A COMPARISON OFFICAL STATEMENT ON PURGE COMMUNIST LEADERS Before and After Losing Favor As Found in Quotations from Stalin And Other High Communist Leaders

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• Publication Date: April 9, 1953
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A COMPARISON
OFFICIAL STATEMENTS ON PURGED COMMUNIST LEADERS
Before and After Losing Favor
As Found. in Quotations from
Stalin
And Other High Communist Leaders
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SECURITY IN TION
A. Stalin and the Soviet Government- Official Statements
1. STALIN on Trotsky, 1912?1913
"Despite his 'herioc' efforts and 'terrible threats'
Trotsky proved in the end to be just a, loud-mouthed
champion with fake muscles, for after five years of
'work' he did not succeed in uniting anybody but the
Liquidators, new fuss, old affairs, " (Stalin's Article
"The Elections of St. Petersburg" in Sotsial-Demokrat,
No, 30, 12 January 1913
b. "Trotsky lumps everyone together, opponents and sup-
porters of the Party alike, and of course, he gets no
unity whatever. , . The practical experiment of the
movement shatters Trotsky's childish plan of uniting
the un-unitable." (Stalin, "The Results of the Elections
in Worker's Curia of St. Petersburg", in Pravda, No.
150, 24 October 1912.) Similarly quoted in Deutscher,
I., Stalin: A Political Biography, , New York, 1949,
P. 121
"From the beginning to end the October insurrection
was inspired by the Central Committee of the Party,
with Lenin at its head. Lenin at that time lived in
Petrograd on the Vyborg side in a secret apartment..
On October 24 in the evening, he was called out to
Smolny to assume general charge of the movement.
All practical work in connection with the organization
of the uprising was done under the immediate direction
of Trotsky, the president of the Petrograd Soviet. It
can be stated with certainty that the Party is indebted
primarily and principally to Trotsky for the rapid
going over of the garrison to the side of the Soviet
and the efficient manner in which work of the Military
Revolutionary Committee was organized. The prin-
cipal assistants of Trotsky were Antonov and Podvoisky. "
(Stalin, "The October Revolution", in Pravda, No. 241,
6 November 1918., New York, 1934, -p. ' 3q ' _
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3. 1919.. Politburo Document Moscow, July 5, 1919
The Communist Party of Russia (B)
Central Committee
Kremlim
"The Organizational Bureau and the Political Bureau
of the Central Committee, after considering the statement
of Comrade Trotsky and discussing it in full, have come to
unanimous conclusion that his resignation cannot be ac-
cepted, being entirely out of question,
"The Organization Bureau and the Political Bureau of
the Central Committee will do all that they can to make
more convenient for Comrade Trotsky, and more fruitful
for the Republic, that work on the Southern Front which
Comrade Trotsky has chosen and which is most difficult,
the most dangerous and the most important at the present
moment. In his position as People?s Commissar for War
and Chairman of the Military Council, Comrade Trotsky is
also fully empowered to act as a member of the Military
Revolutionary Council of the Southern Front with the Com-
missar of the Southern Front (Yegerov) whom he himself
proposed and. whom the Central Committee has confirmed,
"The Organization Bureau of Political Bureau of the
Central Committee give Comrade Trotsky full authority by
every means whatsoever to achieve what he considers a
necessary correction of policy on the military question
and, if he so desires, to expedite the Congress of the
Party.
"Firmly convinced that the withdrawal of Comrade Trotsky
at the present moment is absolutely impossible, and that it
would cause the greatest injury to the Republic, the Organi-
zation Bureau of Central Committee emphatically suggest to
Comrade Trotsky not to raise this question again and to ful-
fill his functions in the future if he so desires, concentrat-
ing them in the maximum on his work at the Southern Front,
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"In view of this the Organization Bureau and the Poli-
tical Bureau of Central Committee reject both the resigna.m
tionn of Comrade Trotsky from the Political Bureau and his
withdrawal from the post of Chairman of the Military Council
of the Republic."
