DEVIATIONS IN STALINIST PRACTICE FROM MARXIST DOCTRINE

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• Publication Date: February 26, 1953
• Content Type: REPORT

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DEVIATIONS IN STALINIST PRACTICE
FROM MARXIST DOCTRINE
Security in non
25X1A9a
25X1A8a
25X1A2g
Date oompleteds 26 February 1913
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DEVIATIONS IN STALINIST PRACTICE FROM MARXIST DOCTRINE
Earl Marx, and the Soviet Unto_
Within the Soviet bloc, Karl Marx is revered as the guiding spirit.
The seventieth anniversary of his death, occurring this year, will be ob-
served throughout the Soviet orbit. Under the banner of Marxism, a uniform
philosophy of life is taught to the inhabitants of one-sixth of the sur-
face of the earth and his sayings and slogans are quoted again and again.
But nothing is more remote from his spirit, from what he really taught
and strove for, than what is now preached in his name within the Soviet
orbit. What wears there the mask of his ideals, is in truth the antithesis
of Marx. It is the very embodiment of what he fought against all his life,
and, were he now living, of what he would combat as ardently as he denounced
oppression and exploitation in his day.
I. Instead of Marxism Relapse into Utodaglem
Karl Marx is considered the conqueror of utopianism. He taught that
all socialism before him -- the socialism of St. Simon, Fourier, Owen,
Blanc, Proudhon, Blanqui -- consisted in attempting to bring about a
rationally conceived ideal, regardless of whether the preconditions for
its fulfillment were given. This "utopian socialism" could never succeed.
All attempts for its realization must necessarily degenerate into senseless
violence and result in the reappearance of still another class society. Ac-
cording to Marx, socialism can be achieved only if previously "preformed in
the womb" of the old society, that is, within a highly developed industrial,
capitalistic economy. It was, therefore, the task of socialists or commu-
nists (he used the terms with the same meaning at different times) to speed
up that process as soon as the productive forces of the econOmy had been
sufficiently developed. But only then. "Even when society has discovered
the natural laws of its development," he says, "it never can skip the phases,
nor abolish them by decree."
Russia was a most backward country, not ripe for a socialist revolution.
Nobody knew that better than Lenin. By coup d'etat he overthrew the Provis-
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Marx, Karl gaatIll p. VIII.
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had overthrown the half feudal regime of the Tsar. Lenin believed then that
his "putsch" would giv the signal for a, proletarian revolution in the more
industrialized countries. "If Germany won't follow us, we are lost," he
said in 1918. The capture of two cities, by a resolute team of professional
revolutionaries and the help of an aroused soldiery, was presented to the
world as the historic proletarian revolution of Russia. The first legisla-
tive measures of the Bolshevik Government, as for instance the eight hour
working day, unemployment insurance, renunciation of colonial privileges,
were focused on international propaganda. When other countries did not fol-
low the Bolshevik lead, (because, as in Russia, preconditions for revolution
were not yet ripe) there remained only one alternatives to strive for
"socialism in one country ? and to choose the way of force. A centralized
bureaucracy, reviving in many respects, the traditions of Tsarist Russia's
despotic rule, was supposed to transform a country of primitive peasants
into the society vislizejj by Marx as the culmination of a long in-
dustrial development. It was in truth a repudiation of Marx, who had dis-
cussed and rejected precis ly that alternative. The classic personalties
in the hiestory of socialism, representing this trend were Francois Baboeuf,
who lived during the French Revolution (1760-1797), and Marx's contemporary,
Louis Auguste Blanqui (1805-1881), who had both advocated enforcing socialism
under temporary suspension of democratic rights. Marx sharply criticized
Blanquism. He denied that rule by a cliqu 0 which had seized power by
coup d'etat and "had arrogated to itself the role of leadership of the
working class," could ever achieve socialism.
The Bolshevik Revolution was dir cted against the young Russian demo-
cracy, which afforded as much political liberty as any oth r country at
the time "not against Tsarism? the aristocracy, or the White Guardist
counterrevolution, but against the other socialist parties that had been
more successful in the struggle for the souls of workers and peasants
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g,./ Marx, too, expected as much as that of a Russian revolution.
2/ About him and his influence, see J. T. Talmon? The Rise of Totalitarian
Democracy, Boston, 1952.
k/ Karl Marx, Civil War in France, 1876. Rosa Luxemburg had reproached Lenin
for relapsing into Blanquism as far back as 1904 (Die Neue 1903-04).
1/ Karl Kautsky? Social Democra vs Communism, New York, 1946, p. 65.
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Convocation of a Constitutional Assembly had been one of the Bolshevik
demands. The Assembly convened in March 1918 and, when, contrary to Lenin's
expectations it became evident that only a hopeless minority of the deputies
were Bolshevik, he had the Assembly dispersed by bayonets. This very act
was the signal for the Civil War which was started by the party of the
Socialist-Revolutionarie . But for that, the generals, who subsequently
led the war, would never had found sufficient following.
The Communist Party as it was subsequently re-nam d in 1918, established
its rule over Russia by demagogic promises of immediee expropriation of land
and a separate peace, and maintained it by using the Red Army and the Tchekao
After the first attempts at socialism had failed completely,. (for Which the
rather half-hearted foreign interve tion was blamed) Lenin partly reinstated
a free market economy?, (the New Economic Policy, the NEP). And when later,
this policy jeopardized the central control of th Soviet Government, Stalin
proceeded on what Marx had called the Jacobin way. He instituted for
industrialization and collectivization of agrictlture. He enforced the policy
of accumulating capital by lowering living standards of laborers and peasants
to the very limit of endurance. Thus far, Communist rule continued true to
its origin as a "Jacobin-Blanquist dictatorship" which, with mailed fist, at-
tempted to put a utopian concept into practice.
