AL-QADHDHAFI SPEECH ON 1 SEP REVOLUTION ANNIVERSARY

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400420025-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 15
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 12, 2012
• Sequence Number: 25
• Publication Date: September 1, 1987
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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V. 3 Sep 87 LIBYA
Al-Qadhdhafi Speech on 1 Sep Revolution Anniversary
LD012335 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
1725 GMT 1 Sep 87
[Speech by Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi at a rally.held in Green
Square, Tripoli, to mark the 18th anniversary of the 1 September
revolution - live]
[Text] Brothers, we are pleased first of all to salute our brother
revolutionaries, Jerry Rawlings and Museveni, who do not repre-
sent Ghana and Uganda, but the new African revolution, the new
popular revolution. They represent the honorable forces hostile
to the vile and hireling forces that have again sold out Africa and
Africa's honor and resources to imperialism and neocolonialism.
Cursed be the agents who, with their stooped heads and their
flags flown at half mast, have built a bridge for neocolonialism
to return to the dark continent. Cursed be the agents in Ndja-
mena; cursed be the agents in Zaire; cursed be the agents in
Liberia; and cursed be the agents in any country in the African
land desecrated by imperialism and Zionism.
On behalf of the revolutionaries of Africa, the revolutionaries of
Uganda, the revolutionaries of Ghana, we today curse the agents
who have enabled neocolonialism to become re-established on our
African continent.
Brothers, we also greet our brothers, the leaders of the Palestin-
ian revolution, and the leaders of the Lebanese nationalist move-
ment. We salute our brothers from the rest of the Arab world. I
would be embarassed to name them because I might not be able
to count them all; from the.friendly states, from Malta to East
Europe, to Africa and Asia, and to all the Arab countries.
Brothers, 18 years ago today, on 1 September 1969, I made my
move at the head of the free unionist officers and thousands of
brave soldiers. With these brave men I destroyed the agent
Al-Sanusi monarchy, which was bogged down in reaction and
exerting its power. The Al-Sanusi throne had a black and
detested past, had achieved notoriety, was known for its hireling
behavior, and had disregarded the sacrifices of our fathers and
forefathers. The Al-Sanusi throne played havoc in the land of our
fathers and forefathers, and like all hireling regimes, it could not
govern this country except in the shadow of the bases of imperial-
ism and the forces of occupation.
The agents in Ndjamena are doing likewise. They cannot remain
in existence a single day except under the sh dow of the imperial-
ist forces of France and the United Stateshe Al-Sanusi throne
had those who flocked in its orbit, those w o were weak-willed,
those who had ambitions and who sold their country -= such as
~.~. ministers, representatives, ambassadors, officers, the scum of
society and its remnants, and decadent tribal and reactionary
leaders. heir sick minds allowed them to se beloved i ya to
t e rated States, the United Kingdom, and Italy. They brought
foreign bases to the land of our fathers and forefathers. They
behaved recklessly to remain in power to serve their masters.
Here were U.S. and English bases. Here were Italian colonies
and settlements. We were foreigners in this town. You, the people
of Tripoli, were foreigners in the town of Tripoli. Sovereignty was
in the hands of Italian colonialists. Trade was also in the hands
of Italian colonialists. Agriculture around this town was in the
hands of Italian colonialism. Here the Contessa used to rule. In
this town an old Italian woman used to rule. She had the title of
contessa and she colonized the soil around her. Here the Italian
language used to be spoken. Here there were Italian shops. Here
Italian colonialism, which killed our fathers and forefathers, used
to exist. They gave their lives to expel it.
Italian colonialism settled down here in the capital of the country.
It backed the hireling Al-Sanusi throne with its U.S.-and British
bases. The Al-Sanusi throne had a free hand in Libya, whether
by land, sea, or air. It imagined that the United States was
invincible and could not be overthrown.
The hireling Idris al-Sanusi used to flock from the British 41
El-Adem base to the joint British-U.S. Al-Mallahah baseje ,~
believed that he was secure, that no one could touch him, and
that his throne would not be overthrown. He believed he could( 47
leave the throne for his sons one generation after 110
another, as it i ya were a plantation and the people of Libya a
herd of sheep. Idris al-Sanusi wanted to leave all this to his sons,
daughters, and cousins in the hireling and filthy Al-Sanusi
family
He ignored the fact that those who died as martyrs for Libya's
sake had children and grandchildren. He ignored the fact that
there were those who did not fear the United States or the UK,
or any power for the sake of liberating their country. On that day
I led the movement of the valiant unionist officers and the heroic
soldiers. I stormed and demolished Al-Sanusi's throne before the
eyes of the United States and before the eyes of the United
Kingdom. On that day we rightfully shouted :To hell with the
United States; to hell with the United Kingdom. It seems that
the United States, which threatens us today, has forgotten that
we did not fear it on the dawn of 1 September. We surrounded
its bases with our soldiers and we destroyed the Al-Sanusi throne
right before its eyes. We ordered the United States to leave our
country immediately. Otherwise, we told them: Libyan soil will
turn into hot soil upon which the frail feet of Americans cannot
stand: The United States left humiliated and disgraced because
of our insistence, orders, and determination. The United King-
dom left humiliated and disgraced. They experienced rancor and
envy because they lost the southern coast of the Mediterranean.
They lost control of over 2,000 kms of the most important
strategic region in the world. They were driven out by the free
unionist officers, by the soldiers.
The United States now, brothers, is the prey for deceit and
distress. It wants to return to make up for the extensive damage
it sustained when its bases and forces stretched along the
southern coast of the Mediterranean. But, brothers, what is
important is not telling this heroic story to the sons of this people
on the occasion of the great Al-Fatih. What is important, broth-
ers, what I would like to tell you, is what we brought you on that
day 18 years ago. What did we bring you? Did we bring you the
keys to the skies? Did my colleagues and I bring a magic wand
on that day? Did we promise you that we would make everything
rosy or that we would give you money? Or did we promise you
that we, my free unionist officer colleagues and myself, would
toil on your behalf, to farm the land and build houses? Never.
Brothers, I would like to remind you after 18 years what we
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brought you. On that day we had one single thing; it was not gold,
or silver, or money, or wheat, or power. It did not include either
promises or time. We brought you one simple, but valuable thing;
something more valuable than gold or silver -- which we did not
possess -- and dearer to us than all fine empty promises. We
brought the freedom declaration to you. We brought nothing but
the declaration that the Libyan people became free on the great
Al-Fatih 1969. [audience chants slogans]
Brothers, many have lied to their people for power. They have
lulled the masses' feelings with pompous speeches full of hollow
promises, which they know will not be achieved. But they are
demagogic and compulsory for he who wants to rule the masses
and bear the crown on his head or hold the scepter of power in
his hand. We are the enemies of power; the enemies of the throne;
the enemies of the seats of power; the enemies of the police
systems which oppress the popular masses. We are even the
enemies of laws which are fabricated by rulers and their systems
in order to dominate the masses, to stifle them, and to orient them
by force -- not as the masses like, but as their ruler likes. We are
against all sorts of [words indistinct] moral and material, which
transform the masses into a group of sheep and the homeland into
a pasture for them. Consequently, we did not give promises. We
did not practice demagoguery, because we do not want to stay in
power. We do not want to rule. I do not want to be -presid
the Libyan Republic. Otherwise, I wouldave been president
from the first day, without elections. I would have been president
that second with 100 percent of the vote, and my colleagues
would have been deputies and ministers, and they would have
become the great of the world. I would have distributed all the
state's functions among the Army officers.
But the officers who took part with me in the revolution are now
5 dying as soldiers with [words ind' ct] shoes and steel helmets
in the field and on the land of Aozou. hey are still protecting
the revolution with an anonymous 8' entity (?in their units). But
they have the glory and the honor, not the seats of power, nor this
rotten place, which the revolutionaries hate. We came as rev-
olutionaries, not as rulers. Consequently, you will not, as you did
not, hear fine empty words, or promises, or a lulling of feelings,
or demagoguery, or deception.
hat you hear from us might not please you, but it might be
seful to you. The masses of our Arab nation have been deceived.
How many coups has this nation witnessed; how many coups were
aborted?
Even the Palestinian people are being murdered now in the
camps, in the name of the liberation of Palestine. In the name of
the liberation of Palestine, armies undertook coups so that gen-
erals could come to power; in the name of the liberation of
Palestine, the masses have been slaughtered; in the name of the
liberation of Palestine, repressive rule has been imposed on the
masses; and lastly, in the name of the liberation of Palestine,
Palestinians are slaughtered in Sabra, Shatila, the rest of the
camps, and Burj al-Barajinah.
All is demagoguery and charlatanism, in the name of the liber-
ation of Palestine. Therefore, on a day like this, 18 years ago, we
came to you with a declaration of freedom. This means that
a
Libyans, men and women, from the dawn of that day became
free, ruled neither by a president nor a king, emperor, policeman,
army or anyone else. Thi iswhaUvou should understand.
If you still rely on Mu'ammar, who is present, to bring you
chocolate from Switzerland, then I say no, I do not bring
chocolate. Make it yourself or plant something here and sell it to
buy chocolate for yourself. I do not bring chocolate for you and
I will not deceive yo by telling you that I will bring it for you.
If you believe that /Abd al-Salam Ja d ill look after the
economy for you, wit the General People's Committee, and will
resolve the problems - no,. the problems are yours and you
resolve them yourselves. The power is in your hands.
Any m our part would harm you; it would not
benefit you. We came to you only with the declaration of free-
dom. We now stick to it and we would die for its sake. Any
intervention in the will of the Libyan people would contradict the
declaration of freedom which we brought to you on the dawn of
1 September [1969], and which we were prepared to write down
with our blood. It was a joke, the ration that night. It was an
extremely dangerous operation. Ve moved amid foreign bases,
police forces, and reactionary tribes in the wake of the 1967
setback when all the Ara nation was defeated, covered in
darkness, and plunged in despair
But we had declared that one of the peoples of the Arab nation,
one of the peoples on earth, had become free. From that day the
popular changes. to set up the Jamahiriyah began so that the
declaration of freedom could be affirmed. Brother Libyans every-
where, in this historic hour and on the 18th anniversary of the
revolution, there is nothing in your hands except the declaration
of freedom brought by the revolution. On that day the chains
were broken, the fetters were smashed, the nightmare was
removed, darkness was lifted, and the sun of freedom effectively
rose.