(Peoples' Commissar for War)
Signed: "Lenin"
"Kamenev"
"Krestinsky"
"Kalinin"
"Serebreakov"
"Stalin"
t1Sta.ssovatt
"Checked by Secretary of the Central Committee
Helena Stas sovatt
(Trotsky, "Stalin School of Falsification",
Selected Works, II, Pioneer Publishers,
1937)
4. Pravda, 18 December 1923, published a reassuring statement
from the Politburo, briefly defending Trotsky-.
"The Political Bureau denounces as malevolent inven-
tion the suggestion that there is in the Central Committee
of the Party or in the Political Bureau any single comrade
who can conceive of the Central Committee or its executive
organs without the most active participation of Comrade
Trotsky. . Believing friendly cooperation with Comrade
Trotsky to be absolutely indispensable in all the Executive
Organs of the Party and the State, the Political Bureau
hold themselves bound to do all in their power to assure
this friendly cooperation in the future. " (Souvarine, Boris,,
Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, Translated by
C. L, R, James, New York, 1949, p. 341)
5. Stalin, in. Pravda, 15 December 1923
"As is apparent from his letter, Comrade Trotsky
counts himself as one of the Bolshevik Old Guard, de-
claring his readiness to share in the responsibility
arising from this fact, if charges of later heresies
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were brought against the old Bolsheviks. In expressing
his willingness for self-sacrifice, Comrade Trotsky no
doubt displays nobility of sentiment. Agreed, But I
must undertake the defense of Trotsky against himself,
because of reasons which will be readily understood,
he cannot and should not hold himself responsible for
any later heresies of the original group of old Bolsheviks.
His offer of sacrifice is no doubt a very noble thing,, but
do the Old Bolsheviks need it? I do not think so. (Souvac
rine," op. cit. p. 341)
6. Letter from the Petrograd Organization, 18 December 1923
"Without concurring in errors of Comrade Trotsky,
the Petrograd organization declare that, in agreement with
the Central Committee of the Party, they naturally con-
sider friendly cooperation with Comrade Trotsky in all
the governing institutions of the Party to be indispensable.
There has been, and probably will be again, more than one
disagreement in the Central Committee. But certainly no
comrade conceives the governing institutions of the Party
without the active participation of Comrade Trotsky. "
(Souvarine, op. cit., p. 343.)
7. Stalin, Speech on The Lessons of October, November, 1924
a. "I'm far from denying the undoubtedly important
role of Comrade Trotsky in, the uprising. But I must state
that Comrade Trotsky did not and could not have played any
special role in the October rising, that being the President
of the Petrograd Soviet, he only carried into effect the will
of the respective Party authorities which guided every step
of Comrade Trotsky."
b. "Trotsky, who was a relative newcomer in our
Party in the period of October, did not and could not have
played. any special role either in the Party or in the October
uprising. Like all the responsible functionaries, he was
only executing the will of the Central Committee and its
organs."
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c. "I am far from denying the important role Comrade
Trotsky played in the Civil War.. But I must declare with
the utmost emphasis that the high honour of organizing our
victories belongs not to any individual person but to the
great collective of the front-rank workers of our country
the Russian Communist Party." (Stalin, The October
Revolution, Souvarine, op. cit., pp 383, 384)
8. The following excerpts are from a speech by Stalin at the
Plenum of the Bolshevik Fraction of the Trade Unions, 19 November
1924.
