Moscow,
"one need not go far in the United States
to find enslaved people."
(Prepared by the Central Research De-
partment of Radio Liberty in Munich for use
by the programing staff. Distributed in the
United States and Canada by the Press and
Publications Division, American Committee
for Liberation, 1657 Broadway, New York 19,
N.Y.)
^
VENTRILOQUIST
The Czechoslovak minister of foreign af-
fairs, Vaclav David, has condemned the
French "aggression" in Tunisia, declaring
that the Czech Government "resolutely sup-
ports the demand to liquidate the shameful
colonial system in all its forms and mani-
festations, and is doing everything possible
to help make this demand a reality."
Minister David is evidently something of a
ventriloquist, appearing here as a cat speak-
ing with the voice of the canary inside.
Since 1948, when the Communists ousted
President Benes, the Czech Government has
been firmly under the thumb of the Soviet
Union, with the Politburo of the Commu-
nist Party charting its policies.
We have here another example of the cu-
rious Communist mentality which considers
a "colony" to be a subject territory which is
reached by crossing water. When it lies just
across a boundary line, the captive, state is
assumed to obey and contribute out of love
and admiration for the master nation.
It reminds us of some trained animal acts
we have seen. One can, if he wishes, applaud
the lions and the elephants which dance
and jump through hoops even when the
whip is out of sight. We think of the beat-
ings it took to inculcate such docility ,and
find it profoundly pathetic.
MUTUAL SECURITY PROGRAM
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under
previous order of the House, the gentle-
man from Florida L Mr. HALEY] is rec-
ognized for 60 minutes.
Mr. HALEY. Mr. Speaker, in the near
future, we are going to receive from our
Committee on Foreign Affairs its recom-
mendations on another extension of what
is loosely called the mutual security pro-
gram, which more accurately should be
called the foreign handout program.
Regardless of what is said about the pro-
gram, we know that testimony after tes-
timony, statement after statement, has
been presented to the Congress and to
the American people to show that this
program has actually been losing friends
for the United States and that it has
disrupted governments it was intended
to help and it has corrupted officials in
those governments.
Of course, I do not know what will be
the full content of the report of the For-
eign Affairs Committee. But from what
13593
I can learn in advance, I must say that
I will be forced to oppose the new for-
eign aid authorization bills on the
grounds that it is unconstitutional and
that, even if it were a legal exercise of
our powers under the Constitution, it
is unwise and unsound, wasteful and de-
structive of this country's very economy.
I am a Democrat and have always been
a Democrat. However, I had hoped,
when I assisted last fall in the election
of a Democratic administration, there
would be some change in this program.
In short, I had truly hoped that there
would be a New Frontier in our foreign
policy.
I am disappointed by the knowledge
that there is no New Frontier in foreign
policy. The administration has asked
us to continue the old policy of the open
checkbook.
It is indeed true that the New Fron-
tier has offered a new name for the for-
eign aid program. That is an old trick
to disguise the real nature of an in-
creasingly unpopular program. Foreign
aid has at one time or another been
called emergency redevelopment or in-
ternational cooperation or mutual secu-
rity, and now we are asked to approve
something called AID?all in capital
letters and meaning Agency for Interna-
tional Development.
It has been said and known for cen-
turies that a rose by any other name
would smell as sweet. I say that foreign
aid by whatever name it may be called
must smell as rank as we all know it
has smelled in the past. Our adminis-
tration, I am sorry to say, has not come
up with a new program. It has merely
come up with a new, Madison Avenue
advertising agency type tag?the attrac-
tiv gimmick name "AID"?as a device
for extension of a program which in its
useless and wasteful expenditure of the
moneys of the American taxpayers, its
destruction of American jobs and indus-
tries, smells to high heaven.
I am sorry that this is so. I am dis-
tressed that within the next few days,
at a time when our Nation is at what
may be the crossroads between life and
death, we in the Congress are being told
by the administration we must support,
or run the risk of being labeled as un-
patriotic, this foreign aid program. In-
deed, we are not only being told this by
the administration?we are being told
it by foreign emissaries who have little
hesitation in bluntly demanding that
we open our checkbooks for their bene-
fit, or run the risk that they will aban-
don the free world in favor of a higher
bid by the Communist aggressor.
I refer, of course, to the recent ap-
pearance before us of the President of
Pakistan. This, incidentally, is the same
gentleman who only a few days later in
a nationwide television broadcast said he
was in favor of admitting Red China
into the United Nations.
That worthy gentleman, the Presi-
dent of Pakistan, in his appearance in
the U.S. House of Representatives, told
us quite plainly and bluntly that his
country wanted U.S. dollars for its de-
velopment. Equally plainly and bluntly
he told us if his nation did not get our
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13594 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? HOUSE
dollars, it would look elsewhere?mean-
ing, of course, to Russia?for aid in its
development. '
I do not blame the President of Paki-
stan for this. He was looking out for his
own interests, for the interests of his
own country. Under his oath of office,
he should have been doing just that.
But I would suggest to my colleagues
in the House that we, too, take an oath
of office, to look out for our own coun-
try. And in the light of that oath, Mr.
Speaker, I must say that I was surprised
to realize that all around me, on that
occasion, were colleagues who were ap-
plauding what they later called the
frankness and the candor of the Presi-
dent of Pakistan. I recognize just what
his frankness and candor was?it was a
threat, a crude one at that, to blackmail
the Congress of the United States into
giving him aid. He made no bones at
all about what he was up to when he
made his "or else" proposition to the
Congress. He plainly said to us that
"you give us the money we want or you
will wish you had?because if you do
not, we will get it from your mortal
enemy."
That the President of Pakistan would
do this does not surprise me?he had his
duty to his own country. What does
surprise me is that Members of the Con-
gress of the United States would be so
taken in by this sort of tactic that they
would sit up and applaud this frankness
and candor.
What surprises me even more is the
fact that this man, and others who have
preceded him and followed him, have
come before us with similar, if less
bluntly expressed, demands for aid?
and have come before us because they
were invited to this country by the ad-
ministration, which knew full well, once
the invited guests were here, they would
be invited as a courtesy to address the
Congress or its two Houses separately.
Over a period of years it has been ob-
served that whenever the Navy's appro-
priations bill was about to come before
the Congress, there would be reports of
a rash of mysterious and unexplained
visits to the coastal waters of the United
States of one or more mysterious and
unidentified submarines. It has been
alleged that once the Navy's supply bill
was passed, the mysterious submarines
would disappear without a trace?until
the following year's naval appropria-
tions bill came up, at which time the
mystery submarines would reappear.
It geems to me, as I look at the record,
that our President, himself a former
naval officer, may have been deluded by
this naval tactic. It seems to me that
at a time when the decision on extension
of foreign aid is coming up, we are being
subjected to an invasion of foreign po-
tentates who arrive in this country?by
invitation of the administration?just
in time to tell the Congress just how
important foreign aid extension is to the
country's future. To tell us, in short,
that if we do not have the dollars to buy
friendship, the enemy may very well
have the equivalent of those dollars.
I do not go for blackmail. But even
if I did, I do not and cannot believe it
would be in the interests of this country's
welfare?to extend?and extend appar-
ently without realistic limitation?a pro-
gram which has a demonstrated record
of costly failure over the years.
Moreover, many Americans feel that
the administration, the Congress, and
our entire bureaucratic Federal Govern-
ment, for too long a time have been too
concerned about what other nations
thought of our actions. I think it is
high time that all Americans begin to
think about what is going on in our own
country and do the things which are
necessary for the good of the United
States.
I will not go into great detail over the
failures of the foreign-aid program. I
know that every Member who sits in
this House today is fully aware of what
the foreign-aid program has not accom-
plished in such critical areas as Laos,
Cuba, and Korea. The foreign-aid pro-
gram has been in effect since 1947. Since
then, communism has spread to an ap-
palling extent. We have lost friends
every year. Our prestige abroad has
dropped alarmingly and at an acceler-
ated rate. We have been powerless to
promote stable democratic government
even where our aid and intervention have
been the greatest.
The bitter truth is that since the end
of World War II, our foreign-aid pro-
grams, totaling $90 billion, have been
responsible for our net budget deficit
and our entire increase in national debt,
without accomplishing anything for us.
The program has been known to cost
$90 billion; but no one knows how much
more than this has been spent in aid,
but has not been shown in the record.
Foreign aid has been the chief cause of
our inflation, our unfavorable balance
payments, and our loss of gold.
Despite all of this, we sit here today
facing the fact that the administration
wants us not only to increase outlays for
foreign-aid handouts substantially. It
also wants us to surrender our power,
as the Congress, to deny or grant our
approval of borrowing?over the next 5
years?of $7.3 billion to finance a long-
range handout program.
To the whole program, I say "No," but
say so realizing that it is likely I will
be overridden. But to the proposition
that the Congress surrender its year-to-
year power of review, I utter an explosive
"No," with the hope that a number of
my colleagues will join in the defeat of
this abortive proposal that the Congress
of the United States abdicate' not only
this power?but its sworn constitutional
duty to supervise the spending of the
taxpayers' dollars.
If the Congress continues to abdicate
its powers?particularly the power to
control the public purse?by approving
the backdoor spending of tax money
without congressional review?we might
as Well resign?go home?and tell our
constituents that not only have we failed
to uphold the Constitution, but that we
have turned over the functions of the
Congress to our bureaucratic executive
department.
I have said in this and in other
speeches I have made here in opposition
to this program that, leaving aside the
question of its ultimate usefulness, it
has been wastefully and at times dis-
August 3
honestly administered. I am sorry to
say that the outlook for it under the
New Frontier program seems to be no
better than has been in the past.
Those of us who supported the instal-
lation of the new administration had,
-I think, the right to expect a little better
than we have gotten. We had, I think,
the right to expect at least honesty in
foreign aid administration, and a deter-
mination to expel from it the proven
rascals of other years.
But have we realized that right? I do
not think so. In fact, I think the testi-
mony of our new foreign aid Director,
Mr. Henry Labouisse, before the House
Foreign Affairs Committee, shows con-
clusively that he not only condones mis-
feasance and malfeasance in the foreign
aid setup in the past, but has no inten-
tion to make any changes to correct the
situation.
I think the citation of two instances
is sufficient to prove my point.
All of you know, I think, of the scandal
with regard to the construction of the
highway in Cambodia with this country's
money. The foreign aid Director, as a
matter of fact, admits that it is?and I
quote him?"a sorry page in the history
of this operation."
But what has happened to the Inter-
national Cooperation Administration
official responsible for this sorry mess?
Why, he is now engaged in building,
under Mr. Labouisse, a highway in
Burma.
And what has happened to the ICA
contractor whom Mr. Labouisse admits
botched the Cambodia job? Why, he
has been awarded another ICA contract
in Afganistan.
That is not all.
There is the case of Mr. Carter de
Paul. Mr. de Paul is an ICA agent who
bought an automobile for $800 and then
sold it to an ICA contractor for a $3,000
fat profit. Thereafter, records of hear-
ings before a committee of this Congress
show, Mr. de Paul gave false testimony
under oath about this shady deal.
And where is Mr. de Paul now? He is
not in prison, where many perjurers go.
No, indeed. Mr. de Paul is still working
for the ICA, under Mr. Labouisse. Fit-
tingly enough, in view of his successful
automobile deal, Mr. de Paul is in the
division of private enterprise in the ICA.
The important thing in this is not Mr.
de Paul. The important thing is Mr.
Labouisse's attitude. Mr. Labouisse told
our Foreign Affairs Committee he did
not want blanket authority to fire men
like Mr. de Paul?he might, he said, find
reasons why they should be kept on the
payroll.
The case of the Cambodian contractor
and the grade 15 used-car dealer are not,
in themselves, particularly important.
They are but samples of the chicanery
which exists in any multimillion-dollar
program.
But I say to you, that when such cases
of dishonesty and wasteful inefficiency
occur in one administration and are con-
doned by the new administration, they
become important. They become impor-
tant because they are indicative of the
fact that, beyond a change in name, the
new administration's foreign aid pro-
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I 101 wiNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
vance what kind of decisions would come out
of it. This, of course, underlines the pitfalls
of lack of objectivity in the overcentralized
control of intelligence; and it also points up
the dangers inherent in overdependence
upon electronics rather than human brains.
This is not to say that technological de-
vices should not be used. But it does mean
that when the fate of the Nation and our
civilization are at stake, wisdom, insight and
the rare attributes of inspired leadership
will be found in the human brain and never
in manmade electrical circuits.
If there is any place in the governmental
process where a clash of opinion is appro-
priate in presentation of information to the
responsible officials, it is in the matter of
intelligence. Only those responsible for the
decision and its results should have the
power to judge major intelligence matters.
By the same token such judgment must not
be undermined by a subordinate having the
authority to shape through administrative
control the nature of intelligence that
reaches his superiors.
The proper place for such clash of opinion
to occur and for the judgments to be made
is in the Joint Chiefs of Staff, the National
Security Council, and the White House.
As a postscript, it seems appropriate to
observe that we are indeed, through in-
creasing reliance on electronic computers in
attempting to predict the course of warfare,
approaching a questionable situation. It
has long been axiomatic in the field of mili-
tary history that one of the most difficult
tasks is trying to ascertain for sure what
actually happened in war. Are we, in fact,
unwittingly seeking escape from crucial de-
cisions by delegating that responsibility to
electronic computers; and are we thus try-
ing to write history in advance? Are we
succumbing to the same frailties as those
ancients who before the battle consulted the
oracles who were the then acknowledged ex-
perts in reading the future in tea leaves?
If so, we have permitted electronics to by-
pass intellect and carry us full cycle into
man's past, nd man's mistakes.
e
C4ptive Nations Week
( EXTENSION OF REMARKS
1
OF
HON. ROMAN L. HRUSKA
OF NEBRASKA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Friday, July 14, 1961
Mr. HRUSKA. Mr. President, the
coming week, July 16 through July 22,
is of special significance to the Ameri-
can people and freedom-loving people
throughout the world. The third week
in July of each year has by resolution
of Congress been set aside for the ob-
servance of Captive Nations Week.
In a joint resolution approved on
July 17, 1959, and enacted as Public Law
86-90, the Congress has authorized and
requested the President to--
Issue a proclamation designating the third
week in July 1959 as Captive Nations
Week and inviting the people of the United
States to observe such week with appropriate
ceremonies and activities. The President is
further authorized and requested to issue
a similar proclamation each year until such
time as freedom and independence shall have
been achieved for all the captive nations of
the world.
Congress has thus sensed the Impor-
tance of focusing the attention of the
free world upon the plight of the captive
nations. The compelling reasons which
prompted it to take this action are
pointed out in the body of the resolu-
tion.
The resolution recites the fact that the
"imperialistic policies of Communist
Russia have led through direct and in-
direct aggression to the subjugation of
the national independence" of 22 coun-
tries. The countries listed are Poland,
Hungary, Lithuania, Ukraine, Czecho-
slovakia, Latvia, Estonia, White Ru-
thenia, Rumania, East Germany, Bul-
garia, mainland China, Armenia, Azer-
baijan, Georgia, North Korea, Albania,
Idel-Ural, Tibet, Cossackia, Turkestan,
and North Vietnam.
The resolution further recites that
"since 1918 the imperialistic and ag-
gressive polices of Russian communism
have resulted in the creation of a vast
empire which poses a dire threat to se-
curity of the United States and of all
the free peoples of the world." It re-
minds us that "these submerged nations
look to the United States, as the citadel
of freedom, for ?leadership in bringing
about their liberation and independ-
ence."
These are not reckless statements, Mr.
President. They cannot be discounted
as exaggerated emotional charges of ir-
responsible alarmists. This is the Con-
gress of the United States speaking the
cold, hard, unpleasant truth. We must
never forget it. The observance of "Cap-
tive Nations Week" helps us not to forget
it.
Public Law 86-90 states the case for
some 900 million people who are now
captives of the Communist Empire. It
reminds us that any apathy we may dis-
play would mean their despair. Their
despair means the loss of 900 million
silent allies.
Mr. President, we now have 40 years of
experience to guide us if we have any
doubts about Communist Russia's ag-
gressive, imperialistic intentions. By
1921 the Bolsheviks had already crushed
the independence of Ukraine, White Ru-
thenia, Armenia, Georgia, Idel-Ural,
Cossackia, and Turkestan. In 1939 Lith-
uania, Latvia, and Estonia were overrun.
Following World War II Poland, Hun-
gary, Czechoslovakia, Rumania, Bul-
garia, and Albania were pulled behind
the Iron Curtain. The mainland of
China was next, and in 1948 some 700
million Chinese were placed under the
Communist yoke.
Then came East Germany, North Ko-
rea, Tibet, and North Vietnam, and we
can now add Cuba to the list.
Mr. President, at no time in history
has so much misery and oppression been
packed into so few years. Never has
there been such a systematic, deter-
mined, and ruthless suppression of hu-
man freedom.
But, if nothing else, these shameful
years furnish us our lessons for the
future. And as we approach the chal-
lenges of the future, we know that hu-
man nature is on our side. Man has
an inborn desire to be free. His free-
dom can be suppressed, but his desire
to regain it cannot.
A5327
We also know, however, that man's
desire for freedom will soon turn to
frustration unless he has hope. The
captive peoples must have reason to
hope. They must know that although
they have been silenced, they have not
been forgotten. They must know that
they will not be abandoned for the sake
of the status quo and so called peaceful
coexistence.
So long as there is a spark of hope
there is a spark of resistance, and that
resistance, whether it be real or poten-
tial, means a help to assure our se-
curity.
