AL-QADHDHAFI ADDRESSES TRIPOLI PRISONERS 3 MAR

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400430022-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 2, 2012
• Sequence Number: 22
• Publication Date: March 3, 1988
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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7 March 1988 12 ARAB AFRICA
The president also reviewed Egyptian-Arab relations, On whether he has received an official request to return
which have never been severed, and the resumption of to Egypt following the publication of the indictment in
the relations' with all, the fraternal Arab states, 'except the case, Khalid `Abd al-Nasir said he never received
Syria, Libya, and Algeria. The president pointed out that such an official request to return. He added: However, I
Egypt has its. dignity. Egypt does not object to the believe it is my duty as a citizen to return to say what I
restoration of relations with any state, but it does not have to say and let justice take its course.
accept any preconditions. The president said that rela-
tions have been restored between Egypt and its Arab Khalid `Abd al-Nasir denied that the SFRY Government
brothers who appreciate Egypt's role, leadership, and has asked him to leave the SFRY where he resides, or
Arabism. that it had submitted to U.S. pressure in this respect. He
expressed appreciation for the stand by SFRY officials,
The president also explained the points of disagreement who had told him that he is always welcome to reside on
between Egypt and Syria, and affirmed that the Egyptian their territory.
people know their interests best, and that they are the
decision-makers. Egypt rejects the idea of slogans and He said: I will not and will never ask for political asylum
the attempts to involve others in what is illogical. in any country in the world because my natural place is
in Egypt, my homeland. He said that many Arab leaders
Regarding the Libyan aircraft issue, President Mubarak and officials have contacted him welcoming him in their
explained that the four Libyan planes, which lost their countries but that he.had thanked them and told them
way, were permitted to land in Egypt and their pilots that his stay outside Egypt will not be for long and that
were treated nicely as sons of a fraternal people. The he will return to Egypt.
president added that he accepted the mediation of his Khalid `Abd al-Nash said that he visited Algeria for 3
brother the king of the Saudi Arabia to return the Libyan days in response to an invitation by the Algerian leaders.
planes. He also promised his majesty to return five
Libyan crew members of the three aircraft that landed in On reports that the Mosad has carried out attempts
Egypt last year, explaining that those five have not asked against his life, Khalid `Abd al-Nasir said such attempts
for political asylum in Egypt. are not new. The Mosad tried to assassinate me while I
was in Lebanon in 1971 at the invitation of the late
Interview With Khalid `Abd al-Nash Cited Lebanese leader Kama] Junblatt. He said that he believes
JN061109 Manama WAKH in Arabic 0955 GMT such attempts on his life will continue in the future.
6 Mar 88 He described the Palestinian people's uprising against
the Zionist occupation as the brilliant and prominent
[Text] Al-Shariqah, 6 Mar (WAKH)-Dr Khalid `Abd landmark in the Arab history, stressing that it has
al-Nasir, son of the late President Jamal `Abd al-Nasir exposed Israel's ugly face to the world at large, has
and a defendant in the so-called Egypt's Revolution case, revealed the racist and aggressive nature of Israel, and
has said that he will return to Cairo as soon as the trial of has demonstrated that the Arab people are capable of
this case begins, and that his decision to return is confronting their enemies.
irrevocable. He added: Had it been up to me, I would
have returned to Cario a long time ago. Mubarak Calls Jordanian, Tunisian Leaders
NC041907 Cairo Domestic Service in Arabic
Khalid `Abd al-Nasir denied the accusations leveled 1830 GMT 4 Mar 88
against him in the indictment issued by the Egyptian [Text] During a telephone call this evening, President
public prosecutor. He said that the incidents of which the
indictment accuses him will be left for the Egyptian Muhammad Husni Mubarak and King Husayn of Jor-
judicial system to judge. He said he has great confidence dan exchanged views on regional issues. President
in the patriotism, fairness, and honesty of the Egyptian Mubarak also had a telephone conversation with Tuni-
judiciary. sian President Zinc El Abidine Ben Ali today on ways of
bolstering bilateral relations.
