AL-QADHDHAFI SPEECH AT GENERAL PEOPLE'S CONGRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400420010-8
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 15
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 12, 2012
• Sequence Number: 10
• Publication Date: March 2, 1987
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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V. 3 Mar 87 NORTH AFRICA
JANA Reports Libyan C-130 Lands in Egypt
LD030725 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 0700 GMT 3 Mar 87
[Text] Tripoli, 3 Mar (JANA) -JANA has learned that a
Libyan Arab plane C-130 type has made an emergency landing
on Egyptian territory as a result of bad weather.
JANA sources have stated that if the plane is not returned, the
Egyptian authorities will have seized it, and no other justification
can be believed.
AI-Qadhdhafi Speech at General People's Congress
LD021404 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
1238 GMT 2 Mar 87
[Speech by Colonel Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi, leader of the
Libyan Revolution, at 2 March session of the Sabha General
People's Congress -live]
[Text] In the name of God. Brothers: First of all we thank the
delegations which have come from all over the world to partici-
pate with us and to commemorate with us the 10th anniversary
of the establishment of the state of the masses, the Jamahiriyah.
[applause] I also congratulate the Libyans whose long and bitter
struggle, through generations, was crowned with the excellent
and final victory of the establishment of the Jamahiriyah, that
is, the state of the masses. It means that the Libyan masses have
established a state in which no other power i8 in conflict with the
masses. Only the masses, on Libyan soil, have responsibility for
all the affairs of the state which has become a state of the masses.
It is an excellent, historic, and great victory for people who were
subjected to invasion, to aggression, to persecution and destitu-
tion, mass detention and mass executions from the time of the
Romans in the 4th century BC; they were set up by the Vandals,
the barbaric people of Europe, the destroyers of North Africa
and the enemies of civilization; they were set up by knights of St
John -who came from Rhodes, in fact, and were wrongly
attributed to Malta as they are called the knights of Malta. But
Malta was a victim of the knights of St John like Libya, because
the pope gave Malta and Tripoli as a present to these pirates who
made Malta a base which they stepped on with their hostile feet
and turned into a base for piracy against North Africa.
These people have been subjected to all kinds of invasion, coer-
cion, and hate meted out, regrettably by Europe. After the
Romans, the Vandals, and the knights of St John, these people
were the target of Spanish invasion and were subjected to ugly
devastation beyond description by Spanish imperialism. Then
came Byzantine imperialism and invasion, and in modern times
came Italian imperialism which set up scaffolds everywhere and
extermination camps in vast areas of the Libyan territory and
which moved thousands of Libyans to Italy. To this day we do
not know what happened to them, their children, and
grandchildren. We still demand to know the tragic end of thou-
sands of Libyans and even to know where they are buried.
Then they were a target for American imperialism which
repeated its earlier attempts in the 18th century. These attempts
failed when the United States tried to occupy the Libyan coast.
During the treasonous, reactionary, and subservient reign of the
monarchy, which was destroyed by the revolution on 1 September
1969 [applause], the United States managed to reach Libyan
territory and build five bases there which were demolished after
the revolution. It is still trying to return yet again and it will not
hesitate to do so except for reasons beyond its control.
This people are still being subjected -- and quite recently -- to
barbaric Atlanticiat aggression by the superpowers that occupy
permanent seats at the Security Council, by the Atlanticiats who
overlook the Atlantic Ocean from the north and who seem to be
lagging behind modern man so that they are a species situated
between monkeys and men.
The Atlanticista have no morals. They are extremely destructive
to the future of mankind and human civilization. Regrettably,
they possess a power that is capable of destroying the civilization
that man has built with untiring efforts.
The Yankees have no morals; they have no conscience. They
should not be treated as humans. They are a threat to the future
of mankind. They will be using nuclear weapons in the future to
destroy mankind. They are irrationally and carelessly siding with
the racist, barbaric, and extremely savage Zionist camp whose
tanks run over Arab families in the Middle East in their own
homes and in civilian cars. The Yankees laugh because this
barbaric act arouses their feelings, and accords with theer char-
acter -- vile Yankeeism.
These people are still being subjected to aggression and rancor.
Yesterday they were subjected to it from the north and today it
is subjected to it from the south. Now the forces of the United
States and France get together to attack these people from the
south after they failed to attack it from the north. Despite this
tragic stage that the Libyan people have experienced as a victim
of aggression -and the colonialists and transgressors believed
that they had managed to control Libyan territory and this people
-these people have been able to triumph and to set up a state
of the masses. They are purposefully declaring challenges and
their shining victory.
The authority which is established on Libyan soil is not a regime
in the hands of a tool that might be subservient to some quarter
or that might deviate or betray. If so, this would be an incomplete
victory and an incomplete freedom. The emergence of the state
of the masses is, however, a great declaration that the masses for
whom the scaffolds were erected and for whom extermination
camps were built and who have been persecuted throughout the
ages and who have been successively invaded by Europe, have
not been annihilated and their will has not bcen defeated. They
have triumphed and established a people's authority.
I can say today that 10 years have passed since the people began
to exercise power without middlemen or someone to act for them.
I would like to say that what has happened in the last 10 years
has been your resonsibility. What will result in the future from
these 10 years also rests with you and will be through your own
arrangement and planning. You -the people's congresses -the
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people who are in front of me here, the secretaries of the people's
congresses and the people's committees, you are the people's
congresses and all the Libyan people stand under your banner.
The secretaries of the people's committees, the congresses, and
the committees are the ones who are responsible for exercising
power, political, economic, or administrative, and even military
effectiveness.
This is because the Jamahiriyah requires the people to carry out
the task of defense so, if there is any complacency or shortcoming
in the defensive capability, it falls on the Libyan people. This is
because they have declared that they will shoulder the responsi-
bility of defending themselves, by themselves, without a regular
army because a regular army is not part of the state of the masses.
The masses, in their own state, are the ones who carry out all the
tasks. They pledged in this place 10 years ago to defend freedom
anywhere in the world.
It should be made clear that the masses are accountable for any
positive or negative events that might have occurred in the last
10 years and any which might occur in the future. The people's
congresses and and the people's committees are answerable for
them.
There is no quarter we might thank or blame outside the people's
congresses and the people's committees. Anyone who is looking
for a quarter outside the people's congresses and the people's
committees is ignorant, a fool, and stupid. He is illiterate from
the political point of view. There are things I would have liked to
do personally, but during the past 10 years I had neither the
political nor the administrative power to issue a law or resolution.
Even I sometimes cannot implement something because I need a
resolution or a law. This is in the interest of the people. Any other
quarter can then act in accordance with laws or measures so that
we can blame it or thank it, even if there is some slackness from
a people's committee, which is of the making of the people.
You are the ones who set up the people's committees. I do not
know these new people's committees, I do not know the names or
numbers of those who have become secretaries of the general
people's committees or members of the General People's Con-
gress; you are the ones who know them. Last night you nominated
people I do not know, you submitted statements about them.
There were those who wondered who they were, and those who
answered that this one is called such-and-such, his age is such-
and-such, his experience issuch-and-such. Who knows them and
accepts them? It is you. Therefore, these people are accountable
to whom? They are accountable to this congress. These commit-
tees, of which you are secretaries, are accountable to the Basic
People's Congresses.
I have followed a number of affirmations that this is in the Green
Book, or this might contradict the Green Book, or this does not
exist in the Green Book, or this is compatible with the Green
Book. I wish to say that after 10 years of people's authority, you
now understand what people's power is. It might be (?bad), it
might be difficult, it might be nonbeneficial.
There is nothing in the Green Book that compels Libyans to set
up people's authority of the masses. The Green Book does not
talk about the Libyans at all. The word Libyan is not mentioned
at all in it, nor are the words Arab, Muslim, or Christian. Are
these words in the Green Book? They are not. The Green Book
is like AI-Suyuti's book. Anyone wishing to do such-and-such a
thing should take such-and-such medicine; anyone wishing to
grow his hair should use such-and-such methods. If you want to
do something, you do it; if you don't, you don't. One wishing to
whiten his teeth should use coal and salt. That iswhat AI-Suyuti's
book says, but that is not something compulsory that one has to
do. It is not compulsory. Anyone, anywhere in the world wishing
to use salt and coal, can do so, that is all [Al-Qadhdhafi laughs
it is simply a medical prescription from AI-Suyuti.
The Green Book is not about Libyans. It sums up the suffering
and struggle for salvation by all people. If the struggle for power
anywhere in the world is to end, power should go to all the people.
Indeed, the struggle for power in Libya ended when all the people
assumed power. The Green Book explains words uttered by
people. They spoke of democracy [demokarasi] meaning the
people in the chair. So democracy means the people occupying
the chairs of power. If these chairs are not occupied by the people,
then it is not democracy. It may be rule by a party, individual,
class, sect, or tribe. There is naturally an evident worldwide fake
democracy at present, but true democracy is the democracy of
the people's congresses and people's committees. There can be no
democracy without people's congresses. People's congresses and
committees are everywhere. Anyone wishing to Gave democracy
- which philosophers, intellectuals, and the whole world are
talking about, looking and struggling for -should have the
people in the chair - demokarasi, originally an Arabic word -
meaning permanent occupation of the chairs of power by the
people. It would not be democracy if the chairs are occupied by
someone other than the people. You can call it what you like, but
it would be false if the people are not in the chairs. [cheers]
That is people's power -rule of the people by the people. This
might complicate decisions, waste time, exhaust people with
daily meetings of people's congresses discussing every detail.
Someone might, with some reason, say it has exhausted everyone
because all the people are rulers and all the people are responsi-
ble. One might say: I do not want to take responsibility. Let
someone else think for me and determine my fate because I would
like to till the land or tend to my sheep's grazing. One could say:
I have no time to exercise power and (?I cannot be of use) to the
people's congress; so you come and rule and determine the
country's fate. People used to know about their fate from the
radio. A law or a decision that concerned the fate of the people,
their food and drink, and their future: people would only hear
about it from the radio without themselves having anything to do
with it. You would be tried and executed in aceordance with a
law you had no part in drafting, a law you knew nothing about,
not even those who drafted it.