a. "After hearing Comrade Trotsky one might think
that the Party of the Bolsheviks did nothing else throughout
the entire period of preparation from March until October
except to mark time, corroded by internal contradiction,
and hamper Lenin in every way. And if it were not for
Comrade Trotsky, the October Revolution might have
taken quite another course. It is rather amusing to hear
such peculiar speeches about the Party from Comrade
Trotsky, who declared in the same foreword to the Third
Volume that 'The basic instrument of the proletarian revo-
lution is the party.' (Trotsky, Leon, Stalin: An Appraisal
of the Man and his Influence, New York, 1947, p. 418)
b, "Trotsky himself, by systematically avoiding men-
tion of the Party, the Central Committee of the Party and
the Leningrad Committee of the Party, by hushing up the
leading role of these organizations in the uprising and em-
phatically pushing himself to the fore as the cez tral figure
of the October uprising, intentionally or unintentionally
contributed, to the dissemination of the rumors about a
special role of Trotsky in the uprising, that being the presi-
dent of the Petrograd Soviet, he only carried into effect
the will of the respective Party authorities, which guided
every step of Trotsky. This may appear strange to
philistines like Sukhanov, but the facts, the actual facts,
fully and entirely bear out this assertion. (Stalin, The
October Revolution, New York, 1934, p. 71)
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c. "Some say: Let us admit this, still it is impossible
to deny that Trotsky fought well at the time of October. Yes,
it is true, Trotsky really fought well in October; even such
people as the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries, who then stood
shoulder to shoulder with the Bolsheviks, did not fight badly.
In general, I must state that during a victorious uprising,
when the enemy is isolated and the rebellion is spreading,
it is not difficult to fight well. In such moments even back-
ward people become heroes. " (Stalin, The October Revolu-
tion, New York, 1934, p. 72)
d. From Stalin's speech, "Trotskyism or Leninism"
", . for Comrade Trotsky, who was a comparative new-
comer in our Party in the period of October, did not, and
could not have played a special role, either in the Party or
in the October uprising." (Stalin, The October Revolution,
New York, 1934, p. 72)
e. "Yes, that is true, Comrade Trotsky really fought
well during October. But Comrade Trotsky was not the only
one who fought well during the period of October, even such
people as the Left Social Revolutionaries, who then stood
shoulder to shoulder with the Bolsheviks, did not fight badly,
etc. (Souvarine, op. cit. , p. 384)
9. Year not indicated (appears to be from period 1924-1925)
"It is strange that Comrade Trotsky, the "inspirer",
"'chief figure", "sole leader" of the insurrection was not
a member of the practical center which was called upon to
lead the insurrection. How is it possible to reconcile that
with the current opinion about Trotsky's special role,
(Trotsky, op. cit., p. 212)
10, From Stalin?s speech to the Fifteenth Conference of the
Communist Party, November 1926.
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"Trotsky has done all that is possible for us to have
two rival newspapers, two rival platforms, two confer-
ences which repudiate each other and now this champion
with fake muscles himself is singing to us about unity!"
(Stalin, J., Stalin?s Kampf, Joseph Stalin's Credo, New
York, 1940)
11. 1933. STALIN:
"We must bear in mind that the growth of the power
of the Soviet State will increase the resistance of the last
remnants of the dying classes. It is precisely because
they are dying and living their last days they will pass
from one form of attack to another, to sharpen forms of
attack, appealing to backward strata of population and
mobilizing them against the Soviet power. There is no
foul lie or slander that these "have beens" would not use
against the Soviet power and around which they would not
try to mobilize the backward elements. This may give
ground for the revival of the activities of the defeated
group of the old counter-revolutionaries, parties; the
Social-Revolutionaries, the Mensheviks, the bourgeois
nationalists in the center and outlying regions; it may
give grounds also for revival of activities of the fragments
of counter -revolutionary opposition elements from among
the Trotskyites and Right deviationists. Of course, there
is nothing terrible in this. But we must bear all this in
mind if we want to put an end to these elements quickly
and without great loss.'.' (Stalin, The Results of the
First Five Year Plan. Report delivered at the Joint
Plenum of Central Committee, Central Control Com-
mission of Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Janu-
ary 7, 1933, Cooperative Publishing Society, of Foreign
Workers in USSR, Moscow, 1933)
B. STALIN on Trotskyism! 1937 --- 1939
1. The general thesis of accusations against Trotskyism during