In an interview with the Al-Shariqah-based AL-KHALIJ Libya
paper today, he said that the case of Egypt's Revolution
is a political and national case. He said: I could not find AI-Qadhdhafi Addresses Tripoli Prisoners 3 Mar
in the indictment against me any real accusations that LD031946 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
are harmful to me or that may tarnish my reputation or 1456 GMT 3 Mar 88
that of the other defendants, because these accusations
are an honor to any Egyptian or Arab citizen. [Speech by Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi to a group
of prisoners at Tripoli Prison-live]
He affirmed that this hostility has been and continues to
be against the Zionist presence and U.S. hegemony and [Text] Morning has broken and neither the prison nor
not against the regime, the law, or the authorities in the jailer remain. Morning has broken and neither the
Egypt. prison nor the jailer remain. Morning has broken and
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neither the prison nor the jailer remain. The morning
resembles a.pair of wings emerging from beyond the
horizon. Sorrow, which sent tears to flow from those
eyes, is no more. Handcuffs are no more. There will be
no more scattering in every valley. My country, it is a joy
that comes forth from each sad heart. [crowd chants]
Brother citizens: Yesterday, 2 March, was one of the
fruits of the Great I September Revolution. This revo-
lution took place in order to free the Libyan masses, the
Arab masses, and the people, the masses of the Arab
nation, and the masses everywhere. On a day like yester-
day the authority of the people and the (?state) of the
masses emerged. This is the state of the people-men
and women-the state of the people where the masses
govern themselves by themselves, without a government,
without a ruler, without a sultan, without police, and
without repressive organs. Brothers, it is fitting and in
the tradition of 2 March-the day of freedom-the great
I September-it is fitting and in the tradition of 2 March
that the remaining fetters should be destroyed, that the
(?walls) are destroyed and the prisons demolished.
Brothers, this is an immortal hour and a historic pause,
exhibiting complete courage, confidence, and convic-
tion-conviction in the great revolution, its immortal
principles, its loyal and generous people, and its beloved
masses. [crowd chants]
This revolution came forth, this revolution emerged as a
cry of freedom and rebellion against the slavery which
ensnared all of Libya and our beloved people. It emerged
in order to break the fetters, not only of the Libyan
people, but also of the Arab nation so that it can surge
forward to build and to liberate.
Brothers, the 1 September Revolution represents a cry of
freedom. Its dawn was truly the dawn of freedom; it was
the day of freedom. Therefore, under no circumstances
can the l September revolution turn into a jailer, an
oppressor of the masses, or a jailer of the free. [crowd
chants]
Brothers, we ignited the great l September Revolution
for the sake of freedom. This being the case, how can a
section of the sons of this loyal people, a part of this loyal
people, remain in jail cells and suffer in fetters? Why has
this happened, brothers? Why has this occurred? This
could have happened before the great 1 September
revolution. This could have taken place when all Libya
was a large prison. It would have been more appropriate
for the prison to be filled-for people to be thrown into
jail cells and be shackled in heavy chains-before 1
September. On I September the people rebelled against
the hireling royalist regime, the U.S. and British bases,
and the Italian colonialist occupiers from whose yoke
our country was not liberated until 1970, just a short
while ago. [Words indistinct] and under U.S. and British
domination at sea, in the air, and on land.
On that day and at that time, it would have been possible
to fill the prisons with revolutionaries and rebels, with
free and the upright men. But brothers, why should this
prison have remained here afterward? There must have
been some (?error). Yes, there was (?a great error), and
its will be made known today. I do not ask of these
brothers who have been freed-in a few minutes they
will be freed-[crowd shouts approval] brothers, I do not
ask them to review their conscience, because they have
an awakened conscience.
I do not ask them to have a (?sense) of patriotism,
because they may already be patriots. I ask them to, I
only ask them, I only ask them to be aware of what is
going on in their land outside this prison. I only want
them to learn this. I do not want anything else from
them: Just learn about what is happening on Libyan soil
from [word indistinct] until new. Brothers, brothers,
these brothers who are behind this terrible wall might
have been unjustly blamed. At the same time, however,
perhaps they are the ones who wronged the 1 September
Revolution and thought ill of it. Perhaps they imagined
that it was not the revolution of freedom, but thought it
was a military dictatorship of a bourgeois movement, or
a right-wing movement, or an attempt at one-man rule.