But brothers [chanting of slogans ceases at Al-Qadhdhafi's
request], freedom can be killed in the name of freedom. Many
squares in the world and in the Arab homeland called freedom
squares are places where free men are executed, where the masses
are trampled under foot - in freedom squares in the name of
freedom. If you abandon your own affairs to any quarter, to any
organ, if you seek anyone else's service -- even when you look for
a house, furniture, an airline ticket -- if you seek the help of
another Libyan it would mean that you have lost. The paper that
I and my collegues gave you on the dawn of 1 September, the
declaration of independence, it would mean that you have torn it
up. It means that you are a slave who does not deserve freedom.
Do not ask for a house from all and sundry, except from the
People's Committee, which you yourself made. Do not ask for a
farm from all and sundry; do not ask for a travel ticket from all
and sundry. Any Libyan citizen, male or female, who begs from
another Libyan citizen is a vile slave who does not deserve
freedom. You are the master; you are the member of the People's
Congress, you make the decisions, which neither Mu'ammar
al-Qadhdhafi nor others can violate. You created the People's
Committee, which has to give you the house and the farm. It has
to serve you. All. officials employed in Libya are there to serve
the free citizen - the master. Any other idea which suggests that
J
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there are others beside yourselves who are responsible is wrong;
it is tantamount to deceit.
Why did we stage the revolution? I did not stage the revolution
in order to become a president of the republic. I would not have
done so. To hell with the preside tial position. Had my colleagues
been after posts would not have allowed them to stay in the
movement. I gathered all those who wanted to die and not those
who loved post~_Igathered those who hated power and not those
who coveted lhose who coveted power used to curry favor with
the Al-Sanusi throne and its henchmen so that they would get a
promotion or a post of under secretary or ambassador. We used
to despise these persons. I gathered in the free unionist officers'
movement those who hated power and not those who loved power.
When it became apparent that I made a mistake in accepting
someone and enrolled him in the movement only to find that he
loved power, the person was dismissed and expelled. He was
expelled because he betrayed us. He left. It became apparent who
was truthful and who was not - those who deceived us and were
hypocrites, saying to us: I am with you, with the revolutionaries
as I am a revolutionary myself - and.those who were truthful.
After the Al-Zuwarah speech, when power was handed to the
people, the fig leaf fell and the weak, the hypocrites, became stark
naked. The revolution continued with the masses and by the
masses, and by no others except the masses.
However, with the emergence of the revolutionary committees'
movement, and as the need arose to form security organs to
protect the security of the Jamahiriyah, my colleagues and I
discovered a negative aspect, which had to be liquidated.
Reexamination of oneself is what makes this reexamination
possible. There used to be some among the revolutionary commit-
tees movement who believed they were supermen and more
intelligent than the masses. This sort of person is sick. The masses
are the teachers. The things you have said such as Mu'ammar
the teacher, the thinker, are all stupid words which I do not
accept. The teacher and the thinker are the people. I was taught
by the people. Can I teach the people? No. The people teach me.
These phrases are detested. I cannot condone them. The leader,
the thinker, and the teacher are all words which I regard as
insults. They are insults to me.
I have not come to obliterate the awakening of the people or
falsify the will of the people. We have come in order to sacrifice
ourselves. We are sacrificing ourselves every day in order to let
the people take our place. If you believed that the revolutionary
committees are an unintentional attempt to dismiss the will of
the people, it would mean a gross malfunction has occurred. The
error is not in the revolutionary committees movement or their
revolutionary philosophy. The error lies with those who joined
the revolutionary committees as hypocrites, and probably fools,
just like the hypocrites and f s who joined the ranks of the free
unionist officers' movement. f someone wants to join the rev-
olutionary committees movement in order to gain privileges, this
person is sick and an enemy of the peop a Ie should be expelled
from the revolutionary committee's movement. A revolutionary
is one who revolts against the pattern of things. A revolutionary
is one who rises up, just as on this day in 1969.
Imagine one of you had gone to a revolutionary committee and
told them: Find a house for me or find a job for me, or move
me from one place to another. What I said about the other type
of person can be said about this sort of person. This sort of person
is a lowly and insignificant man who does not deserve freedom
and is never a master. All the citizens are masters except this
vagabond, who begs favors from the popular committee.
You, as a master, should seek the revolutionary committee as a
citizen. All the employees of the popular service who are under
the disposal of the popular committee are there in order to serve
you, the master. They are at your service, but you must not
say: I cannot build anything - you come and build me a
courtyard. Everyone should do things himself. Have you forgot-
ten when one from this very town, Tripoli, used to go to Tunisia
to work as a building worker so that he could earn his living. And
today, you do not wish to build your house in Tripoli, yourself. If
you do not see yourself, you are a slave. The foundations of
freedom are: You should serve yourself and shoulder your own
responsibility.
You have become unable to pick the fruits of your own farm.
Instead you say: Come and pick the dates; come and see to my
palm trees; come and gather my oranges; come and peel the
oranges for me. By doing this you are opening doors to colonial-
ism. To rely on others is something that is contrary to our
cherished freedom.
Freedom means self-sufficiency. We said that no people are
independent if they live on imports from beyond the borders or
from overseas. If you buy flour from abroad you must produce
something else in the place of the flour you buy. If we barter we
must produce something else in its place, like rice, wheat, animal
stock, or milk from Libya. Otherwise you cannot have rice. You
want rice while you are producing nothing. I am not going to bluff
you. If I am bluffing I can easily say to you: You will be getting
rice and there are convoys of ships full of goods. They are here,
they are full of goods and they have everything. I am not giving
you glad tidings. It is not so. It is not glad tidings. This sort of
thing is detested. The glad tidings are only when you do things
you do yourselves. As a matter of fact, there is nothing except
what you yourselves produce. There is plenty if you produce.
This is what declaring freedom means. As of today collective
ownership should be implemented. Brothers, a hotel which is
owned by a people's committee, but managed by staff and
workers from abroad, is not in your favor. Such a hotel is owned
by one certain Libyan, who is an exploiter and filthy, who sucks
your blood and robs you of the fruits of your labor -- one single
Libyan whose belly is too fat, and whose pockets are full of
money, money which does not reproduce itself. Where did he get
this money? He got it from you, you naive people. He gets it from
you. He exploits you. Anyone who sleeps in the hotel pays double
money to the hotel owner. The same applies to the one who drinks
or eats in the hotel. A worker works for 10 hours - he is only
paid for 5 hours as the owner robs him of the other 5.
This exploitation is finished. Who now owns this hotel? It is
owned by the state. There is no such thing as a, state. This is a
Jamahiriyah, the state of the masses. These are the masses. This
hotel, this factory - I am not talking about heavy industries, I
am talking about light and medium industries, services, eco-
nomic, and productive activities - all these as of today, as of
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tonight, you should hurry to place them under collective owner-
ship. What is collective ownership? This hotel, instead of being
owned by one Libyan who exploits other Libyans to accumulate
their money, so that he becomes rich and they remain poor,
should be owned, tomorrow, by 50 Libyans, or 100 Libyans, or
300 Libyans, according to the size of the hotel. It should be
beneficial for 30 Libyans, 50 libyans or 100 Libyans, but not 1
Libyan alone. As for what is called the state, it will no longer own
these things. You should own them yourselves. You should hurry
in groups, as of tomorrow, to own a clothing factory. I have in
front of me a list of 20 clothing factories. They are ready tonight
and awaiting those who can seize them. When I say seize, I do
not mean to attack them with shouts of Al-Fatih, Al-Fatih, or to
break their windows. This is not what I mean. It should be done
in an organized legal way. Ten of us want to own a clothing
factory which is now owned by general ownership. The general
ownership does not work because it is a small and medium
ownership, and will not succeed. If it were under private owner-
ship it would be an exploiting one; it should be a collective
ownership. Ten of you would come and say you would like a
clothing factory in Darnah, or 50 people would say that we would
like to own this factory.
There are people's committees which have laws, proposals, and
arrangements that would entitle you to own the factories. If
anyone benefits, you do. The same applies to the small and
medium factories. They should be owned. The people should own
them as of tonight in order to establish neosocialism, the Jama-
hiriyah socialism; to establish the Jamahiriyah, with its economic
meaning whereby it destroys the unjust social relations; to estab-
lish the social system based on justice in the service of the masses.
This should not be done by words but by deeds, by organized
material action. As of tonight and tomorrow, in conjunction with
the people's committees, the Libyan people should own the
factories, the production and service institutions, both the light
and the medium.
I wish you could own and manage petrochemical, chemical, iron
and steel plants. But it is not possible in the foreseeable future
for them to be managed by a collective ownership. They should
remain under general ownership, owned by the state of the
masses.
The light and medium industries and services should be owned
by the people. If you open a cafe in which you yourself serve, all
right - you and your family, all right. Two or three people
participate in this cafe; there is no employer - partners, not wage
earners. You can set it up. If you set up a restaurant, a hotel, a
farm, a construction company, a services company, you are free.
[chanting] You, the military police, why are you moving about?
Stand in your place. Freeze. [applause]
The workers, who failed several times in becoming partners
rather then wage earners...[changes thought] On such a day in
1978, this slogan -- partners, not wage earners -- was raised, and
the workers marched on all the centers of production. Workers'
productive and professional conferences were held, and workers'
people's committees were set up to administer the factories.
Management by the government and the exploitative private
management ended, and workers assumed the management of
these factories. But despite the fact that reports state that
industry in Libya is progressing well and that factories in Libya,
contrary to the situation in all the developing countries, are not
subsidized... [changes thought] But I criticize industry, because
the actions I expected from the partners have not yet material-
ized. But from that day in 1978 until now...[changes thought]
This is the ninthanniversary of the liberation of the workers, who
have moved from the category of wage earners to partners. This
slogan should indeed be implemented as of this night. The
workers who can take control of factories and become partners
in production; this is fine. Those who cannot, other masses will
take control of them through their money or effort or both, to
become a partner in this factory, in this establishment, in these
service or production facilities. If we leave this to the people's
committees, you will probably say, this is a lie, they are making
fun of us. No, I am forced to say this to you, and even this is not
good. You have a declaration of freedom in your hand; implement
it. There is no need for me to deliver speeches and tell you what
to do. But in order to confirm this, and so that you know that this
is serious talk, as of tomorrow, all Libyans can become owners of
production and services factories and establishments which they
did not believe they owned. Tomorrow, you, the one in front of
me, who has nothing, become a shareholder in one of the fac-
tories. You there, you probably wanted to make a living from
commissions or the selling of frivolous things at home or in the
dark - tomorrow you can become a partner in a partnership, in
a factory, in legitimate and honest work, in daylight.
