AL-QADHDHAFI ADDRESSES CONGRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400410024-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 22
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: February 7, 2012
• Sequence Number: 24
• Publication Date: March 2, 1986
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

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V. 5 Mar 86 NORTH AFRICA
Continuing Reportage on General People's Congress
Al-Qadhdhafi Addresses Congress
LD021451 Tripoli Domestic Service in Arabic 1140
GMT 2 Mar 86
[Speech by Libyan Leader Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi at
the General People's Congress at Banghazi's Qaryunis Univer-
sity - live]
[Text] [Passage indistinct] In Banghazi or even Sabha, it is better
to convene in any other town or village, if you wish to hold your
meeting there. However, in holding your meetings in Banghazi,
Tripoli, or Sabha, these reactionary and monarchist cities, (?it is
better to avoid them). [chants]
Today is a historic and great day. It is the day when the state of
the Jamahiriyah was proclaimed on 2 March 1977. This day
might not be fully appreciated by us, who have witnessed the
establishment of the Jamahir, and even the contemporary world
might not be able to appreciate it, as it is surely trying to do so
now, because it is an official world. Even the so-called United
Nations is, in fact, not a United Nations, but a body of gov-
ernmental delegations meeting at that headquarters. People's
delegations are, however, those which meet on Libyan soil and,
therefore, their resolutions fully contravene most of the gov-
ernmental delegations, that is, people's resolutions taken on the
Libyan soil are fully different from their delegates' resolutions
at the United Nations. Such a UN delegate was representing a
government, but those who took part in the International People's
Congresses in Libya represent the Jamahir and peoples. I mean
that the living world is an official world, which does not recog-
nize, but fights, the Jamahiriyah. History, however, will say that
this day is a great day. Despite the fact that it has been created
by a small people who live in a small, poor, and backward country,
it is, however, one of the turning points in the history of humanity:
the establishment of the state of the Jamahir and the establish-
ment of the Jamahiriyah in this context, the emergence of the
people's conferences and people's committees - the establish-
ment of the people's authority. This historic and innovative act
has no comparison. It is regrettable that it is not understood at
present, but it will be, however, one of the main events in the
history of humanity in the future.
It has been said that when a French philosopher called Rousseau
died, only two of his friends walked in his funeral procession.
After the passage of scores of years and more, however millions
have come to observe his death. a matter which confirms that his
thoughts were great thoughts to humanity.
Today, as we meet and speak here, is a great historic day, the day
of the rise of the Jamahiriyah. We, in the midst of this event and
in the midst of celebrating it, can only see we are in the midst of
this great event. However, future generations will see it as a
historical turning point and a new page being written down by
man in his history toward final salvation. Millions are still
struggling everywhere in the world to reach power and are paying
the price with their lives and bodies and with their possessions to
get rid of a ruling party, to get rid of a dominating government
and to get rid of the ruler, whether from an oligarchy or a tribe.
Now all instruments of rule are facing fierce resistance from the
popular masses everywhere. This undoubtedly indicates that the
Libyan people are the vanguard of the whole world and the
symbol and example to be followed in all parts of the world. Libya
is setting an example for the state of Jamahir, the state of
salvation. This is what this day means. It means that in fact,
Libya through revolution became independent for the first time
as part of the Arab homeland. After the (?demise) of the great
Islamic Arab state, Libya's independence was for the first time
linked to the rise of the Jamahiriyah. We in fact we do not
differentiate a great deal between the two things.
I emphasize that in 1969 this part of the Arab homeland first
gained its independence. In 1969 when you entered from the
Chadian borders you enter the Malta Information [flight control]
Zone. The Libyan map used to have written on it the term: Malta
Information Zone when you entered it from Chad, Sudan, or
Niger. As soon as you crossed the borders of the those countries,
you came within the Malta Information Zone. It was written on
the Libyan map, impertinently by those who used to colonize this
country in the name of independence; you are now within the
Malta Information Zone. The boundaries of the Libyan sover-
eignty were unknown because there was no sovereignty to start
with, because until 1969 U.S. forces and British forces - all
foreign forces - were dominant.