However, at that time these brothers did not know the
story of the revolution. They did not know the story of
the revolution when it started underground in 1959. I
started it when I was a student at preparatory school. I
was not. an officer then; I was not a police officer; I was
not a ruler. I was barefoot; I was poor; I was starving; I
was hunted down by the police. [crowd chants and
shouts approval]
Yes, brothers, in my own view, in my own view the
charge against you is lack of knowledge, not treason,
treachery, or plotting. Brothers, the charge against you is
a lack of knowledge. You did not know what the 1
September Revolution was. Consequently, you wronged
the 1 September revolution, and in so doing wronged
yourselves. You were unfair both to your families and to
us, because we were suffering in the same way as your
families were suffering because you were suffering inside
this prison. It is not permissible for us to throw a part of
our people in jail. [crowd shouts: Long live Mu'ammar!]
Brothers, there is no doubt that today is not the same as
yesterday for these brothers who are behind this wall but
will, in a few minutes, be outside it. This terrible wall will
be demolished. Brothers, the charge against these broth-
ers has been worn out through time because 1970 is not
1980; 1969 is not the same as 1988 or 1989. You should
know that they have been unjust to the revolution and
they have been unjust to themselves; they were wrong in
their assessment. There is no doubt that today they are
sorry for what they have done because they were the ones
who imprisoned themselves, they were the ones who
tortured themselves, in addition to you, and our honest,
free, and revolutionary consciences which oppose
imprisonment and chains. Brothers, they did not know
what the I September Revolution was.
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First, all of you, including these brothers inside prison-
some of them free officers-accompanied me on the eve
of 1 September. You know me, and you know when you
joined the revolution, as well as when the civilians,
others, and even those who were (?members of parties)
joined. I personally passed through all these stages, yet
can anyone engage in one-upmanship with Mu'ammar
al-Qadhdhafi? I am speaking about myself regarding the
revolution which I started when I was 15. The police
pursued me in Fezzan and the royalist government
(?pursued) me. I was tortured in my youth and all my life
for the sake of the revolution. Who can engage in
one-upmanship with Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi when it it
comes to the revolution, not only at the Libyan level, but
also at the level of the entire world?
Who, brothers, who would dare to engage in oneupman-
ship with Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi when it comes to the
question of the revolution? I am talking about the issue
of the revolution; not only in Libya but also at the level
of the world. Today I am leading the world revolution for
the sake of liberating the nations and not just for
liberating a group of Libyans. Who can say, brothers,
that the 1 September Revolution, who among you broth-
ers can say: I am its author or I thought about it before
Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi?
Who thought about the 1 September Revolution since
1959? Where were you brothers? Even those of you who
were members of parties or who were in the military?
Are there any among you who knew that the revolution
began in 1959 while I was a student at preparatory
school? That I started it brick by brick, sacrificing many
nights and years for its sake, putting my life in jeopardy
for the sake of this revolution? Brothers, I lived 10 years
underground in the caravan of death. Since that time,
you yourselves have seen the 18 years of struggle, strug-
gle with the greatest anti-freedom power in existence in
the world. But, brothers, who can allow his conscience to
think of stealing the revolution which was brought about
by bitter nights and days, and years when all of you-all
of you inside and outside-knew nothing about my
movement and knew nothing about my revolution. You
did not know that there was a man who did not sleep a
wink and was suffering for the sake of liberating the
Libyan people and the Arab nation. All of you knew
nothing about this. Only I and my colleagues knew about
this. [crowd applauds and shouts]
Brothers, 10 years underground, 10 years underground in
serious work, not party action. Even under the defunct
regime, when they arrested party members they gave them
only a few months or a few years, and then they released
them. But if they had caught me, I would have been
executed because I established a clandestine armed revolu-
tionary movement while I was a student-during prepara-
tory and secondary school and at the military college-and
while I was a lieutenant in the Army. All during this
dangerous period I was the one who never slept for its sake;
I was the one who was responsible for it.
If they had discovered the revolution from 19.59 to 1969,
I would have been its first victim. It was I who destroyed
the monarchy. I was the one who destroyed the U.S.
bases, the British bases, and Italian colonialism. After
1970, how could you begin to think you could steal this
revolution? This is a gross crime. This is a mistake, a
mistake. But how can it be forgiven? I am not charging
the perpetrators today; They are charging themselves. It
was I who destroyed the monarchy and the U.S. bases. I
was able to start a movement against the U.S. bases, but
my aim was the revolution and this is why I froze any
side action until the great earthquake had taken place on
both Libyan and Arab soil. I worked to destroy five U.S.
bases; from the 1st day of the revolution I besieged them
and expelled them. I, my colleagues, and their officers
besieged the Wheelus base. Ever since that day of the
revolution we said that was the end, that there would be
no more flying in Libyan skies. They were compelled to
leave. They even had to ask us how to take off from the
base for Europe.