In 1959 and 1960, Public Law 86-90
was implemented by a Presidential
Proclamation designating Captive Na-
tions Week and inviting the American
people to participate in its observance.
I hope the President will again add the
dignity of his Office to the occasion this
year, especially in view of some of the
more recent world events. On July 11,
I sent a letter to the President urging
him to do so.
I ask unanimous consent that a copy
of the letter be printed in the Appendix
of the RECORD, together with my re-
marks.
There being no objection, the letter
was ordered to be printed in the RECORD,
as follows:
U.S. SENATE,
COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY,
July 11, 1961.
The PRESIDENT,
The White House.
MY DEAR MR. PRESIDENT: I write to urge
that a proclamation be issued again this year
designating the third week in July as Cap-
tive Nations Week.
You are well aware of the plight of the
millions of people behind the Iron Curtain
and the need for preserving and strengthen-
ing their desire for freedom. I won't belabor
the obvious.
The annual observance of Captive Nations
Week can be an effective means of rekindling
hope and reassuring the victims of Com-
munist oppression that they will not be for-
gotten. I hope you will see fit to set aside
the coming week for the rededication of the
American people to the cause of freedom in
those countries where it is now denied.
Respectfully yours,
Rommq L. HRUSKA,
U.S. Senator of Nebraska.
Federal Income Tax?A Communist
Cancer
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. BARRY GOLDWATER
OF ARIZONA
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Friday, July 14, 1961
Mr. GOLDWATER. Mr. President, I
ask unanimous consent to have printed
in the Appendix of the RECORD the text
of a statement of Capt. Eddie Ricken-
backer, as it was published in the Manion
Forum, of July 9, 1961.
There being no objection, the state-
ment was ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
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AO6Z23 WNGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
FEDERAL INCOME TAX?A COMMUNIST CANCER
(By Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker)
DEAN MANION. Since his great speech over
this microphone last December, I have been
busy fielding a flood of requests for the
reappearance of Capt. Eddie Rickenbacker.
This is more evidence of the fact that the
American people are longing for the kind
of candid, courageous, conservative leader-
ship that Eddie Rickenbacker has supplied
to us continuously since World War I.
No person in America symbolizes all that
is best in the American tradition of patriot-
ism and private business enterprise more
clearly than this distinguished man who
fights the foes of human freedom wherever
he finds them, at home or abroad. Captain
Eddie, welcome again to the Manion Forum:
Captain RICKENBACKER. Thank you, Dean
Manion. Our air and our newspapers em-
phasize the term "cold war." There is no
cold war. There is a hot war, literally as
hot as the hinges of Hell itself, and we
are losing it because we refuse to admit we
are in it.
We cry "peace" when there is no peace.
We say "another war is unthinkable"?while
our enemy goes right on waging that war,
expanding his territory, stealing our secrets,
undermining our defenses, and washing our
brains in propaganda.
We began to lose this war when we gave
to an assortment of international associa-
tions the control of our foreign policy. Look
at Cuba. The enemy landed there, made it
an armed camp, and brazenly declered a
fight to the death against us. And what
do we do? Nothing. We renounce the Mon-
roe Doctrine, we take our cue from neutral
international agencies, and refuse to fight
back.
On the eve of the Castro revolution we
were ready to send holicopters to protect our
citizens in Cuba. But someone discovered
that our commitment to the United Na-
tions prevented our protecting American lives
and property in foreign lands. So, we called
off our helicopters. The world will not re-
spect our rights until we show the world that
we shall defend them.
Castro did not create this situation. It
began 28 years ago when we recognized a
handful of bandits as the lawful government
of Russia. From the day we recognized the
Communist government, the flaming liberals
have controlled our foreign policy for the
purpose of establishing liberalism as the
dominant theme of the Federal Government.
But now, thank God, the wind has shift-
ed. Conservatives are rising up across the
land, finding new strength in their old con-
victions, making their voices heard, and win-
ning at the polls. In the last election, con-
servatives won two seats in the Senate, some
20 seats in the House, and some 300 seats in
State legislatures. Senator BARRY GOLD-
WATER'S wonderful book, "The Conscience of
a Conservative," was published last year and
is on its way to selling over a million copies.
The Young Americans for Freedom were or-
ganized last fall and now have over 25,000
student members on more than a hundred
campuses throughout the country. The bat-
tle is joined.
Although the modern liberals derive their
name from the Latin word for freedom, their
actions and goals have consistently tended to
increase the power of the Central Govern-
ment. The modern conservatives take indi-
vidual liberty as their battle cry, and they
know that individual liberty is imperiled
when the Government attains unlimited
power.
The idea of limiting the power of govern-
ment found its way into the constitution of
every State and into the Federal Constitu-
tion itself. For a century and a half, under
this limited Government, where individual
citizens have been able to assert their rights
in courts of law, the people have been free.
WASHINGTON BUREAUCRATS?A CLOUD OF
LOCUSTS
And now, by some queer twist of language,
the modern liberals are those who ceaselessly
strive to pile up the power of government
In Washington. Bureaucrats from Wash-
ington swoop like vultures over cities, large
and small, to infest and assault the country-
side. Federal regulations, decrees, reports,
and questionnaires find their way into every
business office, every home, every school, and
every church in the land.
It is not the liberals who seek to reduce
the power of government; it is not the lib-
erals who cry out for reduced taxes, reduced
regulation, and increased personal freedom.
It is the conservatives who now proudly
wave these banners to the great amazement
and acute distress of certain office-hungry
political pragmatists, who believe that a
candidate for office has to call himself a
liberal to get elected.
The liberals would sweep aside the con-
stitutional restraints upon government in a
blind rush to supply food, clothes, houses,
and financial security from birth to death
for everybody?not only in this country, but
around the world. Conservatives recognize
the importance of material goods, but we
know one truth that is still more important?
that man does not live by bread alone.
American liberalism is driving us into
slavery and, with us, everyone else in the
world?for the death of liberty here will be
the death of liberty around the world, and
the beginning of complete Communist
tyranny for centuries.
Every time the liberals discover a brandnew
misinterpretation of the Constitution, every
time they invent a new way to circumvent
the constitutional limits on Federal power,
they pile up more power in Washington at
the expense of individual liberty across the
land.
In 1912 the Congress, the President, and
the courts uniformly respected the 10th arti-
cle of our Bill of Rights, which says ''The
powers not delegated to the United States by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reserved to the States, respec-
tively, or to the people."
Government money means Government
power. In 1912 most of the Government
money belonged to the States, counties, cities
and towns, who spent more than two-thirds
of all taxes collected in the United States,
while the Federal Government controlled
and spent less than one-third.
Back in 1912 the Federal Government took
and spent $7 for every person in the popula-
tion. In 1960 it took and spent $450 for
every man, woman, and child in the country.
Thus the Federal Government takes and
spends today about 65 times as much, per
person, as it did 50 short years ago. This
means that the Federal Government has
65 times as much power to invade the per-
sonal liberty of every American citizen as
it had in 1912. And it is using that power
to an ever greater degree.
Of course, this disastrous increase in Fed-
eral taxation has seriously injured every
American's power to spend or save what he
has earned. There are about 2,500 Federal
agencies, and they all think the American
citizen has nothing better to do than fill
out forms. Whether you are the boss or the
hired man, huckster or housewife, farmer
or fisherman, doctor, lawyer, merchant, or
even a Swedish prize fighter, you find your
Federal paperwork coming at you from all
directions every day of your life.
UNDER TAX LAW, YOU CAN BE FRISKED CLEAN
Under the 18th?the income tax?amend-
ment, which became effective in 1013, the
entire gross income of every American Is
July 1.4
subject to complete Federal confiscation.
You have your brackets, exemptions, write-
offs, and deductions purely by the grace of
Congress. You do not have these protections
as a matter of right.
I ask you in all seriousness, how can this
law be enforced? A man could spend his life
trying to learn the tax law and still not know
it all. How can we expect 60 million people
to respect a law that cannot be understood?
Then, too, the tax law has undermined the
10th amendment, which reserves to the
States or the people the powers not delegated
to the Federal Government.
The Federal Government gets to the tax
sources first and with a prior claim, and the
States pick up the crumbs. If our States,
which once were sovereign, want money for
schools, jails, roads, parks, poor relief, and
other areas that were left to their jurisdic-
tion under the Constitution, they find that
they have to go to Washington with a tin cup
and beg for it.
As I stated previously, we are at war and
we don't know it. One proof of this is that
we have allowed the Federal Government to
tear down, the constitutional dignity, civil
integrity, and financial independence of the
States.
The Communists want to take over this
country. They would have a tough time of
it if they had to infiltrate and subvert 50
soverign States, which might lead to battles
in the streets. But the Communists are not
interested in acquiring possession of a pile of
rubble. What they want is our industrial
organization, our transportation and com-
munication networks, and our banking sys-
tem?in working order. Their job is made
much easier if the complete control of the
country is centered in Washington, where
the stakes are winner-take-all. All they have
to do is take over Washington. This is how
they took Czechoslovakia and acquired a
superb and successful industry.
The constitutional integrity of the States
is our best defense. That is why the Com-
munists, at home and abroad, have made it
an important objective to destroy our States
rights.
One of the duties of conservatism is to re-
store States rights. And the best way to
begin is to drain off this reservoir of un-
limited money power that has collected in
the Federal bureaucracy as a result of the
16th amendment.
That amendment is the very prescription
given by Karl Marx in his Communist mani-
festo for income taxation to destroy private
property and establish socialism throughout
the world. Conservatism must begin the
restoration of the American Republic by
knocking the 16th amendment right out of
the Constitution.
Faint hearts will say it's impossible, but
faint hearts thought the American Revolu-
tion was impossible, too. Fellow citizens, we
must not be afraid, for a nation afraid is
already dead.
The tax law will go. Everybody hates it.
Nobody understands it. It cannot be en-
forced. The Communists want it. Our
political liberty is endangered by it.
Ladies and gentlemen, we are not yet in
bondage. We still have some liberty left.
But we are at war to preserve that liberty.
Let us, therefore, acknowledge and be grate-
ful for the blessings of freedom which God
has given us. Let us dedicate our lives to
this one struggle.
Let us pray every night for the strength
and guidance to inspire in others the grati-
tude, the love, and the dedication that we
owe to this great land of ours for the sake
of our posterity..
Then, and then only, can we say when the
candle of life burns low: "Thank God, I have
contributed my best to the land that con-
tributed so much to me."
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
cumulating the deficits mentioned above.
Consequently, to reduce the cost of
plutonium by assigning some of the
project's joint costs to power would only
increase the deficit of the BPA.
Table I gives a picture of BPA income
and expenses by project for 1960:
TABLE I.-Bonneville POW Cr Administration: Net revenues
for the year 1960 after provision for depreciation
Project:
Bonneville Dam -5602, 136
Columbia Basin -----------+64,715, 473
Hungry Horse
+602,318
Albeni Falls
-122,599
McNary
-2,401,472
Detroit-Big Cliff
-180, 376
Lookout Point-Dexter ___
-167,297
Chief Joseph
-1, 003, 244
Yakima-Kennewick-
Roza
+161, 084
The Holies
-868,299
BPA system
-8,619,468
Subtotal
-13, 964, 891
+5, 478, 875
-13964,891
Net revenues for 1960
-8, 486, 016
The deficit in amounts required for
meeting scheduled amortization was
even larger than table I indicates. This
is because the estimated service lives of
some of the fixed plant facilities, such
as the hydroelectric generating plants,
which are used in computing deprecia-
tion, are substantially longer than the
prescribed repayment periods, with the
result that annual amortization require-
ments exceed the amounts needed an-
nually to recover plant investment
through provision for depreciation ex-
penses. Net revenues fell short of meet-
ing amortization requirements by $11.6
million in 1960.
Table II shows financial results for
each project on a payout basis for 1960:
TABLE IL-Bonneville Power Administration:
Deficits in project payouts (1960)
Deficit in
net revenues
available for
amortization
Project:
Bonneville Dam
Columbia Basin
Hungry Horse
Albeni Falls
$920,
206
22, 610
McNary
2,
653,341
Detroit-Big Cliff
156, 287
Lookout Point-Dexter
110, 098
Chief Joseph
179, 980
Yakima-Kennewick-Roza
The Dalles
151, 549
BPA system
Total
7,
397, 802
11,
591, 873
This deficit is expected to grow in 1961
and 1962 to $15 or $16 million since esti-
mates indicate that net revenues avail-
able for repayment of capital investment
in those years will decrease by $2 to $3
million while at the same time annual
amortization requirements will grow as
new higher cost generating plants are
placed in service.
Border Dispute
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. ROBERT W. HEMPHILL
OF SOUTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 12, 1961
Mr. HEMPHILL. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the REC-
? _ -
ORD, I include the following editorial from
the Lancaster News, Lancaster, S.C., of
July 6, 1961:
OFF THE RECORD
Border dispute: It is no skin off South
Carolina's nose if North Carolina wants to
spend $12,500 helping Union County prove
that Andrew Jackson was born in the Tarheel
State. Taxpayers' money is for spending.
The amount set aside is equal to 3 percent
on $400,000 worth of groceries. It would buy
two Cadillacs for Governor Sanford.
But it is not enough to hijack General
Jackson.
If the money, wisely spent, could convince
North Carolinians that they have no claim
to Jackson as a native son then something
will have been done for the peace and tran-
quillity of at least two of these United States.
This is too much to hope. Representative
Glenn Hawfield, of Union County, seeks not
to discover where Jackson was born but to
prove he was born at the George McKemey
cabin a few hundred feet across the State
line in North Carolina.
The same objective inspired Col. Samuel
H. Walkup, prominent lawyer of Union
County, more than a hundred years ago. In
1945, the year of Jackson's death, Colonel
Walkup laid claim to Jackson for North
Carolina during a 4th of July oration. He
produced two affidavits to support his claim.
In the years that followed, he worked dili-
gently on the premise that because Jackson's
biographers could not agree on his actual
birthplace, Jackson himself did not know
where he was born. In all, Colonel Walkup
secured nearly a dozen supporting affidavits.
None of the affidavits would have been ad-
mitted as evidence in a court of law. Their
inadequacy, according to Dr. Archibald Hen-
derson, "inhered in the fact that the affi-
davits set forth not the statements of eye-
witnesses * * * but the statements of neigh-
bors of alleged eyewitnesses" to the actual
birth of Jackson.
Two fallacies: Colonel Walkup was in er-
ror in two major instances. He did not
know or chose to ignore a simple historical
fact. At the time of Jackson's birth in 1767
the George McKemey house was in South
Carolina.
The second error was Colonel Walkup's
assumption that Jackson did not know him-
self where he was born. No statement or
writing can be found to support this. On
every public occasion when the subject came
up Jackson claimed South Carolina as his
native State. Twice in writing he named
the South Carolina plantation of James
Crawford as the place of his birth.
The most convincing of these, because it
was unsolicited, was his letter to Robert
Mills, famous South Carolina architect and
cartographer, who fought under Jackson at
New Orleans, Mills had completed the map-
ping of South Carolina in 1823 and sent a
copy to Jackson.
On the map of the Lancaster District he
had placed a star at the James Crawford
plantation with the notation that this was
"Gen'l A. Jackson's Birthplace." Jackson
wrote Mills congratulating him on the ac-
curacy of the map.
"A view of the map pointing to the spot
which gave me birth," he wrote, "brings
fresh to my memory many associations dear
to my heart. Most of the names of the
places are changed. The crossing of Wax-
haw Creek, within 1 mile of which I was
born, is still, however, I see, possessed by
Dr. John Crawford, son of the owner who
lived there while I was growing up and at
school."
There is no mystery about the McKemey
house being in South Carolina in 1767. An
error in the original survey of the line be-
tween the two States placed both the Mc-
Kerney house and that of James Crawford
in North Carolina. But this error was dis-
covered in 1764.
A5199
In an effort to clear land titles a compro-
mise was reached in London in 1771 whereby
South Carolina agreed to surrender the 11-
mile strip of land below the 35th parallel in
exchange for a strip of North Carolina above
this parallel and west of the Catawba River.
It is also a matter of history that the New
Carolina Legislature refused to accept this
compromise and would not take title to the
Waxhaw strip until 1813. So, even if it
could be proved that Jackson was born in
the McKemey house he would still be a
native South Carolinian.
House Resolution 211-Special Commit-
tee on Captive Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, July 12, 1961
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, on March
8, 1961, I introduced a measure calling
for the establishment of a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives. This measure is
now House Resolution 211. There are
not sufficient words to express my pro-
found gratitude and personal delight to
the more than 20 Members of the House
who joined with me in that most stimu-
lating and very enlightening discussion
which took place then on the subject of
the captive nations-CoNcaEssroNAL
RECORD, March 8, 1961, "Russian Colo-
nialism and the Necessity of a Special
Captive Nations Committee," pages
3286-3311.
The popular response to House Reso-
lution 211 has been so enthusiastic and
impressive that I feel dutybound to dis-
close the thoughts and feelings of many
Americans who have taken the time to
write me on this subject. These citizens
are cognizant of the basic reasons under-
lying the necessity of the proposed com-
mittee. They understand clearly the vi-
tal contribution that such a committee
could make to our national security in-
terests. In many cases, they know that
no public or private body is in existence
today which is devoted to the task of
studying continuously, systematically,
and objectively all of the captive na-
tions, those in Eastern Europe and Asia,
including the numerous captive nations
in the Soviet Union itself.
Because their thoughts and sentiments
are expressive and valuable, I request
that the following responses of our citi-
zens to House Resolution 211 be printed
in the Appendix of the REcORD:
(From the Charleston (S.C.) News and
Courier, June 17, 19611
HELP FOR CAPTIVES
As part of its forward strategy against
communism, the U.S. House of Representa-
tives should establish a Committee on the
Captive Nations.