Brothers, this is the way to confirm your humanity and self-
respect. How can you respect yourself if you are a middleman
and sell in the dark? How would you look in the eyes of your sons?
What is this honest story you leave for your children: I was a
middleman in the market of darkness, pursued by the people's
police, and I was imprisoned. Instead of saying, I was imprisoned
because I used to resist the United States, you would say, I was
imprisoned because I used to sell nails and pots under road
bridges! This does not become a free man and prepare factories
and farms for him to live off. Set up companies and hotels to live
off: There are 400 unemployed educated women. They should as
of tomorrow begin their march. Tomorrow, the march of 400,000
educated and unemployed women should begin.
Starting tomorrow, we want 400,000 women to go and take part
in productive work. Let them go and take control of any work
that they can do: run partnerships, seize factories, hotels, ser-
vices, production. This is the road to dignity, pride, and honest
living; otherwise, there is profiteering.
Do you have money? Why take it abroad? Fine, if you have
money, give it to the people's committees to buy for you all those
goods, and keep everything respectable. If you go as a tourist, be
a tourist. Tourism is respectable and honest, and no one can say
anything to you. You leave with a raised head and you return
with a raised head. If you go on a pilgrimage, go for God's sake
and no one will say anything to you. The pilgrimage has been
debased. It is no longer a pilgrimage; it has become profiteering.
Going abroad is no longer what it used to be. We no longer know
whether the one who goes abroad for medical treatment is, in
fact, ill. Perhaps he goes abroad to bring handkerchiefs, nails
[words indistinct].
By God, if you take that path I will despise myself and will not
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stay with you. I will go to any another country to struggle in it;
I will go to any revolutionary country. What is this? Who told
you this is the right path? Why shame yourselves, you the master
people, the first Jamahiriyah. Uganda has become a Jama-
hiriyah. Ghana has become a Jamahiriyah. Burkina Faso has
become a Jamahiriyah. Suriname is a Jamahiriyah. Nicaragua
is a Jamahiriyah. The world is changing from republics to
Jamahiriyahs and you are the first Jamahiriyah. Like France
when its revolution erupted, it was a republic and the republic
spread, and the world changed from the monarchy to the repub-
lic. The first republic in fact was France after the French
Revolution. You are the first Jamahiriyah in the world, the
master people. (?What do you see in Turkey or Greece?) [words
indistinct] You have money? Great. You are not poor; you are
rich. Fine, produce here and sell the goods here and buy goods
from abroad, if we do not have the goods you want. Anything you
want from abroad comes to you, but you must produce here. Do
not tell me about the oil. With the oil you should get other things
- the atom, weapons, factories, desalinization of sea water.
Never spend your oil on the purchase of cloths, sweets [words
indistinct] and canned goods. This is of no benefit to you. The oil
should not be touched. Leave it as an asset, and when you want
an important thing, buy it with the oil. Buy with it huge
machines, buy factories. Make the great artificial river with it.
The other things we should produce. Head for the land. (?Let
alone fishing in the sea.) All the Libyans, if they were lined on
the coast, would not catch one fish. You bring people from the
Philippines or China to catch the fish. No. This shall not happen.
Die.
Brothers, you have jobs, work, and money which you give to other
people. In the past you used to look for a job. A man from Tripoli
would go to Benghazi looking for work. Now you do not want to
work and you bring people from across the continents. If some-
body told you there was a servant on Mars, you would say, go to
Mars, sign a contract with her and bring her here to serve, clean
the street, or plough the land. Oh people! There are English
people in Wadi Sasu, south of Zulaytin, sheering whose sheep?
The sheep of Libya.
The Chadians herd sheep and the English shear the sheep. The
Libyans no longer shear sheep. It is not enough to say this. As of
tomorrow you should attend to the sheep, the factories, and the
services and take them over. You divide them into groups. How?
The popular committees. The general popular committee is in
existence, and the popular committees which you have created
are in existence everywhere. The answer to the word -- how --
will be found there so that you can establish the state of the
masses. The word masses is taken to mean that the masses will
have to shoulder the responsibility for everything. (?What Al-
Qadhdhafi is saying might be embarrassing.)
The United States is hell bent against Al-Qadhdhafi. This means
there are no free men, no people exist [words indistinct].To hell
with them [words indistinct]. If the problem is centered around
me then I do not mind going, to please Reagan. But the issue is
with the people and the land. The United States should take into
account the free people, not Mu'ammar. [chanting]
Brothers, however, while I incite you toward making way for the
emergence of collective ownership today and the emergence of
the system of partners, not paid workers, toward affirming the
existence of the master people and the master citizen; and toward
making way for the emergence of the state of the masses. I inform
you of the emergence of other Jamahiriyahs after the emergence
of your Jamahiriyah. This is not enough. If you have established
a Jamahiriyah, a republic, or an empire, these moral and material
gains are still exposed to danger in the absence of the unity of the
Arab nation. It is not possible that in the middle of the Arab
homeland we come along and create a Jamahiriyah = a small
state - or tell lies to people and say: You will remain safe and
secure to the day of judgment. This is wrong. You have seen
Palestine. You have seen Lebanon. You have seen Libya.
Any Arab state, on its own, cannot manage to get anywhere. In
fact, there is an international conspiracy to transform the Arabs
into Indians, to scatter them in various regions of the earth, and
to dismember them as the Gypsy and Kurdish nations were
dismembered. There is no escape from this black fate except
Arab unity. [chanting]
Brothers, this is not enough, however. I say to you that no matter
how loudly you ask for peace, they will not respond. God said that
if they ask peace, you also ask for peace. The word, if, is
conditional: If they demand peace; fair enough; you also should
opt for peace. The verse in the Koran means that these enemies
and tyrants are not quite genuine in accepting peace. God made
it a condition that if they accept peace, then you accept. This
means that there is doubt even in God's mind whether the tyrants
and enemies would accept peace.
No matter how loudly you ask for peace, the United States will
not respond. After the defeat of the United States last year and
its defeat at present in Chad, I stress to you before the world that
it will attack you once again and will challenge you once more.
The United States today is annoyed because the war is with the
United States - the imperialist power that wants to invade the
Arab homeland and Libya and others besides Libya. The Arabs
are the ones who are stupid because they think the United States
is their friend. We pity them. They are fools. If not fools, they
are extremely weak. If not, how could an Arab be a friend of the
United States? The United States has no friends. It has a slave
and an enemy. The United States does not wish the Arab nation
to get anywhere, because this would be in conflict with its
imperialist designs for the world.
Brothers, we withdrew from Andalusia. We withdrew from
Andalusia, and we see them today in Ceuta and Melilla. They
threw us out; not only that, but they also kept a foothold on the
Arabian shore in Ceuta and Melilla. We left the United States
alone. We withdrew from Andalusia and southern Europe, and
they began to claim the gulf off Sidra. We are not that stupid.
What do we have to do to the United States? The United States
is in its own territory, and we are in ours. The United States has
come to your homes. It wants to stay in your homes. Who cares
about the United States? To hell with it. The United States has
come to the Gulf of Sidra. A missile launcher was set up in the
desert of Surt to defend Libyan waters. The United States
attacked it. It said, you have no right to set up SAM-5 missiles.
Brothers, can you imagine this? It was as if we had turned a
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SAM-5 missile on the Atlantic in order to fire it on the United
States or U.S. towns. We had it stationed in the heart of our
country, to defend our territory. But they said: No, you must
not defend yourselves; you have no right to defend yourselves.
The United States is the one that should be God. Just look at the
encroachment. This sort of encroachment cannot be countered
with logic. But it should be countered with force [words indistinct]
We must rid ourselves of any fear of the filthy United States. The
United States is a paper tiger. We challenge it and we will destroy
it on our own shores. To hell with the United States a thousand
times. [chanting]
We left Andalusia for them and left them southern Europe and
the islands in the Mediterranean, and in return they have come
and occupied Palestine. You should see for yourselves and follow
the map. Have they not occupied Palestine? Have they not come
to the Gulf of Sidra? Have they not taken Ceuta and Melilla?
Has not the shah of Iran taken greater and lesser Tunb islands
and the Shatt al-Arab? Retreating in front of them did not do
any good. We told them: Look, here, we have left you every-
thing, but keep away. They said, No. The Gulf of Sidra, Pal-
estine, Ceuta and Melilla, lesser and greater Tunb, the Shatt
al-Arab. How much further are they going to go? They are not
satisfied. They would advance still further. They said: We want
only Palestine. Yet today they have taken southern Lebanon and
the Golan, and Sinai is occupied. The Israelis have left, and now
it has been taken over by the United States. How much further
will they go? They are still after our homes. If they strike us in
our homes, we will enter their homes. It is impossible to talk about
peace with evil. Today, the United States and its allies are
massing their forces; about 70 vessels in the Gulf and 30,000
soldiers or thereabout. The United States says this is in self-
defense. The Libyans in Aozou say: No, you are aggressors. It
is not in self-defense; it is aggression. The U.S. presence in the
Gulf is considered self-defense. The United Kingdom's presence
in the Malvinas in southern Latin America - they described it
as self-defense. There should be no dialogue. There should be
only one action: That is, a move toward resistance and to kill
any fear in our hearts and consider this tyrant Satan, who is
called the United States, a ferocious enemy of freedom, peace,
and the tranquility of the nations and an enemy of all mankind.
Everywhere, the United States is disliked. This means that all
mankind is against the United States. The United States will
definitely be defeated. We must prepare for resistance along the
coast of Libya. We must say to them: We are waiting for you,
and so will the fish be waiting for you, as the British Prime
Minister Churchill used to say during World War II. We say to
them what Churchill said to the Germans: We are waiting for
you to make you food for the fish. We need to spread this slogan.
We need to display it along the coast of the Mediterranean. We
should say: We are waiting for you and so are the fish.
If we were to say: America, you should be ashamed of yourself;
peace, we surrender, we lay flat on the ground, the United States
would take no notice. It goes on advancing. But if it sees the
placard with the slogan written on it: We are waiting for you
and so are the fish, the United States will then become fright-
ened. One million fighters should be ready to confront the United
States along the Libyan coast. At that time, we will say: To hell
with the United States. [chanting]
Then, brothers, the United States should be resisted. It should
be resisted not only by Libyans but by all Arabs from the ocean
to the Gulf. We must mobilize the masses of the Arab nation; all
Arabs from the Gulf to the ocean should resist the United States.
Brothers, we do not recognize any U.S. interests in the Arab
homeland. We should destroy the interests of the United States
in the Arab homeland. Let the United States and its interests go
to hell.