We also encircled Britain's bases. As for Italian colonial-
ism, 19,000 Italians were occupying all the. agricultural
land and all the landed property. All the commerce and
amenities that existed in what used to be called Tripoli-
tania were completely under Italian occupation. We
kicked 19,000 out in 1970.
First, we destroyed the throne which used to be wor-
shipped. No one believed that anyone would dare to
approach the mighty Sennoussi throne which was pro-
tected by the mighty imperialist bases. Who could have
challenged it? It would have been called foolish. Even
high-ranking Army officers, in whom I trusted and
talked to about it, said I was mad. They said I was mad;
that I was a little child, a foolish junior officer. Is it
possible that you can shake the throne which is protected
by all the West's forces? Libya is a lake of oil. The West
will never leave it to you or to anyone else; it will fight.
However, this was a duty, and I was ready to die for its
sake: To destroy the monarchy, to destroy and kick out
U.S. and British colonialism and the Italian settlements.
Afterward-you who come along after 1970, who start to
conspire and say: Let us go to the radio building,
broadcast a proclamation, and steal the revolution. This
is shameful. How can this be? What sort of conscience or
ethics do you have?
This is a thing of the past and nobody can change it. It
has been written that I and my free colleagues personally
destroyed the monarchy, U.S. colonialism on Libyan
territory, British colonialism, and Italian colonial settle-
ment, and the revolution is still continuing. We are
shaking U.S. bases everywhere. We have now exported
revolution to Panama, to America's own ground. Since it
has used aggression against us we will use aggression
against it.
The United States has announced-perhaps the brothers
in prison do not know this-a message from U.S. Pres-
ident Reagan to the Congress, in which he said that
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Libya threatens U.S. interests in the world and that the
U.S. national interests and national security are threat-
ened by Libya. Thus, the emergency law, which gives the
President the power to deal with this serious problem, is
applied. That law is still in force.
Libya was a mere individual selling a barrel of oil; it was
a forgotten soul. 0 brothers, you have all been to Europe.
If you told them Libya, what did they tell you: Lebanon,
Liberia, Lima? They did not know the name of Libya.
Now the world is like the call for prayers, it starts and
ends its day with Libya, because Libya fights for freedom
and it says that the world is based on a mistake, as
everybody keeps within one's own borders.
O brothers, 0 brothers, for these reasons there has been
no mercy. Some of those who are now being freed were
sentenced to death-it is possible that the death penalty
might have been carried out before now-some were
sentenced to life imprisonment, and some others were
sentenced to long-term prison sentences. Why? Why did
we sentence them to all these sentences? Why? Because
they perpetrated something wrong and unacceptable,
something unacceptable.
They tried to steal an historic achievement. These people
should have said: No, this is an historic achievement
which is the property of this person and this courageous
group, namely the Free Unionist Officers, and therefore
we should not conspire against it. If you had something
to say you could have always mentioned it. You could
have said this was wrong, bid us farewell or said: I want
to go abroad. But you should not have tried to preempt
the revolution.
Sometimes you speak on the radio, talking as if you were
the one who carried out this revolution. What really
could you say about the revolution if you were asked? I
might go out from the prison or somewhere else and get
them to ask you: When did this revolution begin? Who
carried out such-and-such an act? Did I not contact you,
who used to be member of parties? Did I not contact you,
who used to be member of such a group? It would be
clear to the people, if we suppose that the coup was
successful, who carried out the coup and who was a thief,
a liar; a thief, and the one who encroached upon the
revolution.
How could you claim the revolution for yourself? When
I sat down to write the history of the revolution, after it
had taken place, all of them were astonished. Everyone
began saying: I did not know that this revolution started
in 1957. Some them took part with us briefly and
thought that the revolution was planned by some officers
who merely carried out a military coup. They began to
say: Look, we have carried out the revolution; we
planned and prepared for it for 2 months. And that was
why I sat down to write the history of the revolution and
to put everyone in his place.