Even the family is subjected to personal status laws, to marriages
and divorces and relations of this kind; it is subjected to these
laws on personal status but it did not make the laws, nor did it
participate in their making or give its views on them or agree to
them. They were made on their behalf. Now the Jamahiriyah
says that it is the entire people that issues the laws which it
observes, the decisions which it abides by. It is the people who
decide its own fate, defines what it wants, carries out what it
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This may bean addiction. Generally speaking, you have already
experienced it. He who wants to be frce should set up a jamahir-
iyah, then he will be frce without the control over him by a
government, a party, or a class; no pressure or yoke whatsoever.
He who wants to be free sets up a jamahiriyah. There are people
who want to hand over their freedom to others. After 10 years of
experience of people's power you are frce -you can choose any
form of government. What matters is that you have become frce.
The point is that I want to affirm on the 10th anniversary of the
setting up of Jamahiriyah, l0 years after the people began to hold
power without representation, intermediaries, or government -
despite the fact that the world, out of ignorance, an ignorant
world, is still saying: Al-Qadhdhafi the Libyan president, and
things of this kind. And quite recently they said `Abd al-Salam
Jallud was the Libyan prime minister, because they know that at
one time `Abd al-Salam was prime minister before the setting up
of people's power. They still use the appellation at a time when
there are no ministers, no council of ministers, or even the word
minister. But ignorant radios and newspapers in the world say:
`Abd al-Salem Jallud, the Libyan prime minister. They are
ignorant of the facts; they speak of a Libyan minister or the
Libyan Government. We Gave neither government nor ministers
in Libya because every one of these men is a secretary of a
people's committce; he cannot make a decision without the
authority of the committce and the committce can make a
decision only if it is implementing a decision made by the people's
congresses.
What I would like to emphasize is that the aim of the revolution
is that the Libyan people will be frce. That is all. I did not come
to tell you to carry out the revolution so that I can rule over you.
I have no specific vision which I would like to impose on you. I
acknowledge before you that I have no vision nor conception. I
compiled this Grcen Book from the conclusions of mankind while
it is suffering from persecution and exploitation, and while it is
searching for final emancipation. Communism was an attempt
at the final emancipation; anarchism was an attempt at the final
emancipation; the Fourth Internationale was an attempt at the
final emancipation. Then came the Jamahiriyah and it was
considered an action directed along the same line but it has
surpassed these serious and great attempts at the final emancipa-
tion.
The Jamahiriyah is not the opposite of communism, anarchism,
or the Fourth Internationale. But it is the end of the path; it is
the final formula. Even if we drift toward communism we will
find the Jamahiriyah is a possible, practical, and reasonable
reality which can be achieved immediately without having to go
through stages. Even if anarchism is doomed to vanish we can
turn to the Jamahiriyah and find that it is the solution. Anybody
who considers that the Fourth Internationale has died and who
has-begun to look for the Fifth Internationale has automatically
ended up at the Jamahiriyah.
But, it will be impossible for history to record that I imposed on
my people some kind of regime or a certain mold in which I
implicated the Libyan people. I am still saying that I have carried
out the revolution with my colleagues so that the Libyan people
will be frce and can decide whatever it likes. I have told you that
I admit that I did not carry out the revolution because I had
specific conceptions which I wanted to impose on the Libyans. I
have no party; I have a program and I have enabled the Libyan
people to impose this program on the Libyan people. I have no
ideology or religious movement which sceks to impose its ideology
on the Libyan people. Even the other free officers have no
program or ideology. Freedom, only so that the Libyan people
will become free! Let the monarchy be destroyed! Let the foreign
military bases on Libyan soil be evacuated! The exploiting force
which belittles the power of the Libyan people should be
smashed! This force was embodied in all aspects of the private
sector such as private trade, agencies, brokerage, businessmen,
exploiters, feudals. These forces monopolized the economic cap-
abilities.
These forces had held the economic capabilities. Now the masses
cannot be frce if their capabilities are in the hands of others. We
destroyed these classes, if one can phrase it like that. We distrib-
uted the capabilities among the people. The thing that draws
attention here and which I can record as a historic economic
action is that this country did not resist someone for selfish
reasons. The merchants used to number 50,000. The truth is that
they came to an end without resistance.
The conviction is that the time of exploitation and private trade
which broke the back of the consumer and imposed on him a high
cost of living bas gone. The merchants abandoned exploitation
without resistance. This is a good thing for the Libyans. It will
stand as a moral wealth which should be appreciated. [applause]
The employers also abandoned exploitation without resistance.
Hundreds of thousands of Libyan workers were liberated. Bour-
geois classes like agencies of various types, and lawyers and
notaries public, and their like have abandoned these positions
which had become trivial. They rejected futile exploitationism
without resistance.
The important thing is that what I want to stress today is that
you are frce men. I would say that I have not imposed the
Jamhiriyah on you, or the Grcen Book, and I do not expect it. In
affirmation of what I say, jamahiriyahs will be established in
remote areas of the world, (?similar) to the Libyan Jamahiriyah.
(?You should be proud of it). [chants]
I know that the world is bound to turn into a jamahiriyah system.
The scale of opposition is widening every day and so does the scale
of participation in power, and this will not stop in the middle of
the road. This march will continue until the pyramidal form of
power will take on a horizontal form when everybody will attain
power.
But, historically, it cannot be said that I have imposed a form of
government on the Libyan people that I had chosen, because this,
in itself, I consider to be a form of repression -and I, for one,
oppose repression from individual to international level. Ten
years after you first experienced people's power, you must realize
that you are frce, and from the reality of this experience you can
change your regime in any way you agrce upon. One thing should
be resisted; that is, if I say that he who wants to form a party is
free to do so. In such a case the clever people, the quibblers, and
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the licentious and those dabbling in philosophy could form
parties and the masses would again fall under their rule. [chants]
The Libyan people will resist the usurpation of their freedom. No
group will be permitted to dominate the Libyan people, because
it will be regarded just the same as a foreign base, a monarchist
government, or one of the forces of exploitation that have been
destroyed. If we guarantee that all Libyans are free, that they
are equal as far as opportunities areconcerned -the opportuni-
ties ofpower -then you can do what you want. The Green Book
should be regarded as a universal book which could be imple-
mented in Bangladesh even if it were not being carried out in
Libya. [chants]
I know that in the beginning many Libyans or even a large
segment of the people entertained doubts as to whether we were
actually free or whether we were actually ruled by Mu`ammar
al-Qadhdhafi or by the Army or by a hidden force; and whether
we were actually capable of issuing laws and whether these laws
would be upheld by the courts because they were not issued by a
parliament or a government or a king or a president but were
issued by the people's congresses, issued by the ordinary people.
The ordinary man doubted that he had become a master and
become a ruler. Was this a trick or something serious, and would
the Libyan people actually be the master without having another
master disputing their sovereignty over Libyan territory?
There were some who said that this was an experiment and that
the leadership of the revolution was testing the Libyans. Others
said this was a trick, and others said this was throwing dust in
the eyes, and still others said this was a lie and that the people
could not rule themselves, and how could those who carried out
the revolution voluntarily give up power and surrender it to
ordinary people while in the Arab countries and in the world at
large there was fierce fighting between those military officers
who carried out the first coup and those who carried out the
second or the third or the fourth or the tenth to abort the
revolution, and between one party and another, and between the
Left, the Right, and the center of the party. Everyone wanted to
rule society and dominate it.
They referred to all this and raised the question: How can the
people's authority be established unrivaled? However, 10 years
later, thank God, we have persevered. It has been confirmed even
to the outside world that the people's authority is a solid truth,
and that the state of the masses has been established over Libyan
territory. Even the adversaries who, years ago, used to speak of
the Libyan dictator, the Libyan dictatorship, and the dictatorial
regime, are ashamed now to repeat these words and have opted
for the negation; now they speak of the Libyan anarchist, Libyan
anarchism, and the anarchist regime. This is an admission that
the masses are now the masters because anarchism is a jamahiri
ideology; that is, the nonexistence of control over the masses. It
means the disappearance of all organs or apparatus that organize
or control the masses.
They have moved to the other extreme. Even those who used to
describe us as dictators have begun describing us as anarchists.
Now you will rarely find the words: the Libyan dictator of
dictatorial regime used, although these were the words used to
describe us in the past, even after the declaration of the people's
authority. But now almost no one in the whole world believes that
there is dictatorship in Libya. On the contrary, they might use
the word anarchy. It is a people's rule of the masses.
So, the people's authority has been confirmed but I want to say
that you are free to change this anyway you like, even the
Jamahiriyah. If you do not want to call it Jamahiriyah, you are
free to call it something else. I only told you in this hall 10 years
ago that if talk about the word jumhur [singular of masses] and
link it to the state,we would add Arabic letters.ya and to so. it
becomes jumhiruyah~ [republic] but jamahir [masses] becomes
jamahiriyah. If this is a state of jamahu then it should be called
jamahiriyah. I did not impose the name.
If the jumhur elects a president then naturally we call it republic
and if the jumhur? is owned by one person then it is a monarchy,
because whoever.rules owns the people and the land and hands
them down to his children, whether males or females, sane or
insane, generation after generation. The proof is that most of
those controlling,the people in royalist lands are deranged. Our
own crown prince in the?past was deranged and was to be king,
despite the Libyans, because the king owned Libya and everyone
in it, and had the right to hand it down as an inheritance to his
nephew, even if he was deranged, in spite of the Libyans. This is
the tragedy of kingdoms which still exist - in Jordan, Morocco,
or anywhere else: Deranged people are now either crown princes
or kings.
I think that when the king of Morocx;o calls on his people to
establish unity with the Libyan people, and when he holds a
referendum on that, and then a year or 2 later renounces the
union himself personally without seeking the opinion of the
people on the abrogation. [unfinished sentence as beard] The
people set up the union through a referendum. If he was sensible
he would have sought the people's opinion once again on abroga-
tion of the union. How can you seek the people's opinion in the
beginning on the creation of the union and then renounce the
union on the radio on your own. This is insane. I do not think that
this is the work of a sound mind. It definitely is the work of an
unsound mind. ?
I do not impose any form of rule on the Libyan people. I say this
publicly and for?. the record, before you and before history.