A House resolution to this effect has been
submitted by U.S. Representative DANIEL J.
FLOOD, Democrat, of Pennsylvania, one of
the most active foes of communism in Amer-
ican Government.
Representative FLoon's sound argument is
that the Poles, the Hungarians, and many
other peoples behind the Iron Curtain are
a major free world asset. These people want
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A5200 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
to throw off Communist tyranny. If the
United States does not forget them, one day
they will regain their independence. A spe-
cial House committee that would keep in
constant touch with developments in the
captive nations would be an effective means
of helping our secret allies.
The News and Courier hopes that South
Carolina Members of the House will support
the resolution for a Captive Nations Com-
mittee.
CLEVELAND, May 23, 1961.
DEAR SIR: You are to be warmly compli-
mented for having drafted the resolution to
establish a Special Committee on the Captive
Nations. I strongly support this resolution.
For the captive nations and us this com-
mittee is the basis of our living revolution
toward freedom and peace with justice. It
is the means for us to preserve our freedom;
it is the means for them to regain it.
I hopefully will incite more support for
this resolution.
Thank you.
Very truly yours,
JOHN OLIJNYK.
BYELORUSSIAN YOUTH
ASSOCIATION OF AMERICA,
Brooklyn, N.Y., May 15, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sm: On behalf of the Byelorussian
Youth Association of America, I wish to ex-
press our appreciation of the effort you have
made in introducing the resolution for the
establishment of a permanent Committee on
Captive Nations in the House of Representa-
tives.
Particularly at the present time, a wealth
of facts is needed to counteract the hypo-
critical propaganda on colonialism and im-
perialism with which Soviet Russia saturates
the world, with distressing success.
Armed with facts and data gathered by the
permanent Committee on Captive Nations,
the United States could, as the leader of the
free world, immediately and effectively
counter all Soviet falsehoods. It could ex-
pose Soviet Russia as an empire aimed at the
conquest of the world through all means as,
for example, by police state tyranny, through
science, armed might, subversion, cultural
exchanges, and economic maneuvering. At
the same time, however, the facts gathered
would present the Russian empire as a giant
on clay feet; an empire, where the conquered
non-Russian peoples constitute a majority of
the population; an empire, whose mineral
and agricultural resources are found largely
in the, captured lands; an empire, which can
crumble, as past experience has shown, in the
face of resolute action.
The committee could inform the world of
the subjugation of the once free people of
Byelorussia and many other countries by
Soviet Russia; of the methods used toward
this aim in the past, today, and likely to be
used again in the future. It could show the
main strength of Soviet Russia to be the un-
yielding pursuit of one goal?the conquest of
the whole world?by any means and tactics.
However, on the other hand, it could expose
a mass of weaknesses, which could then be
used as mighty weapons in the existing
struggle.
Finally, the free do owe a moral obliga-
tion to those who were once free and desire
to be so again. Let it not be the lack of
Information or shortness of memory on the
past of the free people to cause their fellow-
men to continue to suffer in captivity.
Respectfully yours,
ULADZIMIER DUNIEC,
President.
CHICAGO, June 25, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: Our organiza-
tion, radio committee, wishes to congratu-
late you on your bold and farsighted move
in introducing the resolution calling for the
establishment of a permanent Committee on
Captive Nations in the House of Representa-
tives.
Sincerely yours,
STEPHEN SA/sIBOR,
President.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
May 25, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: You sent a resolution
to the Committee on Rules to create a Special
Committee on Captive Nations, the function
of which would be to conduct an inquiry
into and a study of all the captive non-
Russian nations, which includes those in
the Soviet Union and Asia, with particular
reference to the moral and legal status of
Red totalitarian control over them, facts
concerning conditions existing in these na-
tions, and the means by which the United
States can assist them through peaceful proc-
esses in their present plight and in their
aspiration to regain their national and in-
dividual freedom.
I strongly support this resolution, House
Resolution 211.
Very truly yours,
M. Mom).
NYACK, N.Y.,
May 18, 1961.
Congressman DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I OM in full
support of your House Resolution 211 on es-
tablishing a Special Committee on Captive
Nations. I am an American citizen of Tartar
origin from Idel-Ural.
Your resolution, I think, has a very big
political significance for the struggle against
Communist aggression.
Respectfully,
ABDTJLLA WAFALI.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
May 22, 1961.
DEAR Sm: House Resolution 211, sub-
mitted by you to the House on March 8,
1961 deserves our serious attention.
It is very important at the present moment
to study the true nature of our enemy and
to gain help of our natural allies (subjugated
nations) in our fight against Russian im-
perialism, the clever tool of which commu-
nism happens to be.
Therefore the new resolution, No. 211,
should get the full support of the Congress.
Very truly yours,
ANDRIJ MOLyN.
PACIFIC PALISADES, CALIF.,
June 21, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR REPRESENTATIVE FLOOD: I Wish to
wholeheartedly commend your resolution,
House Resolution 211, regarding the rescue
of captive countries behind the Iron Cur-
tain. Our country must act as an aggressor
for the rights and freedoms of all peoples,
as we .are the only country that can do it;
and we must make up our minds to exer-
cise the will to do it.
Sincerely,
CAROL RANSFORD.
CLEVELAND, May 22, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN: We congratulate you
for drafting the resolution to establish a
Special Committee on the Captive Nations.
I strongly support this resolution.
The existence of such a committee will
have more concrete meaning and hope for
the millions who are subjugated by the only
real colonialism and imperialism existing in
July 12
the world today?as is communism?es-
pecially Russian.
Thank you.
Cordially yours,
STEPHAN KAWKA.
ASSOCIATION OF AMERICAN YOU'TH
OF' UKRAINIAN DESCENT, INC.,
CHICAGO BRANCH,
June 22, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
New House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: We, the mem-
bers of Association of American Youth of
Ukrainian Descent, Inc., wish to congratu-
late you on your move to introduce the
resolution calling for the establishment of a
permanent Committee on Captive Nations
in the House of Representatives.
Those captive nations, who are working
toward their independence from Russian
slavery and despotism are willing to give the
newly formed committee all weaknesses of
Soviet Union (a nations' prison). Those
Russian weaknesses will be important in
making American foreign policy, in respect
to the captive nations.
We are writing our Congressmen, the Hon-
orable BAlutArr O'HARA, DANIEL D. ROSTEN-
KowsKT, and EDWARD J. DERWINSKI asking
them to support your resolution.
ALEX KONOWAL,
President.
MARIA SZKREBEC,
Secretary.
Regional Planning for Metropolitan Areas
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. HARRISON A. WILLIAMS, JR.
OF NEW JERSEY
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, July 12, 1961
Mr. WILLIAMS of New Jersey. Mr.
President, the Housing Act of 1961 has
given us, as President Kennedy said, a
giant step forward in our national effort
to make our metropolitan areas more
livable now and in the future. Old pro-
grams have been broadened; new pro-
grams have been added. New emphasis
has been given, too, to the concept and
practice of regional planning and re-
gional development.
Once again this year, the supporters
of the bill made it quite clear that local
interests are usually best served when
they are seen within the context of a
region. It would be foolish, for instance,
for a municipality to develop a splendid
program against air pollution, only to
find that its neighbors had been less
diligent.
Transit systems, too, cross many
boundaries: municipal, county, and
State. Unless representatives of those
geographical units talk to each other
and act together, their common trans-
portation system may serve the region
inequitably or not at all.
Many Federal programs will not have
maximum effectiveness, therefore, unless
local officials develop workable methods
of regional cooperation. Without sacri-
ficing local identity, community leaders
can establish the ground rules for effec-
tive, full utilization of all resources at
their command for the intelligent and
comprehensive development of entire
metropolitan areas.
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GRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
Under such circumstances it is some-
times possible to compress in a poem
a message that might otherwise require
thousands of words.
I believe it is therefore fitting to re-
print a poem, entitled "Why?" written
by Julia Yohn Pickett, managing editor
of the Baltimore Beacon, as a transla-
tion of Israel Schlaffer's Hebraic poem:
"For What Sins?" and published in the
Baltimore Beacon of May 1961.
In the foreword to the poem, the edi-
tor's note states:
Worldwide attention is centered on the
Eichmann trial in Jerusalem. The indict-
ment: Crimes against the Jewish people and
crimes against humanity. Complicity in
the killing of millions of Jews in his capac-
ity as the person responsible for the execu-
tion of the Nazi plan for the physical ex-
termination of the Jews.
The poem is as follows:
WHY?
An eerie midnight hour tolls,
And from their tomb emerges
A ghostly horde of brooding souls,
Grim echoing of purges.
The plaintive group stands silently,
There is no anguished cry,
In solemn unanimity
They mutely question: "Why?"
As they return to endless sleep
God humbly bows His head,
And sad, the countless mourners weep?
No answer for the dead.
Appeasement: When Will It End?
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL B. DAGUE
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 1, 1961
Mr. DAGUE. Mr. Speaker, in a
couple of Memorial Day speeches deliv-
ered to my constituency over the last
weekend I bore down heavily on the
need for a forthright foreign policy and
the end of what, in the minds of many
of our citizens, is a policy of temporiz-
ing with?appeasing, if you will?a lot
of pipsqueak dictators who have jubi-
lantly joined in slapping Uncle Sam
around.
The response to the position I took on
the public platform was instantaneous
and uniformly favorable. In addition
my mail is becoming increasingly heavy
with demands that we stop retreating
all over the world and take a stand from
which there will be no further with-
drawal. To my publicly announced
views on what I feel should be our for-
eign policy I have added the suggestion
that the time is here when our Presi-
dent should talk tough and in effect say
to Mr. Khrushchev and his ilk, "thus
far and no farther?one more step and
we'll clobber you," and then be pre-
pared to do it.
The late John Foster Dulles proceeded
on the theory that the Commies will
always back up in the face of firm re-
sistance and proved it at Suez, the
Formosa Straits, in the Iran-Turkey
imbroglio, and in Lebanon. In each of
those situations we took a firm stand
and we were in each instance, unlike our
shameful defection in the case of Cuba,
prepared to take the second and vital
step.
I am neither a jingoist nor a war-
monger but I feel that firmness will pay
big dividends both at home and abroad.
Overseas our position should include a
flat statement to our wishy-washy allies
to either get all the way on our team or
go peddle their individual fish, to the
neutrals to make up their minds since
in the life and death battle with com-
munism there can be no middle ground,
and to the recipients of our largess no
more handouts to anyone who refuses
allegiance to our cause. At home such
a pronouncement will galvanize the
American people as nothing else has
done and the nervous nellies can be
largely ignored since they seem to be
never happier than when they are down-
grading their own United States.
The latest insult which our Nation
seems about to passively accept in this
infamous tractor deal. This is black-
mail in the extreme and what is even
worse the Cubans are gleefully chort-
ling over our apparent gullibility. A
news item appearing in the May 26 issue
of the Philadelphia Inquirer sets forth
that situation in all of its galling details
and simply indicates how far our na-
tional integrity has declned. The arti-
cle is included in full, as follows. Read
it and fume as I have done:
[From the Philadelphia Inquire, May 26,
1961]
CASTRO'S BIG TRACTOR SWAP: CUBA JOKE
BACKFIRES ON UNITED STATES
(By Zell Rabin)
HAVANA.?After a week's travel through-
out Cuba, I have yet to find a person
who took Premier Fidel Castro's offer to
exchange tractors for prisoners seriously.
Western observers here regard Castro's
offer as bizarre and are astonished by the
American response to what everyone here
felt was nothing more than a gigantic leg
pull. They feel that by accepting the offer,
the United States has blundered into a ma-
jor propaganda defeat.
Many persons here are puzzled by the sen-
timentality and "do-goodism" that seemed
to sweep the United States when the worst
possible fate for the prisoners of the abortive
invasion is a few years of forced cane cutting
or trench digging.
SEEN AS JOKE
At first, everyone here regarded Castro's
proposition as a huge joke. Indeed, so light-
hearted was Castro's mood that with a
chuckle he included all Spanish priests on
the island in the exchange at no extra
charge.
The day following Castro's offer, El
Mundo, a government-controlled Havana
newspaper, frontpaged a satirical article ask-
ing what would happen if the prisoners
were again recruited, sent back to Guate-
mala, and invaded Cuba once more.
It would follow, the paper said, that when
they were captured a second time, the in-
vaders would be worth more than 500 trac-
tors because they were better trained and
more experienced.
PARKING PROBLEM
On the second exchange deal with the
United States, Castro could probably get
1,000 tractors for them. If this state of af-
fairs continued, El Mundo added, it would
soon cause serious tractor parking problem
in Cuba.
A3919
Two days after the offer was made, Cubans
were amazed to learn the Kennedy Adminis-
tration was seriously considering it. Nobody
is reported to have been more surprised or
pleased than the "Maximum Leader" him-
self.
Western diplomats here were startled by
the speed with which the offer was accepted
in the United States when there was, in
fact, no need for speed. At no time were
the prisoners' lives endangered.
CRIMINALS IN DANGER
Castro announced three weeks ago that the
only invaders who would be shot were those
wanted for crimes during the Batista dic-
tatorship, such as assistant police chief Ra-
mon Calvino.
Diplomats also wondered why distin-
guished Americans should head a fund-
raising committee when it would have been
much wiser to have left it to prominent
Cubans in exile.
Meanwhile, in Washington, resolutions
were introduced Thursday asking Congress
to go on record as opposed to the exchange.
One resolution would say the Senate felt
contributions to the tractor fund are not tax
exempt. Another would express "the sense
of the House" that the Federal Government
should prohibit any shipments of bulldozers
or tractors to Cuba. Neither could bind the
Administration.
RANSOM NOT READY
MIAMI, FLA., May 25 (UPI)?The ten pa-
roled Cuban invaders, scheduled to return to
Havana Friday still lacked a firm commit-
ment on the tractors-for-prisoners exchange
plan.
Despite increasing Congressional criticism,
a privately-backed campaign continued?
with President Kennedy's personal support?
to raise an estimated $15 million to pay for
the equipment.
Unconfirmed reports circulated that the
prisoners may seek an extension of their 1-
week par
House esolution 211?Special Commit-
tee on Captive Nations
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, June 1, 1961
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, on March
8, 1961, I introduced a measure calling
for the establishment of a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives. This measure is now
House Resolution 211. There are not
sufficient words to express my profound
gratitude and personal delight to the
more than 20 Members of the House who
joined with me in that most stimulating
and very enlightening discussion which
took place then on the subject of the
Captive nations?CONGRESSIONAL REC-
ORD, March 8, 1961, "Russian Colonialism
and the Necessity of a Special Captive
Nations Committee," pages 3286-3311.
The popular response to House Reso-
lution 211 has been so enthusiastic and
impressive that I feel dutybound to dis-
close the thoughts and feelings of many
Americans who have taken the time to
write me on this subject. These citizens
are cognizant of the basic reasons un-
derlying the necessity of the proposed
committee. They understand clearly
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k.ONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
the vital contribution that such a com-
mittee could make to our national secu-
rity interests. In many cases, they
know that no public or private body is
in existence today which is devoted to
the task of studying continuously, sys-
tematically, and objectively all of the
captive nations, those in Eastern Eu-
rope and Asia, including the numerous
captive nations in the Soviet Union
itself.
Because their thoughts and senti-
ments are expressive and valuable, I in-
clude the following responses of our
citizens to House Resolution 211 in the
Appendix of the RECORD:
CLEVELAND, OHIO, May 16, 1961.
The Honorable DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I have learned
of your House Resolution 211, which you
had introduced, in regard to the establish-
ment of a permanent Committee of Captive
Nations. I feel that this is a step forward
in the struggle which our country is carry-
ing on against the further expansion of com-
munism throughout the world.
I feel that such a committee should be
set up in order that we, in this country, are
made to realize the dangerous and insidious
nature of communism and its threat to the
security of the United States.
It is my hope that your resolution is
passed by the House of Representatives. I
will write to the Congressman in my district
urging him to support your resolution.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN A, DEMER.
From the Manion Forum]
FLOOD RESOLUTION MUST BE SUPPORTED
A rallying point for this activated Ameri-
can interest in these captive nations is House
Resolution 211 introduced last March 8 by
Congressman DANIEL FLOOD, of Pennsylvania.
The resolution calls for the establishment of
a special congressional committee to study
the plight of all nations now in Communist
captivity and explore the means by which
the United States can assist these hundreds
of millipns of Communist-held slaves to re-
gain their national and individual freedoms.
Immediate discussion and early passage of
Congressman FLOOD'S resolution would be ex-
cellent insurance against the disgrace of an-
other appeasing summit spectacle featuring
the bloody butcher of Budapest with the
President of the United States.
It would likewise forestall the very real
possibility that a rehabilitated Castro might
be invited back for another triumphal ap-
pearance in the Harvard Stadium. Tell your
Congressman to join Congressman FLOOD in
the sponsorship of House Resolution 211.
LAKEwoon, OHIO, May 17, 1961.
HOG. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR MR. REPRESENTATIVE FLOOD: My
heartiest congratulations and thanks to you
upon introducing the House Resolution 221
for the Special Committee on Captive Na-
tions.
Such a committee could be very helpful in
making the people of the United States
aware of the threats of communism. As a
small child of 7 and 8 years of age I ex-
perienced Communist tyranny in Estonia in
1940-41. My family and I fled in September
1944, having lived in United States since
1949. In the August 27, 1949 Saturday Eve-
ning Post there was an article about my
family. You may find some excerpts of my
letters there written in halting English, but
12 years later still hold true.