the purge trials was summed up in March 1939 by Stalin as
follows:
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"From the political tendency, which it showed six or
seven years earlier, Trotskyism has become a mad unprin-
cipled gang of saboteurs, of agents of diversion, of assas-
sins acting on the orders of the espionage services of
foreign states." (Souvarine, Boris, Stalin: A Critical
Survey of Bolshevism, translated by C. L. R. James,
New York, 1939, p. 652)
"TIs it not surprising that we learned about the espionage
and conspiratorial activities of the Trotskyist and Bukbarin-
ist leaders only quite recently, in 1937 and 1938, although,
as evidence shows, these gentry were in the service of
foreign espionage organizations and carried out conspira-
torial activities from the very first days of the October
revolution? How could we have failed to notice so grave
a matter? How are we to explain this blunder? (Stalin,
"Problems of Leninism" quoted in Deutscher, L, Stalin:
A Political Biography, New York, 1949, p. 384)
C. LENIN, in Praise of Trotsky
1. 1917
On 16 April 1917, when Trotsky was in concentration
camp with German sailors, Lenin wrote in Pravda:
"Can one even for a moment believe the trustworthi-
ness of the statement . . . that Trotsky, the former chair-
man of the Soviet Workers? Deputies in Petersburg in 1905
a revolutionist who has devoted decades to the disinterested
service of revolution that this man had anything to do
with a scheme subsidized by the German government? This
is clearly a monstrous and unscrupulous slander against a
revolutionist." (Pravda, No. 34, 16 April 1917)
a. "No one would think of disputing a candidature sitch
as that of L. D. Trotsky",, Lenin wrote, with re-
gard to the Bolshevik list of candidates to the Con-
stituent.
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b. "Trotsky has been saying for a long time that unity
is impossible. Trotsky grasped the fact, and,
since then, there has been no better Bolshevik . . .
(Souvarine, Boris, Stalin, A Critical Survey of Bol-
shevism, Translated by C. L. R. James, New York,
193g, . 162)
2. Undated. Reference to Trotsky's military leadership during
the Russian. Civil War. (Statement reported by Gorky as having
been made by Lenin in private conversation concerning Trotsky.)
"Show me any other men capable of organizing an almost
model army in one year and moreover of winning the sympathy
of professional soldiers. We have that man. We have every-
thing. You will see miracles. " (Souvarine, op. cit. pp.
222--M)
3. When opposition to methods of directing the civil war arose,
including behind-the-scenes participation by Stalin, Lenin wrote
in July, 1919:
"If we have defeated Kolchak and Denekin, it is because
discipline is stronger with us than in all the capitalist coun-
tries of the world. Trotsky has established the death pen-
alty, and I approve this.
"Knowing the strict character of Comrade Trotsky's
orders, I am so convinced, so absolutely convinced of the
correctness, expediency and necessity for the success of
the cause of the order given, by Comrade Trotsky that I
unreservedly endorse this order." (Souvarine, op. cit.,
p. 250)
D. Lenin on Stalin
1. The fraternity of "Old Bolsheviks" were determined to
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restrict Trotsky's influence in the Party and keep key Party
and State positions. Zinoviev, Kamenev, and Stalin favored
the plan. To assure success of the plan, they sought the
Secretariat of the Central Committee.
In 1922 .. they succeeded after the Eleventh Party Congress.
Stalin became General Secretary in succession to Molotov,
who was relegated to the post of assistant.
Lenin said of the new secretary:
"This cook will prepare only peppery dishes. " (Souva-
rive, Boris. Stalin, A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, New
York, 1939, p. 285)
2. January 4, 1923
"Stalin is too rude, and this fault, entirely supportable
in relation to us Communists, becomes insupportable in the
office of General Secretary. Therefore I propose to the
comrades to find, a way to remove Stalin from that position
and appoint to it another man who in all respects differs
from Stalin only in superiority = namely, more patient,
more loyal, more polite, and more attentive to comrades,
less capricious, et cetera. This circumstance may seem
an insignificant trifle, but I think that from the point of
view of preventing a split and from the point of view of
the relation between Stalin and Trotsky, which I discussed.
above, it is not a trifle, or it is such a trifle as may acquire
a decisive significance. " (Shub, David. Lenin, A Bio raphy,
New York, 1948, p. 382)
E. BUKHARIN, in praise of Trotsky
1. "The centre of the work of mobilization was the Petrograd
Soviet, which had. acclaimed as President Trotsky, the most
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brilliant tribune of proletarian insurrection. " (Souvarine, Boris,
Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, Translated by C. L. R.