Nobody will oppose what is decided at this hall and at the people's
congresses. You can do anything new [words indistinct] The
important thing is that you remain free. Neither myself nor
anyone else will intervene. We will, however, intervene if you rob
the masses of their. freedom. If I. see anyone who wants to
dominate the masses and rule them we will intervene, even if we
have to use the rifle. But if the masses are free they are free to
do whatever they wish.
If you want to stop the circulation of the Green Book in Libya,
you are free to do so. No one will object. Who will object? You
are the police. You are the government. Even those who might
object do not have the machinery with which to impose their
objection. Stop the circulation of the Green Book in Libya. It is
banned in Arab countries and you are an Arab country. It could
be banned even from circulation in Arab countries. Let the Green
Book be banned in all Arab countries. [applause]
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The issue is clear. Freedom means the state of the masses, that
is, the Jamahiriyah. It has negative sides and problems,
liabilities, responsibilities. This may be so. Anyone who wants to
get rid of the liabilities and problems might have to abandon
freedom.
Thus, I would like to stress that even the.Green Book cannot be
imposed on Libyans. The Green Book is being read and under-
stood and studied secretly in places where it has been banned.
Yet it might not be studied in the manner that it should be studied
where its circulation is permitted. Nowadays, it is being secretly
studied more extensively in other places than in Libya, because
it is banned in those countries. It means nothing to me if the
Green Book is circulated in Libya or banned or destroyed.
If you change the name of the popular congresses or the people's
committees and call them whatever you like, it will mean nothing
to me. As long as you are free, you will remain free. I tell you the
truth. I cannot bring you, by revolution, anything greater than
proclaiming freedom.
When we moved with a few soldiers and rifles, we had neither
keys from heaven nor keys for the treasures of earth, nor had we
a program of ideology. We had only a declaration of freedom of
Libyan land for all Libyans, and it could have been an example
for all the people looking for salvation everywhere. I am con-
vinced that there is nothing in Libya -from the Nile valley to
Mauritania -for us to rely on except freedom. You could be
free people, free even to migrate from this desert to anywhere. I
think that the radical relation between Libya and the movement,
from Ndjamena to Tripoli, progresses according to natural atti-
tudes. When Europe colonized this Libyan land, the Libyans
spontaneously rushed to Chad. They settled there up to the
present. There are Arabs who rushed from the Arab peninsula,
North Africa, and Sudan and went to Ndjamena; and now they
constitute more than one-third of Chad. They are Chadians.
I think that people, when they are frce, look for survival. When
the Italians invaded us, those who wanted to survive went sponta-
neously to Chad. Now, if we are thirsty, we spontaneously go to
Lake Chad, Chari River, to the regions of summer rain. The
Chadians now want the sea, they want to breathe the sea air, they
want to look at the sea. They spontaneously came to Libya. Now,
I tell you that there are more than 500,000 Chadians in Libya.
They marched from.Chad to Libya. Anybody in the world can
visit Libya and can see for himself the Chadian towns and
Chadian camps with women and children. The Chadians wanted
to (?taste) petroleum. They came spontaneously to Libya. How
can they taste petroleum? In the form of food, money, or elec-
tricity? There is no electricity in Chad. There are no paved roads
in Chad. There are no cars, buses, or airplanes to transport
people; people cannot get into cargo planes to go from one airport
to another. There is no sea. They came spontaneously.
This is the fuel. We did not stop them. We did not fight the
Chadians when they marched group after group toward the
Libyan sea and Libyan petroleum. We considered that a natural
matter. Now we might get thirsty and go to Lake Chad. Yes, we
have no water. There are no survival sets between the Nile and
Mauritania except for small oases with small populations, not
more than their current population -this is provided that the
engines are destroyed and replaced by buckets, sprinklers, or
fans, and provided that the tractors are destroyed and plowing is
carried out using animals. Only then will these oases be reserved
with a limited number of people. There is no water. If we get
thirsty, we should go to Lake Chad. Why would they fight us?
[Words indistinct] fight the French and Americans.
Is this an aggressive aim? We would not fight the Chadians if
they come in millions to Libya. I mean that at this spot, in which
the Al-Fatih revolution occurred, there is no chance at all.
Anyone who claims that there is a chance is a charlatan and liar,
and this is the deception practiced by the reactionary govern-
ments before the revolution. We came and decided to end this
deception and charlatanism so that the people know their destiny.
There is no future at all for the people who live between the Able
valley and Mauritania, except in a limited coastal strip where the
rains fall, or at coastal points, where there are ports and services,
or at oases, the population of which should be limited, and which
should never have modem machinery, otherwise all this will get
dry. Definitely all the palm forests will become dry in the future
because of the engines and the exhaust of the surface layer on
which these oases survived.
The biggest conspiracy against life is that the factories of Europe
brought a machine that did -not suit this environment, and the
naive, ignorant, backward people used it. The sane man in this
country is the one who plows using a donkey, and the crazy man
is the one who plows using a tractor. The one who brings water
using his hand, or a fan, is the one following the right path. He
will succeed. The one who brings water using an engine is digging
his own grave, and the grave of his farm, his family, and the
following generations. They will never survive.
In fact, when we carried out the revolution we had nothing to
present except a declaration of freedom, that these people would
be free. Free to go to Lake Chad. Free to go to Sicily, so that we
occupy it. If you have the ability to occupy it to live in it, and this
land has become uninhabitable, this is normal, because they
occupied us. When they thought that they had an interest in the
Libyan people they occupied them and considered them the
fourth shore of Italy. Free to go to the Nile valley. You are free.
It will not be the first time that the Libyans felt thirsty and went
to the Nile valley and established, the 22d and 23rd of the
Pharaonis dynasties, and the Libyan [word indistinct] rules
Libya. Not by war, but by going to the water.
He who says to you: I will do this for you; I have this and I have
that; such a person is a liar. There is no potential hidden from
anyone. There is only oil in this desert, extending from the
Arabian peninsula to the Algerian Sahara and perhaps to Mauri-
tania. But this will be depleted in a number of years and the
palaces of Riyadh will know the fate of Irama Dhat al-`Imadi [an
omnipotent ancient fiture used in the Koran to illustrate inevita-
ble decline after power] who was second to no one in the world,
just ruins. Here there was a King Khalid palace and there was a
King Faysal palace in times past, which were illuminated by huge
candelabras imported from Europe and built by Western com-
panies. You might then find remains of gold or silver under the
debris. The bridges now being built will become like the stone-
strewn roads one passes on in the Tibesti Mountains. '
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V. 3 Mar 87 Q 6
The sole potential is oil and we have turned it into candelabres,
palaces, huge cars imported from Europe, and even weapons.
Either you are a target and it is then necessary or there is no need
to purchase arms. For how many years will these states maintain
aircraft squadrons or submarines? Their cost is extremely high.
America is now incapable of maintaining its military equipment,
and this one of the reasons for its failure in Vietnam, a failure
that still haunts it. Weapons are only for extreme necessity, but
they are now acquired for parades. How would Bahrain not have
a military parade on its national day? But what is Bahrain doing?
Every state, even if its troops ride donkeys, wants them to be
paraded on its national day. This is ridiculous. Thus, these
weapons are for parades. Arms were necessary when we were
attacked by the Romans, the vandals, the Byzantines, the Ital-
ians, the Americans, the French, the English. They were neces-
sary to resist them. Weapons are now necessary for the forces of
the Chadian national government because it is resisting the new
French invasion of Chad, and the American invasion. Then I
consider that this is the real feast, the Jamahiriyah day, the
anniversary of the emergence of people's power. Why? Because
it reflects the contents of the revolution.
The action that took place on 1 September 1969 [applause] is
practically reflected by the emergence of the Libyan people's
power. I mean that the freedom of the Libyan people was
affirmed. Not freedom from foreign colonialism; no, a freedom
from inside as well. There is no government. So it is a social
freedom: there is no exploitation, no class that impedes the
strength of the masses, sucks their blood, steals the product of
their sweat.
There is no employer, there is no private businessman who buys
at 5 and sells to the people at 20, making 15 as profit, which he
pockets and claims to be rich through his work. Where is your
work? Where did the 15 come from? Money does not give birth.
This is the money of the needy consumers. You have monopolized
this commodity according to the exploitative law that states you
are, for example, a canned food retailer or cloth retailer. If we
were in need of a certain cloth and this merchant has the permit
to import this kind of cloth for which he pays S and sells for 20,
we are forced to pay him 15 unwillingly. The principle says: Let
it bean operation of trading with your willingness.
This has no consent. Who would be willing to buy an article worth
5 for 20, giving 15 to the merchant who describes it as profit and
considers it legitimate? This is a bitter fruit. This is unlawful,
this is infidelity in all ways and religions -the heavenly and the
man-made. How is it that one man is given permission to enslave
the rest of the people: an employer. He calls 1,000 slaves from
the street and employs them for 10 hours, gives them the pay of
5 hours and steals 5, which he calls the firm's profit. Where did
this profit come from? It is the sweat of those slaves and their
efforts. He who worked for 10 hours must receive the worth of
10 hours.
These forces of exploitation have been destroyed. Oppression has
been destroyed. The foreign power which was colonizing the
Libyan land by its bases has been undermined and expelled. The
true festival is in fact the festival of freedom; the Libyans, men
and women, have become free. This is the objective of the
revolution. The revolution cannot plant palm trees for you, or
wheat or barley, because there is no water. Those you must plant
yourselves. You are free and you know how many children you
have and you have to manage how to feed them. Do not depend
on anybody to bring you a thing from abroad.
The crime was to import rice for you, to import flour from
Australia and to import bananas. The one who imported these
for you was a criminal. It eminated from the speculators and the
agent merchants and exploiters who sought to purchase rice for
5 and sell it to you for 20, buy bananas for 5 and sell it to you for
20. This is exploitation. They sell you things which are not of your
own making or the product of your own sweat in order for one
single merchant to make a profit. Who is it who introduced to
[words indistinct] Australia, or [words indistinct]? Who is it who
introduced us to them? Was it the [words indistinct] Libyan
people who did this?
The broker merchants imported these goods for us to eat and to
give them our money to put in their pockets and be rich. This is
colonialism. Rice is colonialism; bananas if imported from
abroad is colonialism; Europe's canned food.is colonialism; Eur-
ope's cars is colonialism; airplanes and engines is colonialism.