Thank you again for your resolution. I
hope the above resolution will be passed by
a great majority.
Very truly yours,
MPS. LIA NOUKAS STAAF.
ORGANIZATION FOR DEFENSE OF
FOUR FREEDOMS OF UKRAINE, INC.,
Chicago, Ill., May 21, 1961.
The Honorable DANIEL J. FLOOD,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Your initiative work in the U.S.
Congress to form a Committee on Captive
Nations was received with enthusiasm and
approval by all members of our organization.
We believe that it is the right time for such
a committee to look into modern 20th cen-
tury slavery led by Moscow's arch-gangster
Khrushchev and to awake people still free
before it is too late. For this reason we
wrote a letter to the honorable U.S. Con-
gressman from Illinois, Mr. ELMER J. HOFF-
MAN, who is a member of the House Com-
mittee on Rules, to support your Resolution
211. We sincerely hope that he will do his
part in helping you to form a Special House
Committee on Captive Nations. We assure
you that millions of freedom-hungry people
behind the Iron Curtain thank you in their
hearts, although they cannot express it
openly.
We Americans of Ukrainian descent ap-
preciate very much what you are doing for
the cause of preserving justice for all man-
kind.
We remain with respect,
ROMAN KOBYLECKY,
Chairman.
WILLIAM HOLOD,
Secretary.
CLEVELAND, OHIO, May 22, 1961.
DEAR MR. FLOOD: The House Resolution
211, submitted by you on March 8, 1961,
deserves our serious attention. Its aim is
to establish a special committee on Captive
Nations, the funCtion of which would be to
conduct an inquiry into and a study of all
captive non-Russian nations.
The existence of such a committee says
that we Americans are aware that the cause
of eventual liberation and independence of
the captive n4tions is indispensable to our
future as a free nation.
This will show that Russia without the
Captive Nations is indeed only a third rate
power.
Sincerely,
BOHDAN ROSHETSKY.
SUPREME COSSACK'S REPRESENTA-
TION IN EXILE,
New York, N.Y.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House of Representatives of the United
States, Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: The Supreme Cossack Repre-
sentation in Exile, as the spokesman of all
Cossacks living in the countries of the free
world, is sincerely appreciative of your noble
resolution H. Res. 211 about the creation of
a Special House Committee on Captive Na-
tions.
Most anxiously, we look forward to the
passage of this measure by the House Com-
mittee on Rules of the House of Representa-
tives and by the Congress of the United
States.
Cossack organizations and the organiza-
tions of Americans of Cossack descent sent
to all members of the House Rules Commit-
tee, calling for their support of the bill.
The Cossacks take the liberty to send you
its heartiest and grateful thanks for your
Resolution in which United States by the
creation of a Special House Committee would
make a permanent symbol and hope for the
captive nations.
We are very happy to see that among
various submerged nations by Communist
June 1
Russia, nations pointed in the Captive Na-
tions Week Resolution include also, the Cos-
sack nation and our homeland Cossackia.
With best wishes for your noble work,
Sincerely yours,
W. G. GLASKOW,
Chairman.
CLEVELAND, OHIO, May 22, 1961.
DEAR SIR: The House Resolution 211, sub-
mitted to the House by you deserves our
serious attention because its aim is to estab-
lish a special committee on captive nations
the functions of which would be to conduct
an inquiry and a study of all the captive
non-Russian nations, with particular refer-
ence to the moral and legal status of Red
totalitarian control over them, facts concern-
ing conditions existing in these nations, and
the means by which the United States can
assist them by peaceful processes in their
present plight and in their aspirations to re-
gain their national and individual freedom.
Therefore the new resoltuion 211 should
get the full support of both the Congress and
the Senate.
Sincerely,
ANDRIJ MOLYN.
UKRAINIAN ASSOCIATION OF VICTIMS
OF RUSSIAN COMMUNIST TERROR,
Toronto, Ontario, Canada, May 16, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
U.S. Congress,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR SIR: Our organization, consisting of
17 branches across Canada, observed its 10th
anniversary at its national convention in
1960. Our chief aim is to combat Commu-
nist propaganda and its subversive penetra-
tion on this continent with our informative
publications, public speeches and direct con-
tacts with people.
Among our publications are the following
books written by our members: "White Book
About the Black Deeds of the Kremlin,"
"Islands of Death," "One of the Fifteen Mil-
lion" (published in eight languages) , "The
Hunters and the Hunted" and others.
We, who have lived many years through
hardship in the Russian Communist empire,
who have been on the verge of death in Rus-
sian slave labor camps and in remote exile,
appreciate your stand against the godless
and subversive Communist ideology, your in-
telligent understanding and support of the
problem of independence of Ukraine and
other nations ensalved by the Red Russian
colonialism.
Yours very respectfully,
NICHOLAS PRYCHODKO.
CLEVELAND, OHIO.
SIR: As a former member of a captive na-
tion, Estonia, I thank you for presenting
your Resolution 211 to the House of Repre-
sentatives.
The need for the Special Committee on
Captive Nations is most urgent.
Sincerely yours,
ALEXANDER VELDT.
CLEVELAND, OHIO,
May 22, 1961.
SIR: You are congratulated for drafting
the resolution to establish a Special Com-
mittee on the Captive Nations.
The fact of the existence of such com-
mittee will have more concrete meaning and
hope for millions who are subjected by the
only real colonialism and imperialism ex-
isting n the world today?as is commun-
ism?especially Russian. This Committee is
the basis of our living revolution toward
freedom and peace with justice. It is the
means for them to regain it.
Therefore the new Resolution No. 211
should get the full support of the Congress.
Yours truly,
LIDIA CZBANITJK.
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A3iff66 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ?
%offal? Evening News Reporter Ed May
Wins 1960 Pulitzer Prize
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. THADDEUS J. DULSKI
OF NEW YORK
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, April 13, 1961
Mr. DULSKI. Mr. Speaker, I am very
pleased that a member of the staff of
the Buffalo Evening News, Buffalo, N.Y.,
has won a Pulitzer Prize.
I would like to insert in the RECORD
the following editorial and article that
appeared in the May 2, 1961, issue of
the Buffalo Evening News:
PULITZER FOR ED MAY
Once again we have the pleasant oppor-
tunity to congratulate a fellow member of
the News staff on the receipt of a Pulitzer
Prize. Three years ago Bruce Shanks won
the prize for editorial cartoons. Now Re-
porter Ed May has received an award for
local reporting.
' Mr. May's winning articles, "Our Costly
Dilemma," represented as penetrating a
study of public welfare problems as was ever
attempted by an American newspaper. They
were the product of 6 months of research
and reporting, including 3 months' service
by Mr. May as a caseworker for the Erie
County Welfare Department.
The outstanding merit of "Our Costly
Dilemma" won instant acclaim here and
elsewhere in the Nation. The series trig-
gered a comprehensive reform program that
is still underway?and still bringing bene-
ficial results?in the Erie County depart-
ment. Other newspapers carried the articles
through the Associated Press. The News has
complied with hundreds of requests from
welfare authorities and others for reprints.
The series' findings and conclusions have
had an impact and an influence on public
welfare throughout New York State and be-
yond it to other parts of the country.
The Pulitzer Prizes have served for nearly
half a century as a measure of merit for
creative and cultural contributions in many
fields. For newspapermen everywhere they
are especially significant as a yardstick of
journalistic skill, enterprise, and devotion to
public service. We are proud of the profes-
sional craftsmanship and energy that has
earned for Mr. May his richly deserved honor
and has brought to the News, and all who
contribute to its quality, the happy distinc-
tion of two Pulitzer Prizes within the brief
space of 3 years.
NEWS REPORTER ED MAY WINS 1960 PULITZER
PRIZE?SECOND MEMBER OF STAFF IN 3
YEARS HONORED?WROTE SERIES OF ARTICLES
ON WELFARE PROBLEM
A 1960 Pulitzer Prize for excellence in
journalism has been awarded to Edgar May,
Buffalo Evening News general assignment
reporter.
The award, announced Monday, was for
local reporting and is in recognition of
Mr. May's work on a critical series of articles
on the public welfare program in Erie County
and New York State.
It marks the second time in 3 years a
member of the Buffalo Evening News staff
has won a Pulitzer prize?most coveted
honor in journalism.
Bruce M. Shanks, News editorial page
cartoonist, won a Pulitzer Prize for 1957.
His cartoon, "The Thinker," was published
on August 20 of that year. The cartoon
pointed up the problem of labor racketeering.
Mr. May's articles were published in the
News last summer under the series title,
"Our Costly Dilemma."
2014/03/12:
APPENDIX
WAS UNDERCOVER MAN
The 31-year-old reporter, who joined the
News staff April 7, 1958, served as an under-
cover man to do the basic research that
made the welfare series possible. He ostensi-
bly left the News staff and took a job as
a caseworker for the Erie County Depart-
ment of Social' Welfare.
Using his personal experience as a case-
worker and facts uncovered during 6 months
of research by News staffs in Buffalo and its
Albany and Washington bureaus, Mr. May
also interviewed recognized welfare author-
ities and made a careful study of private
surveys of welfare agencies of the State.
The purpose of the series was announced
at the outset as being to direct community
thinking toward shortcomings of the wel-
fare system and generate a grassroots de-
mand that welfare be confined to the needy
and dispensed with greater concern for the
taxpayer.
NEWS CITED BY AP
That it achieved this purpose was evident
even before the final article in the series was
published.
Schools giving courses in social welfare
and the welfare departments of various polit-
ical subdivisions as far away as Texas re-
quested reprints of the articles, which were
made available by the News in convenient
form.
The Associated Press awarded a citation to
the News for making available for general
distribution a five-part condensation of the
series and praised the thoughtful, probing
stories that won prominent display in news-
papers throughout the State.
Letters praising the series were received
from editors, State legislators, welfare offi-
cials and workers and from citizens in all
parts of the State.
STUDIED BY COMMISSIONER
They contained such phrases as "a splen-
did job; a fine piece of work; admirable
thoroughness; purposeful job of reporting;
real public service; well documented and
very revealing; outstanding service in pre-
senting in an unbiased manner so many
facets of this problem."
The Erie County citizens welfare advisory
committee noted that the articles had been
of great value to it because of factual con-
tent and practical presentation.
After a careful study of the articles, Erie
County welfare commissioner Paul F. Burke
submitted to the county board of social
welfare a comprehensive 34-point plan for
operation of his department.
CASELOAD DROPPED
Subsequently more caseworkers were add-
ed to the departmental staff, salaries were
increased in amounts up to $300, and there
was a general awakening of public interest
in the welfare operations.
Although the series was not directed in
the first instance at fraud, more vigorous
prosecution of cases of welfare fraud and a
general tightening of regulations were col-
lateral results of the series. The welfare
caseload drOpped to th lowest point in 2
years.
Mr. May was born in Zurich, Switzerland.
He was graduated from Northwestern Uni-
versity with the degree of bachelor of sci-
ence, journalism, in 1957. Previously he had
worked as a reporter on the Bellows Falls,
Vt., Weekly Times and the Fitchburg, Mass.,
Sentinel.
WON PREVIOUS AWARDS
He served 6 months in the infantry and
18 months in the Public Information Office
of 5th Army Headquarters, Chicago, 1953-
55. He is a member of the American News-
paper Guild and Kappa Tau Alpha, journal-
ism honorary society.
In 1951, Mr. May won an award from the
New England Weekly Press Association for
the best feature story. In the following
May 4
year, he won from the same organization
awards for the best news story and the sec-
ond best news feature.
As acting editor of the Bellows Weekly
Times in 1952, he received an award for the
best weekly paper in New England. In 1959
he won the Walter 0. Bingham Award of the
Buffalo Newspaper Guild.
His mother is Mrs. Renee May of Pittsfield,
Mass A sister, Mrs. Arthur Kunin, lives in
Burlington, Vt.
House Resolution 211--.Speci4 Commi
tee o
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. DANIEL J. FLOOD
OF PENNSYLVANIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, May 4, 1961
Mr. FLOOD. Mr. Speaker, on March
8, 1961, I introduced a measure calling
for the establishment of a Special Com-
mittee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives. - This measure is
now House Resolution 211. There are
not sufficient words to express my pro-
found gratitude and personal delight to
the more than 20 Members of the House
who joined with me in that most stimu-
lating and very enlightening discussion
which took place then on the subject of
the captive nations?CoNsiassIoNAL
RECORD, March 8, 1961, "Russian Colo-
nialism and the Necessity of a Special
Captive Nations Committee," pages
3286-3311.
The popular response to House Reso-
lution 211 has been so enthuiastic and
impressive that I feel dutybound to dis-
close the thoughts and feelings of many
Americans who have taken the time to
write me on this subject. These citizens
are cognizant of the basic reasons under-
lying the necessity of the proposed com-
mittee. They understand clearly the vi-
tal contribution that such a committee
could make to our national security in-
terests. In many cases, they know that
no public or private body is in existence
today which is devoted to the task of
studying continuously, systematically,
and objectively all of the captive na-
tions, those in Eastern Europe and Asia,
including the numerous captive nations
in the Soviet Union itself.
Because their thoughts and sentiments
are expressive and valuable, I request
that the following responses of our citi-
zens to House Resolution 211 be printed
in the Appendix of the RECORD:
HENRY REGNERY CO.,
Chicago, Ill., April 26, 1961.
Congressman DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: I understand
that you have introduced a resolution Creat-
ing a special House Committee on Captive
Nations. As chairman of the Chicago Com-
mittee for Captive Nations Week, may I
commend you for introducing this legisla-
tion, and take this opportunity to express
the hope that the committee is established.
It seems to me to be clear that our best
allies are the people of the captive nations,
and that the best way to bring this fact
home to the American people, and to let
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPEND X
events, and forget that there are higher
values in our lives. And we forget too, that
these values must be cared for or we will
lose them. As has been said so often and
so well, "Vigilance is the price of liberty."
We know that today two ideologies stand
face to face; each waiting for the other to
fall before it. On the one side is the demo-
cratic ideal of individual freedom sustained
by a government of laws. On the other, the
totalitarian and godless political and
economic system which we identify with
the name of "communism."
We of the free world have made every
effort, in good conscience, to live in peace
with the Communist world. We have made
mistakes in our dealings with that world.
But, believe me, our mistakes were due large-
ly to our good will. But also, and this is very
important, neither have we understood the
true nature of the Communist system. Es-
pecially, we have not understood that com-
munism has never changed and will never
change its ultimate objective, which is to re-
make the world into one Communist state.
Forty-two years ago Lenin said that Com-
munist and Democratic countries could not
exist side by side. One or the other must be
overcome. He then put forth a plan for
world revolution which to this very day has
not changed in its basic objectives.
It is to this plan for world conquest that
we can trace most of the troubles occurring
in the new nations of Africa and Asia and
the Caribbean.
While it is true that the appearance of
communism seems to change almost from
day to day, its substance does not change.
Communist leaders have said clearly
enough that they will do anything to fur-
ther their cause, even to making a show
of friendship to democracy. They change
their tactics to meet changing situations,
they call for peaceful coexistence, they make
friendly gestures. But we must not be
fooled. Communism does not change; it
cannot change without destroying itself.
And the objective remains to conquer the
whole world; by any means available.
We find subversion and Communist Parties
in all countries. We find that these are
controlled from Moscow. We find commu-
nism infiltrated into labor and industry,
education, communications media, armed
services and government, and, eventually,
we see the attempt to destroy constitutional
liberties.
These things have been accomplished
successfully in many countries in Europe,
Asia, and South America. We may rest
assured that the Government and people
of the United States are no less a target.
Let us not forget that they promised to
bury us.
As long as we remember these things we
can hope to remain unconquered and free.
However, knowledge and the determina-
tion to resist the Communist ideology are
only the necessary starting point. We must
give deep and careful consideration to the
fact that Russia and her satellites are
strongly armed with the most modern
weapons of war; that the economy of these
nations is directed primarily to building up
and maintaining armies, navies, and air
forces.
At the present time they do not choose
to use all-out war to extend their conquest
of the world. They are doing well enough
through subversion, infiltration, and local-
ized fighting such as we have presently in
Laos.
There is a good reason for this choice.
The United States is too strong for them to
attempt an all-out war. The odds are still
not entirely in their favor.
It is self-evident that the people of the
United States are a peaceloving people. We
have extended the hand of friendship to all
nations?even our former enemies?and still
extend it.
You will pardon me if, with some pride,
I declare that the men and women of the
Armed Forces are doing more than any other
segment of the American people to maintain
the peace. I know that theirs is a constant
endeavor toward this end. I know of no
one in uniform who desires to achieve na-
tional objectives by means of war.
As I indicated a moment ago, the cold
war continues cold because America and the
free nations cannot be safely attacked?they
are too strong right now.
The lesson is obvious. We must main-
tain our Armed Forces at a peak. of strength
and efficiency, armed with the latest and
best in weapons systems and backed by a
trained and ready Reserve, until the normal
and peaceful methods of diplomacy can at-
tain a reasonable degree of lasting peace
and security among nations.
So long as the Communist bloc of na-
tions, under the leadership of Moscow, main-
tain their policies of hate and their bel-
ligerent attitudes toward the free world, so
long as subversion and infiltration threaten
our liberties, so long must we maintain
strong military forces in being.
But, military strength alone is not suffi-
cient. Indeed it can lead to a dangerous
state of complacency. How well we remem-
ber France's maginot line. It could not be
breached, it was impregnable, it was to be
the salvation of France.