So they began saying: Oh, this revolution was prepared
since 1957; well we did not know this. So we, who joined
in 1960, 1965, 1967, 1968 and 1969 were merely joining
the caraven of death which started its march in 1957.
-And it was only then that they realized.
One of the officers, at the time his detention-he was
subsequently sentenced to death-said to them: Listen;
[words indistinct]. My conscience might allow me to
steal this revolution and I may even admit that I have
conspired [words indistinct] against it, but I can never
say that it was not this person who carried it out, even
before we knew about it; he could have even been
executed before I even knew about it, or he could have
been awaiting his execution before we even got involved.
I will always say so. He was in his cell awaiting execution
when he said to them: All these are merely attempts to
steal the revolution of this man; the revolution began in
1957 and we did not know about it; no one at all knew.
But, dear brothers, today, brothers, today is the day of
freedom, the day on which chains should be destroyed
and prisons and walls should be demolished so that the
masses, the masses of the whole Arab nation, can set out
to confront the staunch enemy, to confront the main
enemy: imperialism and Zionism, exploitation and back-
wardness.
Brothers, people do not triumph with prisoners. No
matter how many prisons they build and no matter how
high are the walls, they cannot reach the moon. The
chains that shackle the forces of the masses cannot make
people progress. People do not progress through prisons,
they do not progress through death sentences, nor
through oppression, chains, arbitrariness, exploitation,
or injustice. People progress through freedom, through
liberation, the breaking of chains and the demolishing of
(?walls). [applause]
The revolution of 1 September is a liberator, a liberator
of the Arab nation. It was a disgrace for you, brothers, to
be inside this prison, because we introduced ourselves as
savers and liberators of the enslaved masses, the chained
masses. We are the liberators of the Arab nation, we
presented ourselves as the liberators of the Arab nation
and of the masses everywhere. We are the focal point for
the masses. If a setback happens to the revolution in
Libya, free men in Latin America, Asia, and South
Africa will cry. They all pin hopes on the revolution, on
the 1 September Revolution. Because if this revolution
suffers a setback, the international revolution and the
people struggling for freedom and against our common
enemy-imperialism, Zionism, racism, reaction, and
exploitation-will all suffer a setback. They will suffer a
setback, because their base, their leadership was hit. The
whole world cried and the whole world revolted when the
U.S. aircraft attacked (?us).
Brothers, who conspires after 14 April 1986? Who still
says: No, I am a Libyan resisting the United States?
Against who did the United States employ 170 aircraft?
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The NATO alliance. You, brothers, who were in prison,
perhaps you do not know this story: The United States
and the NATO alliance attacked me with 170 aircraft-
30 Boeing aircraft for refueling only-flew 4,000 km to
deal a blow to Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi. Why? Is there
one who still goes one better on the story of the revolu-
tion? Not here in the Arab world, or in the whole world.
I was the first to oppose the writing of books this way,
books in the world.
Al-Qadhdhafi is a man of opposition on a worldwide
level. I lead an international revolution, and consequent-
ly, the United States-because it is the enemy of this
international revolution and because the international
revolution is aimed against the United States-conse-
quently the United States attacked Mu'ammar al-
Qadhdhafi. It left behind kings, princes, sultans, and
gilded palaces and came to attack a tent made of camel
hair, as was said by [word indistinct]. It strafed this tent,
the entire NATO alliance strafed my tent. Why? Why did
they not strafe the palaces? They left behind them 70
million Arabs, 70 million Arabs were left behind by the
planes, and the aircraft came to the tent in Bab al-
Aziziyah and destroyed it. This is sufficient proof for me.
But you brothers offended me, you offended me because
you tried to usurp the revolution and falsify my history
and the history of the revolution, until you were arrested
and sentenced to death, life imprisonment, or detention.
You distorted my image and the image of the revolution,
the revolution of liberation. You disfigured its picture
before the world. Shame on you. This is your revolution,
the revolution of your country, you should be proud of it.