For the sake of bringing together the scattered people and
salvaging what can be salvaged, I always say that there is a way
to Arab unity; and it is the way of the revolution. But the
revolution remains something that no one can predict. It is like
the day of judgment, which might come suddenly or may take a
long time. The revolution might come today, or it might come
after a long time - the revolution that brings about unity.
There are some objective circumstances. When they are ripe, the
revolution will emerge. They might become available, or they
might not. Certain climates are required. They might come and
go before the revolution breaks out; the revolution might break
out after its conditions become available, and it might be stillborn
if the objective circumstances are not there for its continuation.
From this point of view, the revolution remains something that
is hidden. But it remains as one of the things that must inevitably
arrive, like the end of the world. A lot of hope is pinned on it,
because it will be the one that destroys everything.
There is a unity that can be imposed by force. This unity also has
its own conditions. The conditions might become available for
realizing Arab unity by force. There is also a possibility to bring
the nation together under existing conditions. I would like to
bring the glad tidings to you; namely, that circumstances favor
ingunity have come into being between Libya and Algeria, Libya
and Syria, and Libya and the north and south Yemens. [chanting]
As for our brothers in Sudan, the popular base was established
on 6 April, but the dynamic Sudanese forces should see to it that
the Sudanese situation becomes favorable for unity.
We hope the 6 April Revolution will move to Egypt, and thus the
heroic Sudanese people would have the honor of transferring the
popular revolution across the great Nile Valley from the south to
the north contrary to the wishes of the Pharoahs, the rulers of
Egypt, who want sovereignty to move from the north to the south;
King Mina would reemerge in every place and at every time with
two crowns: one for Upper Egypt and one for Lower Egypt,
Upper Egypt being Egypt and Lower Egypt being Sudan. [Al-
Qadhdhafi laughs]
I say that the objective unionist conditions now prevailing
between Libya, Algeria, Syria. and probably also Yemen should
not be squandered. I bring you the good tidings that the Algerian
people and the Algerian leaders have resolved and decided to
establish a union between the Jamahiriyah and Algeria on the
1st day of next November, God willing.
Syria is ready for unity and no Arab can outbid the Syrians in
respect of the unity. The Syrians are the true advocates of unity.
Damascus has always been the pulsating heart of Arabism.
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Hafiz al-Asad nor his colleagues nor the Syrian people in regard
to unity. Syria is ready for unity with you and with other Arabs,
too, at any time. Consequently, any ripe conditions for unity
should not be squandered.
For this reason, I wish to put forward a plan for an Arab union,
which I wish to declare tonight to the Arabs. [chants] Unless they
respond to unity willingly, they should expect uncalculated vio-
lent changes for the sake of realizing this unity. I have worked
hard and I hereby put forward a plan for establishing an Arab
union on the following bases. I wish to now declare it over the
airwaves to the entire Arab nation so that all the unionist forces
in the Arab homeland will bring pressure to bear on their parties,
governments, and members of parliament to work for the realiza-
tion of this unity. Anyone who lags behind will have to be trodden
on.
This is because the Arab nation is in danger, and we cannot face
up to this danger except through Arab unity. I ask for nothing
from this Arab unity other than two things: First, that there
should be a defensivecapability for defending the Arab home-
land, Arab sovereignty, and Arab life from outside threat; sec-
ond, that all Arab economic capabilities be pooled for building
an Arab economic force for realizing a better life for the Arab
people. These are the two things I seek. Other than this, I do not
care whether there is here a republic, a monarchy, a princedom,
or even a sultanate with a crown or an authority with 40 men
presiding over it who oppose each other like the popular authority
at Darnah. What I mean to say is that I do not care who is at its
head. What I do care about is that the Arab nation should be
brought together by one political framework in which it would
pool its economic and defensive capabilities. I do not care who
rules this country or that country. These are matters left to the
sons of each particular country: Anything they do not like, they
can change.
[Al-Qadhdhafi reads the following from a document] The union
aims at the following: To work for realizing comprehensive
Arab unity; to bolster the ties of fraternity among its various
parts; to work for advancing the Arab nation, the defense of its
rights, and the protection of its interests.
In accordance with this charter, an Arab union made up of the
Arab countries signatory to it shall be established; that is, among
the Arab countries that approve this charter and that accept its
provisions. It will be called the Arab Union [Al-Ittihad al-`Arabi].
The Arab Union will have a legal personality and will enjoy all
the necessary powers for performing its tasks in the member
countries, as well as in the international arena. The union's bodies
will represent it within the bounds of its jurisdiction.
The objectives of the union: To pursue a common Arab policy
in all fields; to protect the Arab homeland and to defend its
territories; to realize Arab socioeconomic development and to
establish an Arab economic unity on sound bases; to revive Arab
Islamic culture; to develop scientific research; to raise the Arab
citizen's standard of living, to improve his working and produc-
tion conditions, and to provide him with all necessary means to
keep abreast with international socioeconomic and cultural pro-
gress.
In the Arab field: To bolster the ties of fraternity and amity
among the parties composing the union and to establish a close
cooperation among them, particularly in the following fields:
In the field of defense: To protect the independence of the
parties signatory to it; that is, the parties establishing the union,
and to repel any aggression against them or against any one of
them.
In the economic field: To realize economic, social, industrial,
agricultural, commercial, and human development through ini-
tiating joint institutions and the preparation of common special-
ized programs for realizing cohesion among its various parts.
In the field of education, culture, sciences, and scientific
research: To develop education and unify curricula and meth-
ods of teaching and to protect the Arab. nationalist identity; to
initiate joint Arab cultural institutions to ensure the development
and encouragement of scientific research.
Organs of the union: The Arab Union shall have the following
organs: A Supreme Presidency of the Union to which shall be
attached an Executive Council, to which shall be attached an
executive committee and unionist councils, permanent secretar-
iat, a pan-Arab congress, a unionist court, and a unionist central
bank..
The union's Supreme Presidency shall consist of the kings and
presidents of the member countries and shall enjoy the power to
issue decisions pertaining to the union's' supreme policy. The
decisions shall be promulgated on a majority basis.
The presidency shall meet once every year [Al-Qadhdhafi cor-
rects himself], every 6 'months, and shall elect one of its number
as chairman for the session to run its affairs, as well as run the
union's affairs for that period. This means that there is no longer
a chance for one to concede the presidency and another to assume
the presidency. All these kings and presidents shall constitute the
Presidential Council. Every 6 months, one of them becomes king
of all the Arabs. There is a precedent for being the king of all the
Arabs, like in the case of Governor Husayn, who was the governor
of Mecca and king of the Arabs. Thus we will no longer have a
king of Jordan or Saudi Arabia alone, but a king of all the Arabs,
for a period of 6 months. There will no longer be a president of
Tunisia or Kuwait or Mauritania, but president of all the Arabs.
This is so that they will not quarrel over the presidency and over
power. All of them shall alternate the presidency through the
Presidential Council.
The Executive Council: The Executive Council shall consist of
the secretaries of the General Popular Committees and the heads
of councils of ministers or governments of the member countries.
Its presidency shall.be by rotation among them, as is the case
with the Presidential Council. The Executive Council shall meet
once every 6 months. Any Arab prime minister in any Arab
country can become the prime minister of all the Arab prime
ministers, once every 6 months. The Executive Council consists
of all the heads of government.
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V. 3 Sep 87
The Executive Committee: The Executive Committee shall
consist of the heads of the unionist councils. Its meetings shall be
presided over by one of the Executive Council's members, by
rotation. It will meet at least once every 3 months.
The following are the Executive Committee's jurisdictions: To
prepare the draft laws; to prepare the draft budgets; to review the
plans and works of the Executive Councils and follow up their
implementation; to supervise implementation of the unionist
budget and the development budget; to promulgate the necessary
regulations and decisions for implementing the laws.
The Unionist Councils: The Arab Union shall have the follow-
ing councils: Political Affairs Council; Defense Affairs Coun-
cil; Economic and Food Affairs Council; Education and Cultural
Affairs Council; Scientific Research Council; Legislative and
Judicial Affairs Council; Internal Affairs Council; Health and
Social Affairs Council; Labor Affairs Council; Energy and
Water Affairs Council; Communications and Telecommunica-
tions Affairs Council.
For example, the Council for Political Affairs is constituted of
secretaries and ministers of foreign affairs in member states. The
same thing applies to the rest of the councils. That is, the Defense
Council is made up of defense ministers and its task is to
safeguard national security and to draw up plans to safeguard
the Union and its members; to unify army recruiting, training,
and armament among the Union states; to establish joint and
comprehensive armament industries; and to establish one single
Arab general staff.
The Council of Economic and Food Affairs is made up of the
secretaries and ministers of planning, economy, etc. Its jurisdic-
tion is to unify the basic economic structure of member states; to
arrange the movement of capitals; to pursue economic activity;
to unify the means of exploiting member states' natural
resources; to lay down a joint pan-Arab policy on tariffs; to
remove tariffs among the member states; and to distribute indus-
tries among members in order to achieve economic integration.
Likewise, the Education Council is made up of education minis-
ters, and the rest of the councils are made up of the appropriate
ministries.
The Council of Energy and Water Affairs, for example, is made
up of the secretaries of the General People's Committees and the
ministers of petroleum, electricity, energy, and agriculture from
member states. Its responsibility is to draw up a pan-Arab plan
for prospecting and exploiting various energy resources; to orga-
nize the use of Arab energy resources and to link member states
through pan-Arab channels in the fields of crude oil and natural
gas, electricity, and nuclear energy; to draw up plans for
prospecting and exploiting renewable and alternate sources of
energy; to set up an Arab agency for nuclear energy; to study
water resources available in Arab countries that are now
threatened by the enemy, be it surface or subterranean water; to
try and increase the ways of exploiting water by introducing
pan-Arab irrigation canals; and to link up existing canals - for
example, an irrigation channel could be set up to link the Nile
River to the great man-made river in the Jamahiriyah, to estab-
lish other canals like the great man-made river that would link
rivers in Jordan, Syria, Palestine, and Lebanon, and possibly
between Iraq and Syria. And so on for the rest of the councils.
Then there is the Pan-Arab Congress. The pan-Arab congress is
the Union's supreme legislative authority. It is comprised of
delegates from legislative councils in the member states, with
equal numbers from each state. This means Qatar would have
the same number of delegates as Morocco. The congress is
responsible for issuing unionist laws, as well as for studying the
legislative policies of member states in order to unify them.