II. Infitald_g_&12r1ty Rule - Bureaucratic Autocra
When Marx speaks of dictatorship of the proletariat, he means dictator
ship of a majority. He regarded the Workers Councils of the Paris Commune
of 1874, as a new form of representative democracy. In his pamphlet, atait
and_gmaggpn, which was published before the October Revolution, Lenin,
with Marx as authorithrecommended that the Sov1ete,0Councils of Workers
and Peasant Deputies1)? formed during the Revolution of 1905 and the
February Revolution of 1917, be representatives of the revolutionary classes,
excluding the old ruling classes. Yet Lenin did not abide by hie slogan "All
power to the Soviets", when other socialist parties had a majority in many
of the Soviets*
ki David Shub? Lenin A RiggrAphy. Garden City, 1948
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The election pro, dure was rigged in such a way that only candidates of the
Communist Party and "partyless" candidates, approved by the Party, could be
elected. The Soviets were divested of all executive power and served merely
as transmission belts for the Communist Party. Hence s one can justly say
that the name "Soviet Union" is a misnomer. When s in World War III, the Red
Army established the so-called "Peoples Demoaraeies", the part played by
the Soviets in Russia was assigned to frauduleet coalition governmentss dani-
nated by the local Communists. The Russian Communist Party in time lost its
character of a party in the democratic sense? and was developed as a hi rarchie
cal power apparatus. By way of its "sells", it directs all state institutiones
mass organizations trade unions, the allegedly self-goveening union republicss
autonomous republics and oblaets. In all essential matters, the local Anitss
established by the Soviet Constitation, are controlled by the tentralized
single party.
But things did not stop there. After the Soviets had become a front
for Party dominations the Communist Party itself Was transformed into a mere
instrument for domination by single leader and a few associates. Lenin's
slogans "democratic centr lisle, which purports that there should be influe
ence from the lower ranks upward and from the upper ranks d wnwards has come
to mean no more tha "All power to the Central Committee". The "Fuehrer
principle" reigns supreme. Whatever possibility for free discussion may
have existed within the higher echelons has vanished completely. Potion
of factions within the Party is branded as a crime - "factionalism". The
Secret Police actually dominate the Party its rank and file have lost all
autonomy and initiative. There is only one kind of equality lefts all
Party members are subject to the arbitrary will of the leader, presieely
as in the days of Ivan the T rrible when the most xalted boyar and th
lowliest serf were equal before the will of the Ts r. The most recent Pert'
Statutes adopted in November, 1.952,ft:101 reflects the rule of hierarchic
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2/ Article 126 of the Constitutio of 1936 d clams, "The Communist Party
is the guiding nucleus of all organizations of the working people, both
public and state."
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discipline and the end of autonomous conteol.
To Marx, dictatorship of the proletariat never meant dictatorship of a
minority party, let alone of an uncontrolled "Leader".
III. Instead of the Withereege.qIete - the TotaliteetaeAtete
Marx wanted society to replace the state. The existing bureaucracy, the
standing army,. the courts, the state police?all had to di appeae, eine they
all had a vested interest in the old regime and w re likely to s botage the
newe Th necessary government funetions should t? performed in the interest
of society by freely elected officials, replaceable at any time t the will
of the constituency. The standing army should supplanted by a militia
requiring short time service and an organization near and friendly to the
1Q/
people should replace the State Police0 nTia administration should be
centered at the lowest level, nearest to the masses, and should leave to
the central government only those matters which by their n ture are common
to the working people of the Whole republie." Marx advocated decentralized
self-government and visualized the eventual disappearance of the state as
an instrument of coercion.
The Soviet Union went the other direction. It created the most perfect
tyranny that human history had ever known, the totalitarian etate, surpassing
11/
by far similar fascist formatione. Never had man been oo subjugated to the
states, involving eva aspect of his life. Never had there been a state which
so oppressed all epontansoue assoolations and loyalties of men, which not only
se ixe tale ue GM D. co am -e,* i=ca ,za two ap =.4 en ma a. ego cc+ GIO .4 G..
1/ See Philip E. Mosely, The 19th Party Congress, in ForeiED-AtfAire, Decem-
ber 1952. The Control Committee of the Partye Which up to 1934 exerted
exclusive control over the membership, lost its influence to the Secret
Police.
2/ "Liberty consists in transformation of the state from an organ that domi-
nates society into an organ subordinated to society." (Letter of Marx to
a member of the Exedutiet Committee of the German Social-Democratic Party,
1875). Engels called the democratic republic "the specific form of the
dictatorship of the proletariat". (Die Nee Zeit. v. 21, 1891)
2,2/ Karl Marx!, Civil WereieeFrance, 1876.
". . the most vigorous and the mightiest power of all state powers
that have hitherto existed." Stalia's:Addrees to the lthPatiQe
in 1939.
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required passive obedience, as did the old type despotisms, but also demanded
unceasing active identification with the government.
The soul of this reign-of-terror is the Secret Police. It was highly
developed in Tsariat Russia, and survived up to the February Revolution.
Under Changing names, it rules supreme, standing above the law, above the
courts, above the army, above the Party, responsible only to the topmost leader.