You go and disfigure its image before the world, say that
it imprisons and [word indistinct] because you offended
it. You were not patient enough to see what this revolu-
tion is. The Marxist who was imprisoned, now he is left
behind. We have left Marxism behind. Zhivkov-some
of you brothers are Marxists-of Bulgaria said: I met my
party and we discussed the Libyan phenomenon, the.new
applications in Libya which seems to [word indistinct]
Marxism. They told me that this was a colonel, therefore
there is no left-wing tendency. You cannot compare it to
what is taking place in Libya. This is a colonel, there is
no left-wing tendency. We are still leftists. We are talking
about the Marxist experience within the left-wing frame-
work. He told me that within your Central Committee
they call me a colonel who does not relate to the left-wing
tendency. The Marxists have become rightists. What is
happening in Libya is that our motto reads: The house
belongs to the person who lives in it, whereas in other
countries they say that the house belongs to the munic-
ipality and it is let to the tenant forever.
The tenant is slave forever inside this house. We say that
the house belongs to the person who lives in it. Either
you accept the principle that the house belongs to the
person who lives in it, or you accept the principle that
states that the house belongs to the municipality. The
norm should either be that all people should say that the
house belongs to the tenant, the land is for all, and
everyone should take advantage of it through his own
labor, he should benefit from it without exploiting the
others; or it should say that the land is cooperative
property or government property.
We should say that the workers are partners in produc-
tion, partners, not wage-earners. Somebody who thinks
that he is a progressive Marxist, or others, say that the
workers are government wage-earners. No, what I say is
that the workers are partners, not wage-earners; there are
no such government workers or anything else. There
should be equality in authority and revolution, and the
weapons are in the people's hands. Through this ideology
you could have achieved some lost luxury on Libyan soil,
and set an example, not through going to jail, but outside
prison. Your ideas should be directed toward consolidat-
ing this revolution, which is unique.
Everything in Libya is cheap, despite the world crisis,
compared to the rest of the world, because there is no
exploitation. Communism-I am not against Commu-
nism. On the contrary, I have surpassed, Communism.
As for anarchy [words indistinct] I have established a
better organized system. You should try to set up the
utopian city, you should try to obtain the lost luxury, the
authority, the revolution. The weapons are in the peo-
ple's hands. It would be a shame if I obstruct the path of
the march. I know that you have tried to obstruct it while
it was clearly before your eyes. You have obstructed, you
have plotted when things were unclear. Consequently, I
told you, even yesterday I stated it before the whole
world, that you had an excuse, because you were unable
to see the full picture.
First of all, you had no idea about the revolution which
I sparked off, the September Revolution. You did not
know how it began, how I toiled to achieve it, how I and
my colleagues, while we were students, faced danger,
how I was tortured for its sake. How could you under-
mine it after all this, once that revolution had demol-
ished the monarchy, evacuated the foreign bases, and
launched the shout of freedom. It is a shame that you had
to undermine it after all that. What sort of conscience is
that? Now you have your conscience, it is all right.
But look at the reason. The reason is not me. I am not
afraid. I am not afraid of those who oppose me. The
United States opposes me, yet I am not afraid, despite all
the bombs which it dropped on my head. Yet I kept
saying that we will not capitulate, we will not weaken, we
will continue the call of liberation, union, the liberation
of Palestine, the struggle against imperialism, even if you
have to strike with nuclear bombs.
I went through all the parties..Before forming the Free
Unionist Officers Movement, men of all the parties knew
me. At least I knew them. I had friends in the Bath, in
the Pan-Arabist movement, in the Muslim Brothers, the
communists, the Tahrir party-all, these organizations.
But I told them: The first thing you should understand is
that I am too big to be contained by a party. I cannot be
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a member of a party, because Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi is
bigger than any party in the world. I contain all the
parties and all the liberation movements. A party cannot
contain me, neither B'athist, socialist, rightist, or leftist,
nothing. This is the first point. The first point is that I
was not a member of a party because I was at the time
bigger than any party, and all who were in the parties and
are now in prison know this.