James, New York, 1939, p. 180)
"Trotsky, splendid and courageous tribune of the rising,
indefatigable and ardent apostle of revolution, declared in
the name of the Military Revolutionary Committee at the
Petrograd Soviet, with thunder of applause from those pres-
ent, that the Provisional Government no longer existed.
And as living proof of this fact there appeared in the tribune
Lenin, whom the new revolution had liberated from the
mystery which had surrounded him. 11 (Souvarine, op. cit.,
p. 183)
(Souvarine does not cite the writings of Bukharin in which
these two statements appear. )
F. STALIN, on Zinoviev and Kamenev
1. Stalin countered Zinoviev's and Kamenev's demand for repris-
als against Trotsky in 1924:
"We have not agreed with Zinoviev and Kamenev, be
cause we have known that a "policy of chopping off (heads)
is fraught with great dangers . . , The method of chopping
off and blood-letting--and they did demand blood--is
dangerous and infectious. You chop off one head today,
another one tomorrow, still another one day after--what
in the end will be left of the party?" (Stalin, "Sochinenija'",
vol. vii, p. 380; quoted in Deutscher, I., Stalin, A Polit-
ical Biography, New York, 1949, p. 347.)
1927. Fifteenth Congress of the Communist Party
"Enough, comrades, an end must be put to this game
Kamenevos speech is the most lying, pharisaical, scroun-
drelly and roguish, of all opposition speeches that have
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been made from this platform.'' (Syezd VKD" (b) p. 1318,
quoted in Deutscher, op. cit., p. 311)
G. CZECHOSLOVAK PURGES, 1951
1. An article in Tvorba, 3 December, presumably written by
Zapotocky, applied the term "cosmopolite" to Rudolf Slansky:
"Cosmopolitami4wm is the ideology of rightist*#,ocialists
and of fifth columnists in labor movements, peace move-
ments, national liberation movements and other progres'o
sive movements. It is the ideology of treacherous emigres
the new Hachas and Quislings in our history. It is the
ideology of traitors.in tl a Communist movement, such as
bourgeois nationalists and cosmopolites like Tito, Rankovic,
Traicho Kostov, Koci Dzodze, Rajk, Sling, Svermova,
Slansky and others."
"It is the enemy's aim to hinder the Party's capacity
to act and its power of attraction, . , that was the aim
of all cosmopolite agents of the +.-T.ss enemy, such as
Sling, Slansky, and others who temporarily succeeded
in influencing party members. It was not a coincidence
that these peoples surrounded themselves with similar
individuals and purposefully disrupted cadre activities. "
(News from Behind the Iron Curtain, National Committee
for Free Europe, vol. 1, no. I, New York, January 1952,
p. 2)
2. Only four months before Slansky's arrest, Czechoslovak
leaders called him Pan outstanding Communist revolutionary".
On 30 July, the day before Slansky's birthday, Gottwald awarded
him the Order of Socialism for "building Communism, fighting
reaction and defending the Stay..,
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On 31 July, Rude Pravo published a congratulatory letter to
Slansky from Gottwald and Zapotocky. In the same issue, a five
column article praised Slansky's two volume work, For the Vic-
for of Socialism. The reviewer said that the "Book (was) indis-
pensable for all Socialists. "" In another full-page article,
Vaclav, Kopecky, Minister of Information, described Slansky
as a "leading Socialist, a devoted follower of Lenin and Stalin,
and a faithful collaborator of Clement Gottwald". The 2 August
edition of Tvorba, a Communist Party weekly, carried. Slan,sky's
photograph on its cover and the slogan- -"by Alliance with the
Soviet Union, we shall safeguard the Independence of the Czecho-
slovak Republica.