The question of independence in this country is then raised
simultaneously with its transformation into the Jamahiriyah
which placed authority in the hands of the masses. Then the
problem of the Gulf of Sidra arose -- as if these are new things
on the international scene. In fact they are all connected to the
fact that a part of the Arab homeland has been liberated and
consequently, the limits of this sovereignty have become clear.
Sovereignty does not mean the downfall of the foreign usurper
only to be replaced by a local oppressor. There is no difference
between the bullets of the British and the bullets of the forces
which hit the citizens in the streets of Cairo. There is no dif-
ference whatsoever between the British governor, Faruq and the
current ruler of Egypt, or the one assassinated earlier.
This day reveals the truth and exposes the falsehood being carried
out on our borders in the Arab countries and in the entire world.
Even the Philippines, which has paid the price and where the
popular masses brought down Marcos' regime, has replaced the
regime with a female Marcos. In fact there is no different
between this president and that -- all of them are puppets of the
United States of America. These masses will someday regret they
exchanged a president with another president and will continue
in this vicious circle until the masses awaken to what is happen-
ing, and to what the Libyan world example is offering, and see
that salvation is not through the replacement of one ruler by
another or a government by another, or a class by a class.
Salvation comes through the people in the people's congresses
and committees in place of any instrument of rule, no matter
what it was. I stress to you today that the masses who support the
new president of the Philippines in the future will demonstrate
against her, because she is an instrument of power and the
difference between her and the president deposed by the masses
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will vanish. This is being repeated everywhere in the world
around us.
I want to underline that the importance of 2d of March, the day
of the rise of Jamahiriyah, does not mean independence and the
consolidation of a national instrument of power handling the
citizens, their properties and their sovereignty the way the colo-
nialists handled or [words indistinct], but liberation and freedom
means that the people own these potentials. What this day means
and what the people's authority means is this concept. However,
I would like to stress today that it is important to resist any
intervention [tadakhul] in popular will. [applause]
What (?concerns) us is that there should be no request for
intervention in the popular will from any individual or any group,
for any reason. I saw (?banners) in the streets on this occasion
saying that the best and most useful assistance of the masses is
for me to help them. When one is learning how to walk, you ought
not to help him so that he does not rely on your muscles; let him
strengthen his own muscles, so that if he walks, he will be walking
by himself. He who wants to intervene to assist the masses
hinders the development of their will. In fact, the best assistance
for the masses is not to assist them, because this assistance would
be at the cost of strengthening their will. Facing us could be
intervention outside the masses. When I say outside the masses,
I mean even one of the masses; outside is not something from
outside the country -- an outside action like colonialism, an
outside aggression. I am speaking about intervention in the
people's authority, whether it comes without a request or if the
popular masses ask for it. These two factors could constitute an
extreme danger to the popular will and to popular authority. The
masses and their revolutionary forces should be prepared to resist
these two forbidden things. The masses must not request the
assistance of anyone, however critical the problems facing them
become, because this request would show that the masses are
weak and subsequently they would lose confidence in themselves.
They would always need a savior. This savior would be the
dictator who saves the masses and who solves their problems. And
he who offers them something, sets a price; the price would be
domination and dictatorship. Thus, those who carried out rev-
olutions and independence battles for the sake of their peoples,
turned into tyrants when they came into power.
This is the forbidden thing which was avoided by the forces which
carried out the Al-Fatih Revolution, namely, they did not exer-
cise authority, so that through the passage of time the revolution
would turn into a convincing force for the masses. Subsequently,
the historic qualitative jump took place and salvation took place,
namely, that those who exercise authority are the people. The
masses ought not -- moreover, it is forbidden for the masses --to
request assistance from anyone. They also must resist any inter-
vention from anyone. Today I want to stress that the great and
brilliant victory of popular freedom and democracy over the land
of Libya is a gain for which lives in the countries of the world are
being paid.