Its power has increased with the years, and it now performs even economic taskss
administering forced labor camps and industrial projects, such as the atom power
plants and the White Sea Canal.
Lenin was afraid of the rise of a new bureaucraey, but was unable to pre-
vent it. The rule, that the income of a civil servant should not be higher
than that of a worker, has became obsolete. A new class society has sprsag
up with a privileged aristocraey comprised of the offialalt of the searet
police, the single Party, the government offices and the economic state enter-
prises. The old insignia and the elevated position of army officers have
been restored. In the labor field the fight against qualitarianise? the
leveling of wages, led to establishment of wage schedules with high differentials
between grades. The abolition of free education in higher educational Ansti-
tutiona in 19409, favored the formation of a new elite class which replaces
the ruling classes of the past.
This, of course, is never admitted. It is maintained, rather, that the
first step toward the new social order, socialis% and the classless society,
have already been achieved. No longer are class enemies at home blamed for
all evils; instead, it is now the intrigues of foreign capitalists. The glar-
ing contradiction to Miamian doctrine is blamed on capitalist encirclement.
Stalin pretends to act according to dialectic materialism when stepping up
state power to the utmost and suppressing all forces of autonomous society,
in order to make the state wither away. There 'an hardly be a batter example
MY MP 11p1 us, Cu eau co au can nu G.=4 C 4= 4= 44W 4W1 acr tub Wi 4= alb
la/ "The highest development of state power is preparation for the withering
away of state power - this is the Marxist formula. Is this contradictory?
Yes, it is ocontradictoryl. But this contradiction is vital and fuller
reflects Marxiet dialectics." Stalin vs kel,,,x,meteeetheeeleMetaretzSengereses,
1939 . 0 . Engels had expected "that a new generation of free and equal
producers might be in a position to dispose of the entire 'state rubbish."
(Preface to Marx,s 14A1lAgeleifeeemee). Nobody could possibly contend
that Soviet producers are on that wayo
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of the misuse of dialectics.
IV. Instead of theea4.41ft of the Worker to the Fullyleld of Ris Labor -
.E2T,Loitaiionet?:, Start! Slavee4rivers
Marx called upon the workers of the world to fight for the full yield of
their labor. The struggle for freedom of association, for better wages and
hours, for factory inspection, for workers factory eommittees and social
insurance was to Marx at once a means of political education for the laborers,
to prepare them for socialism. According to Marx, nobody could free the
workers but themselves. He gave them an ideal to fight for and engendered their
confidence in ultimate success. He stressed the importance of spontaneous initi-
ative on the part of the workers; for this reason he welcomed the founding of
consumers' co-operatives by the Rochd le pioneers in 1844m as a ray of light'
12/
in a period of darkness.
The subjugation of Soviet workers by the state apparatus veto a long,
tragic process. On the memorable 7th November 1917, the Petrograd Soviet of
Workers and Peasant Deputies, having overpowered the Kerensky Government, pro-
claimed that "control of the industry by the workers had been assured". In
the first years of the new regime, the aepirations of the international labor
movement were embodied in a series of progressive labor laws, which were in
eluded in the Codes of Labor of 1918 and. 1922. The Code of ?30 Dezember 1922,
enacted during the New Economic Policy period, has remained on the statute
book to the present day, despite the fact that many of its provisions have
been superseded or become inoperative. Paring the period of the Five-Year
.Plans beginning in 1928, the enslavement of labor and its subjection to the
state bureaucracy was initiated.
Accumulation of capital was to be azhieved by extreme restriction of
Ly
consumption and on- exploitation of labor. Bad investments, and the ever-
growing administrative -machine, absorbed an increasing portion of what to
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.1.2/ Marx, InEugmal Addrees. To Lenin "oe-operatives are miserable palliative
measures of petty bourgeois character." Soviet co-operatives were de-
prived of all autonomy and transformed into government retail stores.
e.g., Article 36 and 37 on the free movement of workers and the ban on?
deducting fines from wages.
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Marxists is the 'surplus value' of production. Labor lost practically all in-
fluence on the determination of wage schedulee, which are fixed by a central
authority. Al]. Soviet labor law is predicated an the fiction that any conflict
between the workers and the manager-state has ceased to exist, since the workers
themselves have become owners of all means of production. This, indeed, is an
absurd abuse of Narxian concepts, for the.. important point is not theoretical
ownership, but the right to control operation of the means of production. As
everywhere else, so also in the Soviet Union, management, qua management,
strives for efficiency through greater productivity at lower coats, while
labor, qua labor, strives for higher wages, better hours and working conditions.
Denial of this conflict belies r ality. The fiction is used as a pretext to
deprive labor of protection by the state and trade unions; while, in
11/
bureaucracy, on appointment
everything according to the
The piece-work system,
harmony with the capitalist
Soviet Union despite strong
fact,
of whiCh. labor has no influence whatsoever,directs
interests of management.
which Marx designated as the form of wage most in
mode of production, was introduced throughout the
trade union opposition in the 19201s, when the
unions still enjoyed some right of criticism. Later, multiple wages with
double or triple the normal pay for extra units of production, were introduced.
Practically no minimum wage is guaranteed. After 1931 "equalitarianism", the
----------
OM MIA Er... lEral eara .0 CZ I. .3 .0 COI .0 .2 OP .1 hi. SEA SAES ILZ GA WU ISLIf 111S.,
The proportion of management personnel is greater in the Soviet Union than
in the United States.