You should know that this road does not lead to salva-
tion. I do not want to rule through a party, a party
represents part of the people but the will of the people is
indivisible. I want someone who rules the big party, the
majority of the people. Suffice it to say that there is
disunity and regionalism in the Arab world: a state, a
kingdom, a sultanate, an emirate, a republic. Add to this
regional dogma: B'athist, socialist, leftist, rightist. Why
cannot this nation solve its problems by itself? Do we
have to import a leadership from abroad? Do we have to
import or not to import [ideas from abroad]? This does
not interest me; what interests me is freedom and
equality. That is all. This has been achieved. Call it what
you like. Call it Marxism, communism; anarchism,
Jamahiriyah, Qadhdhafist, al-Nasirite, whatever you
like. What is important is that the objective has been
achieved. [applause]
Consequently, dear brothers, what happened in the past
[Al-Qadhdhafi changes thought] Perhaps, regrettably,
some people were executed in past years. Courts sen-
tenced tham and they were executed; but there is no
surgery without blood. The grave transformations in
history are accompanied by grave sacrifices. Some of you
are intellectuals and know this. The grave changes in
history do not easily take place. The grave transforma-
tions in history have never been achieved easily. Even
Islam, when it moved from Medina to Mecca and from
Mecca to Medina, had to pass over bodies of victims and
an ocean of blood. The French Revolution, which cre-
ated the era of republics, was named the era of terror and
there were countless victims: The Russian Revolution,
which has liberated [word indistinct] of the world, killed
10 million; 10 million people were victims. The grave
transformations have never been achieved easily; they
can only be achieved through a huge number of victims
and blood. The victims and the blood should be of those
who try to oppose the historical transformation, those
who oppose freedom and the Jamahir's will.
I am not at all happy to see people being detained here;
on the contrary, this matter does agonize me. My con-
science has been tormenting me day in and day out for
the past 18 years because there were people in prison.
[crowd chants] As I am not a prison warden, 0 brothers,
and as I am not a jailer, I came to liberate the prisoners.
I found Al-Jadabiyyah prison full of workers who carried
out the uprising in 1967 because of the aggression against
Egypt; I liberated them and therefore I was the liberator
and the breaker of shackles. How can you afterward
accuse me and depict me as the jailer? But you are the
ones who would make me so when you conspire against
ARAB AFRICA
the revolution, oppose the liberation march, and compel
me to'imprison you and therefore make me a jailer. Well,
this is not my nature; I am the liberator and not the
jailer. I am the liberator of individuals, the Jamahir, the
peoples, and the world. [crowd chants]
O brothers, this is still a day to remember and a lesson to
learn. Today is the day of freedom and the demolition of
the rest of the shackles. Let all minds, potentials, and
activities be freed so as they may take part in the great
march and in the historical confrontation. 0 brothers, all
of us should leave the prisons in order to face up to the
common enemy [crowd chants] in order to confront the
United States and Zionism, liberate Palestine, and unify
the Arab nation. [crowd chants] 0 brothers, we have the
right to proudly tell the whole world that we support
freedom and justice. 0 Libyans, you have the right to be
proud in front of Arabs and the world because you
support freedom, break th'e-shackles, liberate slaves, and
destroy prisons. This prison will be demolished and I
hope no one will ever be detained in it. [crowd chants]
O brothers, I am asking you to go out to enjoy freedom
and light in order to take part in the battle against
imperialism and Zionism, as well as in order to liberate
Palestine and unify the Arab nation. 0 brothers, I am
asking you, 0 brothers [crowd chants] when the Prophet
went and conquered Mecca he said to those who fought
him and those who threw stones at him till his feet bled
and even those who tried to kill him: What do you think
I am going to do to you today? They replied: You are a
good brother, the son of a good brother. He said: Go
then, you are free. Well,- go brothers you are free.
Forward brothers, toward light and freedom. Let the
Sudanese hymn, the Sudanese Arab hymn heard on the
radio, which says:
Morning has broken, no prison or jailer will remain;
Dawn has two wings, Both of them view you from the
horizon and sadness blackens the inner corner of the eye
to bind ties together and scatter you everywhere; A joyful
cry coming from every sad heart, for you, 0 my country,
be heard. [crowd chants]
AI-Qadhdhafi To Free Foreign Prisoners 5 March
LD042216 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
2000 GMT 4 Mar 88
[Text] Following the address by the brother leader of the
revolution before the General People's Congress during
the 11th anniversary of the establishment of the people's
authority and the birth of the first Jamahiriyah in history
and the fact that the great Al-Fatih Revolution has since
its beginning, been a 'declaration of freedom, 400
inmates have been freed following the demolition of the
prison at which they were held by the brother leader of
the revolution. Thus no walls-behind which human
beings can be held or their freedom restricted-can exist
in the land of the Great Jamahiriyah.
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In harmony with this historical position by the brother
leader of the revolution, prisoners who are citizens of
foreign countries will also be freed.