The budget of the unionist development: The union will have
a unionist budget for development whose limits and member
states' quotas are adopted by the presidency resolution. The
Council for Economic and Food Affairs lays down the develop-
ment budget and other projects to be submitted to the presidency.
Every Arab member state of the Arab Union commits itself to
give its share to the development or ordinary budget and also
commits itself to deposit the budget account in the Arab Unionist
Bank in accordance with the decision of the presidency session's
chairman.
General laws: Every member of the union respects the leader-
ship of the other states and commits itself not to interfere in these
states' internal affairs - obviously this point is important to
those who fear the union. This charter does not prohibit members
from concluding other agreements or treaties as long as these are
not incompatible with the union's regulations.
This charter does not affect the right of any of its members to
join with any other member or members in the union. It would
mean that Libya and Algeria can unite; Syria and Libya can
unite; the YAR and the PDRY, for example, can unite. This is
permissible within the framework of this union. Any aggression
or threat of aggression of any kind against any of the member
states would be considered an attack on all the member states.
Each of them would undertake to confront the aggression or the
threat of aggression as if it were confronting aggression against
itself.
There is nothing in this charter that affects or undermines
bilateral relations or multisided relations among the member
countries. [Words indistinct] unity between Libya and Algeria
will not cancel or contradict the two countries' participation in
this federation. In accordance with this charter, the bilateral
political representation that currently exists will be abolished.
The Council of Political Affairs, comprising the foreign min-
isters, will draft principles for relations between member states
and their representation abroad.
The Permanent Secretariat will undertake the task of coordina-
tion between members until such time as the establishment of the
principles referred to in the previous paragraph is undertaken.
A special committee which is to be appointed by the chairman of
the presidium will undertake the task of preparing the draft
resolutions, agreements, and protocols necessary for implement-
ing this charter. [Al-Qadhdhafi finishes reading from document]
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form a body for water and a body for grains; or providing food
supplies and for the exploitation of water resources; or a body for
energy and for the exploitation of Arab energy. It should be
understood that (?because) the side proposing this project is
revolutionary in character, conservative circles would receive it
with apprehension. They would believe it contains revolution and
destruction for those countries. But I would like to reassure them
that this is the responsibility of the revolutionary force inside
each region. No one outside any region can impose a revolution
on another region. 'Abd al-Nasir was present in strength along
the Libyan border but he could not impose revolution on Libya,
which had bases hostile to him.
We have staged the revolution. And to 'Abd al-Nasir we were
anonymous;'Abd al-Nasir came to know us only after the emer-.
gence of the revolution. We staged the revolution. 'Abd al-Nasir
could not impose the revolution in a neighboring country like
Libya. We prepared for the revolution for 10 years without 'Abd
al-Nasir knowing about it. After we staged it, we paid him a
courtesy visit to seek support for the revolution.
Therefore, no one can impose a revolution and they thus should
not be afraid that Al-Qadhdhafi will impose a revolution on
Tunisia or Sudan or Egypt or on any other Arab country.
Revolution occurs from within a country; it emerges from inside
a country. I do not present them with revolution,;, but I present
them with a charter for a union that brings together these regimes
in existence today.
Consequently, the thing that preoccupies me is that our defensive
force should be united since the Arabs are in danger. Their
economic strength should also be united because the Arabs' living
conditions are on the decline. This is what preoccupies me. What
form each region or regime would take does not worry me.
Anything that does not prove useful will collapse.
This will lead to the unification of alliances between the Arabs
and will lead to the ending of all problems that occur on the
borders - border problems - between one Arab country and
another: smuggling; mercenaries; opposing camps; suspicions
that this or that one is training terrorists and the military; or that
this one is preparing to swoop on him. If this federation were to
emerge and Arab unity were to come into being, then all these
problems would come to an end. Even ordinary smuggling prob-
lems and infiltration across the artificial borders would come to
an end.
We have divided a single nation. We cannot separate ,a single
nation by creating artificial borders. Libyans infiltrate into Tuni-
sia and Tunisians infiltrate into Libya because each have kinfolk
in Libya and in Tunisia. This union also will enable the Arabs to
become a force that commands respect from others. I would say
on this occasion that the Arabs should possess the atom bomb.
For the first time, we declare that we must not ever be embar-
rassed by working day and night to possess the atom bomb. While
we do not want to play with the atom bomb, if others want to play
with the atom, they must not play against the Arab people or the
future of the Arab people and the safety of the Arab homeland.
Brothers, I say this to them because the Israelis now possess the
atomic weapon, with the help of the United States and France
and all the Western states. Now that the Israelis possess the
atomic bomb, the Arabs have no alternative but to work day and
night to possess an atomic weapon in order to defend their
existence.
I have not spoken about this before now. But brothers, in front
of me are documents that confirm to the whole world that the
Israelis today possess the atom bomb and that night and day they
have been continuing to develop an atomic weapon. There is
accordingly nothing left for the Arabs except to declare that they
must possess the atomic weapon in order to defend themselves -
and this is a legitimate action.
This is a legitimate action. Any Arab feeling ashamed about this
is a coward who does not wish to exercise his right to self-defense
according to Article 51 of the United Nations. We abide by
Article 51 of the UN Charter which allows us to legitimately
defend ourselves. As long as our number one enemy, who was
established forcibly on our-land in Palestine with the help of the
United States and France, possesses the atomic bomb, we have
no alternative but to work day and night to possess the atomic
bomb. This is legitimate and we should not feel at all ashamed
about it. We should be prepared to ratify the international treaty
on the, nonproliferation of nuclear weapons if the entire world
destroys all its nuclear weapons and if Israel is stripped of its
nuclear weapon. Otherwise, we have no alternative but to enter
into this battle and throw all our capabilities into manufacturing
nuclear weapons.
Brothers, when I visited,China I asked Deng, the Chinese leader,
about the hydrogen bomb that China manufactured. I said to him
that on my way I had seen Chinese men loading stones on donkeys
to remove them from a river which will be flooded during the
winter and noticed that most of the transportation in the streets
is horse-drawn. It appears China is a poor country,, so how did
you manage to manufacture the hydrogen bomb? He said: I
agree with you China is a poor country; it is a Third World
country, but I intend to develop and continue our nuclear pro-
gram. But it is inevitable that China should manufacture the
hydrogen bomb - and this is what he said - so it can tell those
who had the bomb: If you want to play with nuclear bombs then
you will not be able to play with them on Chinese territory. China
has the ball you want to play with and is capable of entering the
game. He said: We did this only to deter those who had the
nuclear bomb; if they wanted to play with the atom they will not
trick China because China has the nuclear bomb. He said: I did
this for this purpose. He said this was legitimate self-defense. I
tell them now what Deng told me: The Arabs should have a
nuclear bomb, not to attack with, but to defend their existence,
particularly following Israel's acquisition of the atomic bomb.
The purpose is to tell them: If the game starts with atomic
weapons, then the Arabs can play.
But, brothers, with regard to the task of gathering Arab cap-
abilities, uniting the Arab nation, and realizing a dignified life
for the Arab citizen by uniting economic capabilities and safe-
guarding the security of the Arab homeland through establishing
a joint defense under this proposed union, I must admit there are
problems preventing the unification of Arab ranks. Among these
are Egypt's recognition of the Israeli enemy and the declaration
by Al-Sadat - the entombed Al-Sadat, the Al-Sadat who is
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0 -
cursed even in his grave, and the cursed ones who follow in his
footsteps along the path of treason - that there is no Palestine
but there is an Israel and that there is no people called the people
of Palestine, but there is an Israeli people. Al-Sadat declared in
Jerusalem that the land was the land of Israel and that the people
are the people of Israel and that Egypt recognized the land of
Israel and the people of Israel.
This means there is no Palestine and no Palestinian people. The
rulers of Egypt - voluntarily or forcibly, fearing the United
States and the. Israelis, or by their own free will - are still
proceeding along this path, this recognition. They proceed from
this point: The land is the land of Israel and the people are the
people of Israel.
In actual fact the great calamity of modern history is Egypt's
departure from Arab ranks. We lost Egypt with all its capabilities
and ability to function. Egypt is an important Arab member. Our
loss of Egypt is a great pan-Arab loss. By its departure from Arab
ranks and its entry into the stable of David we lost Egypt. It is
inevitable that we should work to take Egypt out of the stable
and not to go to Egypt while it is still in the stable. He who goes
to Egypt while it is still in the stable is an ass himself, because
Egypt is in the stable and he wants to enter the stable. Stables
are for donkeys only. As for the honored Arabs, they will not go
to Egypt while it is in the stable. Let the Arab donkeys go to the
stable: They go cursed and despised. Any Arab ruler who goes
to Egypt while it is still in the stable is a donkey. We declare this
here and now. Let the donkeys go to the stable. Any person who
flees to Egypt should know that Egypt now is a rotten cadaver.
He who flees to Egypt is a dog so let the dogs go to their cadaver.
He who goes to Egypt politically and enters the stable is an ass,
so let the asses go to the stable.
I am sorry to use such expressions, but there are no words in the
dictionary to describe the dogs who go to their cadaver and the
asses who go to the stable except these words which are in the
language. Do not feel sorry for any person who flees to Egypt.
He is a dog going to a cadaver. Let the dogs go to their cadaver
- this is our slogan. Do not get angry with the Arabs who go to
Egypt. Egypt is in the stable, so therefore let the donkeys go to
the stable. Donkeys have nowhere to go except the stable and
dogs have nothing except a decaying cadaver. Let the dogs
therefore go to the decaying cadaver in Egypt.
However, I still keep a very narrow bridge open with the Egyptian
regime. If Egypt's rulers today are compelled under U.S. and
Israeli threats to remain inside the stable, 'then they should
understand us and inform us of their position so we can extend a
hand of assistance to them. I do not want to say the last word on
this issue until I am convinced that Egypt's rulers are compelled
to stay in the stable by the United States and the Israelis and are
prepared to leave the stable but are incapable 'of doing so.
Otherwise, they are lackeys and traitors and have not a bit of
Arabism in them and no dignity, preferring to remain in the
stable and sell out Palestine to the Americans and to the Israelis.
Then we have other things for them, irrespective of the con-
sequences. But let us see. This is one of the calamities which beset
us - Egypt's departure from Arab ranks and its entry into the
stable.
LIBYA
The second problem is the Gulf war - it is one of the factors that
disunited and-scattered the Arabs - the Iraq-Iran war. We
would have liked to fight Iran during the shah's regime - the
shah who was the enemy of Islam and the bitter enemy of the
Arabs; the shah who was a racist Persian, who hated the Arab
race. We were hostile to him and we sided with the Iranian people
and the revolutionaries of Iran against the shah, the lackey of the
United States. This was when Iran was a U.S. area of influence.