.1(1/ "Piece-wages (are) . 0 . the most profitable source of reductions in wages
and capitalist Cheating . Given the piece-wage, it is naturally the
personal interest of the worker to strain his labor power as intensely as
possible. This enables the capitalist to raise More easily the normal
amount of intensity of labor. It is now the personal interest of the
laborer to lengthen the working day, since by it his daily or weekly
wages rise . . It follows that the piece-waga is the form of wage most
in harmony with the capitalist mode of production." geepeitene;? (Kerr ode)
Vol. I, p. 605.
"It is impossible to maintain that Soviet workers work for themselves,
and insist at the same time on the Piece-wage system." Manya Gordon,
leikozeBeeszs_eAteptjenin, New York, 1941.
22/ Great Soviet 1933, states "The basic form of labor
in the USSR is piece-work wage, which provides control over expenditure
of labor and stimulates the labor of the piece-worker ."
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14/
leveling of wages, was denounced as "petty bourgeois nonsense", and the differ-
entials between wage categories was increased far beyond that in western
countries.
The piece-work system is intensified by the so-called Stakhanov movement.
In 1935, an "ordinary coal miner", Stakhanov, was reported to have produced
104 tons of coal in one shift, fourteen times abeTe the norm. The floodlight
of propaganda Was at once turned upon him. I every industry, "Stakhanovs"
were set to work under most favorable conditione, and performed miracles of.
production. They served everywhere as pace-settere for upgrading piece-work
scales. The workers at first vehemently resisted this violation of prole-
tarian solidarity. But they were cruelly subdued. Andrei Zhadnov declared,
"the Party will not shrink from any measurte to eweep away all resistance to
2g/
the victorious path of the Stakhanov movement', In the satellite countries, -
counterparts of Stakhanov appeared with characteristic national names, e. g.,
Pstrowskie in Poland; Henneckee in East Germany.
Soviet real wages lie below those even of the backward countries outside
?olei 2,?./
the iron Curtain. They are even lower than &ming Taariat times. The living
standard of the later NEP period has not eine been attained.
Labor books (records of employment) were introduced in 1938 as a measure
to prevent labor turn-over. They contain current records of the workers' em-
ployment, reasons for change af positions, and penalties and rewards. They
must be submitted to the management, where they are retained until the worker
leaves his post. ?
Trade unions ware gradually brought under complete control of the Party
apparatus, by means of Party cells within every unit. In 1937 and 1938, most
PPPP MPP p PP P pP pp pPpP POpp PPPP P PM P PP MI
2,g/ J. V. Stalin, Problems of Leninism, 10th ed., p. 583.
12/ For dates, see Schwarz, S., Lkhor IR the 'USSR, pp. 146-152, 2O1204.,
a(2/ auk, November 13, 1935,
11/ See Schwarz, 509 pp. 252-257.
ge/ See Nanya Gordon,Ecakers Before and After Lenin,
Labor books were first introduced in France by Napoleon IIIt in 1851.
Other countries followed. In 1890, they were abolished in France, as well
as in most other countries, under pressure of the trade unions. Hitler
resurrected them in Germany in 1935. Recently they were introduced in Poland.
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of the old leadership which had fought against piece-work, labor books, and
the Stakhanov system were purged. The old trade union leader; Mikhael Tomskii,
was deposed, and afterward committed suicide. The composition of trade union
committees in factories and other establishments was Changed seventy to eighty
per cent, the Central Committee ninety-six per cent (Statement of Shvernik at
the 18th Party Congress in 1939). The enslavement of labor was accomplished
during the years preceding World War II. A series of stringent laws were
enacted which still form the basie of present-day (1953) labor legislation.
They provide for freezing jobs; compulsory transfer of workers to ether jobs
of locations, introduction of internal passport
increased power for factory
managers, large scale conscription of youth into the Stat. Labor Reserves,
and prosecution by criminal courts of minor breaches in "labor discipline".
They were emergency measnres; but were; in large measure, carried over into
peace-time conditions. Large scale recruitment of workers and conscription
of youth into State Labor Reserves continue. Young people are not permitted
to leave their jobs; they can be transferred 14 other jobs and places with-
out regard to personal. preferenee. Trainees wear uniforms and meet observe
military discipline and courtesy. Leaving tchool without permission and
other minor violations of discipline are proeecuted by the criminal courts.
(Decree of December 28, 1940)
Job freezing and compulsory transfer of specialists has been retained,
as well as internal passports. Workers are financially liable for damage
caused by them and theft of state property is punished by death.
Free education, as guaranteed by Article 121 of the Stalin Constitution,
was not reinstated. Pupils in the higher grades of secondary schools and at
g=r, gya gy.
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university level must pay a tuition fee, not 'easily afforded by ordinary
workers. Those able to pay tuition are exempt from labor draft.
The trade unions have retained but a nominal right of joint consultation
in fixing the total wage amount for the entire country, the so-called national
wage bill, and in breaking it down for particular industries,. and between
various sections or plants.
The trade unions no longer act as pressure groups on the middle or lower
levels of labor. Collective agreements disappeared after 3_9330 Their outward
form was revived in 2947, but any bargaining over the dictated wages is ex-
cluded. Trade unions are merely intermediary administrative organs,. whose
purpose is to interpret management policy to the rank and file of labor, to
.press for higher norms., and to encourage the required "voluntary" services.
The old term of trade unions now connotes an agent of a elave-driver management.