The People's Committee of the People's Bureau for
Foreign Liaison calls upon ambassadors and charges
d'affaires accredited to the Great Jamahiriyah and
whose countries have citizens imprisoned to contact the
People's Bureau for Foreign Liaison in order to make
arrangements for their release starting tomorrow, Satur-
day, 5 March.
UK's James Abra To Be Released `Soon'
LD061342 London PRESS ASSOCIATION in English
1321 GMT 6 Mar 88
[by Paul Fuller, PRESS ASSOCIATION]
[Text] Hopes were raised today that British engineer
James Abra, serving a life sentence in a Libyan prison for
alleged spying, will soon be released. The Foreign Office
in London confirmed that the Libyan Government has
indicated that it intends to release foreign prisoners and
a spokesman said: "We have no reason to believe that
Mr Abra will not be among them."
Mr Abra, of Hitchin, Herts, had been working for Plessey
as an engineer on Libyan military radar systems when he
was arrested at Tripoli Airport in June, 1985, and
accused of "endangering revolutionary security by pass-
ing information to agents of a foreign power".
Libya's official news agency JANA announced that
ambassadors and other diplomats assigned to Libya had
been summoned on Friday to the Libyan Foreign Min-
istry and were told to make arrangements for the release
of their nationals from Libyan prisons. The dispatch,
monitored in Rome, did not say how many prisoners
were involved, when they would be released, or give
details of their nationalities.
Mr Abra is the only Briton currently held in Libya. The
Foreign Office said today the Libyan announcement
appeared to be genuine.
British diplomatic interests in Libya are being looked
after by the Italians who have forwarded to the Libyan
authorities the name of Mr Abra as well as that of a
number of Italians being held. A Foreign Office spokes-
man said: "The next move is up to the Libyans. We will
just have to wait and see what happens."
Mr Abra's Czech-born wife Radislava died last July from
a heart attack following a fire at their home. Mr Ron
Brown, Labour MP for Leith, who is a personal friend of
Colonel al-Qadhdhafi made representations to the Lib-
yan Foreign Ministry during a visit last September but
failed to secure Mr Abra's release.
Official Denies Troops Present in N. Chad
LD051355 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 1215 GMT
5 Mar 88
[Text] Tripoli, 5 Mar (JANA)-The propaganda outlets
of the Ndjamena gang have been repeating their usual
lies that Libyan troops are present in northern Chad, and
that other Libyan forces are moving to join what they
call an Islamic legion.
In response to Ndjamena's statements, a source from the
People's Committee of the People's Bureau for Foreign
Liaison says the following:
1. There is no truth in the statements made by the
Ndjamena gang that there are Libyan troops in northern
Sudan, or that Libyan forces are joining what they call an
Islamic legion.
2. The Jamahiriyah affirms what it has already conveyed
its categorical denial to the OAU chairman and secretary
general, and to the chairman of the Good Offices Com-
mittee.
3. With these lies, agent Habre fully understands the
situation on the eastern border of Chad, and he knows
even better the situation in the east, center, and suburbs
of Ndjamena. He realizes that the Oueddei, Salamat,
Rzigat and Hajra tribes have been fighting his forces for
more than a year; he has lost control over these areas.
4. Agent Habre cannot hide the acts of plundering,
killing, and destruction perpetrated by his armed gangs
in the territories of neighboring states, so he repeats his
lies that there are Libyan forces, and what he calls an
Islamic legion, in Sudan. He knows this is not the truth.
5. Confronting the ordeals of a possible rebellion, and
the total rejection of his existence as head of a gang
practicing plunder, robbery, and killings against the
Chadian people, agent Habre is now engaged in a policy
of aggression against Sudan's borders and preparing an
attack against the territory of the Jamahiriyah, another
aspect of his policy.
Sudan's Al-Mahdi Sends Al-Qadhdhafi Letter
LD061158 Tripoli JANA in English 1105 GMT
Feb 88
[Text] Tripoli, Al-Marikh [March] 6, JAMAHIRIYAH
NEWS AGENCY-Al-Sadiq al-Mahdi, the prime min-
ister of sisterly Sudan, has saluted the nationalist stances
of the leader of the revolution.
In a letter to the leader of the revolution, Al-Sadiq
al-Mahdi lauded the generous assistance provided by the
Libyan Arab people for their brotherly Sudanese Arab
people during their struggle against agent Numayri and
after the 6th April People's Revolution.
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