Iran was an' ally of the Zionist enemy and South Africa. It used
to supply them with oil and weapons. We would have liked to
fight the shah when he occupied the greater and lesser Tunb
[islands]. But, regrettably, at that time all the Arab rulers were
bribed by the shah. They colluded with him against the Iranian
people; all save the Libyan revolution. Only the Libyan revolution
stood against the shah, until the shah was toppled. Also, we do
not betray the revolutionaries of Iran who used to listen to my
speeches while they were in prison and responded to my appeal
and staged the revolution. When the Iranian revolution was
threatened and the revolution was in danger we fought side by
side with the Iranian revolution. We admit this bravely.
We fought for the Iranian revolution when it was in danger. If
Iraq wanted to fight the Iranian revolution at that time, then it
was not in the interest of Iraq or the Arab nation that the Iranian
revolution should be toppled. Although Iraq was engaged at that
time in a war with the Iranian revolution, Iraq's future lay in the
existence of the revolution in Iran. We always looked beyond the
border dispute between Iran and Iraq. We saw that the revolution
in Iran was very important for the Arab nation. But danger
loomed when Iran was a U.S. base and an ally of the Israelis. We
defended the Iranian revolution until the danger was removed.
But now Iran - the Iranian revolution - is not in danger. Hence
we do not help it strike against Iraq.
Now Iran. The Iranian revolution is not in danger. Consequently,
we do not help it to strike at Iraq. But we are with it against the
United States. We ally ourselves with it now to face up to the
United States in the Gulf, this flagrant insolent threat to world
peace, to Iran, to the Arab Gulf and to the Arab homeland. The
agents are those who welcome the presence of the United States
in the Gulf.
Indeed, we feel that the USSR was amiss in its international
duties vis-a-vis world peace, since the USSR is responsible for it
before the peoples. The USSR has left the United States and the
imperialist NATO to occupy the Gulf and threaten the peoples
of the Gulf and world peace. The USSR should shoulder its
international responsibility before the peoples and its responsibil-
ity toward world peace. The USSR should.not allow the United
States to do whatever it pleases in the Gulf. The USSR must put
a check to this whatever the outcome. Even if the USSR fears
confrontation with the United States, it is unacceptable for it to
sacrifice the security of peoples and world peace in order to avoid
confrontation with the United States. Confrontation with the
United States becomesa humanitarian duty when the United
States threatens world peace and threatens secure peoples such
as the Libyan people, the Chadian people, the Iranian people, the
peoples of the Arab nation, the Nicaraguan people, the other
peoples of America and the rest of the world's peoples. When
these people become threatened by the United States, the first
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superpower in the world, it becomes the duty of the USSR -
indeed, it becomes imperative for it to sacrifice nonconfrontation
in order to save world peace.
World peace is now facing a threat from the Gulf. Secure peoples
wishing to live securely in their lands are now being threatened
by the U.S. presence. The Arab brothers who drew the United
States into the Gulf are digging their own graves. We tell
them: You are digging your own graves because you have
brought the United States, your bitter enemy, into your lands.
We have to intervene in this problem. I personally will not retract
from my principles, principles in which I believe and which I have
declared.
I am now against the Iraq-Iran war. I consider it to be a filthy
losing war. It has provided a pretext for the United States to enter
the Gulf. It has provided the pretext for those who wish to seek
U.S. protection to bring the United States into their homes on
the pretext of being threatened by the Iranian revolution and the
Iran-Iraq war. Indeed, the Iran-Iraq war has become a pretext
used by all those who want to bring in the United States and a
pretext for U.S. interference. We should work with all our might
to end this war in order not to give any pretext to the United
States to intervene in the Gulf. We must not provide any pretext
for any trembling traitor to seek U.S. protection out of fear of
the Gulf war. We cannot betray the Iranian revolution. Indeed,
we will protect the Iranian revolution.
However, we do not accept seeing Iran occupy Iraqi land, despite
the fact the brothers in Iran have been saying: We do not want
to occupy Iraq but want to bring down the regime there. This is
a complex matter: bringing down the regime in Iraq and occu-
pying Iraqi land cannot be separated from each other. To bring
down the regime you have to occupy the land. There is a
contradiction between these two matters as stated by the Iranian
revolution. It puts the Iranian revolution at an impasse: If it
wants to advance to bring down the regime then it has to advance
through Iraqi territory and this is tantamount to occupying Iraqi
land. We will exert all our efforts to make our brothers in Iran
understand that the war is senseless. It has become a threat to
Iraq, Iran, the Arabs, and the Gulf. It must be stopped and all
resources diverted to fighting Zionism and imperialism by the
Arab and Iranian nations under the banners of Islam, under the
banners of the revolution, under the banners of nationalism, or
under any other banners in resisting Zionism, imperialism, and
racism.
One of the issues that divided us was that of the international
conference, which even divided the Palestinians. The interna-
tional conference must be forgotten by the Arab masses, even if
it was accepted by Arab countries. It was accepted by Arab
countries but this international conference is dangerous. For
example, it is a pretext for direct bilateral negotiations between
Jordan and the Israelis. If Jordan and the Israelis reach
agreement under the umberella of the international conference
nobody will be able to cancel this agreement. This is the idea
behind the international conference, according to the U.S. and
Israel explanation. It is an international umbrella which blesses
direct bilateral negotiations between any Arab and Israeli party.
The Palestinians might come out of it empty handed, as the
Egyptian saying goes. Jordan and the Israelis might agree;
Lebanon and the Israelis might agree; Egypt and the Israelis have
agreed; Syria cannot agree. They agree at the expense of the
Palestinians. What will the Palestinians get? Nothing.
Afterwards there can be no objection to any bilateral agreement
between the Israelis and any Arab country because the interna-
tional conference stipulates this. It blesses any bilateral
agreement.
Stemming from this, the Jamahiriyah rejects this international
conference. It considers it a swindle, a danger to the [Palestinian]
cause. The Arab masses should fight against it. This interna-
tional conference has created a rift between the Arabs and has
divided the Palestinians vis-a-vis the Israelis and with regard to
their cause. Embarking from this, I should air my opinion
regarding the international conference and explain it to the Arab
masses. As for the Libyan masses inside the people's congresses,
I know that they know it.
Among the issues that have divided the Arabs is the issue of the
Western Sahara. I am in a better position than others to talk
about the Sahara issue because the Polisario was established by
us in 1972. It was us who trained it and armed it to expel Spanish
colonialism from Saquiat Hamra and Oued Eddahab. We did not
arm it so it would establish a state, we did not tell it to join or not
join Mauritania, Algeria, or Morocco, or to. liberate this Arab
land from Spanish colonialism. As well as being a danger facing
the Arab nation, I see the war in the Sahara squandering Arab
capabilities. I know there are 80,000 Moroccan soldiers involved
in continuous fighting against the revolutionaries of Saquiat
Hamra; brothers fighting one another. Is it not possible to spare
80,000 Moroccan soldiers from this fighting and to transfer them
to the real front to confront Zionism? Is it not possible to transfer
the Polisario revolutionaries to liberate the occupied Arab home-
land? Consequently, there should be an Arab and Maghreb
action - Maghreb in the sense of the Maghreb states, of which
we are part - to find a solution to this problem. I do not want
to go into details.
On the Palestinian rift, a Palestinian told me that the rift cannot
be blamed on the international conference alone. The fundamen-
tal cause is either capitulation or struggle. It is simple. We go to
Yasir `Arafat and ask him: Do you want to give up or keep up
the struggle? If he says I want to capitulate, we will leave him;
if he says to fight on, we will take him.with us. I do not believe
there is a Palestinian who would say I will give up the armed
struggle and give up the gun. To realize something tangible
regarding these issues I call for a conference of Arab parties that
are in power to be held in the Jamahiriyah. It would include these
pan-Arab issues in its program. I also call on Arab opposition -
the recognized and legitimate opposition, the so-called legitimate
and constitutional opposition - to hold a conference of Arab
opposition so it could be a pressure force on the political regimes
in power to include, in its opposition programs, these pan-Arab
causes. I am relying on the Lebanese national movement and the
Palestinian resistance to play a decisive role because they are
among the effective and free forces having no ruler or controller
to oppress them.
With regard to Chad, I am not happy, like all Libyans, that
Chadians should die in the hundreds every day as a result of
Libyan air raids. Every day hundreds of Chadians are killed and
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V. 3 Sep 87 D 12
injured. I consider it against my scruples and against my ethics.
I have not come to fight the Chadian people; there is no problem
between Chadians and Libyans. It revolves around our common
history, common land. Even if it is said that Aozou is Chadian,
for the sake of argument; this means that Ndjamena is Libyan;
we cannot put a dividing border from the demographic aspect
between Libya and Chad. Suffice it to say we taught Habre in
our schools for free and all the African presidents did not know
this; they were surprised. They were surprised when I told them
Hissein Habre graduated from (?Al-Afar) for free. We taught
him and his brothers for free and we armed him when he was in
Frolinat. We used to be his allies because he was a member of
Frolinat, because we were allies of Frolinat, the national move-
ment of the Chadian people.
How did matters reach this extent? The United States. The
United States is not interested in Habre or Goukouni or Chad or
the Chadian people. The United States wants Chadians to die for
the sake of its orders. The United States wants to fight us from
Chad. It fought us from the north and failed and now fights us
from the south. After it has failed and has been defeated in
Aozou, we will await U.S. threats in the coming days. Con-
sequently, prepare for the confrontation. Everyone who is absent
from his unit should return. I salute all soldiers whose cir-
cumstances caused them to leave their units and who returned
immediately. Subsequently I issued an order [applause] - they
deserve your proper applause, they have conscience and patrio-
tism - I issued an order to pardon them and not to try them for
the period of their absence because they had compelling circum-
stances, but when the matter became serious they immediately
joined their units. I salute them, instead of punishing them, and
I urge everyone who is absent from his unit to return to it and I
pardon him because the Libyan Army is a huge army, consisting
of 140,000 soldiers. With this size, when thousands go absent, it
is like a few in a regiment. Subsequently, all those absent should
return at these decisive moments to confront the United States.
He who stays with his wife, mother, sister, and neighbors, desert-
ing his unit, has no conscience, no patriotism, and no virility.