The Damocles sword of banishment to a forced labor camp by mare administra-
tive order hangs over all workers. The ruthless exploitation, horrible con-
ditions, and exorbitant mortality in those camps were brought to light by the
United Nations investigation of 1952, which also revealed the exorbitant popu-
lation in these camps. Administered by the Secret Polie these camps form a
considerable portion of the Soviet labor force - far in excess of penal labor
anywhere else. They are an essential part of Soviet economy, and follow the
Soviet flag into the so-called people's democracies.
Sporadic, even imposing, teehnieal achievements, purchased at the price
of so much human aUffering, can be classed only on the same plane as the
slave-built pyramids of ancient Egypt.
The Soviet worker is an unequal and powerless partner in labor relation-
ships. He is confronted with the single empleyer-state which controls all
political and economic power. Freedom of association and the right to strike,
freedom of movement and freedoni' to Choose his profession -- all are denied
him. Conditions of labor are unilaterally dictated. His trade unions are
management organs, his living standards at a beggarly level. He lives under
a barrack-room discipline in constant fear of jail and forced labor camps.
aW On slave economies, see Marx, gaRitEl (German Volksausgabe, p. 453)0
"State slavery does not become communism, just because the slave drivers
call themselves Communists" (Karl Kautsky)
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All this grows worse and worse, and there is no hope of betterment. That is the
fate of the toiler in the land where "socialism has been victorious".
V. Instead of Volunta Peasant Co-operatile- Serfdom
Together with the industrial laborers, so also were the peasants subjugated
to the bureaucracy. The Bolsheviks had been able to win over many peasants
temporarily at the time of the October Revolution. This was achieved by out-
bidding the other socialist parties in demanding immediate seizure of the
land, instead of by orderly transfer. During the NEP period, the independent
farmers were able to defend themselves against exploitation by cutting their
deliveries of food. But at the time of the Five-Year Plans, their power was
broken. Forced collectivization, administered with inconceivable cruelty and
at a cost of millionsof lives, was finally inflicted on the Russian peasant.
Marx had not passed over the Russian agrarian question. The Russian
socialist,. Vera ZasuliChl. questioned him in February 1881, as to whether he
thought it possible for the then existing village communities, the so-called
, to be transformed into socialist co-operatives, as demanded by the pro-
12/
gram of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party. Marx answered her question in
the introduction to the Russian translation of his "Communist Manifesto".
He stated that this was possible only if a social revolution would take place
af
simultaneously in the industrialized countries. Both Marx, and later Engels,
had nothing but voluntary agrarian co-operatiVes in mind, they visualized
autonomous spontaneous associations, not state farms controlled by centrally
appointed managers. The devastating criticism leveled by Marx against the
village communes of Tsarist Russia applies, word for word, to the Stalin
kolkhosese
The conditions resulting from forced collectivization are practically
tantamount to the old Russian serfdom, which was abolished in 1861. Once
more the peasant is tied to the soil, again he must perform services for the
overlordship, again he lives in ceaseless fear of severs punishment, again
he retains only a minimum portion of time for tending his own small plot of
ceo et. co se cre am ex con se we Eif e.t cr> or-st eve v., cam c.z GEO 6ED ea go del CD go els
a2/ Karl Marx und Friedrich Engffil_Arrliov, Moskau, Vol. I, pp. 263-286 (Russian)
a_E/3 Published 1882.
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grounda The recent Nineteenth Party Congress visualized full nationalization
of the rural co-operatives. This double-dealing with the peasants was repeated
in the misnamed Peoples Democracies. In order to win over the peasants, the
old landed estates were first parceled out in tiny farms, which could yield
scarcely enough for survival. Later on the peasants were put under pressure
to join the collectives.
VI. Instead of International Sollskalyrof Workera -..,zpeanstirt_Great-Russian
IMEILIELIEM
The Workers g International is a creation of Marx. According to him, ag-
gressive policies of national states should be checked and world peace
guaranteed; at the sane time, the influence and interests of labor should be
promoted in all countries.
The International, the Comintern, founded by Lenin, aimed at bringing
about world revolution, since it was considered the nec ssary condition for
survival of the Russian Revolution. More and more, the Comintern ceased to
be an association of equal partners and fell under the centralized direction
of Moscow.
Its chief objective was to weaken the International of the Socialist
Parties and their political and economic organizations, and to wrest from them
the leadership of the working masses. The Comintern considered Socialist
Parties everywhere its main foe, rather than the capitalists, and did not
shrink from allying itself with labors worst enemies. Thus, it made possible
the election of von Hindenburg in 1925 as president of Germany, paving the way
for Hitler. Although the Communist International never succeeded in winning
over the bulk of Social-Democratic labor, it has weakened the labor movement
a9../
in many countries.
COM 1,1 1.4 'VP,/
The Cemmuelst InternationalAidentifies the interests of the Soviet Union
as "the Socialist Fatherland' with the interests of workers everywhere, and
makes the Communist Parties in individual countries mere agents of the Soviet
Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This office has more and more followed the lines
of old Tsarist imperialism, employing the Communiet doctrine of world revolution
4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4
a/ In particular, in Italy before the ea.zure of power by Mussolini.
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QJ
somewhat as Imperial Russia at times used the concept of Panslavism. But while
Tsarist imperialism had limited objectives, Soviet imperialism makes the dis-
gruntled and discontented the world over serve its Purposes. During its early
years, Soviet Russia announced its termination of the expansive colonial policy
of Imperial Russia, and solemnly renounced all privileges and concessions ac-
quired by the Tsars. But it was not long before the old policy, sometimes
cleverly camouflaged, was readopted.