It was breached however, and overrun,
and France fell to a conqueror because that
military might was not backed by people
who wanted freedom hard enough to sacri-
fice for it. They left their defenses to a wall
of concrete and metal and to soldiers who
had neither inspiration nor will to fight.
And the same will happen to any military
force not backed by the spiritual and moral
strength of the people.
This is the lesson of the Americanization
observance of the Veterans of Foreign Wars.
It reminds us that we have responsibilities
which we cannot throw off to someone else.
It reminds us that the enemy we face is
fighting God and the goodness of His crea-
tion.
There is nothing new or radical in this
observance. It serves to recall to our minds
our national heritage of fraternal good will
and dependency on God and that there are
values above the personal, the material and
the economic, which we call morality, patri-
otism, dedication to principle.
Our Founding Fathers knew this. They
established this "Nation under God" and
they acknowledged that our rights come from
Him and not from a government or political
ideology.
As a member ''61 the Armed Forces, I can
give you but one thought to carry with you.
Our soldiers and sailors and airmen cannot
be stronger than the people from whom they
are drawn. If the people are strong in their
convictions, individually and collectively,
the Armed Forces will be strong, too. The
strength of weapons united to the strength
of character in each individual will main-
tain our country free, and, with her, the
people of all other nations who want and
appreciate freedom and peace.
Thank you.
--
ADDRESS OF REAR ADM. FREDERICK L. HETTER,
S.C., U.S. NAVY, COMMANDING OFFICER,
NAVAL SUPPLY DEPOT, BAYONNE, N.J.
It is always a pleasure to join in the ob-
servance of Americanization Day.
When you think of it, you realize that we
are all honoring our forefathers. The origi-
r_al inhabitants of this country were the
Indians. All others are either immigrants,
the sons and daughters of Immigrants or
descendants of immigrants.
"135
If you giv:. a lot of thought to the matter,
you will realize that this country is so grafi%
simply because of immigrants.
It takes a considerable amount of determi-
nation, courage and character for an indi-
vidual or a family to leave the land of its
birth, and set out across the ocean for a
strange country where the people speak a
different language.
These people were strong. They were not
content to ride along on the tide in their
native lands. They knew what they wanted,
and went after it despite knowing that the
road would be very rough.
Youngsters growing up today in America
are in about the same position as their im-
migrant forefathers, except in a different
line.
Our country is being challenged daily by
a foreign power that regiments its school-
children. Courses of study are set up and
the children must apply themselves. In that
way, the state plans years ahead on the
number of physicists it will have, the num-
ber of chemists, engineers, and others.
Perhaps some of the chemistry students
would rather be studying engineering. But
they have no choice.
Here things are different. A boy or a girl
can become almost anything that they wish
if they try hard enough. It is easy for a
youngster to quit before he starts. There are
many excuses available: not enough money
at home; no time for study; difficulties of
gaining entrance to schools, and many more.
But these are just excuses. They are not
valid reasons why any youngster must miss
out on a good education.
If you want an education strongly enough
you will get it.
Your forebears could have stayed in their
native lands. They could have found suit-
able excuses for staying. But they were not
looking for excuses. They wanted to live in
a free country where an individual's only
limit was himself.
That is why this country is so great. We
got the best.
It is now the duty of the descendants of
these great immigrants to make themselves
the best in the world.
We live in an age of science, space travel,
automation.
I am sure that a very high percentage of
our grammar school pupils would like to
work on rockets and missiles. This requires
a scientific background.
But I wonder how many of them are will-
ing to put in the many hard hours of study
in mathematics, physics, and related sub-
jects. Much of this study is drudgery. But
it is necessary. It is the foundation of ca-
reers that are adventurous and fascinating.
Do you youngsters have the determination
to plow through the difficult and dull? Do
they want to be leaders?
I know that most of our young people are
interested in space travel. That evidence is
too well publicized to be missed. A glance
into the front window of a toy shop shows
that interest in space starts very early. Also,
high school science fairs produce more ex-
hibits connected with space than most other
fields.
These facts prove that our younger people
have the interest. The important thing is:
Do they have the determination?
We need trained minds to keep this coun-
try great. It is the duty of our younger
generations to improve themselves. Make
themselves the best anywhere. In doing
this they carry on the noble example Of
their courageous predecessors, many of whom
arrived with all their possessions carried in a
paper bag.
They may have arrived steerage class, but
they have been first class ever since.
Let's all travel first class.
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1961 e CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
the captive peoples know that they have not
been forkotten is through such a committee
as 5,411 have proposed.
Sincerely yours,
HENRY REGNERY,
President.
UKRAINIAN CONGRESS COMMITTEE
OF AMERICA, ELMIRA BRANCH,
Horseheads, N.Y., March 25, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sm: The Elmira branch of the
Ukrainian Congress Committee of America
wishes to congratulate you on your move in
introducing the resolution calling for the
establishment of a permanent Committee
on Captive Nations in the House of Repre-
sentatives.
These nations constitute a perennial
weakness in the Soviet Union. It is to our
advantage to know these weaknesses and
work to multiply them.
We are writing our Congressman and Hon.
KENNETH B. KEATING asking them to sup-
port your resolution.
Very sincerely yours,
WALTER PETRIWSKY,
Chairman.
BYELORUSSIAN-AMERICAN
ASSOCIATION, INC.,
Hawthorne, Calif., April 26, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
U.S. House of Representatives,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sm: The membership of this organ-
ization and myself wish to express our whole-
hearted support for your proposal to form a
House of Representatives Committee on Cap-
tive Nations which we consider to be a right
step in dramatizing the situation of national
slavery and colonial oppression and exploita-
tion of the various peoples under Soviet dom-
ination. We believe that the committee will
serve a good purpose by collecting and pre-
senting to the American people and the
whole of mankind the abundant evidence
that the Soviet Union is practicing the crud-
est kind of colonialism in regard to all
non-Russian peoples of the Sodiet empire
and the satellite countries.
Our reasons for supporting the proposal
are as follows:
1. While the West is breaking up empires,
giving freedom to more and more peoples,
th Russian Communists are building one,
reaching out for more and more, right to our
doorstep.
2. While posing themselves as champions
of all colonial and semicolonial peoples under
Western domination and hypocritically
preaching freedom and self-determination
for these peoples, the Russian Communists
are hard at work in trying to deprive the
non-Russian peoples of the Soviet empire,
which became victims of Russian imperialist
conquests, of their national identities and
finally to wipe them off the map as national
entities.
3. While accusing this country of war-
mongering and imperialism, Khrushchev
shamelessly calls for "liberational wars" and
claims the right for the Soviet Union to
assist (and stir up, of course) any uprising
anywhere in the world, which might advance
supremacy of Russian communism.
This country, unfortunately, has not come
up with a solution for stemming this Rus-
sian tide. The Congress made a good start
in 1959 by passing a resolution Captive Na-
tions Week. Khrushchev's reaction to this
resolution has showed that the captive na-
tions are a weak and vulnerable spot in the
structure of the Soviet empire. (Captive
nations are a weak spot in any empire; that
is what causes empires to disintegrate as
history has proved it so many times.) But
Western cold war strategists, for some ob-
scure reasons, refuse to exploit this Soviet
weakness....By exposing the Soviets for what
they are, much of the wind will be taken
out of the Soviet sails. The proposed com-
mittee could do a lot in this direction.
Sincerely yours,
JOSEPH P. ARCTUCH,
President.
CENTRAL COMMITTEE OF
UKRAINIAN ORGANIZATION,
Brooklyn, N.Y.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: OUT organiza-
tion wishes to congratulate you on your
bold and farsighted move in introducing the
resolution calling for the establishment of
a permanent Committee on Captive Nations
in the House of Representatives. Needless
to say, such a committee is long overdue.
One of the greatest problems confronting
our Nation today is the Soviet Union, a
prison house of many nations and peoples.
These nations are ever eager and wanting
to escape Soviet Russian slavery and des-
potism.
A committee on the Captive Nations
would serve as a reservoir of information
and data on the various enslaved nations
in the U.S.S.R., which information could
be made available to the U.S. Government
and its various agencies. Its main function,
however, would be to inform the American
people and the world at large on the state
of affairs behind the Iron Curtain and as-
sist the Government in formulating its poli-
cies with respect to the captive nations. We
are writing our Congressman, Mr. ANFUSO,
asking him to support your resolution.
Respectfully yours,
PETER DUSORVEKI,
President.
JOHN MAKAR,
Secretary.
APRIL 25, 1961.
DEAR Mn, FLOOD: I have recently noticed
that your resolution, House Resolution 211,
which calls for the creation of a Captive Na-
tions Committee, is presently before the
Rules Committee. I wish to express my full
support of this resolution.
I believe your resolution is a step in the
right direction in overcoming the evils of
communism and helping the captive peoples
behind the Iron Curtain. I believe this
resolution will have the full support of the
American people.
Sincerely,
JAMES L. MANLEY.
AMERICAN-UKRAINIAN CITIZENS CLUB,
Stamford, Conn., April 12, 1961.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: Our organiza-
tion, the American-Ukrainian Citizens Club
of Stamford, Conn., wishes to express our
congratulations to you. We are glad to
know that you were farsighted and bold
enough to introduce the resolution for the
establishment of a permanent Committee on
Captive Nations in the House of Represent-
atives. We hope that this resolution will
be acted upon due to your efforts.
We believe that such a committee would
do m,uch for all freedom-loving people that
are enslaved, especially those behind the Iron
Curtain. This committee would also help
to keep Americans informed of the plight
of these people and countries.
Again you are to be congratulated on your
farsightedness and wish you luck with it.
We are writing our Congressman SISAL, ex-
pressing our views and asking for his sup-
port of this resolution.
Very truly yours,
A3137
MARQUETTE UNIVERSITY,
Milwaukee, Wis., April 26, 1961.
Congressman DANIEL J. PLoon,
House of Representatives,
Washington, D. C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: The Slavic In-
stitute of Marquette University wholeheart-
edly endorses House Resolution 211 dealing
with the establishment of a special Commit-
tee on the Captive Nations.
Our institute has championed the cause of
the captive nations since its organization 11
years ago and feels honored that the idea has
been dignified by your resolution.
We hope that the bill will meet with the
unanimous approval of the House of Repre-
sentatives.
Very sincerely yours,
ROMAN SMAL-STOCKI,
Director.
ALFRED J. SolcoLmcxf,
Secretary.
UKRAINIAN NATIONAL HOME,
Willimantic, Conn., March 29, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. Flom,
New House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: The members
of the Ukrainian National Home of Wil-
limantic, Conn., in the name of their presi-
dent, wish to congratulate you on your
presentation of a resolution to the House
of Representatives, calling for the establish-
ment of a permanent Committee on Captive
Nations.
A Committee on the Captive Nations would
furnish basic information and data on the
various nations in the U.S.S.R. It would
inform the world at large and the American
people on the state of affairs behind the Iron
Curtain and aid the Government in forming
its policies with respect to these nations.
We are writing to the State of Connecti-
cut's own Congressman KOWALSK/, asking
him to support your resolution.
Sincerely yours,
JOSEPH RUDKO,
President.
BYELORUSSIAN-AMERICAN
ASSOCIATION, INC.,
New Brunswick, NJ., April 24, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR Sm: On behalf of the Byelorussian-
American Association in New Jersey I wish
to express sincere congratulations on your
introduction of the resolution for the es-
tablishnient of a permanent Committee on
Captive Nations in the House of Repre-
sentatives.
The Soviet Union's goal is to dominate
the world, and Americans shall know it be-
cause Soviet Russia has become a great im-
perialist peril which threatens all free na-
tions and particularly our country?the
United States of America.
Your resolution to create a committee is
a great step in the right direction. It
would serve as an information center on the
enslaved peoples in the U.S.S.R. Our Gov-
ernment needs this information in making
proper policies with respect to the captive
nations and with respect to the security of
the United States.
With personal regards and best wishes, I
am,
Sincerely yours,
SERGIS HUTYRCZYK,
President.
WILLIMANTIC, CONN., April 3, 1961.
Hon. DANIEL J. FLOOD,
New House Office Building,
Washington, D.C.
DEAR CONGRESSMAN FLOOD: Our organiza-
tion, the Ukrainian Youth Association of
Willimantic, Conn., wish to congratulate
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A3138 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
you on your introducing the resolution call-
ing for the establishment of a permanent
Committee on Captive Nations in the House
of Representatives.
We have also contacted our Congressman,
Mr. KOWALSKI by letter, and asked him to
support your resolution.
Sincerely yours,
GEORGE TTJSKEWICZ,
President.
A Look at John Birch
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JOHN H. ROUSSELOT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, May 4, 1961
Mr. ROUSSELOT. Mr. Speaker,
many news sources have not objectively
reported the facts concerning the John
Birch Society. As a member of the so-
ciety, I am anxious that it receive a fair
and just hearing before the American
public. I think the following editorial
from the San Marino Tribune, the lead-
ing newspaper of San Marino, Calif., will
interest those among us who want to
know the truth about the society. Under
unanimous consent, I insert this editorial
in the Appendix of the RECORD:
A LOOK AT JOHN BIRCH
Why is it that partriotism is put on the
defensive in the eyes of good Americans?
Why do Americans question the motives or
tactics of those whose only objective is the
scourging of Communist influence from the
American scene? Who turns American
against American when the success of world-
wide communism is concerned?
Is this attack on patriotism foreshadow-
ing the day when patriots will be called
conspirators against their own government,
and placed under some sort of custody?
In every country where communism has
taken over, the patriots were first consid-
ered controversial and later banded as con-
spirators against their government as it fell
under the control of Reds. It happened in
Cuba, which isn't very far away, and it could
happen in America.
A favorite and effective tactic is to aim a
smear campaign at anyone W/ao is anti-Com-
munist?discredit his political stand by lies
or distortions, and destroy him by public
censure. Those who use this tactic never
answer this man's initial charges, nor do they
ever replace him with another effective anti-
Communist program. Their program is to
smear and destroy.
The John Birch Society is getting a
healthy start throughout the Southland and
throughout the foothills. A program of
positive, patriotic action, it has already at-
tracted the usual smear. Some people who
who have never tried to oppose the Com-
munist threat, and some who have never rec-
ognized the Communist threat that now
stands at their doorstep, are trying to dis-
credit this group without knowing of its in-
tents, its purposes, its methods. Some of
them are becoming the unthinking tools of
forces who oppose the John Birch movement
because it is anti-Communist?a sobering
thought.
The John Birch Society is a challenge to
Americans. It shows them through films
and speeches what the advance of commu-
nism has been. It recalls to their minds
what they already knew but have forgotten?
the events of recent history that have led
America to the brink of disaster. It invites
Americans to join in an effort to turn the
tide.
There is no coercion in this movement;
there couldn't be.
There are two forces operating in our world
today, capitalism and communism. The
John Birch Society is on the side of capital-
ism. It is frankly pro-American, pro-
capitalist, and anti-Communist. There isn't
the slightest doubt of its position. Lined
up against the society and others like it are
the Communists, the pro-Communists, the
"do-nothings," the "let's-don't-rock-the-
boaters," the "surrender is better than
death" tub thumpers, and the anti-anti-
Communists. This is quite a group; its pro-
gram for anti-Communist action is no action
at all; their syllabus could have been written
by Lenin.
The John Birch Society has one more
theory that its detractors refuse to recog-
nize: They feel that the ordinary American
has enough sense to make up his own mind.
Before you allow yourself to be stampeded
by the critics, investigate the John Birch
Society. A growing number of Americans
have done so, and a growing number have
joined its movement toward fundamental
American constitutional government. The
fact that they are under fire, is proof of their
effectiveness.
Crop of Confusion
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. CHARLES RAPER JONAS
OF NORTH CAROLINA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Thursday, May 4, 1961
Mr. JONAS. Mr. Speaker, under
leave to extend my remarks in the Ap-
pendix, I include an editorial published
in the April 18 issue of the Burlington
(N.C.) Daily Times-News.
This editorial indicates that the activi-
ties of the Department of Agriculture
are not escaping attention of the folks
down home:
CROP OF CONFUSION
President Kennedy remarked the other day
that he hoped farmers would join up with
his new voluntary feed grain plan, thus as-
suring themselves of a good support price
and enabling the Government to save money
on the farm program.
But the Department of Agriculture isn't
content merely to hope that farmers will
volunteer. The Commodity Credit Corpora-
tion (a Government arm) has been busily
dumping corn on the market to drive the
price down and frighten farmers into volun-
teering. This brought about "the sharpest
March decline in 13 years," the Wall Street
Journal reported.
Thus the farmer is warned to sign up for
supports at $1.20 and for acreage curtailment
or try to survive in a market where the CCC
has proved it can keep the price of corn down
around $1.05.
Already, about 80 percent of Illinois farm-
ers and about 60 percent of Iowa farmers
have seen the handwriting on the crib wall
and signed. What else could they do?
But how about the second part of the ad-
ministration plan?reducing the cost of the
farm program to the Government?
The administration's March revision of the
budget ups the spending of the Agriculture
Department by $658million?the largest in-
crease outside the Defense Department.
Meanwhile, the National Farmers Organ-
ization is in the midst of a drive to hold
May 4
cattle off the market to drive prices up, and
it claims some success. '
If the meatpackers were to do the 29.rme
thing, they'd be in line for prosecution under
the antitrust laws.
Those who profess to see silver linings in
the cloudy farm policy picture today must
be overlooking some of the realities.
Poland's Constitution Day
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. JAMES ROOSEVELT
OF CALIFORNIA
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Wednesday, May 3, 1961
Mr. ROOSEVELT. Mr. Speaker, it
was my intention that these remarks
commemorating Poland's Constitution
Day be included in the RECORD on the
appropriate anniversary day which waS
yesterday, May 3. Unfortunately, I was
called away from the floor before I had
an opportunity to include them. It does
not lessen my appreciation of Poland's
continual fight for freedom.