Despite the fact that it has appeared easy to the majority, it was
still difficult for those who created it. It was not easy for the Free
Unionist officers together with their soldiers who carried out the
revolution [chants] to carry out such an act. It was a dangerous
and very hard voyage. It was a voyage of death for them. We
Q 2 NORTH AFRICA
lived through some long and difficult years; we lived through
them under stress and tension and, at the time, we were ready to
pay with our lives for such an act, and we still feel the same even
now. I must say, with some regret, that the vast popular masses
have found themselves living through the era of emancipation,
thanks to the revolution and to the deliberate revolutionary urge,
without paying any price for that. [Words indistinct] the evidence
for that, you do easily seek the help of the leader and seek the
help of someone who can solve a problem arising from your
agency. If you differ with each other for a quarter of an hour,
you hastily seek help. This is a dangerous and incorrect course.
On the contrary, the best way is not to seek help in such
situations. The people must not have a tutor, guardian or presi-
dent, otherwise we will fall into the forbidden anew. [as heard]
The Jamahir must not belittle their capabilities for solving the
problems. I am certain that at the General People's Congress, at
the people's conferences and the people's committees, there are
people who have brains and extraordinary forces and have more
potential than anybody else who has been elected. A shepherd
must have solutions, but he does not know anybody. The estab-
lishment of the people's authority means that such a person ought
to be known and this shepherd must have a say and thus influence
the destiny of the society. This will (?lead) to having the shepherd
as a member in the Basic People's Conference where he can stand
up during the proceedings of the conference and assert that he
has a solution for this or that problem. This person might be a
genius like so many other ordinary people whom we must bring
all together. I am sure that in this way, we will guarantee the
surmounting of all problems - be they technical, military,
economical, political, internal, or external - but one person
might fail, like the government and the class, because there are
so many negative influences against these instruments.
Only the people have do not have any negative influences acting
against them in their practice of their lives. As regards this
negative aspect which I have mentioned, namely, that while we
have been intentionally involved in and made a conscious com-
mitment to the undertaking of these serious tasks, we suddenly
found ourselves free. Although we paid a price, in truth our
fathers and forefathers paid it. However, we who are here at
present do not feel it to be great. We remember them yet we do
not feel the gravity of the price they paid because we did not take
part in the battles of (Al-Haniyah), (Al-Kirbadhiyah) and Al-
Jabal Al-Akhdhar. We did not take part in those battles, hence
we are unaware of the gravity and the value of the price of
freedom. We were not participating in the movement of the Free
Unionist Officers and consequently, were unaware of the suffer-
ing endured during the beginning of the revoluton and during the
dangerous confrontation with the foreign bases and the dictato-
rial authority backed by the strongest power on the face of earth.
Therefore, there is in fact a negative influence which acts against
freedom on the Libyan soil and the revolutionary forces should
eliminate this negative influence through only one thing: namely,
through continuous incitement in order to strengthen the popular
will, by refraining from asking for any assistance and to resist
anyone interfering in the popular will. There is nothing in the
Jamahiriyah except the people's congresses and the people's
committees. If you fail, the people's congresses and the people's
committees will fail, and if you succeed, the people's congresses
and the people's committees will succeed. There is nobody to
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shoulder the responsibility except the people's congresses and the
people's committees on Libyan land. Even from a legal, constitu-
tional, or administrative point of view, you cannot question or put
on trial anyone over any problem you face, because no one has
authority except the people's congresses and the people's commit-
tees. There should be no dependence on any party outside the
people's congresses and the people's committees. There is not a
single person, in fact, who is responsible even within the people's
congresses and the people's committees. There are, however,
popular mass establishments: a whole people's congress, a peo-
ple's congress secretariat, a whole people's committee. Con-
sequently, if a people's committee allows its secretary to
discharge its affairs by himself, it must understand that it will
have to pay the price for such behavior, because the actions of
the secretary of the people's committee on his own are not
recognizable. The secretary of the people's committee is the
administrative organizer of the committee only. His duty is to
supervise and not to discharge affairs. If, at the instigation of the
revolutionary forces of the popular masses a people's committee
is put on trial, then the people's committee will be the one to be
tried and not its secretary, because any behavior, constitutionally
and democratically in the Jamahiri system, is the behavior of the
people's committee. If it gives a free rein to its secretary to act
on its behalf, this means nothing. It does not mean it is not
responsible. The actions of the secretary will be considered by us,
the popular masses and the revolutionary forces, to be the actions
of the whole of the people's committee and it will be liable to
questioning or trial.