Domestic conditions within the Soviet Union maks an aggressive forei
policy highly desirable.. The inefficiency and waste of its uncontrolled
bureaucratic economy necessitate the addition of ever new resources, and of
ever new countries to be drained of their produce and exploited for the bene-
2/
fit of the Soviet Union. The expansive foreign policy determines the character
of Soviet economy5 its stress on armament imettad of consumer goods fees
the whole outside world to rearm for ealf-defense.
The domestic policy of the Soviet Union toward its national minorities
abandoned the original position of Marx and the Russian Revolution, which
fought sternly for the rights of the oppressed peoples of Russia. On th
surfacs Soviet Russia still adheres to the semantics of national autonomy,
granting minor concessions as to language, emblems, and traditional. customs.
Yet, there is no real constitutional guarantee for the autosomy of the repub-
311
lies, ?blasts, and raions of what is called the Soviet Federation. During
4
IQ/ For use of the Panslavistic idea made by the Soviet Union daning World
War II. see Bane Kohn, Eanelavism, Its Histeryeend Ideology, Notre
Dane (Ind.)
.11/ Russian historians are bidden to refrain from denouncing the rapaeious
character of pre-Bolshevik expansion, but to emphasize its role as
prompter of civilization, a point of view never applied to British or
French colonization. The condemnation by Marx and Engels of Theriot
foreign policies was censored out of the Soviet Marx editions. A number
of passages in articles and letters on Ruseiags policy was published by
Paul W. Blackstock and Bert F. Hoselitz: Karl Marx and Fritgrlch Eelgeles
The Russian Menace tengggenes New York, 1952.
32./ See Peter Meyer, The Driving Force Behind Soviet Imperialism" in Com-
mentary, Vol. 13, No. 39 pp. 209-217. The article characterizes Soviet
expansion versus capitalist expansion.
.23./ ()blasts and raions are administrative local subdivisions.
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the last war, five autonomous republics and ()blasts were abolished by mere de-
cree, the people deported to undieelosed destinations, the languages eradicated,
the cities resettled and renamed? sincene central government is incessantly
interfering with the union republics?the secret police and the Party are
centralized. The Great-Ruseian natio ality ("Great-Russian" in contradistinction
to "Iittle-Russian"A or Ukrainian and Whit Russian) was declared as ranking
first among equals of Russian races. The Great-Russian language is obligatory
and national alphabets of nen-Slavic minorities are replaced by Russian-based
scripts, even when latin-baeed scripts were already in existence. Rtssian
patriotism is preached, Russian superiority praised in every field. The former
respect for foreign achievement is decried as cosmopolitanism. How far this
is from Marx, the re l cosmopolite!
VII. ineeteareloglatentel_fialeleigefeeolgiRdepegmetetea
Marx was a free spirit, a aritical, original thinker, 4 demolisher of
traditional theories. He refused to substitute authority for reasoning, and
denounced the influents of class interest on theoretical thinking', He occupies
an important place in the history of economics and sociology. No one - inched-
ing his opponents - can overlook the significance of the economic and social
factor in human history. His respect for facts, his passionate search for
truth, are beyond doubt?
It is a tragic absurdity that hie writinge have become the object of des-
matic interpretation in Soviet Russia, am though the sacred text of a revela-
tion. Marx, who had said of himself, 94e, I am not a Marxist", would have
hated nothing more than a sectarian petrification of his ideas.
Yet, Soviet theorists have completely abandoned the methods and spirit
of Marx. They would not openly dissent from his basic opinions; they are
only permitted to interpret thame The power of the State supports the offi-
cial interpretation, and any deviation from the latest approved version is
M m m m m Itsa Cm C. Cr. IM3 4:4 MS MS. CM MI cm ma azt L. eta
)14,/ Including Marxstadt in the former Autonomous Republic of the Volga Germans,
See Hans Kohn, above?
15/ "The Russian language (ranks as) the first world language of international
significance . . Nobody can regard himself as educated in the full and
true sense of the word if he does ot understand Russian ? ." David
Zaslavslcy in IlIttl*gyaAazptap January 1, 19500
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punishable by loss of reputation, posit1on0 or even life. Partiinost (partisan-
ship) is defined as the duty of always being aware of all political consequences
of any theoretical statement and of subordinating theory to politics. This
responsibility falls on every schplar. Abject fear stifles creative thinking;
1.6if
scholars are humiliated and forced into the role of charlatans. An ietfallible
leader who is "always right" and extolled as "genius".eis supreme authority on
all conceivable subjects of human knowledge, be it economics, biology, history,
?
linguistics, or philosophy.
Dialectics is employed as juptification for reducing all standards of
truth and ethics to relativity and for vindication of the incessant shifts in
policy. The public is expected to believe the most absurd statements; appeals
to the emotions are substituted for clear thinking. Suggestibility is,on-
hanced by unscrupulous use of all mass communication media. Free discussion of
essential controversies is suppressed. Airtight censorehip prevents all possi-
bility of independent judgment. The allegedly free working class is denied
the first premise of self-governmentr, access to the facts.
Publication of a definitiee edition of the writings of Karl Marx, which
was commenced soon after the Revolution, was stopped at the start. After
publication of the first five volumes, the editor, D. Ryazanov, was dismissed
in 1931. The publication ceased in 1935 and covers only the period prior to
1848. Afterwards, only "selected works" were published. Velumes of the
complete edition were withdrawn from oirsulation. The voice from beyond is
feared.