In the lives of all nations there is
always one day that more than any other
symbolizes the national spirit. For Po-
land it is her Constitution Day, cele-
brated on May 3 for 170 years this year.
Poland's Constitution Day commemo-
rates the Constitution of 1791. In that
year Poland made a great, almost con-
vulsive effort to free herself from an
outmoded political and social system.
The "4 years' sejm" or Parliament, led
by men of great force of character and
capacity, adopted the Constitution we
celebrate today. It converted Poland
into a limited constitutional monarchy,
with ministerial responsibility and bi-
ennial parliaments. Invidious class dis-
tinctions were abolished. The humble
townsman might now own land, or enter
the ranks of state or church, privileges
formerly open only to the gentry. The
protection of law was extended to the
peasants, and serfdom was mitigated
with a view to its eventual abolition.
Absolute religious toleration was pro-
claimed, and provisions for periodical
reform by subsequent parliaments were
also embodied in this Constitution.
But this most liberal and progressive
document was to be short lived. Some
magnates who could not accept the new
order of things sought Russian assist-
ance, and Catherine the Great was only
too happy to oblige. Prussia, a supposed
ally, left Poland in the lurch. Betrayed
but not broken, the tiny Polish Army put
up a spirited resistance, but eventually
the struggle was lost, and the second
partition of Poland took place.
But neither that partition nor the sub-
sequent travails through which Poland
was to pass have ever been able to kill
the spirit of liberty which lives in Polish
hearts. That historic truth is being re-
discovered by Poland's Communist mas-
ters today. Poland's Government may
be 100 percent Communist, Poland's
people are not. Poland's Government
may adopt policies hostile to the United
States, but Poland's people are friendly.
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD - APPENDIX
every Federal dollar. The remainder will be
available as follows: $5,690,000 to provide
technical assistance, consulting services to
States, expenses of the National Office of
Vital Statistics, international health activi-
ties, demonstrations, training activities, and
operational expenses; $2 million for grants
to schools or direct traineeship awards to
individuals for training of professonal public
health personnel; $1 million for grants to
schools of public health; and $1,430,000
(authorized by Public Law 86-720, 86th
Cong.) for project grants for graduate public
health training.
Environment health $27, 640, 000
Last year 15, 640, 000
This program is made up of six activities
as follows: air pollution control, $5,921,000;
water supply and water pollution control,
$9,892,000; radiological health activities,
$6,719,000; milk, food, and general sanita-
tion activities, $1,855,000; occupational
health activities, $1,877,000; and accident
prevention activities, $1,376,000.
Tuberculosis control $6, 430, 000
Last year 6, 452, 000
Grants to States for diagnostic and treat-
ment clinics, mass case-finding and follow-
up services account for $4 million, all of
which has to be matched equally by the
States. The remainder is for direct opera-
tions of Public Health Service.
Communicable disease activi-
ties $14, 116, 000
Last year 13, 415, 000
This appropriation is used for direct ac-
tivities of the PHS Communicable Disease
Center at Atlanta, Ga. (and its affiliated
operations), and for the Arctic Health Re-
search Center in Anchorage, Alaska. The
Communicable Disease Center carries on
studies in epidemiology, furnishes labora-
tory diagnostic services, and sponsors spe-
cial projects to assist States. The Arctic
Health Research Center conducts studies on
health problems in low temperature areas.
Of the total of $5,700,000 for control of
venereal disease, $2,400,000 goes for direct
grants to States for venereal disease detec-
tion, treatment, and control on a special-
need basis. Most of the remainder is spent
for technical assistance to the States, in-
cluding funds to pay 351 Federal employees,
the majority of whom are assigned to State
health departments.
Office of the Surgeon General___ $6, 900, 000
Last year 5, 816,000
For administrative expenses of this Office,
including all housekeeping services, evalua-
tion of public health needs, and personnel
training.. Included also is approximately
$2,156,725 for administration of the National
Health Survey Act authorized by Public Law
652 (84th Cong.).
Foreign quarantine activities $4, 931, 000
Last year 4, 685, 800
This service operates 319 medical quaran-
tine stations on borders of the United States.
It also operates 23 medical examination sta-
tions on foreign soil for the examination of
aliens seeking visas to enter the United
States. Inspections are made of all seagoing
vessels and aircraft entering the United
States. It is estimated that the service will
examine more than 3,150,000 aliens in this
country and 165,000 abroad.
National Library of Medicine,
operating expenses $1, 662, 000
Last year 1, 566,000
Under Public Law 940 (84th Cong.),
the Armed Forces Medical Library was re-
named the National Library of Medicine and
transferred to the Department of Health,
Education, and Welfare. A new structure
has been authorized to house the Library
and $6,950,000 in construction funds was
appropriated for 1959. The new Library is
now under construction on the southeast
corner of the NIH reservation at Bethesda.
Buildings and facilities,
PHS _ (new) __ $3, 470, 000
This appropriation would be divided as
follows: $600,000 to survey and acquire a
site for quartering animals and for construc-
tion of additional office, laboratory, and serv-
ice space at the Communicable Disease Cen-
ter at Atlanta; $785,000 for planning for an
environmental health center; and $2,085,000
for construction of research and other facili-
ties for National Institutes Of Health, the
bulk of which would be for equipping and
renovating of animal quarters, a permanent
animal research building for the addiction
center at Lexington, Ky., and for initial de-
velopment of facilities for large animals on
the site purchased with funds provided in
1960.
Reimbursable health programs for
other governmental agencies____ $691,000
Last year 623,000
This represents the cost of services ex-
pected to be advanced to Public Health Serv-
ice by other governmental agencies for estab-
lishing and operating on-the-job clinics.
Public Health Service deals largely with
Washington, D.C., personnel; whereas, 90 per-
cent of the total number of Government's
employees are located outside the Washing-
ton area.
St. Elizabeths Hospital $26, 380, 000
Last year 18, 817, 725
St. Elizabeths provides treatment for sev-
eral classes of mentally ill persons, including
those residing in the District of Columbia,
beneficiaries of the Veterans' Administration,
beneficiaries of Public Health Service, in-
sane persons charged with or convicted of
crimes in U.S. courts (including the court
of the District of Columbia), certain Ameri-
can citizens found insane in Canada, the
Panama Canal Zone and the Virgin Islands,
certain foreign service personnel, and mem-
bers of the military services admitted to the
hospital prior to July 16, 1946. Congress ap-
propriated $4,491,000 to this institution for
operational expenses, $345,000 for major re-
pairs, and $4,994,000 for construction of new
buildings or expansion of present buildings.
Reimbursements from other agencies will
approximate $16,550,000. This hospital has
an average daily patient load of 7,000.
Freedmen's Hospital $3, 294, 600
Last year 3, 190, 000
This institution with an average patient
load of 326, plus 36 new-borns is a medical
teaching facility and general hospital. Its
patients are chiefly drawn from the District
of Columbia and the adjoining area. The
hospital is utilized for training of interns
and residents, many of whom are graduates
of Howard University, and it has nurses'
training school. A total of $5,050,515 is au-
thorized for operating costs. All in excess
of $3,294,600 (appropriated for fiscal 1961)
are expected reimbursements from charges
made to patients and payments made by the
District of Columbia and other Federal agen-
cies and from the counties. surrounding
Washington who utilize these facilities for
welfare patients. Some supervisory func-
tions over this program are vested in the
Public Health Service.
Howard University $1, 481,000
Last year 1, 296, 000
This university is jointly supported by
congressional appropriations and private
funds and offers instruction in ten schools
and colleges, including colleges of medicine,
dentistry, and pharmacy. This year the uni-
A3037
versity's total operational budget is in excess s
of $9,300,000. Of this amount, the Federal
Government will contribute $5,490,000 to-
ward operational expenses, $225,000 for plans
for construction, and $1,433,000 for com-
pletion of a home economics building and
power plant facilities. The combined
budgets for the colleges of medicine, dentis-
try and pharmacy will require approximately
24.9 percent of the university's budget for
educational and general expense. The entire
student body of the university for 1960-61
will be approximately 6,778. There are 385
students enrolled in the college of medicine,
336 in the college of dentistry, and 169 in
the college of pharmacy. The Federal con-
tribution for direct current operations in
the colleges of medicine, dentistry and
pharmacy is estimated. to be $1,481,000 for
1961.
Bureau of Public Assistance,
medical payments $350, 000, 000
Last year 254, 000, 000
Out of a total budget of approximately
631/2 billion (Federal, State and local funds)
for categorical public assistance payments,
officials of the Social Security Administration
estimate that approximately $675 million or
about 19 percent is now being devoted for
medical and health needs of categorical as-
sistance recipients this fiscal year. About
$585 million will be paid to vendors of medi-
cal care, such as physicians, hospitals,
pharmacists, nursing homes, etc., and about
$90 million directly to recipients to enable
them to meet their medical care needs. The
Federal share of combined medical payments
to vendors and to recipients will be about
$350 million. Reflected in the increase are
funds for the expanded old age assistance
medical care program and the medical as-
sistance for the aged program under Public
Law 86-778, the Social Security Amendments
of 1960.
Children's Bureau $39, 110, 000
Last year 34, 420, 000
Operating under the Social Security Ad-
ministration, the Children's Bureau admin-
isters grants to States for maternal and
child health, and crippled children's and
child welfare services. This year grant
money totals $51,833,000 divided as follows:
618,167,000 for maternal and child health
work; $20 million for crippled children's
services; and $13,666,000 for child welfare
services. However, this last item has no
medical significance and, therefore, it is not
reflected in the total of $39,110,000. One-
half of the Federal funds for maternal and
child health and crippled children's services
is required to be matched dollar for dollar
by the States. In addition, the Children's
Bureau has $2,360,000 to finance investigat-
ing and reporting activities and to adminis-
ter all investigating and reporting activities
and to administer all the grants. About 40
percent of this amount is chargeable to the
health and related activities of the Chil-
dren's Bureau which include administration
of grants for maternal and child health and
crippled children's services and consultative
services to State agencies and other public
and voluntary agencies and organizations en-
gaged in the provision of maternal and
child health services.
Office of Vocational Rehabilita-
tion $73, 501, 000
Last year 66, 338, 000
Grants to the States (same as Hill-Burton
formula) are provided for: (a) Support of
basic rehabilitation services, including med-
ical examinations, surgical, and therapeutic
treatment, hospitalization, prostheses, oc-
cupational tools, and aids, vending stands,
rehabilitation facilities, vocational training,
and funds for maintenance, $54,700,000; and
(b) extension and improvement of State
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A3038 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
/programs, $1,500,000. Appropriations for re-
search and training are divided as follows:
(a) Special grants to States or nonprofit or-
ganizations for projects designed to expand
the rehabilitation program (2-1 Federal-
States matching), $8,074,000; and (b) for
training of rehabilitation personnel, includ-
ing physicians, therapists, psychologists,
counselors, medical, and psychiatric social
workers, $7,206,000. In addition, $2,021,000
is available for Federal administration costs
Rehabilitation activities over-
sea (new) $930, 000
This appropriation provides for the pur-
chase, mainly from the Treasury, of U.S.-
owned local currencies of foreign countries
for the conduct of research and training
in rehabilitation in those countries under
the provisions of the Agricultural Trade De-
velopment and Assistance Act of 1954 (Pub-
lic Law 480), as amended.
Food and Drug Administration_ $19, 654, 000
Last year 15, 512, 000
Of the total, $18,052,000 will be used for
the enforcement of the Food, Drug, and
Cosmetic Act which includes: The inspection
of manufacturers and examination of sam-
ples of an foods, drugs and cosmetics in
interstate commerce to see that they are
safe, pure, honestly labeled and packaged,
and bear adequate warnings and directions
for use; combating medical, nutritional and
mechanical quackery through court actions;
premarketing safety clearance of new drugs
and food additives requiring appropriate
labeling of household products containing
hazardous ingredients; pretesting of all color
additives. $1,602,000 will be used to certify
the strength, purity and other requisites of
certain antibiotic drugs and their deriva-
tives, insulin and its derivatives, the estab-
lishment of tolerances for pesticide chemi-
cals on raw agricultural products, and certi-
fication of batches and establishment of
tolerances for all colors used in or on food,
drugs and cosmetics.
U.S. Office of Education $4, 000, 000
Last year 4, 000, 000
For a number of years the Office of Educa-
tion has been making grants to States chief-
ly for vocational education. During the last
fiscal year approximately $4 million was
made available as grants to aid the States
in the training of practical nurses. For
this year, the Office of Education has avail-
able approximately $34 million for grants to
States, of which $4 million is again ear-
marked for the practical nurse training pro-
gram.
Federal surplus property dona-
tion program, approximate___ $47, 260, 936
Last year 38, 405, 000
The Department of Health, Education, and
Welfare has authority to make donations
of personal property and transfer of real
property declared surplus by Federal agen-
cies for health needs. In the case of real
property, conditional title is vested in the
transferee and then after a number of years
of utilization of the property in accordance
with imposed conditions the property can
!become absolutely vested. Recipients of
personal property may be medical institu-
tions, health centers, hospitals and clinics.
Eligible donees of real property may be any
institutions organized for health purposes,
including those engaging in medical re-
search. It is difficult to determine the ex-
act value of property donated and trans-
ferred since accounting is on the basis of
acquisition cost. Last year approximately
$40,066,069 of personal property (acquisition
cost) was allocated for health purposes.
During the same period, approximately $23,-
355,370 of real property (acquisition cost)
was transferred with a fair market value
of $7,194,867. It is expected that the level
of donations and transfers for the current
fiscal year will be in line or slightly in ex-
cess of last year's totals.
?-
he Captive Nations and the Freedom of
Europe
EXTENSION OF REMARKS
OF
HON. PAUL H. DOUGLAS
OF Ir...trniors
IN THE SENATE OF THE UNITED STATES
Wednesday, May 3, 1961
Mr. DOUGLAS. Mr. President, the
Assembly of Captive European Nations
is made up of representatives of the
democratic and anti-Communist forces
in the nations of central and Eastern
Europe which have been taken over by
the Russian Communists and which are
conducted as satellites of the Soviet
Union. The Assembly comprises dis-
tinguished exiles from Albania, Bul-
garia, Czechoslovakia, Estonia, Hungary,
Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Rumania,
Some of these men were once in coali-
tion governments with the Communists
and discovered how faithless and brutal
the latter are in their relentless drive for
power.
The Assembly has prepared an excel-
lent memorandum on the "Captive Na-
tions and the Freedom of Europe," and I
ask unanimous consent that excerpts
from it, together with this statement, be
printed in the Appendix of the
RECORD.
There being no objection, the excerpts
were ordered to be printed in the
RECORD, as follows:
THE CAPTIVE NATIONS AND THE FREEDOM OF
EUROPE
(A memorandum)
The Assembly of Captive European Na-
tions considers itself in duty bound to re-
affirm, at this time of searching reassess-
ment of American foreign policy, its con-
viction that Europe is and will remain in
the decisive arena in the global struggle
between freedom and Communist totali-
tarianism; that the people of Eastern Eu-
rope are in a position to play, both as a
factor of deterrence, and, if deterrence
failed, as allies of the free nations, a very
significant role in this struggle; that a
lasting and secure peace will remain beyond
reach as long as Soviet power is poised in
the geographical center of Europe, and that
to serve both the immediate and longer term
requirements of a free Europe, it is incum-
bent upon the Western Powers to demon-
strate by words and deeds their vital stake
in the freedom of the eastern half of Europe
and their unswerving resolve to help the
captive peoples recover the exercise of their
right of self-determination.
The subjugation of nine, once free and
independent European nations by Soviet
Russia constitutes a legal and moral issue
solidly founded on the war-time and post-
war agreements to which both the Western
Powers and the Soviet Union were parties, as
well as on the now universally recognized
right of self-determination. Its major polit-
ical consequences has been the failure to
establish in Europe a dependable and dur-
able peace, that is, a peace with freedom and
justice. In the considered judgment of the
Assembly, failure to recognize the vital las-
May 3
portance of Eastern Europe and to pursue
policies designed to link effectively the
struggle for the preservation of freedom and
for the recovery of freedom in Europe would
have most serious consequences. It would
make it extremely difficult, if not impossible,
for the United States "to steer a course be-
tween the Scylla of universal annihilation
and the Charybdis of universal enslavement"
which, in the expressive words of an Ameri-
can statesman, is the basic requirement of
U.S. foreign policy in the sixties. The
assembly, therefore, feels enjoined (i)
to examine the currently most widespread
Western views on, and policies with respect
to, the captive countries; (ii) to submit its
own views on the present stake of the West-
ern Powers in the captive nations, and (iii)
to suggest measures apt to promote the com-
mon interests of the free nations and their
silent allies in Eastern Europe.
Any attempt to bring into discussion the
problem of the freedom and independence of
the captive nations of central and eastern
Europe has lately been hurting itself against
the theory that the situation in Europe was
now stabilized?economically, politically, and
militarily, and it could only be changed, one
way or the other, at the price of a major war,
that is, at a price unacceptable to both sides.