This is colonialism. You can see that the .palm trees have dried
and withered [words indistinct].
What difference is there between the European tank and aircraft
that destroys your land and the engines they have sold to you?
[passage indistinct]
In this place the buildings used to be cool in summer and warm
in winter because they were built with the sand of this land. Now
you cannot live without an air-conditioner in summer and in
winter. Why? Because the European companies have built the
European designs for you. For God's sake! A design from Scan-
dinavia is built in Al-Kufra! Buildings with the same
specifications as in Sweden in the North Pole where the tempera-
ture is below zero are built in Al-Kufra, where the temperature
is 50 degrees Centigrade!
How on earth can we build Scandinavian modelled houses' in
Al-Kufrah? Swedish modelled buildings -Sweden is in the
North Pole where freezing temperatures prevail -are being
built in Al-Kufrah, the temperature of which is more than 50
degrees! This is colonialism and destruction. How could you be
lusting for European products and simultaneously think you
could liberate Palestine? How could you liberate it? Should you
not first liberate your stomachs, your hands, and soil before
thinking of liberating Palestine or confronting America? How
could you wnfront America if you are yourselves its slaves to
whom you are begging; begging even wheat from it? Ia there any
colonialism worse than this? Is there any crimes worse than this?
Is there a worse crime against the Egyptian people than this?
Make the Egyptian people kill their land and halt its development
to such an extent that it needs wheat from America, instead of
the Nile?
Thus, they have managed to colonialize us, so why should they
use their armies? What matters to me most is the proclamation
of freedom as I have already told you; I am proudly stating today
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that we Gave succeeded in this. We have subjected ourselves to
dangers. We carved out a daring act so as to be able to propagate
freedom even if only through the radio. [applause] Even if we had
died or the revolution had not succeeded, they still would have
listened to me over the radio, even if only for a minute, which is
just what is needed to proclaim freedom. Libyans are equals,
under no foreign domination or local oppression; free men to take
your luggage and go to Chad, if it is what you want! You may go
to the R1ile; to Tanganyika Lake, to Italy, as I have told you, or
to Greece.
The important thing is the fact that you are free men. Join in any
grouping and govern yourselves by yourselves. IDo not say: If
we change the congresses, Mu`ammar will be upset. Me, upset?
This will mean that I am an oppressor. Rlor must you say we
should adhere to the Green Book so as not to upset Mu`ammar.
If you are not convinced with it, do not implement it; apply
instead the Black Sock; it is not necessary to implement the
Green Scak. The Green Sock is being implemented in Rlicara-
gua, Bangladesh, Uganda, Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Yemen;
and it is not necessary that it should be implemented by you. But
if I impale the Green Book upon you, the Jamahiriyah, and a
particular form of rule, this means that I have imposed some kind
of oppression upan my people, and I am like all dictators who
have oppressed their people. Some imposed on their people a
monarchy, some a president for life, some an uncrowned king,
some a party, and some impaled a particular ideology for which
they would slaughter their own people.
You are free to follow any creed. Change your legislation. The
Green Book did not say that you must have the Koran for
legislation. You are a Muslim people, your book is the Koran.
Change it when you want. Who is imposing the Koran on you?
The Green Book does not speak about the Koran. The word
Koran is not mentioned in the Green Book. It says that the bask
of any society in the world is customary law or religion, that
which everyone agrees to. I mean when one is executed he would
be satisfied because he would have been executed based on
something in which 6e believes.
As for the law made by a government with a representative
council, you would die without being satisfied with the sentence
because it was not you who made the law; you do not respect this
law. Where did such a law come from? A legislative committee
makes a law saying 6e who insults the king will be executed. I
die; I insult the king if he deserves insulting, and I would be
executed. But I would not be satisfied. I would die without being
satisfied about such a law, because I would not have issued it -
a law Wet is not sacred because it was made by the king.
The Green Book says that the legislation of any society is We
customary law or religion. The religion of any nation always
contains its customary law. I did not speak of Islam or
Christianity. Some states have atheism as religion; atheism is
sacred to them. In the Soviet Union, atheism is sacred and there
are calls for atheism, and it is considered one of the duties of the
Soviet citizen to call for atheism. This is Marxist ideology. To
Wem Wis is not shameful; Wey do not regard it as such. Your
creed is Islam. The Soviet Union respects your Islam; it does not
tell you that you are wrong. We respect Weir creed. We are not
going to ask them to become Muslims. This is their view and God
is the master of human beings. Perhaps he who is unaware of and
does not believe in religion is better: God will not bring him to
account. He would be better off than someone who knows religion
and acts against its teaching. The latter is the one who would be
brought to account.
Religion, any religion -but as I told you, in the Soviet Union
atheism is sacred. If somebody is executed there for the cause of
atheism he would be satisfied because he would say: Atheism is
the creed of my own society. Here, if somebody is executed for
the cause of the Islamic religion in accordance with the Koran,
or if you whip him and so on, he would be satisfied because he
has accepted Islam. So long as one has accepted Islam, one
accepts everything resulting from one's religion, one's creed.
Customary laws, the traditions to which people are accustomed,
are sacred and respected: If one is stoned to death, or deported,
or punished because he has violated traditions and customs of
society, 6e would be satisfied. He would not ask: Why have they
wronged me? 1ll0. He would say: I am the wrongdoer; I have done
something unusual, contrary to customs. Or he would say: I have
violated the teaching of religion -God forbid: I believe in this
religion; I bear all the consequences; I have violated its teaching.
What I mean is that this is the real Shari`a, the real sacred
Shari`a, the religion of any society and its customary taws, even
atheism. You Libyans should not say: He has imposed the Koran
on us. Who says that the Koran has been imposed on you? The
word Koran is not mentioned in the Green Book. You can change
your legislation tomorrow for any other legislation. What matters
is that you are free, that is all.lVo one has deceived you or forced
you into changing any form of your life. As long as you are free,
you are free to change your legislation, the mode of exercising
power, the system. You can change anything. But this must be
in complete freedom without pressure.
This is a historic occasion. I tell you I am not responsible for
imposing any form of government or regime on the Libyans. I am
only responsible for freedom. I am actually responsible for it, and
I shoulder that responsibility before my colleagues. We revolted
for it, for freedom. Be free, then. Blow we want to correct any
misunderstanding, such as I imposed the Jamahiriyah or the
Green Book on you; or I impaled [words indistinct] in society; or
I imposed socialism on you; or I imposed partnership on you. All
these things stemmed from the establishment of a Jamahiriy
regime. If you want to change it, then change it. The only thing
that concerns me is that you become free. You can say we are
free and we refuse until we die of hunger [words indistinct] until
you all die of hunger. As tong as this is of your own free will, and
nobody forced you, Wen this is all right. If you say we are free,
and we will buy bananas with the oil money, (?and become a
laughing stock), and after the bananas finish we will die, -all
right, go buy bananas. For 40 years buy bananas and sell oil, and
get nothing but bananas. All right. As long as you are free and
this is your decision, this is the best thing to me.
What stemmed from this freedom is the fact that you are now
free to choose. What happened after that in Libya, after the
establishment of the Jamahiriyah, is that several jamahiriyahs
were established.lVow Burkina Faso cannot be considered any-
thing but a Jamahiriyah. Ghana is considered a state of masses,
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a jamahiriyah. Uganda is considered a jamahiriyah. The YAR
is now on its way to becoming a jamahiriyah; the people's
congresses and the General People's Congress have been estab-
lished in the YAR, and you have seen them and visited them. In
fact, Grenada was considered a jamahiriyah; but it was toppled
with the death of Bishop. Then the U.S. invasion took place.
Nicaragua is considered to be on its way to becoming a jamahir-
iyah; it is asemi-jamahiriyah, but it is facing pressure. It needs
to create (?forms) to face up to the imperialist storm. Suriname
is considered a jamahiriyah. [passage indistinct]
Any other country can become a jamahiriyah. Even countries
with other regimes might change. China might become a jama-
hiriyah. It absorbed a certain regime, and might seem [sentence
not completed]. I consider Maoism to be an early sign of a
jamahiriyah. Any progress after Marxism is definitely a jama-
hiriyah. The whole world is going in this direction. [Words
indistinct] the total number of existing establishments, the exist-
ingtools, and the existing [words indistinct]. I am not responsible
for them. You put an establishment here, a company there.
Where did you get all this? I am not responsible for them. You
are free. You made markets, cooperative shops for the consum-
ers. You are free. [passage indistinct]
The world has progressed. The world has actually progressed
after the establishment of a jamahiriyah in Libya and the estab-
lishment ofvarious jamahiriyahsaround the world. The creeping
[al-zhafJ of the masses continues. I am certain that all the people
will establish a jamahiry regime in the future. [passage indistinct]
The people will not continue to be in a vicious circle. [passage
indistinct] There is no democracy without the people's con-
gresses. Congresses and committees everywhere. [passage indis-
tinct] Weare spoor and small people from the countryside, living
in the desert. But the theory that will change the world will
emerge from this country. [passage indistinct] A quarter of the
whole world believes in the religion of Muhammad. Who is
Muhammad? He was a shephard. These small, weak, and bare-
footed people and their sufferings and plights make the theory
that can change the world, because it is the truth, the suffering,
and hardship. The one who is bare-footed, the hungry, and the
one who is in pain is the one who can express the real feeling,
because he cannot joke; the one who has enough to eat is the one
who can joke, laugh, and dance. Joking comes from those who
are not hungry -the rich. Look at this farce: fleets, shelling
the innocent, making nuclear bombs, and controlling space -
this is foolish and ridiculous and comes from the rich and the
strong. But the ones who are looking for peace are the very ones
who are suffering from these plights.
As for those who are searching for peace, they are the ones who
are enduring these calamities. Those who live the reality are the
ones who are enduring these calamities. Those who live the
reality are the ones who live in pain. Consequently, the Third
Universal Theory was born in the poor, forgotten, neglected, and
oppressed society. Therefore, it must be the expression of deliv-
erance. It is the theory of deliverance and salvation.
Naturally, this small nation cannot be compared with any great
power in the world. Nor can we say that we can make aircraft
carriers or the atom bomb or conquer outer space. But we can
only place complete faith in this theory, that it is the one that will
change the world. This is because theories that emerged from
such environments, theories of the neglected and oppressed and
needy were the ones that changed the world.