VIII. Instead72t_gman... 114.411.711Len_IMEOLAnd _Fr4g
The ideals of the French Revolution - Libeety, Equality, Fraternity - were
---
W W W
CM C. QM 60 = Y., M?ri 'OD Gika W 4. OW
/V "No Marxian treatise of the Russian Revolution, the Russian State and
Russian Society was ever Written and published under Bolshevism."
Fritz Sternberg, apj..talism and Sociallem oneTrieel, Toronto, 19520
.27/ See Max Rubel, "1st KarlArgExixePpaalanjelrrfehmtr (Is Karl Marx
Ostracized from NT17s7s7i;T) in Rip qukpft? Vienna, 1950D pp. 330 ff. and
M. Rubel, "Le sort de lfoeuvre de Marx et Engels en U.R.S.S." (The Fate
of the Works of Marx and Engels in USSR), in Leamme Socialists, Paris,
April 1952.
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near to the heart of Marx. His sense of true humanitarianism inspired his
struggle against oppression and exploitation; it impelled him to decry the
crippling of human personality through factory work and the division of labor;
and it prompted his demand for using technical progress to aid the individual
in the pursuit of happiness,
In place of these ideals we find complete indifference to human suffer-
ing in Soviet Russia; ruthless vietimization of human lives and uneonsolonable
lowering of living conditions; persecution of those potentially dangerous to
the regime regardless of the validity of their guilt; wholesale uprooting and
genocide of ethnic and social groups. Fear is the base on which this state
is founded.
The pledge of human rights in the Stalin Constitution is worthless, since
it includes no provision for implementation. Thera is no equivalent to habeas
corpus, no independent courts with safeguards for the accused only a recrude-
scence of mediaeval practises of torture. There is no public opinion; no
possibility for criticism,
Soviet rule is rale by lie, by fraudulent manipulation of semantics. Words
used for their suggestive effect, are wholly divested of their true meaning,
The Soviet rulers speak of democracy, autonomy, federation, where there is
merely centralized sbsolutism; of a Constitution, although it can be over-ridden
by simple decree; of rule of the Soviets, although the Soviets are but empty
shells; of consumers, co-operatives, although this denotes mere government
retail shops; of trade unions, although this designates agents for management;
of peace, while they threaten the whole world with aggression; of socialism,
while extorting the last ounce of energy from forced labor slaves; and they
celebrate Karl Marx in order to use him as sign-board for s brsreaucratie auto-
cracy, insatiable in its greed for power,
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BIBLIOGRAPHY
Aleksandrov, N. G. SoVeteiko a trudovo e ?ravo (Soviet Labor Law), Moscow, 1949
Official textbook
Arendt, Hannah, The On ins of Totalitarianism, New York, 1951
German translation in preparation)
Berlin, Isaiah, Airl Marx, 2nd ed., London 1948
Borkenau, Franz, The communist International, London 1938
7;17;aItion including Cominform in preparation)
Brill, Hermann L., Das sowietische Herrschaftsmkol (Soviet Government System)
d3foirce7T.951
Blackstock, Paul W., and Hoselitz, Bert F., editors. AsELAILL_Loilniedrich
flgele4 The Russian Menace to Europe, New York, 1952
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Czernetz, Karl, Der Kriegsgeist der Diktaturen (The War Spirit of Dictatorships)
in Der Monett, Berlin-Dahlem, 1949, Nioe -12
.Deutscher, Isaac, The Soviet Trade Unions, London, 1950
Diehl, Karl Ueber Sozialismus"Kommunismus and Anarchismus (On Socialism,
Communisml and Anara), Jena, 1922
Feigler, Fritz, _pI_LIke_&t_Ieinsmidlgarini_smus eine Ge enueberstellun (Leninism
and Marxism, a Comparison Munich, 1950 A Ph.D thesis)
Fischer, Ruth, Stalin and German Communism, Cambridge (Mass.), 1948
Gitermann, Valentin
Gitermann? Valentin,
Geschichte Russlands (History of Rusaia), Vol. 3, Zurich,
1949
Die historische Trulls_sles_agalaalltlEglftnIkt (The
Tragic History of the Socialist Idea), Zurich, 1939
Gordon, Manya? Worke a Beforean_LAtsatjEga, New York, 1941
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Gsovsky? Vladimir,- "Elements of Soviet Labor Law" in Itinthiv Labor Review,
Washington, D. Cop April/May 19510
(Also published as a separate pamphlet)
%levy, Elie, altolo_dg_ln,latilisma enzopeen (History of European Socialism)
Paris, 1948
(A course of Lectures)
Hunt, R.N. Carew, The TheormAnd Practice of Communism, New Yorks, 1951
(A short comprehensive ;t71;;TETT
Kautsky Karl, Soi.-Demss.M.1.1a-Comr---Lo-L....?-1-ni
Hook. New York, 1946
(A selection of articles. A
"Ueber Sozialdemokratie und
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Kautsky? Karl, Die Diktatur des Proletariats
Vienna, 1919
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m, with an introduction by Sidney
German translation under the title