I say, dear brothers, in'relation to Chad, we should have been a
support for Chad, a help for Chad, and I would have liked to have
seen the Libyan aircraft carrying foodstuffs and medicine, not
tons of destructive bombs for the Chadians. But, dear brothers,
our forces were in Tibesti. I withdrew them back inside interna-
tional borders. Last March I halted the continuous strafing of
Chadian regions. We believed this was enough to make Chad
attend to its wounds and reconsider its aggressive policy towards
its Libyan brothers and not become a toy in the hands of
imperialism. But we were surprised with the aggression against
us inside our territories, inside our international borders. When
they entered Aozou we did not get angry; rather we laughed and
behaved calmly, with the calm of someone with self-confidence.
We did not drop bombs on them; rather we dropped- leaflets
urging them to surrender and return safely to their families. We
told them the one who made them enter Aozou wanted their
death and destruction and wanted to turn their children into
orphans and banish their families.
Our aircraft dropped leaflets over Aozou, and we told them in
the name of sacred month [in which fighting is forbidden] and in
the name of Friday, and in the name of Islam, which Habre did
not respect, spare us the fighting between Muslims in the sacred
months. We asked them to return from whence they came or
surrender, because we have no desire to kill you en masse,
because we are capable of crushing you. He told them that
anyone entering the Aozou mosque is safe. We tried tiwce -
which they called a Libyan attack, a failed Libyan attack -
twice we tried to test their pulse. We sent groups to them in order
to reach an understanding. Were they prepared to fight or had
they responded to these leaflets? They took the group we sent;
and they said we took prisoners. In addition to that group, they
surprised a village which felt secure. They surprised the villagers,
who were Toubou, and took them prisoner. Habre hates the
Toubou, so they massacred them and took the rest away.
So far, their fate is unknown in Tibesti. They were relatives of
(Goukin) and the (Goukin) tribe. When we realized that they did
not want to surrender, and out of our respect for the prohibited
months [months in which fighting is prohibited in Islam], out of
our respect for Islam and our desire not to shed the blood of the
brothers and neighbors, we submitted the matter to the OAU and
notified the UN Security Council. We gave them an opportunity
to go. We kept calm while they stayed in Aozou and acted as
though we were not in.Aozou. We waited to see what the OAU
chairman was going to do, what Algeria was going to do, and
what the other countries were going to do. When we relized that
the matter involved greediness and that Habre was forced by the
United States to attack Libya and stay there, we issued our orders
to march on Aozou. In less than 2 hours, these bands were
destroyed and the whole of Aozou retrieved. We brought the
journalists to see this. We expressed our regret at the destruction
caused to Aozou and to the remnants of the Chadians who died
of thirst and those who were lost and are still roaming astray on
their way to Chad. There were more who died as from their
wounds or thirst than died from our bombs. We are sorry for this
fate which Ndjamena handed them. Who governs Ndjamena
now? It is the United States and France.
We were able, even using volunteers from any tribe, to march on
Aozou and dismantle it wall by wall - and not even by the armed
forces. We are capable of disarming the whole of Chad and
marching on it and handing it to anyone we like, if we want. But
we want to march on Palestine and on imperialism. We do not
want to march on Chad. Chad is a neighboring country. It is the
most impoverished African country. We do not feel proud in
scoring a victory over Chad.
What is the value of Chad? If Chad were alone, it would be a
picnic. This is the first time we have swept across the whole of
Chad and arrived at Ndjamena...[changes thought] This is not
the first time. We have swept on to Faya and Tibesti four times.
If Chad were alone, it would pose no problem. If the United
States and France believe that they can frighten us, when matters
become-serious, by God, we will occupy the whole of Chad - we
are not afraid of the United States or France. We accept con-
frontation with them in this desert and these mountains. A
rasberry to them. [chants]
But, brothers, I would have liked to see the Chadian people and
the Libyan people ally themselves against poverty, against back-
wardness, against imperialism, and against racism in South
Africa - which we must fight - and support for Namibia. The
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Libyans and the Chadians must fight side by side in Palestine, in
Namibia, and in South Africa.
Chad's interests lie in its alliance with Libya. The fate of Chad
will always be dependent on Libya's attitude toward it and not
on the attitude of the United States or France. The United States
would sacrifice everyone and go. It recognizes no friend. The
same applies to France. France has no desire to get embroiled -
and it is embroiled against its own will in Chad.
If the Hebrew [play on the name of Habre in Arabic] has involved
himself with the United States and France because of Libya, then
Libya assures him of his safety. He knows that when Libya wants
to do something, it does it - when it wanted to expel him from
Faya it did so. When we wanted to expel him from Ndjamena,
we did so and handed it to Goukouni. When we wanted to return
him to Chad, we withdrew and told him come back, there is
nobody in Chad. So he entered it. We handed him Abeche and
the other regions. He knows that he only managed to get to power
because our forces left these positions to him. Thus his departure
from power, his return to power, his education and his life - all
are owed to Libya. His family is in Ajdabia and Kufrah.
In fact, the war between Libya and Chad is a filthy war. Libya
must be a prop to Chad and to the peoples. Libya could be a prop
to the poor peoples such as the Chadian people. Libya must not
right in Africa but in South Africa. It must fight in Palestine, in
the Mediterranean, and on the side of the peoples of Latin
America. Libya is a base for the world popular revolution. Libya
is an international platform for all the forces fighting imperialism
and reaction and Zionism and racism and fascism. All the
righting forces in the world have their headquarters in Libya and
their command is Libya.
If Chad fights imperialism, if the Hebrew fights against imperi-
alism, then he should become a member of the international
platform. The Hebrew should be, and he ought to have been, the
best student of the third universal theory. He should have been
one of the supporters of the Green 1st September - particularly
as he had stated that he felt optimistic about the Green 1st
September. He should have been a student of the third universal
theory, if he was truly a patriot. But if there are trickeries,
whether or not because of the United States, then we will allow
no playing with fire. We can stage a march with no parallel and
establish peace once and for all in Chad and strip every Chadian
of his gun. By God, we would strip them of knives, if we so wished.
[chants] No Chadian from the north to the south, or from the east
to the west, would be able to carry a knife, if we so wished.
[chants]
We will do all this if we feel that there is some trifling and
flouting, or if we feel that there is an imperialist power bringing
pressure to bear on Chad in order to fight Libya. [chants]
When Chad becomes a base for aggression against Libya through
the influence of imperialism, and when the United States and the
imperialist forces are present in it, at that time Libya will not
enter the battle alone. It will call upon all the forces in the
international platform and the forces of the pan-Arab Rev-
olutionary Command to fight alongside it in Tibesti, in the
Sahara, and in the forests area, because it will become a confron-
tation between the anti-imperialist forces in the world and impe-
rialism in Chad.
However, there is a chance. If they opt for peace, then you opt
for peace again. There is a chance for 'Ibri. First, as to his
problem with Goukouni, Acheikh ibn Oumar [Neo-GUNT pres-
ident] and Mahamat Abba Said [secretary general of the
Supreme Revolutionary Council Permanent Secretariat] and all
the Frolinat groups, we cannot solve it. The civil war will continue
between him and them and Chad's tribes, religions, languages,
and various groups. Chad does not constitute one single state, but
a group of races - Arab, Toubou, (Gar'ani) Negro, Muslims,
Christians, pagans, mutinous Hadjarai tribes in the center.
French planes are bombing them now. Driss Miskin [not further
identified] was killed; his tribes want to avenge his death. The
Zaghawa, along Chads border with Sudan, have mutinied, and
the south has mutinied. There is fighting in the south. Toubou
tribes mutinied, and the Arabs mutinied. They constitute one-
third of Chad. Chad is not a single state. But we would like to
help it dress its wounds and realize its national unity.
We cannot solve the ethnic or religious problem or the civil war
in Chad. But we can, along with other African states, apply
pressure in order to realize a national reconciliation between
Goukouni, Acheikh Ibn Oumar, Mahamat Abbo Said, and the
rest of these leaders and 'Ibri. We wish that tomorrow Goukouni
and his brothers could enter Njdamena and reconcile with 'Ibri
and form a joint government. Then this problem would come to
an end. We do not want this country to be in turmoil along our
border.
Aggression against Aozou in Libyan territory is a game that will
lead to regret. The United States cannot go to the rescue of the
soldiers who were killed or those who are roaming without
anywhere to go. The United States cannot. We tried it. We want
to explain to them that the United States cannot come to the
rescue. Libya is the one that can benefit or harm you.
Generally, I am not happy to strike the Chadians. They are poor
people; they are brothers and neighbors. We have no desire
whatsoever to fight in Chad. We want to engage in a war to
liberate Palestine, liberate Jerusalem, in South Africa, in Nami-
bia, and in the Mediterranean against U.S. imperialism.
But today, we are exercising only self-defense. If we struck
Ndjamena, Taya, or wherever in Chad, before the world it is clear
that we are repelling an aggression against our international
borders. Any action we undertake inside Chad is within the right
of self-defense according to Article 51 of the UN Charter,
because we are aborting a hostile action against our border.
There are some designs which are declared along our borders,
and it is an attempt to occupy our territory. The Libyan is now
in a legitimate state of self-defense when he attacks any place in
Chad. But we do not have any desire, in actual fact, from the
standpoint of conscience, to strike Chad.
They are sacrificing Chadians mercilessly; they are being thrown
into the fire, into a hell. Those we have captured in Aozou
admitted that they had no desire to fight Libya, but they were
threatened with death; he who does not fight a Libyan is killed.
They said: We have been forced to fight Libya. We are with
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V. 3 Sep 87 D 14
Libya, which is resisting imperialism. Libya which stands
alongside Africa and wants the liberation of Africa and the
unification of Africa. Libya is feeding 12 million African chil-
dren.
The United States has not done this. The United States sends
weapons to Chad so that Chadians die; so that we will fight each
other. Who creates border problems? France and Italy. Imagine,
the French and Italian colonialists left us with a border problem
and left us fighting each other while they laugh at us - they
want to intervene to solve the problem. They caused the problem.
Look who created the problem between African states, or at least
between Libya and Chad - Italy and France - not Chadians
or Libyans. There are no borders between Chadians and Libyans
in either Aozou, or Faya or Ndjamena or Kufrah or Jdabiyah.
They are two peoples intermingled and they will remain so
despite the agents, despite the United States and despite France.