The greatest man in the world today believes in the religion of
someone who was a nonentity, bare-foot, and a shepherd. All the
empires believed in the religion of either Muhammad, Jesus, or
Jacob. Who is Isaac, Jacob, Israel? Who is Muhammad? Who
is Jesus? These people used to herd sheep, carry water to their
homes from the well. They were pursued. They had no palaces;
they had no planes. They had no gold or silver.
Today, there are churches and mosques everywhere. They pro-
claim the names of those unknown and nonentities who emerged
in poor and oppressed lands and who were hunted down. Jesus
was hunted down by the Jews and they wanted to crucify him.
Muhammad was stoned until his feet bled. He fled on foot from
Mecca to Medina. The story of Joseph or Isaac or Jacob is very
well known. Also Buddha, Sardasht. Marx: his sons died of
starvation. He had no influence or wealth or anything. [sentence
indistinct]
The greatest power on earth, imperialist America, is afraid of the
Marxist theory. Who is this Marx, who terrifies America? Did
he have missiles, aircraft, gold, huge armies? No. All he had was
a booklet comprising 10 pagers: The Manifesto, the Com-
munist declaration, Das 1'Capital or something like this.
Jesus left four [figure as heard] books: the Bible. Muhammad left
only one book: the Koran, which is God's word. These are the
things that have changed the world. However, if we move on from
the holy books to earthly books, whether they be Marx's books
or the Green Book, Zoroastrian or Buddhist books, these are the
things that are going to change the world in the future. Therefore,
your task should not be too difficult for you to carry out, to
change or even to believe in. But one thing stays the same: This
kind of work is based on one fundamental and inevitable thing
-freedom. Freedom is fundamental because everybody seeks it;
even animals need freedom, not just humans. And it is inevitable
that it will succeed because it is based on the notion of the search
for freedom.
I must tell you that the waters of this giant artificial river might
dry up; and if your water dries up who will bring you good water?
Who would bring you water if this river of yours dries up? It is
a project that might fail, like an industrial venture that might
fail, like an agriculture project that might fail, a house that might
fall, and a road that might fracture. We build a road for only 10
people, but 15 use it and destroy it. When we make an exit for
you to leave the road, you take one look, and because you are an
underdeveloped man, you do not use the exit. Thus, the whole
road is destroyed. Only freedom will remain with us. [passage
indistinct] This is an achievement and we are marking today the
day we achieved it. All other achievements are surrounded by
dangers. There may even be mistakes. There may be mistakes in
their planning, their design, their implementation, their execu-
tion, and their maintenance -something that might render
them useless. Any one of these industrial,. agricultural, or pro-
cessing projects can be a mistake and therefore may fail. Some-
one may build a bridge for you. He may make mistakes in the
design and the bridge collapses. Although the bridge appears to
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be a great achievement, it collapses on the 2d day. [chants]
Thus, Libya has become an example for other countries; liberated
people have chosen the jamahiri system. The creep is continuing
and Libya has become an international platform. Libya has
gained, thanks to this transformation, aworthy place and become
an international platform for the search for emanicipation: all
blacks, who have been suffering from apartheid in South Africa,
are locking toward Libya, which calls for emancipation. Those
people are thirsty for freedom. People back in their countries have
despised them, abused them, slaughtered them, and tortured
them. Vdhen they hear the words equality or emanicipation they
come looking for those words, and they realize this country
advocates emancipation. Thus, it has become an international
platform. All blacks, who have fought for equality for all colors,
have made Libya their Mecca. Vdorkers, who wanted to become
partners instead of salaried men, have made Libya their Mecca.
Thus, Libya has become the Mecca of all people who are
struggling for their freedom fmm colonialism -from Caledonia
to Martinique, from South Africa to Chad and Palestine. Libya
is their Mecca.
Libya is considered a natural ally of the people who fight tyranny.
and exploii.ation at home; it expresses their aspirations. It is true
they come here because you have oil and you have money, but if
the oil is with someone who does not believe in these sacred issues,
they do not go to him. There are some countries that people do
not go to, like Venezuela for example. Have the national liber-
ation movements gone to Venezuela or to Dubayy? They have
oil. (?dUe have seen) the liberation movements go to Riyadh in
search of socialism and [words indistinct] or freedom. Riyadh has
much more oil than Libya.
It is the question of the society, the place, the headquarters, what
sort of place is it. It is a country that believes in freedom.
Fortunately, they have oil. Very well, we were delighted - we,
the oppressed and freedom fighters -that there is an area
having oil, and it became one of us. This is our good fortune -
we, the fighters in Palestine, South Africa, Rlicaragua, Latin
America, Ireland, Chad, in any place in the world fighting for
freedom. V+/e were delighted to see that it belonged to people who
are on our side. V+/e felt sure they would share this oil with us,
divide it with us, because these issues are common and we believe
in them as they believe in them. This is the good fortune of this
movement.
Accordingly, you have become responsible for defense; this is a
great responsibility. Perhaps you might say that one in five should
be recruited into a regular army, and leave the other four to rest.
Fine, but if you want to be free, freedom has its price. It has
responsibilities. Jamahiriyah means there is no army. The masses
defend themselves. The army defends a government or a class or
a specific regime. It defends it because it is mercenary and
because there are salaries to be given to the troops or an army
through compulsory national service, because troops are
recruited against their will. As for the Jamahiriyah, there is no
compulsion or a regime or a government that has an army to
defend it or (?suppress) the people with the army. The Jama-
hiriyah has people who defend themselves; they bear arms. This
is a great responsibility; it might burden you. Then you can say,
no. You can say: To hell with our freedom. We do not want to
You confront America? Vdho confronts America? It is you who
confront America. America and Britain came and attacked you
from the north. It is you who confront them. Today America and
France attacked from the south. It is you who confront them.
You are 3 and 1 /4 million people, and there are at least 1 million
among you who bear arms. Ahlobilize half a million for Chad, or
a quarter of million for Chad and confront America and France.
I do not think they would remain on the continent of Africa if we
confronted them with a quarter of a million in the Sahara, and
the jungle.
The result of this is that you became responsible for security.
There is no longer any police. Every street plays the role of the
security forces and polices itself. Every city polices itself. You
have people's committees for security, which you formed, and you
have put yourselves at their disposal on a rotational basis. That
is it. There is no police to fear or to arrest us. It is now in your
hands. You are the police. All people are now oppressed by the
police. You are now the police.
The..res_ ult? of .this freedom is armed duties, similar to security
duties, guard duties, and police duties. You police yourselves. A
group rests and another watches the coast, the south, anywhere.
For the armed duties, you have formed people's committees for
defense. From the beginning of this summer, duties will begin
under the supervision of these people's committees for defense -
armedduties. You will take 100,000 Libyans, and they will carry
arms for several months, for as long as you decide - 1, 2, 3, or
4 months -then they go back to their normal work, and they
will be replaced by another 100,000 Libyans. That is it. Try it
for 1, 2, 3, or 4 years, then it will become normal. Are you not
proud of your weapons, keeping them although you are afraid
that the government might find out that you have weapons -
andanyone who has an Italian rifle locks it up in a box? All right,
now you can carry it publicly; not only a rifle, you can carry a
gun. You will not be shaking as if you are riding a desert donkey,
or something large, like a horse. Idow you can ride an aircraft
and tank and parade in them. Be proud of this, you can remain
in it for 1, 2, or 3 months, as you wish, as you want, and as you
all decide.
From now, from this session and from the formation of the
people's committees for defense, you will start armed duties.
There is no regular army. I have no regular army for you. Even
the persons who were regularly under arms should take a rest. A
large number of officers who were in the military academy in
1965 have been sitting with their feet in the [words indistinct].
They carried out the revolution, [words indistinct] the revolution,
fought, and [words indistinct].1Vo. Vdhy?They should take a rest.
Any one of you can [words indiatinct~
This jamahirization is the result of the establishment of the
Jamahiriyah, which you accomplished. I did not do it for you. If
you are a state of masses then you should jamahirize, you should
establish the jamahiri suburb [as beard]. You are forced to
become the professional revolutionary because you are free and
this is your responsibility. The professional revolutionary is the
revolutionary teacher, the revolutionary doctor, and the rev-
olutionary guide. These are all connected. You should carry out
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all these missions. A doctor should not wait in his office for
someone to treat in the hospital. In addition'to this job, you have
a circle to which you should personally go. You should knock on
the door and treat them. God bless you, anyone sick whom I have
not seen and who has not come to me at the hospital..The illness
might be contagious, and might be caught by the family, then by
the neighborhood. I do not (?wait) for you to be sick and come to
me at the hospital. This is the revolutionary doctor. This is an
inevitable stage, because we are doing the jobs by ourselves for
ourselves. To plan for your day and your future is your responsi-
bility. .
But until now, I see you as I have told you at the beginning. (as
heard] What we have now is not planning. There is no assessment
of the consequences at all.
What I am saying to you -and you are free - is that the Arab
world cannot support more than 50 million people. It is said that
the population numbers more than 150 million people. More than
50 million is weakness, not power. They have nowhere to live.
This nation is situated in the great Sahara. Libya is situated in
the heart of the Sahara. But this nation has no future if we
exclude the Tigris and Euphrates Rivera or the Jordan River -
which is occupied by the Israelis - or if we exclude Lebanon and
Palestine where there is rain and natural precipitation, the Nile
River, these rivers in theplatesu of Morocco, the Green Moun-
tainsand the Atlas Mountains, where it rains for only one season.
Without this, life would inevitably disappear from this great
Sahara.
The Italians would inevitably reoccupy Libya. There is no ques-
tion that these Italians are not like the former Italians. Not at
all! This is an industrial and military force. They inevitably count
on using the southern coast of the Mediterranean. The American
raid and now the invasion of Chad and what is happening in
Lebanon -these are all challenges. The raid on the PLO
Headquarters in Tunis, attacking the Palestinians, and
threatening the Syrians -this is but the beginning of a new
military occupation. One should remember that they are invad-
ing space, arming galaxies. Is it logical that they will spare the
Mediterranean or the southern Mediterranean coast, which is
empty? They will inevitably occupy it.