Q 3 NORTH AFRICA
decision, create a law, declare war, or decide peace while you are
sitting in the seat because you are the master, you are the king,
you are the president. You are the decision-maker while you sit
in the seat.
If a people's congress wants to change a people's committee or
bring it to account, or change its secretary, or one of its members,
let it take the seats and not (?be afraid). Each time, particularly
on the anniversary of the Jamahiriyah and the emergence of
people's power, we must stress, act or say what is likely to stress
this great achievement. On all (?occasions) we must sit - in
addition to the celebrations, chanting, dancing, etc., which repre-
sent joy and an expression of happiness and emancipation - we
must sit in order to increase our understanding of this great
achievement, and to deepen the roots of the people's power, in
order to grasp the meaning of Jamahiriyah, and also to maintain
our reputation throughout the world.
Libya offers a universal model for all the Arab peoples. This is a
historic achievement that is greater than the achievement real-
ized at a time of [name indistinct] in Athens. It is an achievement
that has given substance, in practice, to all the ideas and dreams
of thinkers and scholars in the world who were looking for the
virtuous city, for the paradise lost, for paradise on earth, the
creation of the city of Plato and the (?AI-Farabi) city. Everything,
even the attempts by communists and anarchists, and the great
achievements in history were looking for what can now be found
.on Libyan territory. [applause]
We undertook the march, the escalation of these marches in order
to achieve the situation in which we now are: people's committees
and people's congresses. There would be absolutely no legitimacy
in a group of people undertaking a march on any place in order
to topple a committee, a secretary, or a secretariat. This is a
method that we had created ourselves. We have incited the
masses to march so that the result of the march would be the
setting up of people's congresses and people's committees. We
want to attain this situation, and we, the revolutionary forces,
have pledged to incite the masses to undertake marches so that
they can rid themselves of fear; so that they can storm offices,
the offices of the civil servants they used to fear; so that they can
sense that no ruler, administrator, or anyone can stand in their
way.
We have been through a period during which for years we have
been inciting marches, until the masses took the seats of power
and democracy was established. The people should always be in
these seats. The struggle was over our taking these seats, and all
the marches were for us to attain these seats. Now we the people
have taken the seats, in the people's congresses and people's
committees. Therefore, there is no reason for a march now,
because this would contradict the exercising of people's power in
its mature and definitive form.
Now any people's congress can convene an emergency or an
ordinary session, and decide to topple anyone it wants, or to
change anything it wants, without leaving the seat; anyone
leaving the seat to act or to march would harm the people's power.
You do not need to raise your voice, or even to stand up. You just
say a word and you change the secretary of the congress, change
the secretary of the committee, change the committee, change a
One of the Jamahiriyah's meanings is that the Jamahir should
undertake all responsibilities and duties and thereby shoulder all
the consequences. We must never put a committee into authority
and at the same time forget that our main task is to work, fight
and train as soon as we leave the hall. These are contradictions
which harm democracy and freedom. You only deserve to sit on
a chair and be a sir if you are able to do your own work, to train
and defend your family; then and only then do you deserve to sit
like a master. But if you are unable to defend yourself and unable
to work creatively, yet mislead yourself into believing that you
are the master of the chair, this is deception. The people who want
to shoulder the responsibility of freedom must pay the price. Any
person who wants to be free must pay the price for it.