Those who created the borders are France and Italy - now they
pretend that they are worried and wonder how a war could erupt
between the two neighboring countries - they were the ones who
waged the war. In reality, there is no hostility between Chadians
and Libyans; Chadian people are my brothers. In their capacity
as Muslims I am their Immam, because Islam came to them from
us, from our people to Chad. We taught them Islam; therefore,
we are their Immams. I am the Immam of the Chadian Muslims
of Tougou and (Gouran) and others and hence I do not fight them
- they pray behind me - they do not fight me nor do I fight
them. The one who will go to heaven is the one who fights the
United States, this satan. We should prepare ourselves to fight
the United States when it comes to us - we should be awaiting
the United States, and so would the fish in the Mediterranean.
You should prepare yourselves, really, and implement all the
rules which call for the comprehensive mobilization of our
fighting forces during the coming days, because from now on,
compulsory service in the military; general military training;
militarization; production; Jamahirir; collective ownership; part-
ners, not wage-earners - all these theories should be imple-
mented, all these visions which bring out the best of the
capabilities and potentials, which mobilize the economic and
moral force, require a moral spirit which will enable us to build
up the material force to confront the United States. The United
States will threaten you during the coming days because it has
been defeated in Chad.
the Arab future, around whom Arab and Africa's revolutionaries
rally. Consequently, France does not want any hostility with
Libya - I wanted to stress this to you. Its presence in Chad is a
symbolic one, because Habre was the one who requested that
France come and protect him in Ndjamena, because he cannot
rule in Ndjamena for even a single month without the presence
of French troops. It is a known fact. Why are they present in
Ndjamena? Because he can only rule Ndajamena with the
assistance of French forces. Alright, let's reconcile him with
Goukouni, Acheikh ibn Oumar, and these people so that they can
govern among themselves without any French or Libyan forces.
We have no desire to dispatch any Libyan forces to Chad, even
at Chad's request. What do our forces do in this distant desert
and these distant places? Our sons are away from their families,
relatives, and country. We have enough desert, enough moun-
tains, and enough sunshine. We do not need any of Chad's desert,
or mountains or sun; we have no need for it. We have no
colonialist ambitions in Chad at all. We would like to put an end
to this game. He should understand that the United States cannot
rescue him [Habre] from revenge; but if they want peace, so be
it. We have with us revolutionaries from Africa: The war is not
between Arabs and Africans; it is between imperialist forces and
African forces. Here is Museveni, Uganda's president; here is
Rawlings, Ghana's president; here is Dr Taj al-Din, member of
Sudan's State Council. Let them convey my words to the OAU,
Chad, Algeria or any country. Let them say that Libya is forced
to fight in Chad, it is compelled to kill Chadians en masse -
hundreds of Chadians are killed daily because of air raids. Libya
is compelled to kill the Chadians en masse-hundreds are falling
as a result of the air strikes every day. It is compelled. It is not
Libya's conviction to do this. Libya wants to help the Chadian
people and fight alongside them and be their ally. Chad could
have entered the Arab-African Union [between Libya and
Morocco].
We are pained to see hundreds of thousands of black workers
from our continent - from southern Africa - being dismissed
from their jobs and being trampled under foot and getting killed
under the feet of the racist whites. We are pained to see our
people in southern Africa and Namibia being subjected to racist
aggression. It is neither beneficial nor justified for the Libyans
to fight the Chadians. This is stupidity. It is no different from the
stupidity of Iranians fighting Iraqis now. I say this even if I
Hence, the war is not between us and the Chadians, and I have disagree with all the people. You know that there are many
no desire whatsoever to fight the Chadians, who are poor and people who support Iran against Iraq - many people among the
weak. If they do not approach our borders and if the imperialist Arabs who support Iran against Iraq - many Arabs and non-
forces withdraw from Chad, Libya will promise that its forces Arabs are adopting a revolutionary stance. But I consider the
will not enter Chad; Libya will contribute to the reconciliation fighting stupid. I consider it stupid. The war between the Libyans
between the Chadians - there will be no problem. However, if and the Chadians is stupid too. But if the fighting between the
anybody wants to commit suicide he is welcome to do so: If he Libyans and the Chadians entails a ploy designed against your
wants to dig his own grave with his own hands we will not stop border and entails U.S. instigation of Chad against Libya, then
him from doing so - we will advise him and tell him not to dig you should prepare to advance on Chad, even with 100,000
his grave. But if he insists, we will bury him in it. Libyans, to strip Chad of every weapon, even knives. You should
bear this in mind. [applause]
I would like to state that France has no reason to show animosity
toward Libya. On the contrary, there are great interests which We should also get ready to confront the United States. If the
relate to Libya and France - more interests than with Chad - United States would leave us alone from the north and south,
economic interests. France has no desire to create hostility then we would only want to achieve Arab unity and live in peace,
against the Arab nation, particularly with Libya which is an farming our plantations and building our factories. War is hated.
effective force in the Arab nation, and which decides the fate of God Almighty said: You must fight even though you hate
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 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/03/12 : CIA-RDP05-01559R000400420025-2
0r
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fighting. But perhaps you can hate something that is for your own
good. A war imposed on us may be for our own good because this
war will enable us to exploit our capabilities and defeat our
enemies and achieve heroism and unite the nation. This war may
lead to the realization of some transformations that the enemy
does not want. But when the enemy carries out an aggression on
us, historic events take place beyond our control which makes us
reach the apex and render us triumphant. Then the enemy will
regret having given us an opportunity for victory and immortality
and a chance to exploit our capabilities.
The United States may regret this as it did in Lebanon. In
Lebanon the United States' actions led to the creation of cap-
abilities for martyrdom - unlimited capabilities for martyrdom
in Lebanon. Girls were coming forward ready for martyrdom,
such as Sana' [not further identified] for the sake of killing scores
of Zionists. This would not have happened had it not been for the
U.S. aggression. A 12-year-old child, a 12-year-old Arab child,
detonated himself and the car he was in in order to kill 300 U.S.
soldiers. The United States was frightened by a 12-year-old
child. The United States was frightened and did not return to
Lebanon; it will never return to Lebanon. Another 14-year-old
child detonated himself and the car he was in, to kill 300 French
soldiers; France left Lebanon. Italy and all the Western states
left Lebanon. The United States was frightened by a 12-year-old
child because he preferred to be a martyr in return for killing 300
U.S. Marines. With such examples we will triumph over the
United States and make it a paper tiger - a cowardly force. But
the United States may fight us and regret fighting us because it
transformed the 12-year-old child into a martyr who kills hun-
dreds. The United States may carry out an aggression against
Libya, but it will regret it. We notify the Mediterranean peoples
that if there is any aggression against Libya - although the last
time we accepted the mediation of some people - this time we
will totally destroy the Mediterranean. God willing, we will plant
mines in the Mediterranean so that no ship will pass safely
through the Mediterranean. On top of my head and the heads of
my enemies, 0 God! This will be our slogan then. Our African
revolutionary brothers, who are dear to us and who regard the
great 1 September revolution as their own: Prior to his assump-
tion of power, Museveni used to be with us here. We used to lead
the revolution together in Uganda daily and his revolutionaries
were trained here in Libya. Before you heard of him, and before
he assumed power, Rawlings used to be here with me at the house
of Dr `Ali al-Turayki [Libyan permanent representative to the
UN] and in the People's Palace, and we used to prepare for the
revolution in Ghana. These revolutionaries triumphed, praise-be
to God. If Habre is within the nationalist rank, let him join these
revolutionaries. I charge these African revolutionaries with the
duty of conveying this advice before it is too late and before one
regrets what one has done. With them they have Taj al-Din
[Chairman of the Sudanese State Council. [sentence as heard]
Even so, our finger should be on the trigger, from Aozou to
Mesa'id, to the Gulf of Sidra. You should never feel arrogant.
The enemy will only respect you if he fears you. Peace cannot be
realized unless there is force. You should all become commandos,
like the brave commandos who dived like hawks on the mountains
of Aozou. [applause] You should all become eagles of the sky.
You should all become advancing forces, like the forces who
advanced on the (Wadi Thanwah). All establishments which are
under arms should sing, dance, train and fight; all factories
should work all shifts; all Libyans, males and females, should
increase production and raise their heads up high. They should
switch on the lights and cheer. You should dance, sing, and fight.
Glory for the great Arab nation. [cheers] Glory for the martyrs.
Immortality for the martyrs. Victory for the revolution. Death to
the United States. Death to the...[Al-Qadhdhafi's voice drowned
outby cheers] cowardly lackeys. Life is bestowed by God on the
brave. Those who die while on the run are lesser men than those
who die standing their ground. Do not flee. Forward, forward.
Let fear defeat the United States. Let fear kill...[Al-Qadhdhafi's
voice drowned out by cheering] the United States. Do not belittle
the United States. Let us be. allies with the international rev-
olution. Let us be allies with...[Al-Qadhdhafi's voice drowned
outby cheering]. Let us be allies with the socialist camp and the
progressive forces. Let us be allies of the peoples looking forward
to freedom.
Let us be allies of Uganda. Let us be allies of Ghana. Let us be
allies of Burkina Faso ...[AI-Qadhdhafi's voice drowned out by
cheers] within this delegation. Our brother, friend and colleague,
our brother Sankara, whom we also charge with the task which
we entrusted to the African revolutionaries.
We are the international center and the command of the inter-
national revolution. We are the base of the international popular
revolution. All nations look to Libya. All revolutionaries derive
their morale from Libya. Libya should shoulder its historic
responsibility vis-a-vis the Arab nation and Africa and the inter-
national revolution.
JANA Editor Denies Shelling of Chadian Territory
LD021955 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 1900 GMT 2 Sep 87
[Text] Tripoli, 2 Aug (JANA) - Some Western information
organs today carried a statement made by Habre's ambassador
in Paris in which he alleged that Jamahiriyah yesterday shelled
a position inside Chadian territory.
JANA's military affairs editor has commented on these allega-
tions, asserting: On Monday, the General Command of the
Libyan Arab Armed Forces issued an order to halt raids inside
Chadian territory on the, anniversary of the great Al-Fatih
revolution. Such an order was made voluntarily; it was not forced
upon us by anyone because no one can do that.
The editor continued: We are still abiding by our decision.
However, we would like to point out what the 'Abre [Arabic word
meaning the Jew - reference to Habre] radio has been
broadcasting; namely, that the Government of Ndjamena is
massing its forces to attack the Libyan Arab forces. This is a
matter which will prompt us to implement what we have already
said: If it became obvious that Chad was going to benefit
militarily from the Great Jamahiriyah's decision to halt air raids
on Chadian territory, the Great Jamahiriyah would reserve its
legitimate right to self-defense and would resume hitting the
enemy's, forces, wherever they may be.
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