The government will change in Italy and be succeeded by a fascist
government. It will be told to return and reoceupy.Libya. The
French will be told to retake Algeria and the Maghreb. The
English, the Americans, all of them will go back to their old
colonies. France has now returned to its old colony, Chad. It has
not left Central Africa, Senegal, the Ivory Coast, Gabon, the
Comoros Islands. These colonies are independent states but
France has not left them. Its military bases are still there. France
left Chad, as you know, after the fall of Tombolbaye and the fall
of Malloum, and after the arrival of Frolinat members, including
Habre and Goukouni. The French forces left. They have now
come back. They have not returned because of Libya or because
of the wnflict in Chad; this is only an excuse to return because
it has lost its colony and now it can return to it again.
I thank the GLINT and we must all admire them because they
have accepted the cease-fire yesterday, today,~and tomorrow out
of respect for establishing a jamahiriyah [applause], declaring the
establishment of the jamahiriyah and the people's power. On this
occasion, as I speak about the return of French colonialism to
Chad, we can expose the French and expose the Americans so
that the world understands clearly that they are colonizers and
seek to remain in Chad.
We would like to tell them that we have no problem. There is no
conflict with Chad at all. Even with Habre, we have (?no com-
plaint against him). Habre had never been on the side of those
who are against us. Never. We should understand the cir-
cumstances that made him stand behind the barricades. Habre
was one of the Frolinat leaders -alongside Goukouni,
Mohamed ibn Said, Al-Bokolani, Asil, Madais, and Ben Sadiq.
All these were Frolinat leaders; and Habre was one of the
Frolinat leaders, and he used to be in Libya. He was living in
Libya; he was brought up in Libya; he studied in Libya. After
the revolution he was part of the Frolinat's leadership that was
set up in Libya. He could not be hostile to us and Libya could not
be hostile to someone who has a history like that.
But what happened? What happened was that Libya supported
Frolinat in its capacity as a real revolution - a revolution of
Muslims and the other oppressed Chadians against French dom-
ination and French colonialism. This is the reason for Libya's
relationship with Frolinat. We were supporting the Chadian
national liberation movement. The translation of Frolinat into
Arabic is: the Chadian National Liberation Movement, or the
Chadian National Liberation Front. We were giving support to
the Chadian National Liberation Front, and not to Shaykh Ben
Omar, Goukouni, or Habre. These people were, members of
Frolinat. Against what? Against colonialism and against racism,
and they were dominated by Tomblbaye and the French. They
were crushed and oppressed. They formed this front. Habre left
Frolinat, he split From Goukouni and formed an independent
movement. That is all. We did not expel him; he himself chose to
go to the other side. And even this is all right. The dispute was
between him and Goukouni; we had nothing to do with it. But
after he reached power with Libyan support they quarrelled
among themselves. Habre staged a coup against Goukouni.
Goukouni was still leader of Frolinat. We supported him and we
still support him.
What resulted from this was that Habre sought the assistance of
the French and the Americans. Who chose the other side? It was
Habre. We had no desire to antagonize Habre. Habre is a
Chadian, a Muslim, like Goukouni, Shaykh Ben Omar, and the
other Chadian brothers. He chose the other side. Fine, but why
was Goukouni fighting Habre? Why was the government of
Shaykh Ben Omar fighting Habre? Because Habre is a Chadian
who joined the ranks of colonialism. He joined the French and
the Americana. That is why.
In this case, Libya should continue to support GLINT as long as
it is fighting the side that joined and allied itself with the French
and Americans. [applause] We are not hostile to Habre himself.
What is our hostility to him? First of all, if there is a government
in Chad headed by Habre - a true government, a Muslim
government, an African government - it would please us, and
most certainly there would not be a problem between us and it.
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ment. If there were a government it would not have called upon
the French forces. Why did he call upon the French forces to
rescue him from his opponents? What does this mean? It means
that there is no government. If there were a government it would
prove its credibility in Ndjamena without French and American
forces.
This is a challenge: Let this government prove its credibility. If
the French and Americans leave tomorrow, and if it becomes
clear to me that there is a government in Chad that is not hostile
to Libya, then tomorrow I would invite its president to come here
and I would have discussions with him - no problem. If Habre
drives the French and the Americans out and if, as far as we are
concerned, he is not hostile to Libya, then there is no problem for
us; we are not hostile to him just because he is Habre, because
he is called Habre.
This is the question of liberation. Forces of colonialism have
returned to Africa and we must fight them. It is in fact a question
of liberation; a man putting himself in the colonialist camp,
calling French and U.S. forces to his rescue, cannot expect me to
give clemency to him. How can I show clemency to him? If
somebody resists another who has allied himself with French and
U.S. colonialism, and asks me to support him, then I must support
him; this is the right attitude. If Habre fights the French and the
Americans then I would support him like Shaykh Ben Omar, like
Goukouni. We do not discriminate just because of names,
because this one is called Omar, and the other is called Hissene
or Goukouni.
No, the political position is one for forces hostile to freedom and
hostile to Africa. I greatly regret seeing the president of the
government of national unity announce to the world today that
U.S. military personnel with dark skins have arrived at the 16th
Parallel to fight against the government of national unity. Why?
If there were a government in Ndjamena it would not fight with
U.S. military personnel at the 16th Parallel, nor would it remain
under the protection of French Jaguar aircraft. If it fears Libya,
then here before you and before the respected heads of del-
egations and popular delegations -the biggest popular del-
egation here is from Sudan - I declare before the respected
popular delegations, before our Brother Museveni, one of the
revolutionaries of Africa, that if he [Habre] gets rid of the French
and the Americans, then there would be no problem between him
and us, between him and Libya. Quite the contrary, Libya would
then help him, and there could be a reconciliation between him
and Shaykh Ben Omar, between him and Goukouni, and so on.
But there can be no accord in the presence of imperialist forces
on our borders.
They have not come to support Habre; not at all. They have come
to occupy Chad and turn it into a base to fight our country. This
infringes on our security. Chad's destiny is linked with Libya,
and not with France or the United States across the Atlantic
Ocean, because I have told you that there are more than half a
million Chadians in Libya. Even members of the Habre family
itself are living in Libya. There is a Goukouni family living in
Libya, and the [name indistinct] family and Shaykh Munawwar
living in Libya. These are families of leaders. Even those fighting
us -perhaps they have families living in Libya.
NORTH AFRICA
Our forces have entered Tibesti in search of the prisoners who
were previously pro-Goukouni and who have been made prisoners
in Tibesti. We gave orders to military units to encircle the areas
where there may be Libyan prisoners because the latter were
supporters of friends and allies. How could it be that these friends
and supporters are arrested, their destiny unknown, and no one
looks for them?
We now declare that if they release the prisoners, then there
would be an end to the attack [ta`arrud] in Tibesti, and the Bardai
population would return. As of today we would guarantee their
security; they would return. We are not looking for civilians. We
are searching for Libyan prisoners. When we began searching
Tibesti, we came under fire, so we were obliged to resist. If
somebody hides in a house and fights, then the house is hit. I
greatly regret that homes have been destroyed, and that Libyan
military personnel have been tried.
However, the fighting is now from trenches. It is unjustifiable
fighting. The arms are ours, and they are our allies. However,
they have sheltered some 20 or 30 Libyan collaborators with the
previous National Unity Government. We made every effort to
find them and to reach them, but they refused. We were obliged
to deploy military units in Tibesti to surround the areas where
they are. And now we are present in Zouar: We are not interested
in Zouar; there is nothing we want in Zouar; there is not even
water there. Zouar, as you know, is part of a mountain and there
is nothing there. A mountain is called Zouar; it has only four
palm trees. There is no water, they bring it from far away.
However, we are there to finish the mission, and that is all.
Therefore, it is not our mistake; it is the mistake of those who
used Bardai to resist us. Why did they resist us? We were asking
for the Libyans who are hiding there. From today, 2 March, and
on the occasion of this festivity, we tell the population of Bardai
that they can return in peace and no one will challenge them at
all. They can go back to their country, their oasis. The population
of (Jibi Bou), Zoummer, Zouar if there were any people there,
can return. All of them are assured of peace, and no one will come
near them or the people of Mouni Kordomi Kelek -all of them
should return and no one will touch them. The population of
greater (Wajang) and of minor (Wajang) and Faya and Gourou
are all there, and no one has even touched them. Why? Because
they have nothing to do with the captured Libyans. The captured
soldiers disappeared between Zouar and Burda. There is no
justification for any fighting between Goukouni's men and Lib-
yan forces, which are an ally and had armed them. The fighting
must stop immediately, however; the captured Libyans must be
freed -those who are present in the Tibesti Mountains and were
collaborators with Goukouni's government.
The confrontation is with French and U.S. forces. We are forces
of liberation, and they are forces of colonialism. The forces of
liberation can never retreat before the forces of colonialism at
latitude 16 or 17 or any other line. [applause]
And if France accepts the confrontation in Chad, we accept it
and welcome it. Chad is on our borders and is our country - we
constitute an extension of each other, and they are in need of
petrol and we are in need of water. We and the Chadians have
no contention whatsoever. [chants]
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(?We know the capability) of the French and the U.S. forces.
However, we will do our utmost to reconcile all Chadians. I do
not believe that Shaykh ibn Omar or Goukouni are seeking
power; they are seeking peace for Chad, unity for Chad, and for
the Chadian people to be free in their choices. They can choose
Habre or Omar or Goukouni. They are free. We will wntribute
toward that end.
However, we would only accept this if the Chadian conflict had
not become aFrench-American-Chadian conflict. This wnfron-
tation must lead to the defeat of colonialism even if I must
mobilize a half million soldiers: between a quarter and a half
million Libyans must be ready to confront colonialism. Colonial-
ism has certain definite ambitions in the Arab world and wants
to make Arabs like the Red Indians. In fact, I find it hard to
distinguish between the various onslaughts from everywhere
against the Arab world, whether they be Israeli explosives using
U.S. powder which are destroying the Arab world from within,
or onslaughts against the Arab world from without. I mean I find
it hard to distinguish between them: They are all onslaughts
against one nation; onslaughts that might turn the Arab nation
into R'ed Indians. Arabs will' be turned into Red Indians, dis-
persed to the four corners of the world or turned into an immi-
grant people dispersed in the world' continents -although their
original homeland is in the Near East -like gypsies or Kurds.