If anyone of us had not taken part in the battles for freedom
against the Italians or had not participated in Al-Fatih Rev-
olution, he still has the opportunity to do so, by working, produc-
ing, training, offering to defend and, by consolidating the security
of the Jamahiriayh by defending it and increasing its production.
In this way he can compensate for not having participated in the
jihad battles or in the revolution.
This is now the greatest task [words indistinct] jihad's battles in
order to liberate ourselves, liberating ourselves in order to control
our country's potential, to be able to decide whatever we want
and to build what we want. Now the stage of decision and
building has been reached. The revolution is a means to free
ourselves, as with freedom we can do whatever we want. Now the
time to do what we want has arrived. Do whatever you want. You
want to be a master? Then you must be armed, productive and
able to make decisions because you hold in your hands all the
means: authority, wealth and weapons. [Words indistinct] as if
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there is somebody who would like to defend you (?and your
future). (?Everything you own should be for the battle). If we have
separated boys and girls in battle, education and work, we were
only talking about (?material and mechanical) separation. I do
not believe that girls should be in one amphitheater and boys in
another. I believe they should be in the same amphitheater.
Women should not be in one camp and men in another; women
should not be in one factory and men in another. This is wrong
-- if one is in a factory and one is not, one is in an amphitheater
and one is outside, one is in the battle and the other is not. If
someone says there should be a military academy for girls or even
a whole military formation for women, I consider this idea to be
progressive and to be discussed from a formality point of view.
He who says no to girls joining the military academy, this is a
reactionary idea; women should not be trained, this is also a
reactionary idea.
schools and universities consist of men and women, and women
work alongside men in offices. The streets are full of men, too.
Nobody objects to such mixing, even by the reactionaries. How-
ever, there are objections to the progressive thing to which we are
not accustomed and which is seen as oppressive -- that we should
all carry arms. I have repeatedly said that educated, armed,
working, and strong women are much stronger and less likely to
be taken advantage of than unarmed, weak and uneducated
women. What matters in the end is good upbringing at home and
good manners, and not the nature of the work.
We must listen to such words and repeat them at every opportu-
nity, especially on such a great historic day, so that we affirm the
Jamahiriyah and the authority of the people; so that there can be
no doubt every year that we have actually become masters and
that we deserve this supremacy.
There are no men and women in the state of Jamhir; there are,
however, males and females, and we have plenty of them - those
whom God created as male and those whom he created as female.
This should not be a concern of ours. Man can eat, walk, hear,
think, has freedom, aspirations and human characteristics. This
is enough. We should not, however, distinguish between people
as male and female, with one having rights and not the other; one
able to enter the battle and not the other; this is wrong and cannot
be stated, Formal matters that make someone better than
another are acceptable, but essential things, like joining a battle,
should be guaranteed, to everybody, as all in the Jamahir are
owners of this land. Therefore, we should all be able to enter
faculties, universities, professions, agriculture and industry;
make some factories for men and some for women in the tradi-
tional way. [Words indistinct] because we are all inside the
factory. Women makes clothes inside the house, and man inside
the factory. This is acceptable, as long as they are both working.
The home, the factory or the office - all mean nothing. What
is important is that you perform your duties.
A woman receives training in the use of arms, however sophisti-
cated. For her to receive training inside the home is, to me, as
important as her receiving training in the camps; it makes no
difference. In fact, the kitchen is like a laboratory or a factory.
There is no difference between the kitchen and the laboratory or
workshop at the pharmaceutical college or the science college;
both involve mixing, materials, and cooking. We must be sure of
this; we must not waste a great deal of time at the expense of our
future and freedom.
All of us should fight and all of us should work. We must not
allow reactionary lines of thinking to return. Some of us begin to
serve, wittingly or unwittingly, the interests of the forces hostile
to our freedom, to our nation and to the future of our generations.
We must not confuse between formalities and theories, between
the mixing of men and women and the performance of tasks. The
mixing process is one of freedom. What I am talking about is not
a call for mixing, but for work. It does not matter if each sex
wants to work alone; the important thing is that all must work.