The arena of contest between the forces of
freedom and communism, continues the
theory, has moved to the so-called uncom-
mitted nations of Asia and Africa. These
nations hold the balance of power. With
Latin America, they constitute the only ac-
tive fronts and, therefore, claim the undi-
vided attention of the Western Powers. How-
ever desirable it would be to have in central
and eastern Europe truly independent na-
tions, under freely elected governments, this
can no longer be a practical goal of Western
policy. To pretend otherwise would mean
engaging in the irresponsible action of incit-
ing people to futile uprisings. The best the
West can do for the captive nations, con-
cludes the theory, is to preserve the hope in
their ultimate delivery by refusing to give
formal sanction to the political status quo in
Europe and to help them improve their lot
under the present dispensations by practical
measures?designed to foster evolution
toward more internal freedom and less sub-
ordination to Soviet Russia. This theory does
not resist a closer examination.
The argument of a fully stabilized Euro-
pean situation is not borne out by the facts.
The countries of Western Europe have
achieved indeed a very high degree of inter-
nal political stability and a remarkable eco-
nomic growth and prosperity. They failed,
however, to develop the third essential ele-
ment of strength: adequate military power.
During the many years of American nuclear
supremacy their security was practically ab-
solute. But their continued dependence on
the strategic nuclear deterrent renders them
Increasingly vulnerable to Soviet intimida-
tion and blackmail.
There can be little doubt that the Soviet
rulers are not only intent upon changing
the situation in Europe to their advantage,
but also believe they can accomplish this
without the mortal risks involved for them
in a major war. The basic premise of Soviet
political strategy toward Western Europe is
that the Soviet advances in nuclear striking
power have or are about to neutralize the
strategic nuclear power of the United States.
As a consequence of such neutralization, the
balance of power in Europe is shifting to the
overwhelming advantage of the Soviet Union,
whose ground forces will acquire a new free-
dom of action. In the words of a report
prepared last year for the Foreign Relations
Committee of the U.S. Senate by a Columbia-
Harvard research group: "With the strategic
nuclear weapons neutralized, Soviet superi-
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1961 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
oritv in other forms of military power be-
comes of greater significance, both militarily
and politically. This superiority of military
power in the various categories would mean
not necessarily that the Soviet leadership
would choose to attack, but that it could
bring about political changes in one part of
the world or another without having to at-
tack. As Mr. Khrushchev sees it, what re-
mains is for the Western nations to be
realistic about adjusting their positions
abroad to a weaker power relationship."
This interpretation of Soviet policies f
tallies with the forward strategy set forth
With ostentatious confidence in the state-
ment issued last December in Moscow follow-
ing the conference of 81 Communist parties
and in the speech delivered on January 6,
1961, by Nikita Khrushchev. It is, further-
more, confirmed by the renewed emphasis
placed in the communique issued on March
30, 1961, following the Moscow meeting of
the rulers of the countries of the so-called
Warsaw Pact on the urgent necessity of con-
cluding a peace treaty with "both German
states" and on converting West Berlin into
a "demilitarized free city."
The arena of contest has indeed been
broadened. In 1955 it was extended to
Africa. In 1959 Latin America, too, became
an active front. But geography, experience,
skill, population and resources make Europe
the major target of Sov4et efforts and, there-
fore, the principal front. Communist vic-
tories in other continents may help Soviet
strategy in Europe. But such victories would
not be necessarily decisive, whereas failure
of the forces of freedom to make a stand in
Europe will seal the fate of at least Africa
and the Middle East. The fincommitted na-
tions are and will remain in the foreseeable
future so weak that they will mirror rather
than determine the balance of power. It is
in Europe, therefore, that the balance of
power can be disrupted with decisive conse-
quences.
The argument that the freedom of the
captive countries can no longer be a prac-
tical goal of western policy overlooks an
essential factor. As long as the strategic nu-
clear deterrent was unquestionably effective,
the captive countries may have been of little
strategic interest for the West. However,
with the increasing neutralization of the
strategic deterrence and the ensuing effort to
build up an alternative deterrence, the cap-
tive countries become a potentially vital
element of Western European security.
Whether the Soviet rulers must or not reckon
in their strategic calculations with a high
coefficient of risk in the captive countries,
which lie athwart their lines of communi-
cation, may make, in the coming years, all
the difference between acceptable and unac-
ceptable risks for the Soviet Union, that is,
between effective deterrence or no deterrence
at all.
Soviet diplomacy persistently seeks to
wrest from the Western Powers the express
or at least tacit admission that the political
status quo in East-Central Europe is perma-
nent. In turn, Soviet propaganda tirelessly
strives to convince the respective peoples
that the world balance of power has tipped
decisively in favor of the Communist camp.
Both efforts prove that the Soviet rulers are
aware of their vulnerability in the captive
area and are intent upon promoting there
a spirit of hopelessness, leading to passivity
and resignation. For this alone would per-
mit them to discount the likelihood of ac-
tive resistance in all circumstances.
It follows, that in order to mobilize all the
forces which are needed to counter effectively
he effort of Soviet Russia to change the
situation in Europe in her favor, by means
of pressures, intimidation and blackmail
rather than war, the Western Powers must
commit themselves, in turn, to the purpose
of changing the status quo in their own
favor. To this end, they must pursue un-
remittingly and consistently, policies aimed
at extending the area of freedom in Europe.
The fear that such a commitment and policy
would stir up undue expectations in the
captive countries and might eventually lead
to futile uprisings appears at present entirely
unwarranted. After the tragic experience
of the Hungarian revolution, neither state-
ments of purposes, even if confirmed by
political and diplomatic actions, nor the
most inflammatory kind of propaganda can
bring any of the captive peoples to the boil-
ing point. The best a Western policy of
active concern can accomplish is to keep
them at a simmering point, that is, with
hope in eventual delivery and confidence in
the West alive. Uprisings and revolutions
on the Hungarian pattern appear today con-
ceivable only if Soviet military power were
neutralized, as a result of an internal crisis
in the Soviet Union, or effectively engaged
by Western forces (in the event of an open
Soviet aggression) . Still, the possibility of
violent popular outbreaks, born of sheer des-
pair, cannot be entirely discounted.
A policy that would avoid a commitment
to the clear goal of freedom and independ-
ence for the nations of East-Central Europe
and would aim, instead, at fostering amelio-
rations under the present dispensations
could hardly bring into accord the interest
of the free and the captive nations. By its
standoffish cautiousness, such a policy could
not fail to undermine the spirit of resist-
ance in the captive lands and, with it, sqaun-
der away a deterrent factor of vital signifi-
cance for the survival of freedom in any
part of Europe. This is not to say that the
captive peoples would not welcome a less
repressive internal regime, less subordina-
tion to Soviet Russia, some economic amelio-
ration and more contacts and cultural ex-
changes with the West. It means, however,
that nations deeply rooted in history, as are
the captive nations, will never settle for such
marginal gains at the price of their inalien-
able rights.
In practical terms, the main question is
whether even at the price of sacrificing the
goal of full freedom and independence, West-
ern policy could generate or only stimulate
an evolution towards more, though limited,
freedom and independence. In other words,
the question is whether the Yugoslav or
Polish situations represent patterns that
could be duplicaed elsewhere.
Titoism was the product of a unique com-
bination of geographical and historical fac-
tors. These factors have all along been
lacking in the other captive countries. Since
the Hungarian revolution, which has shown
to all satellite rulers the risk of finding
themselves face to face with their own peo-
ple, none of those rulers even dreams of let-
ting himself be weaned away from Moscow?
the only dependable source of his power and
privileges.
As for the so-called Polish pattern of a
less repressive, more tolerable internal re-
gime, three main factors combined in 1956
to bring it about: (1) the Soviet fear of an
international conflict at a time when the
balance of power was distinctly favorable to
the United States; (2) the internal tensions
in the Soviet Union, due to the then still
unresolved struggle for power in the Krem-
lin and the ensuing impairment of the de-
icsionmaking process, and, most important
of all (3) the pressure of the Polish people
and the resulting fear of an explosion that
would spread to the whole captive area. All
these factors have lost their effectiveness
since 1956. The balance of power is now
more favorable to the Soviets. The struggle
for supreme power in the Soviet Communist
Party was won by Khrushchev, and the cap-
tive nations were discouraged both by the
fate of the Hungarian revolution and by the
general trend of Western policies. Events
have since demonstrated that, for the Com-
munists, the Polish October was a mere tac-
A3039
tical retreat at a time when concessions
remained the only way to avoid an explo-
sion. In the years which have lapsed since
1956, most of the gains made by the Polish
people have been gradually nibbled away.
The process is still in progress against mute
but stubborn popular resistance, and it goes
hand in hand with an increasingly repressive
trend all over Eastern Europe.
It would appear, therefore, that the out-
look for duplicating the so-called Yugoslav
pattern is practically nil. As regards the
so-called Polish pattern, it could conceivably
be repeated in circumstances comparable to
those prevailing in Poland, in October 1956.
But since pressure from below was one of the
main factors at that time, it can hardly be
Imagined how this can be generated by a
Western policy of friendliness toward the
Communist regimes. This applies, of course,
to the concept of economic aid, the only
exception being Poland where such aid may
contribute to slowing down the process of
gradual retreat from the gains of October
1956.
The assembly of captive European nations
holds that the captive nations of Europe are
of vital significance to the United States and
its allies on at least four counts:
1. They are an essential part of the alter-
native deterrent the West is endeavoring to
create in Europe.
2. Their issue can help the West in estab-
lishing a balance of pressures in negotiations,
in United Nations debates and in the propa-
ganda war.
3. They enable the West effectively to un-
dermine the claim that the emancipation of
colonial peoples is a Western rout confirm-
ing the inevitability of the worldwide victory
of communism.
4. They represent the key to a strong and
self-reliant Europe and thus to a dependable
peace.
III
A program of measures designed to stimu-
late hope and faith in the captive countries
can only fulfill the previously listed immedi-
ate and long-range purposes if the present
image of an irresistible Soviet momentum is
replaced by the impression that the tide
has turned, or is about to turn in favor of
the West. This can be accomplished only
by a measurable, territorial adva.nce of free-
dom against communism anywhere in the
world. There is a further condition of suc-
cess for such a program. It should not ap-
pear motivated by either generosity or self-
ish interest. It should rather suggest that
the free world has come to realize the
strength of the bonds of mutual interest
between the two parts of Europe; it is fully
aware of its vital stake in the freedom and
independence of the east-central European
nations and is, therefore, prepared both as
a matter of principle and self-interest, to do
something about it.
Specifically, in the view of the Assembly of
Captive European Nations the morale of the
captive peoples of Central and Eastern Eu-
rope and their faith in the West will be
sustained, the long and short-term interest
of both free and captive nations served and
a useful balance of pressures established if
the Government of the United States of
America were to-
1. Reaffirm the validity of the wartime and
postwar legal commitments and pledges with
respect to Albania, Bulgaria, Czechoslovakia,
Estonia, Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland
and Rumania, and its continued determina-
tion to seek the observance of these obli-
gations by all concerned;
2. Insist firmly in any diplomatic parleys
or conferences on European problems with
the rulers of the Soviet on the withdrawal
of Soviet armed forces and agents from the
territories of, the above nine captive coun-
tries, as well as on the holding in these
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A3040 CONGRESSIONAL RECORD ? APPENDIX
countries of free elections under interna-
tional supervision.
3. Inscribe on the agenda of the United
Nations General Assembly the question of
the denial of self-determination to the
above nine captive countries and press for
a debate and investigation of this charge.
4. Work out with the European partners
of the United States in the summit confer-
ences and promote by all appropriate means
a plan for an overall European settlement
based on the principle of self-determination.
5. Insist , on the inclusion of the Hun-
garian question on the agenda of each yearly
session of the United Nations General As-
sembly, and propose, regardless of the pros-
pects of such proposals being adopted, (a)
the rejection of the credentials issued by
the Kadar regime, and (b) measures of en-
forcement.
6. Promote a worldwide movement against
Soviet colonialism.
There are other practical measures and
attitudes which could be taken to good avail
for the same ends. Among these the fol-
lowing may be worthy of consideration:
(a) To downgrade the present diplomatic
missions to the satellite governments.
(b) To desist from actions and moves
which give respectability to the satellite re-
gimes and compound the effect of past acts
of recognition.
(c) To challenge in the United Nations on
all appropriate occasions the qualification of
the satellite delegates to speak on human
rights and expose systematically the record
of denial of human rights in their respec-
tIve countries.
(d) To call for a United Nations investi-
gation of conditions in prisons and forced
labor camps in the captive countries, as well
as for the release of all prisoners detained
because of their convictions or past political
affiliations.
(e) Invigorate radio propaganda to East-
ern Europe.
(f) Seek full reciprocity in all cultural
exchange programs, and warn American par-
ticipants against letting themselves be ex-
ploited for political propaganda purposes by
the Communist rulers or their agents.
(g) To call for the abolition of the almost
prohibitive restrictions imposed by the satel-
lite regimes on the sending of individual
food, medicine, and clothing packages from
the free world to relatives and friends in
the captive countries.
(h) To sustain the organizations estab-
lished in the free world for the purpose of
voicing the political aspirations of the cap-
tive nations, and preserving their cultural
heritage.
iv
The Assembly of Captive European Na-
tions believes that the struggle to prevent
any further extension of Soviet power in Eu-
rope and in other parts of the world cannot
be separated from the struggle for the re-
covery of freedom wherever it has been sup-
pressed by communism. Denying to the
Soviet Union external successes is in itself
productive of internal stresses. It gives the
lie to the Soviet Claim about the inevitability
of the worldwide victory of communism and
is thereby a powerful antidote to resignation
and apathy among those held captive. Car-
rying the struggle to the enemy-controlled
territory is apt to deliver a serious blow to
the most important weapon of communism
against the free world and particularly
against the politically unstable, economi-
cally and socially underdeveloped and mili-
tarily feeble countries; the impression that
communism is irresistibly moving toward its
goal.
Against an enemy irrevocably committed to
one world, his own, there is no safeguard
in a search for mere survival by means of
accommodations and static defense. The way
to survival is a firm commitment to a para-
mount purpose?a world of freedom under
law, a dynamic, worldwide challenge of com-
munism.
Latin American Aid
SPEECH
OF
HON. PHILIP J. PHILBIN
OF MASSACHUSETTS
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
Tuesday, April 25, 1961
The House in Committee of the Whole
House on the State of the Union had under
consideration the bill (HR. 6518) making
appropriations for the inter-American social
and economic cooperation program and the
Chilean reconstruction and rehabilitation
program for the fiscal year ending June 30,
1961, and for other purposes.
Mr. PHILBIN. Mr. Chairman, let me
compliment the distinguished gentleman
from Louisiana [Mr. PASSMAN] for his
usual masterful presentation on the
Latin American assistance program.
His able analysis of foreign aid bills is
always most helpful and his remarks to-
day, as usual, provide wise guidance for
the House.
There is no question that an effective
program of aid to Latin America, despite
the many widely scattered contributions
we have made in the past, is long over-
due, one that is specifically designed to
assist our friends in this part of the
world.
Attention has been directed to lack of
full information from the agencies con-
cerned about the scope and extent of
specific projects to justify the appropria-
tions requested in this bill. In this re-
spect, Mr. Chairman, I would like to di-
rect the attention of my colleagues and
those agency officials concerned to a
most worthy project which deserves the
type of assistance we seek to provide in
the Latin American assistance program.
I speak of the recently instituted Ciu-
dad de los Nifios or Boys Town, at San
Jos?in the friendly, neighboring Re-
public of Costa Rica.
To my mind, this project is particu-
larly deserving of assistance because it
appears to fit quite naturally within the
framework of the 'program outlined re-
cently by the President for Inter-
American cooperation.
Ciudad de los Nifios is only a few
months old and already it has taken to
its care 64 Costa Rican boys, ranging
from 12 to 18 years of age, orphans or
the victims of broken homes and, some,
graduates of reformatories.
It is the purpose of this institution,
much as with our well known and famed
Boys Town in Nebraska, not only to
harbor such unfortunate boys, but to
impart to them the essential education
and training they need to become use-
ful citizens.
I am advised that Ciudad de los Nifios
has the official sanction of the Govern-
ment of Costa Rica and that a special
Costa Rican commemorative stamp has
been issued to signalize its establish-
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ment. I am also informed that heed
for such an institution is so great that
plans are already underway for the es-
tablishment within the near future of
a physical plant capable of taking care
of 2,000 boys. At this time, work is pro-
ceeding on the erection of housing facili-
ties to accommodate 150 boys by the first
of next year.
Notice of this activity has come to my
attention through friends of the As-
sumption Fathers who have been en-
trusted with the development and direc-
tion of Ciudad de los Nifios. This most
versatile and enterprising order of
Catholic priests, founded over 100 years
ago in France, carriers on a wide variety
of activities, largely in the field of edu-
cation, throughout the world, including
that unique educational institution in
this country, Assumption College, located
in Worcester, Mass.
Many young men from my district at-
tend Assumption, which is especially
dedicated to the liberal arts, to French
and religious culture, and to inter-
national relations. Over the years, like
many others, I have respected and ad-
mired the magnificent works of the As-
sumption Fathers and many of us in this
House will long remember the truly he-
roic work of this dedicated order in re-
building, as a preparatory school, their
combined preparatory school and college
facilities which were devastated by the
Worcester tornado of June 1953. Now
the Assumption Fathers have established
a fine, new Assumption College campus,
also in Worcester, devoted entirely to
the college department,
Ciudad de los Nifios is a practical, hu-
mane undertaking of the Assumption
Fathers which could well have a strong
and favorable impact on our interna-
tional relations. It is an undertaking
which offers this Nation a fine oppor-
tunity to lend a timely helping hand in
the true spirit of inter-American good
neighbor cooperation. It is my under-
standing that, in order to keep pace with
the opportunities it has to accomplish
good, Ciudad de los Nifios is urgently in
need of long-term financing which
would permit it to go ahead with the
building of an adequate physical plant.