Kurds have a homeland, but the Kurdish nation is dispersed,
scattered, and dismembered. Arabs might become like Kurds or
gypsies or Red Indians. We must not belittle this confrontation
as it is a confrontation aiming at colonializing the Arab home-
land.
I was surprised that Garang, who is considered to be a rev-
olutionary and our friend, continued fighting even after the
toppling of Numayri. Thus, he has made us wonder if there is a
racist motive behind leis action. In the same vein, we also cannot
say that hitting Baghdad with missiles is an act that would topple
Saddam Husayn; these missiles are falling among the Iraqi
people and are not hitting Saddam Huayn. However, we are not
trying to defend Saddam Husayn: we are defending the Iraqi
people in the same way we defend the Iranian people. We are
compelled to defend the Iranian revolution, but it is not possible
to defend it by hitting Baghdad or Tehran. It is inconceivable for
us to change our principles. Our posture toward the Iranian
revolution is unshaken. We are with the revolution; we were
against the shah and we were instigating the revolution with uor
speeches while today's Iranian leaders were in prisons. They are
our allies, our brothers, and we respect them. They answered our
call. The Iranian revolution has been a triumph over imperialism.
However, when the matter concerns shelling of Baghdad with
missiles, this is a (?shame) and we cannot accept it, nor can we
consider it as an act necessitated by the revolution. If Saddam
falls, let him fall; but when it is Iraqi houses that are falling, this
we cannot accept. [applause]
At the same time, I am against the shelling of the homes of
Iranians. This is a barbaric act. Only Americans and Israelis
carry out strikes against homes and families and destroy them.
They hit cities. I am against the shelling of Tehran, Tabriz,
Esfahan, Dezful, and Qom. At the same time that we cannot
tolerate the shelling of Tehran and Qom, how can we, as Arabs,
tolerate the shelling of Basra and its streets? How can someone
We were against the exit of the resistance. How can we fight
against its return? If the Jews have evicted us from Beirut, we
have returned through the window. This means that the aggres-
sion in 1982 by the Israeli Army has done nothing. To hell with
it. The fighters have returned. If this is something you do not
know, then you ought to know it. We cannot say that the shelling
of the camps is aimed at toppling Yasir `Arafat. The same applies
to the shelling of Baghdad with missiles, as it is wrong to say that
the purpose of shelling Baghdad with missiles is the toppling of
Saddam Husayn.l~lo one can hear this. RIo one can understand
this. IVo one can believe something like that. My views on this
are known and you have heard me. There is no need to repeat it.
As you know, `Abd al-Salam [Jallud] stayed there [in Damascus]
for 2 months. The conspiracy was bigger than the efforts of `Abc~
al-Salam and bigger than...[Al-Qadhdhafl changes thought] But
I would not be a hypocrite toward President Hafiz al-Asad or
Syria; that is, we have been assured about the issue. But really,
my stance is quite clear. The Libyans are free [to do what they
want].
We can no longer legislate what is permissible and what is
forbidden with regard to the Palestinian resistance. If meeting
with King Husayn has become permissible, how can we? That is
it. Then meeting with Yasir `Arafat becomes permissible too.
[Words indistinct] in the Sabra and Shatila crime. What logic is
that? It means that we have made everything equal. There is no
longer any difference between Sharon and Husayn. [Words
indistinct) that is it -the door is open for `Arafat and for Abu
Jihad [Khalil al-Wazir] and for Abu I~Iidal [Sabri al-Banns] and
for Abu al-Rawl [Hayil `Abd al-Hamid] and for Abu Mazin
[Mahmud `Abbas] and Mayzar and all of them. [applause]
As a matter of fact, the one whom I regard as a traitor is King
Husayn. He is the actual traitor. He is a king who has a country
and adjacent to occupied Palestine, preventing its liberation,
banning the resistance, and secretly contacting the Israelis. He
has beencontacting -without the knowledge of the Arab nation
- the Israelis all his life. He contacted Moshe Dayan, Golds
Meir, and all the Zionist terrorists, up to this time. This is
treason. He secretly meets with them at Aqaba, the Jordan valley
- he is a traitor. As for the Palestinians and even the Christians
of Lebanon, you compelled them sometimes to go along the path
of treason. Yasir `Arafat and his group, who were fighting even
after their departure on ships, were attacked by Israeli aircraft
in Tunis. They were compelled sometimes to treason. An Arab
joining the Israelis (?because of) the Arabs [words indistinct] I
have a psychological analysis of some of the stances which [words
indistinct]. Even the (?question) of terrorism and the Red Bri-
gades and the like -when we talk to the Europeans we tell them
that there is a psychological reason behind this - in the society
which gave birth to this terrorism [words indistinct] Why?
Because there are reasons. Even the LeSanese Christians go to
Israel because they are compelled; they go over the Red Line and
are sometimes compelled to do so.
What is this call for jihad in Lebanon, and the Islamic Republic
in Lebanon, and the Soldiers of God in Lebanon, and Hizballah
in Lebanon? What do these things mean? They mean the crush-
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v ~
ing of the Christians. These are very frightening calls. If I were
a Lebanese Christian, by God I would be frightened by this call;
it would make me go to the devil! The slogan of the Islamic
Republic of Lebanon ignores one-half of the papulation -who
are Christians; what kind of nonsense is this? [passage indistinct]
I am an Arab. [Words indistinct] in pan-Arabism. There should
be no Sunnis, no Shiites -all this is blasphemy and heresy; we
do not need such sects or their principles. [applause] There should
be no banner hoisted over the Arab homeland except the banner
of pan-Arabism. Religion is for God.
Everyone worships whoever he wants, but this is a nation which
has nationalism and a homeland and which is threatened. It must
hoist the banner of the nation. He who creates Hizballah should
go and set up such a party in the United States. Is not the United
States the arch Satan? Go set up Hizballah inside the United
States. [Unidentified person in the audience makes an indistinct
remark; AI-Qadhdhafi laughs and then continues] It is now
fighting with it, that is right. Let them go. That is it.
I am glad today that there are Palestinians from all [affiliations].
They are present here from all the organizations. At least their
meeting in this hall represents Palestinian unity. The Palestinians
need unity. [loud applause from audience; slogans chanted: One
Arab people] Outside the Arab world we are part of the Islamic
world, and yes to the hoisting of the banner of jihad throughout
the Islamic world. This homeland [Libya] is threatened, and we
have here with us mujahidin from Pakistan, India, and the
United States. Here are the mujahidin. They meet with us in
jihad as Muslims in all parts of the Islamic world. But inside the
Arab world we do not accept this. Just one banner must be
hoisted, and we invite all the Arab youth to respect such a banner
and fight only under the banner of Arab nationalism. All the rest
is empty talk; it should not continue, nor will it be supported.
Sectarianism must be shunned.
There can be only one Arab youth. Why is one called Shiite and
the other called Sunni; what is the difference between Shia and
Sunni? If Shia is the religion of our Persian brothers, then all
right; it would be a special religion, a religion fraternal to Islam
and welcome. I do not know this; all I know is that there is an
Islamic religion. What is Shia? Has Muhammad spoken about
Shia, Sunni, Malikites, [words indistinct], ICharuites [various
Islamic sects after Muhammad's death]? All these are heretical
novelties that came after the Prophet. If somebody chooses a
religion then he is free to do so. Perhaps our Persian brothers have
chosen a religion called Shia. But there are 60 million Arab
Shiites who must fight under pan-Arabism and not under Shia.
Then sectarianism would find itself an impasse, in a crisis. Its
banner must fall and be trampled under foot.
As a matter of fact I have greeted and now greet again the
struggle of the Lebanese Communist Party [applause] led by
Brother George Hawi, and also the Progressive Party led by
Brother Walid Junblatt. [applause] These are Lebanese forces,
but matters reached a point when they had to fight with the
Palestinians in the camps, because there turned out to be a
conspiracy.
The situation has not been resolved yet. The Arab nation and its
dynamic forces are still responsible for resolving this grave
problem because it touches upon an essential question on which
we Arabs can come together or disperse; namely, the question of
Palestine. If we were liquidating the Palestinian resistance and
the Palestinian camps, then definitely we are on the other side of
the trenches, we are with the Israelis and the Americans.
While I am confident of the attitudes of President Hafiz al-Asad
and the stand of Syria and while we actually support them,
however, closing the offices of the militias in West Beirut and
disarming them poses a danger. On balance, this might cause a
disturbance posing an extreme danger in the national ranks,
because on the other side of Beirut, East Beirut, the Phalangiats
and the separatists are still armed. Therefore, all the militias
must be disbanded, including the Phalangists. This would be a
great action. However, we hope, God willing, that the disarming
of West Beirut is the first step which will be followed by disarm-
ing the Phalangist militias in East Beirut. We hope this will
happen.
I would like to stress in conclusion that after 10 years of exercis-
ingpower you should not depend on anybody but yourselves. You
are still exposed to danger. Do not be delighted with your
achievements, namely, facilities, highways, bridges, and fac-
tories and the cities -those are not a source of pleasure at all.
You are still lackin water and I tell ou that ou should search
or i ace u v or .war. n sttll say that )ruro~ an the
oiled States wants to again colonize Libya and the Arab
countries. However, in your search for water for your offspring,
and your search for stability and strength to confront the
expected European military invasion, depend only on your free-
dom, not on Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi or anyone else.
And I find myself free to move outside Libya. I mid ht travel
anywhere. s wherever I like or live at an 1aEe=You h
no re anon with me I mtg t ere a ay and 10 days at another
~ti ~
AG-QadhdOoaB I~i[certs dYnth ,IIs~I9ud
LD03021 S Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
0138 GMT 3 Mar 87
[Text] The brother leader of the revolution received Staff Major
`Abd al-Salam Ahmad Jallud after his return from Damascus
concluding the pan-Arab mission that was commissioned by the
brother leader of the revolution to stop the Palestinian bloodshed
and to lift the siege of the Palestinian camps in Lebanon. [Video
shows Al-Qadhdhafi and Jallud sitting indoors opposite each
other talking - no sound]
USS)R's Solovyer Addr~?s Congress
LD021606 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
0996 GMT 2 Mar 87
[Speech by Yuriy Felippovich Solovyev, candidate member of the
CPSU Central Committee Politburo, at the Libyan General
People's Congress in Sabha; in Russian with passage-by-passage
translation in Arabic -live]
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~ Il4 ~I?IR'1CIHI A~'IP3dcCA
[Text] Dear friends: The friendly Libyan people are today cele-
brating the 10th anniversary of the proclamation of people's
power. Permit me to convey to you and to the Libyan Jama-
hiriyah's leadership and people, congratulations on this occasion
from the Soviet Communist Party and the Soviet people.