In the military academy, the training of women has been
entrusted to women. Women have been enlisted for military
service essentially to train other women, so that there would be
no objection on the grounds that men have been entrusted with
the task of training women, despite the fact that teachers in
One of the tasks entrusted to the General People's Congress is to
prepare the agenda which is before you. You might have noticed
that there was a crisis in regard to the agenda last night. You
should have continued with work every day, and the day after
and the day after [words indistinct]. There was only one incident
of salvation: When I and my colleagues staged the revolution.
That was a salvation operation. You did not ask us to stage it,
nor did we consult you, nor did we seek your votes. [applause and
chants]
The savior is like the fedayeen. The fedayeen acts once and dies.
We are in need of a fedayeen to blow up this door with his body
so that we may come out. This has been carried out. There is no
need for others to come after him every time to blow up the door.
Who would stage the revolution? We could have died staging the
revolution, so that the people may live. This is what constitutes
a savior. There can be no other interpretation. Neither I nor my
colleagues accept any longer any other role for ourselves. A savior
is different from a ruler. The ruler has his rule and [words
indistinct] in the elections. He goes to welcome your guests at the
airports like any puppet. He rides in a Mercedes car purchased
from an imperialist country and carries a false flag which flutters
under the flag of the colonialist in full disgrace and shame, and
riding before him are motorcycles which are also imported. These
are disgraceful things to the true revolutionaries. [Words indis-
tinct] to welcome you.
The savior, and others like him are different from the president
who remains constant. The role of the former takes place only
once and then ends. Our role happens once only. We have staged
the revolution. We have undertaken the greatest operation,
namely, the revolution. Before us, there were five U.S. bases;
before us were the British forces entering Tobruk at Al-'Adim
base without permission from the Libyans. The day the rev-
olution began thousands of British troops could have landed in
Tobruq, [words indistinct] as all maneuvers used to take place at
sea and ashore without any permission. The U.S. controlled the
land, sea and airspace in accordance with the treaty with the
monarchy. It used to act freely in Libya.
We undertook this operation, a fedayeen operation, a heroic one,
a dangerous, a historic operation. But then it was the first time,
and you should not come and ask us to resolve this or that
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problem, to dig wells. [slogans chanted praising Al-Qadhdhafi]
You must understand this; this is our duty. As far as we are
concerned, if we wanted to stay as rulers we would have done so.
However, we mounted a revolution founded on a Jamahiriyah
philosophy, and we can never betray the revolution. For us, no
matter how dangerous an operation it was, and no matter how
we ran risks - for us, revolution means that the people become
master, the masses become emancipated. It does not mean the
masses rule through us, otherwise, we would be repeating the
same mistake.
People used to applaud Idriss al-Sanusi, as the one to secure
independence. After taking power he brought in foreign bases
[words indistinct]. What independence? The United States was
not present before independence; it came after independence.
This is the ruler that you chose and deified; you sanctified him.
Idriss al-Sanusi was sanctified.
The truth has now come out. Who shackeled Libya with foreign
bases? It was Idriss al-Sanusi. His governments and his deputies,
the deputies you elected, fought over them. Tribes used to fight
each other because of a deputy. What then was the benefit to the
tribe that fought another sister tribe? The one to benefit was the
deputy who made money and smuggled it abroad, bringing
foreigners here. That was the deputy representing you. Look at
the result of representation. Did they liberate you from bases? It
was they who brought in the bases; they were the ones to bring
in colonialism and slavery again.
Were there, after independence, as many Italian troops as U.S.
troops? No, not at all. The British occupied Libya after World
War II and their forces were fewer than the U.S. troops that
came under an agreement after independence. Look at this type
of ruler, governments, deputies. No, we cannot betray the issue
of the revolution.. The revolution is against all these trends that
lead to such dangerous situations to the future of freedom.