Ladislav Kopriva, Czechoslovak Minister of National Security,
linked Slansky's deviationism with the "imperialist conspiracy
to recruit traitors within the Communist orbit, and added that
conspiracies in Czechoslovakia were a normal occurrence in the
process of socialization, analagous to similar incidents in the
Soviet Union.
"Our Czechoslovak traitors," said Kopriva, "Sling,
Svermova, Clementis, Husak, Novomesky, Slansky and
others--can be compared to Russia's Trotsky, Zinoviev,
Bukharin, Rykov. Our conspiracies are therefore not
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extraordinary but only further evidence that our country
is subject to the same laws of socialistic development
as the Soviet Union.'' (News from Behind the Iron Curtain,
National Committee for Free Europe, vol. 1, No. 1, New
York, January 1952, p. 2)
H. STALIN: Other Pertinent Quotations
1. On 31 December 1910, Stalin.,wrote a letter from his exile
in Solvychegodsk to Paris. It has been published many times
in Russia, and, until the purges, always began:
"Comrade Semeon.1 Yesterday I received from a com-
rade your letter. First of all, warmest greetings to Lenin,
Kamenev, and the others .',
But after the purge of Kamenev, the letter was quoted by
Beria and by Stalin himself in his history, without any saluta*,,.
tion whatsoever. Semeon's name disappeared along with Lenin's
and Kamenev's and the letter was published once more "In full"
(Stalin's Collected Works, Russian Edition, vol. II, p. 209)
but it now reads:
"Comrade Semeon! First of all, warmest greetings
to Lenin and the others. . . "' (Wolfe, Bertram. Three
Who Made a Revolution, New York, 1948, p. 455)
Statement attributed to Stalin, year and circumstances not
indicated, quoted by Souvarine in connection with the purge of
1937-1938.
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"To choose the victim, to prepare the blow with care,
to sate an implacable vengeance, and then go to bed. .
There is nothing sweeter in the world!' (Souvarine,
Boris, Stalin: A Critical Survey of Bolshevism, New York,
1939, p. 659)
3. "Undoubtedly we shall have no further need of resorting to
the method of mass purges." (Stalin, Problems of Leninism,
Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1947, p. 625)
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Bibliography of Works Consulted
Adler, Frederick, The Witchcraft Trial, Labor Publishing Department,
London, 1936
Bukharin, Nikolai I., Marxism and Modern Thought New York, 1935
Bukharin, Nikolai I., Historical Materialism, New York, 1925
Bukharin, Nikolai I., Lenin as a Marxist, Communist Party of Great
Britain, London, 1925
Ciliga, Anton, The Russian Enigma, The Labor Book, London, 1940
Colton, Ethan, The XYZ of Communism, New York, 1931
Deutscher, I., Stalin: A Political Biography, New York, 1949
Dewey, John, The Case of Leon Trotsky, New York, 1937
Fischer, Louis, Life and Death of Stalin, New York, 1952
Fischer, Louis, The Soviets in World Affairs, New York, 1935
Heisler, Francis, The. First Two Moscow Trials, Socialist Party,
Chicago, 1937
La Lutte de PURSS pour la paix mondiale, Bureau d'Editions, Paris, 1934
La Revolution d'Octobre et la Tactique des Communistes Russes, Bureau
d'Editions, Paris, 1936
Le Chemin du Socialism et Le Bloc Ouvrier -Pays an, Libraire L'Hurnanite,
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Problems of Leninism, New York, 1940
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Stalin, J. V., An Interview with the German Author Emil Ludwig, Moscow,
1932
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Stalin, J. V., on organization, London, 1942
Stalin, J. V. , Order of the pay, 1941, 1942, 1943, 1944, Toronto, 1944
Stalin, J. V. , Results of the First Five Year Plan, Moscow, 1933
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Wells, H. G., Interview with J. V. Stalin, Moscow, 1932
Wolfe, Bertram, Three Who made a Revolution, New York, 1948
Wollenberg, The Red Army, London, 1938
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