[applause]
The 1 September revolution dealt a strong blow to imperialism
in this part of the world. It opened up to the Libyan people the
road to true political independence, and to the elimination of the
imperialist yoke from Libyan territory, and enabled them to
carry out radical internal changes for the good of the broad
masses. The establishment of the popular authority's bodies,
through whom the participation of the people in the running of
the country was guaranteed, undoubtedly constitutes an impor-
tant landmark on the road of Libya's independent development.
Libya's departure from the sphere of imperialist political influ-
ence, its active support for national liberation movements and its
struggle for the creation of a just international economic order
against the neoglobalist course of the United States and its allies
-all this evokes the hatred of its enemies. That is why the
Jamahiriyah has become the target of unceasing threats, intimi-
dation and armed provocations by imperialism.
Today, the Libyan people are facing new hostile intrigues. The
imperialist powers, led by the United States, are stirring up the
internal conflict in Chad. The Soviet Union strongly condemns
this imperialist interference and advocates a peaceful settlement
of this conflict by the people of Chad without foreign interfer-
ence.
The Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah is not alone.
Today, we wish to strongly assert that Soviet people are deeply
aligned with the Libyan people against imperialism [applause],
for the sake of bolstering the sovereignty of their homeland and
their continued march along the road of progressive development.
When the U.S. war machine dealt its barbaric air strikes at
Libyan territory last spring, the USSR expressed clearly its
solidarity with the Libyan Jamahiriyah. This was openly
declared in the message of Mikhail Gorbachev, general secretary
of the CPSU Central Committee, to Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi,
leader of the Libyan revolution. Our attitude has manifested
itself in the moral, political, diplomatic and military support to
friendly Libya. The Soviet people expressed their anger through
mass demonstrations and rallies, held to support Libya in our
country.
Soviet-Libyan relations have witnessed tangible progress during
recent years in the various spheres. Cooperation between us is
based on the principles of equality, respect for each other's
sovereignty and noninterference in internal affairs.
The visit of our friend Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi to Moscow in
1985, and his talks with Comrade Mikhail Gorbachev -which
resulted in the signing of the long-term program for the develop-
ment of economic, scientific, commercial, and technical cooper-
ation between our twocountries -has played an important role
in increasing this cooperation.
Dear friends: This year, the Soviet people and all progressive
mankind celebrate the 70th anniversary of the Great October
Socialist Republic. This revolution, led by the great Lenin, no4
only opened the way for the building of a socialist society in our
country, but also provided a strong impetus to the struggle of the
oppressed peoples on the road to social and national liberation -
a struggle which eventually led to the collapse of the colonialist
system and the emergence from the debris of scores of indepen-
dent countries.
Since the establishment of Soviet authority, which reflected the
radical interests of the people, our country has achieved great
successes, including the creation of a powerful economic cap-
ability, and the guaranteeing of continued growth in the people's
prosperity, and the Soviet man opened the way of mankind into
space.
Our successes are beyond all controversy. I-Iowever hard our
enemies in the imperialist camp try to fabricate things, they
cannot belittle our achievements. In our homeland, Soviet society
is now entering a new watershed, essentially based on the mobi-
lization of all the great capabilities of socialism to intensify as
much as possible the course of social economic growth and
political development. This constitutes the basis of the strategic
course drawn up by the 27th CPSU Congress, which aims at
rebuilding all aspects of life in the society of our country. For this
reason, the party has embarked on a deep analysis of the great
experience we have gained to derive lessons from it and to
criticize the errors that have been committed. Our party is
capable of undertaking this step because of its strength and its
strong ties with the people, and because of the unlimited support
accorded to it by the people.
The January 1987 CPSU Central Committee session constituted
an important point along the road toward the implementation of
the resolutions of the party's congress. During this session,
discussions covered ways to develop Soviet democracy and the
people's effective participation in the running of the country,
within the framework of the rebuilding operation.
Our internal policy and our creative constructive work for the
development of socialist society dictates and defines Soviet for-
eign policy.
The USSR fights a constant battle for halting the mad race in
nuclear armaments in which imperialism took the initiative, for
preventing the transfer of this race into space, and for the
realization of total nuclear disarmament. It also works for the
rectification of international conditions and the peaceful settle?
ment of existing conflicts.
The USSR proposes the establishment of a general system of
international security. Our firm position is based on the fact that
our own security cannot be founded at the expense of the security
of others.
For 1 and 1/2 years, the USSR refrained from nuclear tests. The
whole world expected the United States to follow suit. But once
again the U.S. Administration thwarted the peace-loving peo-
plea' hopes. But it was not possible for us to permit imperialism
to achieve military superiority over the USSR and the world of
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~ ~
socialism. For this reason, we were forced to resume nuclear tests.
Let the imperialists know that the USSR will never concede its
own security and that of its friends and allies. [applause]
For decades, the Middle East has been the center of dangerous
tension. Blood is being shed there. Acts of violence and the
violation of laws and traditions have become the order of the day.
Supported by imperialism -above all, U.S. imperialism -
Israel continues to occupy Arab territories, carries out new acts
of aggression, and refuses to recognize the legitimate national
rights of the Palestinian Arab people.
The United States and Israel have been obstructing efforts
leading to a just solution of the Middle East conflict and have
been utilizing the disunity of the Arab world to impose on the
Arabs unilateral agreements of the Camp David type.
The U.S. aggression against Libya, U.S.-Israeli pressure on
Syria, and the amassing of the U.S. fleet in the Mediterranean
in such open hostility to the Arabs indicate that imperialism is
trying to impose its domination over the peoples of the region and
and that it is pursuing a neo-imperialist policy. Imperialist
intrigues can be aborted if they are faced by unified Arab
willpower, and if the Arab countries overcome their present
division and pool their efforts on the basis of the unity of their
radical national interests. Only through collective efforts can a
just solution be found to the vital interests of the Arab peoples,
including the releasing of the Middle East conflict from its
present impasse.
We are totally confident of the need to make new efforts for
finding ways leading to lasting peace in the Middle East through
the convocation of an international peace conference. This is the
objective behind the formation of a preliminary committee with
the participation of the permanent members of the UN Security
Council.
Because of imperialism, the question of security in the Mediter-
ranean remains tense. While supporting the transformation of
this region into one of constant peace and cooperation, our
country has proposed, on more than one occasion, the implemen-
tation of a complete package of measures, including the with-
drawal of vessels equipped with nuclear weapons from the
Mediterranean, and abandoning the deployment of nuclear
weapons in nonnuclear countries bordering on this sea. In this
regard, we note with satisfaction that these proposals have met
with the understanding of the Libyan leadership.
We, in the USSR, support a speedy halt to the Iran-Iraq war,
which conflicts with the radical interests of the two peoples of
Iran and Iraq and benefits none other than the imperialists who
are trying to utilize it to widen their military presence in the
Middle East. The quicker the two warring sides agree to sit at
the negotiating table, the better this would be for the peoples of
the two countries and for the cause of regional and international
security.
As is known, to justify its imperialist policy against the progres-
sive movements and countries, the United States brands these
movements and countries as terrorists. It is well known that the
United States and its strategic ally Israel are the ones who have
adopted a policy of state terrorism.
Dear friends, I wish to take this opportunity while in the land of
friendly Libya, to affirm to you once more that the Soviet people
hold feelings of deep sympathy with the Libyan people. I wish to
affirm to you that we will not abandon our efforts to continue the
development of cooperation between our two wuntries for the
sake of the victory in the causes of general peace and social
progress. We wish the Libyan people further successes in the
struggle against imperialism, for the strengthening of their
national sovereignty, and for the continued development along
the road of democracy and progress.
In conclusion, permit me to read to you the cable of con-
gratulations addressed to Comrade Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi,
leader of the Libyan revolution, from the USSR Supreme Soviet
Presidium:
To Comrade Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi, leader of the Libyan
revolution, Tripoli.
The USSR Supreme Soviet Presidium congratulates the leader-
ship and people of the friendly Libyan Jamahiriyah on the 10th
anniversary of the proclamation of people's power in Libya. That
event, which became a major landmark in the history of the
struggle by the Libyan people, lies in the mainstream of the
transformations which were initiated by the September 1969
revolution. The achievements by the Libyan Jamahiriyah to
overcome the burdensome colonial legacy and build a new life,
created the basis for its further advance along the path of social
progress. The country's development in accordance with its
independent choice meets with bitter resistance from the aggres-
sive circles of imperialism which strive to foist their will on the
liberated states. A concentrated expression of that policy was the
U.S. attack on Libya last year. Repelling that imperialist sortie
with the support of the world's progressive forces, the Libyan
people demonstrated tenacity and staunchness. Over the past
decade Soviet-Libyan relations have developed considerably and
have become enriched with fresh content. The Soviet Union
intends to continue strengthening the bonds of friendship and
mutually advantageous cooperation with the Jamahiriyah in the
interests of the peoples of our countries, to frustrate imperialist
intrigues, and for the good of universal peace. We wish you
personally, and all the Libyan people, success in the fight for
peace, progress and consolidation of national independence.
[Signed] The USSR Supreme Soviet Presidium, Kremlin, Mos-
cow, 1 March 1987
GUNT's Oumar Declares Cease-Fire
LD022019 Tripolt Television Service in Arabic
1140 GMT 2 Mar 87
[Speech by Chadian GLINT President Acheikh ibn Oumar, to
session of General People's Congress held in Sabha -live]
[Excerpts] In the name of God, the merciful, the compassionate.
By extending this invitation to the Chadian GLINT to participate
in the celebrations of the Libyan fraternal people, you brothers
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