I hope that under the regulations worked
out by the Inter-American Development
Bank that deserving projects like this
will receive just and sympathetic consid-
eration of their needs.
It would appear that here at Ciudad
de los Nifios we have a pilot venture
which should be encouraged by those
agencies responsible for the develop-
ment of the Latin American aid pro-
gram. What could more aptly portray
to our fellow American Republics the
deep humanitarian motives of the United
States of America than to extend to a
particularly unfortunate segment of the
youth of Costa Rica the friendly hand
of friendship within the spirit of the
President's cooperative program?
The long-term benefits of such a ges-
ture can readily be seen. They are elo-
quently expressed by an Assumption
father, a product of Assumption College,
newly assigned to Ciudad de los Nirios
who writes to a good friend:
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87TH CONGRESS H. R. 8599
1ST SESSION
A BILL
To amend various sections of the Atomic
Energy Act of 1954, as amended, and the
EURATOM Cooperation Act of 1958, and
for other purposes.
By Mr. HOLIFIELD
AUGUST 9, 1961
Referred to the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy
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87T11 CONGRESS u 0 R. 8599
1ST SESSION
I 1
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
AUGUST 9, 1961
Mr. HoLmELD introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Joint
Committee on Atomic Energy
A BILL
To amend various sections of the Atomic Energy Act of
1954, as amended, and the EURATOM Cooperation Act of
1958, and for other purposes.
1 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representa-
2 tives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,
3 That there is hereby retroceded to the State of California the
4 exclusive jurisdiction heretofore acquired from the State of
5 California by the United States of America over the follow-
6 ing land of the United States Atomic Energy Commission
7 located in Alameda County, State of California, and within
8 the boundaries of the Commission's Livermore site:
9 Beginning at a post marked L.P. XII, in the exterior
10 boundary line of the Rancho Las Positas, set at the south-
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1 east corner of subdivision numbered 6 of plot J, of said
2 rancho, as said plot is described in the decree of partition of
3 said rancho rendered June 18, 1873, in case 2798, Aur-
4 recoechea against Mahoney, certified copy of which decree
5 was recorded December 13, 1873, in book 95 of deeds at
6 page 206, Alameda County Records, and as said subdivision
7 is shown on the map hereinafter referred to; and running
8 thence west along the southern boundary line of said plot J
9 79.28 chains to a post marked LP. XI, set at the south-
10 west corner of subdivision numbered 5 of said plot J, as
11 said subdivision numbered 5 is shown on said map; and
12 thence north along the western boundary line of said sub-
13 division numbered 5 and along the western boundary line of
14 subdivision numbered 8, as said subdivision numbered 8 is
15 shown on said map, 79.46 chains to a post set at the north--
16 west corner of said subdivision numbered 8; thence east
17 along the northern boundary line of said subdivision num-
18 bered 8 and subdivision 'lumbered 7 as shown on said map,
19 79 chains to a post marked L.P. XIII; and thence south
20 along the eastern boundary line of subdivision numbered 7,
21 as said subdivision numbered 7 is shown on said map,
22 and along the eastern boundary line of said subdivision num-
23 bored 6 of said plot J to the point of beginning.
24 Being a portion of said plot J of said rancho, as shown
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1 upon a certain map of a portion of the Rancho Las Positas
2 surveyed for J. A urrecoechea, August 1876, by Luis Cas-
3 tro, county surveyor, and also known as subdivisions 5, 6,
4 7, and 8 in the official map of the county of Alameda, State
5 of California, made by George L. Nusbaumer and W. F.
6 Boardman, adopted by the supervisors of said county, Sep-
7 tember 24, 1888, and issued May 1, 1889.
8 Beginning at northeast corner of the northwest quarter
9 of section 13, township 3 south, range 2 east, Mount Diablo
10 base and meridian, being also the northeast corner of the
11 160 acre tract owned by Louis Madsen, thence south 2,640
12 feet, more or less, along the east line of said quarter see-
tion and along the east boundary fence of said 160 acre
14 tract to the southeast corner of said northwest quarter of
15 said section 13, being the southeast corner of said 160 acre
16 tract and the northeast corner of a 30.66 acre tract owned
17 by John and Dora Bargman; thence south 506 feet, more
18 or less, to the southeast corner of said 30.66 acre tract;
19 thence south 965 feet, more or less, along the east fence
20 of a 129.34 acre tract owned by Charles M. and Sue I. G.
21 Nissen to a fence running east and west through said 129.34
22 acre parcel; thence west 500 feet along said fence through
619
,?deJ
said 129.34 acre tract; thence north, parallel to the east
24 line of the northwest quarter of said section 13, 4,111 feet,
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1 more or less, to north boundary of said section 13; thence
2 east 500 feet to the point of beginning, containing 47.175
3 acres, more or less.
4 Beginning at a point 30 feet east of the northeast corner
5 of the northwest quarter of said section 13; thence due south,
6 4,111 feet, more or less, to a point 30 feet due east of the
7 end of a fence across the 129.34 acre tract owned by Charles
8 M. and Sue I. G. Nissen; thence west 30 feet; thence north
9 4,111 feet, more or less, to the northeast corner of the north-
10 west quarter of said section 13; thence due east 30 feet to
11 the point of beginning, containing 2.83 acres, more or less.
12 This retrocession of jurisdiction shall take effect upon
13
acceptance by the State of California.
14 SEC. 2. Subsection 11 b. of the Atomic Energy Act of
15 1954, as amended, is amended to read as follows:
16 "b. The term 'agreement for cooperation' means any
17 agreement with another nation or regional defense organiza-
18 tion authorized or permitted by sections 54, 57, 64, 82, 91
19 c., 103, 104, or 144, and made pursuant to section 123."
20 SEC. 3. Subsection ii u. of the Atomic Energy Act of
21 1954, as amended, is amended to read as follows:
22 "u. The term 'public liability' means any legal liability
23
arising out of or resulting from a nuclear incident, except:
24 (i) claims under State or Federal workmen's compensation
25 acts of employees of persons indemnified who are employed
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1 at the site of and in connection with the activity where the
2 nuclear incident occurs; (ii) claims arising out of an act of
3 war; and (iii) whenever used in subsections 170 a., c., and
4 k., claims for loss of, or damage to, or loss of use of property
5 which is located at the site of and used in connection with the
6 licensed activity where the nuclear incident occurs. 'Public
7 liability' also includes damage to property of persons in-
8 demnified: Provided, That such property is covered under
9 the terms of the financial protection required, except prop-
10 erty which is located at the site of and used in connection
11 with the activity where the nuclear incident occurs."
12 SEC. 4. Section 54 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
13 as amended, is amended by inserting after the words "five
14 thousand kilograms of contained uranium 235" the following
15 "five hundred grams of uranium 233 and three kilograms of
16 plutonium".
17 SEC. 5. Section 143 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
18 as amended, is amended by striking out "subsection 145 b."
19 and adding in lieu thereof "subsections 145 b. and 1.45 c."
20 SEC. 6. Section 145 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
21 as amended, is amended by deleting subsections d., e., and
22 f. redesignating subsection
GC fl
C.'
as subsection "d." and
23 subsection "g." as subsection "h." and adding the follow-
24 ing subsections:
25 "c. In lieu of the investigation and report to be made
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1 by the Civil Service Commission pursuant to subsection 1).
2 of this section, the Commission may accept an investiga-
3 tion and report on the character, associations, and loyalty
4 of an individual made by another Government agency which
5 conducts personnel security investigations, provided that a
6 security clearance has been granted to such individual by
7 another Government agency based on such investigation and
8 report.
9 "e. Tithe President deems it to be in the national inter10 -
est he may from time to time determine that investigations
11 of any group or class which are required by subsections a.,
12 b., and c. of this section be made by the Federal Bureau
13 of Investigation.
14 "f. Notwithstanding the provisions of subsections a., b.,
15 and c. of this section, a majority of the members of the
16 Commission shall certify those specific positions which are
17 of a high degree of importance or sensitivity, and upon such
18 certification, the investigation, and reports required by such
19 provisions shall be made by the Federal Bureau of
20 Investigation.
21 "0-b The Commission shall establish standards and
22 specifications in writing as to the scope and extent of in
23 vestigations, the reports of which will be utilized by the
24 Commission in making the determination, pursuant to sub-
25 sections a., b., and c. of this section, that permitting a
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1 person access to restricted data will not endanger the corn-
2 mon defense and security. Such standards and specifications
3 shall be based on the location and class or kind of work to
4 be done, and shall, among other considerations, take into
account the degree of importance to the common defense and
6 security of the restricted data to which access will be
7 permitted."
8 SEC. 7. Section 151 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
9 as amended, is amended by deleting in the descriptive title
10 the words "MILITARY UTILIZATION," and inserting in lieu
11
thereof "INVENTIONS RELATING TO ATOMIC WEAPONS,
12 AND FILING OF REPORTS."
SEC. 8. Subsection c. of section 151 of the Atomic
14 Energy Act of 1954, as amended, is amended to read as
15 follows:
16 "c. Any person who has made or hereafter makes any
17 invention or discovery useful in the production or utilization
18 of special nuclear material or atomic energy, shall file with
19 the Commission a report containing a complete description
20 thereof unless such invention or discovery is described in an
21 application for a patent filed with the Commissioner of
22 Patents by such person within the time required for the
23 filing of such report. The report covering any such invention
24 or discovery shall be filed on or before the one hundred and
25 eightieth day after such person first discovers or first has
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1 reason to believe that such invention or discovery is useful
2 in such production or utilization."
3 SEc. 9. Section 151 of the Atomic Energy Act of 1954,
4 as amended, is amended by adding at the end thereof the
5 following new subsection:
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"e. Reports filed pursuant to subsection c. of this sec-
tion, and applications to which access is provided under
subsection d. of this section, shall be kept in confidence by
the Commission, and no information concerning the same
given without authority of the inventor or owner unless
necessary to carry out the provisions of any Act of Congress
or in such special circumstances as may be determined by
the Commission."
SEc. 10. Section 152 of the Atomic Energy Act of
1954, as iniended, is amended to read as follows:
"SEc. 152. INVENTIONS MADE OR CONCEIVED D UR-
ING COMMISSION CONTRACTS.?Any invention or discov-
ery, useful in the production or utilization of special nuclear
material or atomic energy, made or conceived in the course
of or under any contract, subcontract, or arrangement
entered into with or for the benefit of the Commission, re-
gardless of whether the contract, subcontract, or arrange-
ment involved the expenditure of funds by the Commission,
shall be vested in, and be the property of, the Commission,
except that the Commission may waive its claim to any
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1 such invention or discovery under such circumstances as
2 the Commission may deem appropriate, consistent with the
3 policy of this section. No patent for any invention or dis-
4 covery, useful ill the production or utilization of special
5 nuclear material or atomic energy, shall be issued unless
6 the applicant files with the application, or within thirty
7 days after request therefor by the Commissioner of Patents
8 (unless the Commission advises the Commissioner of
9 Patents that its rights have been determined and that ac-
10 cordingly no statement is necessary) a statement under
11 oath setting forth the full facts surrounding the making or
12 conception of the invention or discovery described in the
13 application and whether the invention or discovery was
14 made or conceived in the course of or under any contract,
15 subcontract, or arrangement entered into with or for the
16 benefit of the Commission, regardless of whether the con-
17 tract, subcontract, or arrangement involved the expenditure
18 of funds by the Commission. The Commissioner of Pat-
19 ents shall as soon as the application is otherwise in condi-
20 tion for allowances forward copies of the application and the
21 statement to the Commission.
22 "The Commissioner of Patents may proceed with the
23 application and issue the patent to the applicant (if the in-
24 vention or discovery is otherwise patentable) unless the
25 Commission, within 90 days after receipt of copies of the ap-
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1 plication and statement, directs the Commissioner of Patents
2 to issue the patent to the Commission (if the invention or
3 (I;
?scoverv is otherwise patentable) to be held by the Com-
4 mission as the agent of and on behalf of the United States.
5 "If the Commission files such a direction with the Com-
6 missioner of Patents, and if the applicant's statement claims,
7 and the applicant still believes, that the invention or dis-
8 covery was not made or conceived in the course of or
9 under any contract, subcontract or arrangement entered
into with or for the benefit of the Commission entitling
11 the Commission to the title to the application or the pat-
12 Nit the applicant may, within 30 days after notification of
13 the Hung of such 11 direction, request a bearing hefore a
11 Board of Patent Interferences. The Board shall have the
15 power to hear and determine whether the Commission was
16 entitled to the direction filed with the Commissioner of
17 Patents. The Board shall follow the rules and procedures
18 established for interference cases and an appeal may be
19 taken by either the applicant or flue Commission from the
20 final order of the Board to the Court of Customs and Pat-
21 emit Appeals in accordance with the procedures governing
22 the appeals from the Board of Patent Interferences.
23 "If the statement filed by the applicant should there-
24 after be found to contain false material statements any noti-
25 fication by the Commission that it has no objections to the
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issuance of a patent to the applicant shall not be deemed in
any respect to constitute a. waiver of the provision: of till
section or of any applicable civil or criminal statute. and the
Commission may have the title to the patent tran4erred to
the Commission on the records of the Commissioner of
Patents in accordance with the provisions of this section. A
determination of rights by the Commission pursuant to a con-
tractual provision or other fl IFalgement prior to the request
of the Commissioner of Patents for the statement, shall be
final in the absence of false material statements or nondis-
closure of material facts by the applicant."
SIT. 11. Section I 57 of the fowl(' Energy Act of 1954,
1;1 as amended, is amended by adding at the end thereof the
14 following new subsection:
15 "d. PEmon OF LIMITATIONS.?Every application under
16 this section shall be barred unless filed within six years after
17 the date on which first accrues the right to such reasonable
18 royalty fee, just compensation, or award for which such
19 application is filed."
20 SEC. 12. The second sentence of section 158 of the
21 Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, is amended to
22 read as follows: "If the court, at its discretion, deems that
23 such licensee shall pay a reasonable royalty to the owner of
24 the patent, the reasonable royalty shall be determined in
25 accordance with section 157."
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1 Six. 13. Subsections 161 t., u., and v. of the Atomic
Energy Act of 1954, as amended, are hereby redesignated
respectively as subsections 161 s., t., and u.
SEC. 14. Section 167 of the Atonic Energy Act of 1954,
as amended, is amended to read as follows:
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"SEC. 167. CLAIms SETT LEIVIENTS.?The Commission,
acting on behalf of the United States, is authorized to con-
sider, ascertain, adjust, determine, settle, and pay, any claim
for money damage of $5,000 or less against the United
States for bodily injury, death, or damage to or loss of real
or personal property resulting from any detonation, explo-
sion, or radiation produced in the conduct of any program
undertaken by the Commission involving the detonation of
an explosive device, where such claim is presented to the
Commission in writing within one year after the accident
or incident out of which the claim arises: Provided, how-
ever, That the damage to or loss of property, or bodily injury
or death, shall not have been caused in whole or in part by
any negligence or wrongful act on the part of the claimant,
his agents, or employees. Any such settlement under the
authority of this section shall be final and conclusive for all
purposes, notwithstanding any other provision of law to the
contrary. If the Commission considers that a claim in ex-
cess of
5,000 is meritorious and would otherwise be cov-
ered by this section, the Commission may report the facts
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1 and circumstances thereof to the Congress for its considera-
2 tion."
3 SEC. 15. Subsection d. of section 170 of the Atomic
4 Energy Act of 1954, as amended, is amended by adding
5 at the end thereof the following new sentence: "A contractor
6 with whom an agreement of indemnification has been exe-
7 cuted and who is engaged in activities connected with the
8 underground detonation of a nuclear explosive device shall
9 be liable, to the extent so indemnified under this section,
10 for injuries or damage sustained as a result of such detonation
11 in the same manner and to the same extent as would a private
12 person acting as principal, and no immunity or defense
13 founded in the Federal, State, or municipal character of the
14 contractor or of the work to be performed under the contract
15 shall be effective to bar such liability."
16 SEC. 16. The Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended,
17 is amended by adding thereto the following new section:
18 "SEC. 190. LICENSEE INCIDENT REPORTS.?NO report
19 by any licensee of any incident arising out of or in connec-
20 tion with a licensed activity made pursuant to any require-
21 of the Commission shall be admitted as evidence in any
22 suit or action for damages growing out of any matter men-
23 tioned in such report."
24 SEC. 17. The second sentence of section 202 of the
25 Atomic Energy Act of 1954, as amended, is amended by
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1 striking out the word "sixty" and adding in lieu thereof
2 the word "ninety".
3 SEC. 18. Section 4 (c) of the EURATOM Cooperation
4 Act of 1958 is amended to read as follows:
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"SEC. 4. (c) The Commission shall establish and pub-
lish criteria for computing the maximum fuel element charge
and minimum fuel element life to be guaranteed by the manu-
facturer as a basis for inviting and evaluating proposals."
SEc. 19. Section 5 of the EURATOM Cooperation Act
of 1958 is amended in the following particulars:
(a) by deleting the words "One kilogram" and
substituting the words "Nine kilograms" immediately
following "Thirty thousand kilograms of contained
uranium 235",
(b) by adding the words "Thirty kilograms of
uranium 233" as an additional item immediately follow-
ing "Nine kilograms of plutonium", and
(c) by adding the words "or agreements" immedi-
ately following the words "an agreement".
SEC. 20. Section 7 of the EURATOM Cooperation Act
of 1958 is amended by deleting the period after the word
"amended" and inserting thereafter the following: "And
provided further, That nothing in this section shall apply
to arrangements made by the Commission under a research
and development program authorized in section 3."
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