Kommunismus" published in Vienna,
(Dictatorship of the Proletariat)
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Kautsky, Karl, Terqua_mieurbd Kommuniaplus, (Terrorism hand Communis ) Berlin,
1919-1925. New ed.. OffenbaCh am Main, 1947
Kautsky, Karl, Von der_Soziaidemokratie zur Staatssklaverei (From Social-
Democracy to State Slavery), Berlin, 1921
Kelsen, Hans, Sozialiamps und Ptaat, eineilLtarriagiamAtE_Ralltischen Theorie
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Kelsen, Hans, The Polltical_Theory of BoasheItzm, Berkeley, (Cal.) 1949
Kenafick, K. Jor, MiellAtIARVIdaand
Kohn, Hans, Pan ism. Its _Histqu_and Ideq12gY
London, 1949
. Notre Dame (Ind.) 1953
Kohn, Hans, RevolutiquAll Dictatorships, Cambridge (Mass.) 1941
Lenin, Vladimir :Lop All works. Thera are nany
State and Re:Volution, 1917
1170a Pro;etaritATLAMllatiga
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..aLlt.the Rentgasit_Kautsty, 1918
Lens, Sidney, The Counterfeit Revolution, Boston, 1952
Luxemburg, Rosa, The Russian Revolution, New York, 1940
Martov, Yulii 0., The State and the Social Revolg:Ilqa, New York, 1938
Tgrtov is a leader of the Russian Mensheviks)
Marx, Karl, All works. In particulars
Communist Manifestp, 1948 -
2g2ital, Vc1. 1, 1867 Vol. 2, 1885J Vol. 3, 1897
German Ideol2a, 1927
CiyilIALAILErant, 1870-71, 1876
=1E11" Of .the..0.Ottha Pram, 1875
Inau al AddreeA, 1864
See also under Paul W. BlaAstock)
Mautner, Wilhelm, De'r Bol_Lthwiamal2._y_pmaussetzangell.,__GesctLicie
zu leich eine Untersuc4mg_seines Verhaeltnisses zum MauisAm$
Bolshevism, Its Antecedents, History, Theory end an Inquiry
into Its Relationship to Marxism) Berlin, 1922
Mehring, Franz, Karl Marc Berlin, 1920
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Meissner, Boris, RuselandIRS_AtbzwilsitLWandell..n der_ Herrschafte.admag
und sozialen StrAtur in der;L:aziaLUni Transformed,
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Frankfurt am Main, 1951
Meissner, Boris, "Stalinistische Autokratie und bolschewistische Staatspartei"
(Stalinist Autocracy and Bolshevik State Party) in Empg
ArchJ,I, No. 4/5, 1952
Meyer, Peter, "The Driving Force- behind Soviet Imperialism" in agamtelty,
New York, Marsh 1952
Moore, Barrington, Soviet_Po/itict,_the Dilemma of Power, Cambridge (Mass), 1951
Mosely, Philip E., "The 19th PazLy Congress" in Esaign.rnalm, December, 1952
Plamenatz, John P., "Deviations from Mand.sm" in Poliluartly, January,
1950
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Plekhanov, Georgii V., A Year at Home. (Complete collection of his articles of
the years 1917-1918) Paris, 1921. In Russian (Plekhanov
was Lenin's teacher and opposed him during the October
Revolution.)
Rosenberg, Artur? Historylof the Bolshevik Park
y_es....amtu, London, 1934
Rubel, Max, "1st Karl Marx in Russiand verfehmt?"
in Russia?) In Pit zlikaz Vienna,
from Marx to the First Five
(I0 Karl Marx Ostracized
1950, pp. 330 if.
Salvador', Massimo, The Rise of Modern Communism, New York, 1952
Schwarz, Solomon M., Labor.in the_PggtAilinion, New York, 1952
Schwarz, Barry, ElleeWs Sovlet Eivnnmy? New York, 1950
Scott, Andrew, The AnAIPAY_9f_calIngET9 New York, 1951
Shub? David, Lenint A Biography, Garden City (7.Y.) 1948
Somerhause, Luc, L'Hpganisme alg.L.Lealt.d_t_lcaalleizx. (The Stirring Humanism of
Karl Mai-Z-Fe-ris? 1946
Sozialdemokratische Parte/ Deutschlands. Wesen und Werden der ?soialistischen
Internationale (Essence and Development of the Socialist International.),
E171771-iiidataji)
Stalin, Josif Vo, EralgtNI.gLkAtnita
giEXTY_Pg,:01Pp4putFJ.Partx_An_Ruskla. 1939
Steinberg, Julien, liAttlit_Thr.?I_PPSades,, New York, 1950
(Includes excerpts from Socialist articles on Stalinism,
among them Cherneqi., Hilferding, Kautsky, Luxemburg, Martov)
Sternberg, Fritz, amilaildL,and.$0_44Z1,611Lgaiffzials Toronto, 1951)
(German titles Kapitalismas /Ind Sozialismus vor der
Weltgeschichte, Hamburg, 1951)
TaImon? T. Lop The Rike_of_Tota1i4r1an_Dpmmagy, Boston, 1952
Theimer? Walter, per_X4rxtvmaga LehreeVir,,;47K-KrtW.; (Marxism, Teaching-Influence.
Criticism) Berne, 1950, in Sammlang Dalp, No. 73
Towster, Julian,1121411,0112wer in the USSR, 1917-1947, New York, 1948
Vorlaender, Karl, ka-butr3s? 2nd ad. Tuebingen, 1926
Wolfe, Bertram D., ULLILE112_Made a Renimtlom, New York, 1948
(German translation under the titles PzioL&majlex,diak.Aut
HILLeruhuetterten, published in Vienna, 1951
Wolfe, Bertram D., "Operation Re-Write, the Agony of Soviet Historians" in
fszelaLA, New York, October 1952
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25X1A2g 1176614141?
Deviations in Stalinist Practice from
Marxist Doctrine
(in German language)
11 Feb 53
7 Oct 53: 1 copy to Branch #1 Library
(memo removed ? CIA Internal Use Only)
Al Mt y 53 ? 1-
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