You want to force us into being rulers; no, no way. We brought
the revolution despite everything. It was our duty. We assumed
our responsibility because it was our business. If it had failed we
would have died. If it succeeded our aspirations would have been
fulfilled without anyone asking, without voting, without debates.
We said that he who wanted to die with us could join in, and those
who were prepared to die went along with us in the caravan of
death. After this, you have nothing to do with us. Do not ask
anything else from us; we are not responsible. If a disaster hits
you, none of those who engaged in the revolution can be blamed;
you will be the ones to blame.
The formation of a people's committee from the armed people is
the extent [words indistinct]. This means that the popular under-
standing has reached a stage [words indistinct]. I was personally
afraid to come near the formation of the people's committees of
the armed people, but you took the risk and made the decision.
Starting now, people's committees for the armed people will be
formed. This should be underlined in red, because it is a very
grave move. I wonder whether those who decided this understand
its gravity, or have they decided [words indistinct].
Two. [numbering as heard] Nobody can now complain. The
people's congresses decided that marginal jobs should be abol-
ished. This is done. There should be minimum dependence on the
employees of the administrative body. These are extremely
important and grave resolutions. Any government, supreme pla n-
ning council, president or anybody, whoever he may be, cannot
issue such a resolution; I am sure of that. Look at all the
governments and parliaments of the world and compare their
resolutions with yours. However serious these governments may
be in solving their problems, they will never adopt resolutions or
(?follow) policies similar to this'policy. Look, these resolutions
were made without marching, hitting or banging, while the
people are sitting on their chairs. You adopted the gravest
resolutions while sitting on your chairs. This is the stage of the
Jamahiriyah, the stage of maturity, of reaching to the end of the
road. The people [words indistinct].
Simplification of the administrative procedures: This is also very
grave. Simplification of the administrative procedures: This
[words indistinct] dropping the number of papers, cards and
dealings, and closing many windows at which the people used to
stand in line at offices and departments. All this will be abolished
when we simplify the administrative work. Possibly one paper
will contain everything. Instead of bringing the so-and-so cer-
tificate and such-and-such certificate, and the so-and-so official
stamp and such-and-such proof, and go to 100 officials in 100
streets, and walk 100 kms and waste 100 hours, we have simpli-
fied all this. From one place you take one paper which contains
all the information. And we dispense with 100 officials; only one
is needed. The change (?has commenced) correctly.
Only yesterday I received grave resolutions. I only gave you an
example of the grave resolutions which you adopted, and I hope
that you will not forget them, because yesterday there was a clear
forgetfullness concerning what was decided during the past
session. Did the period of the people's committee for one year not
end during the past session? Yes. Yes, it ended since last year.
An opportunity was given for questioning the General People's
Committee so that opinions would be expressed at this session.
The first thing you should do is to ask the Secretariat of the
General People's Committee for the result of the enquiry you
endorsed at the last meeting. Where is the enquiry? Did you not
form a committee of the secretaries of peoples's congresses of
municipalities? They came to Tripoli and stayed a few days, and
had discussions with the General Peoples's Committee. Where is
the result? We can not begin to elevate this or that without
examining the result. We should examine this closely because it
is a recurring matter. It is a recurring matter; it is a kind of [words
indistinct]. We incite popular masses to control people's commit-
tees. When you go out of here you must make your people's
committee accountable and find out about the issues you asked
about.
Previous years: There is accountability every year - what were
the negative and positive things done by the secretaries, sec-
retaries of the Secretariat and of the committee, They should be
accountable. We must know whether a secretary is sincere and
efficient, a squanderer, a spendthrift; whether he economises
[words indistinct] let us review this every year, [Passage indis-
tinct] Everyone has a file -- his visits, tasks performed, tours,
expenses, treatment. This is not [words indistinct] situation; a
secretary of a general people's committee has to be made
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accountable. From this month until the next meeting at the end
of the year, he has to know that he will have to appear before the
General People's Congress and have his file opened, like the day
of judgement. [Passage indistinct] This does not mean that he
should not stay in a hotel; the main thing is that it is stated that
such a person has stayed in such a hotel during a particular year.
However, the congress may object to this hotel and decide that
it is not suitable for its secretary to sleep in this particular hotel
[words indistinct].
A particular country's minister, during the same or another
period, comes to this country and stays in a hotel. It does not cost
his country much. If you send him to a particular country, he can
not go to another unless he can justify it to you by saying: I am
going to this country on a mission and I thought of spending a
holiday and seeing a friend in the other country. He shoulders his
responsibility and you are free to permit it or not. When you
travel you spend money. If you spend your own money, say so,
but if you spend our money, then the people will make you
accountable. [Words indistinct] this secretary has spent money in
such and such a place and [words indistinct]. Sometimes he does
not spend and you make him accountable [words indistinct].
Sometimes he does not spend, and you question him. Why have
you not spent any money? [Passage indistinct] Sometimes he is
made accountable because his spending was not appropriate. He
will be made accountable. Not everyone is made accountable
from this secretariat or this committee. That is why we have
made him accountable for spending, laziness, inefficiency; and it
is finished [words indistinct].
Even the Free Unionist officers who are still in the forces, still
carry weapons; if they enter a battle with you and lose, I would
not bring any of them to trial. It would not be their responsibility
- it is yours, the people. We have told you that there will be a
time when the people will carry arms. If we had said no, that we
have engaged in the revolution and we alone carry arms and
assume responsibility for defense, then yes, we would try them if
they failed in a battle. But they, night and day, are asking you to
come and undergo training; come and carry weapons.
So, that is it. We are just trainers. You are the ones who should
fight for your own freedom. If you do not enlist for training or
carry arms to score a victory in this battle who will you blame
afterwards? Who will you bring to trial? You would try those
who did not participate in the battle. I would not try the one who
participated in the battle and died or was defeated or over-
whelmed by a stronger and bigger force. I would put on trial the
one who would not participate in the battle. He is responsible for
defeat and loss.
Generally speaking with regard to the internal policy, you have
made very serious decisions which you should not forget. This is
because last time - 7 months ago - you made decisions and
then forgot them. You have decided very serious matters. If we
quote here for example, some of your decisions you may say to
yourselves, how did we place such responsibilities on ourselves?
You have decided to stress the application of the law relating to
people with weapons and to follow up all the executive measures
in this connection. Anyone who follows up such measures can
storm a house tomorrow where there is a person who has avoided
the implementation of this decision. He might complain: Why
This is a serious decision which you should comprehend. With
regard to the implementation of the law relating to arming people
means that you should be trained in the use of weapons on a
regular basis so that an armed people are created. More serious
than this is the fact that alterations are made with the participa-
tion of the armed people in preparation for the gradual abolish-
ment of the traditional military establishment and the founding
of an armed people. Tomorrow, 50,000 of you or may be 100,000
Libyans can be armed (?in one month). A month later there will
be another 100,000, and so on. Then the figure rises to 150,000
Libyans and then 200,000. Perhaps that figure will be reached
in two weeks. In the future this may become one week. A quarter
of a million are trained in one week, to be replaced by another a
quarter of a million in one week.
There is no need for compulsory military service, conscription by
force, or police looking for you. You should not become a slave
for whom the police search. You should train and complete your
training hours and then sit free where you are. Why should you
be afraid? Walk in the street - as they say - with your head
held high. You have performed your duty. In reactionary logic a
person may have a sister who is being trained in arms while he
himself is hiding at home after evading training. What is his
value in your own culture? Any person who is an example of what
I have just said let him hear what I am saying. To stress the
program of the officer-teacher - tomorrow there may be 1,000
officer-teachers who have absconded; any person charged with
the implementation of this decision can bring them and tear them
apart in order to reaffirm democracy - to reaffirm the decision
of this people.
Decisions by the peoples' congresses should not be taken lightly.
A person may [words indistinct] the people have decided to [words
indistinct] and this is final. You are against the people. This
applies even if the people's policy and its implementation entails
death [words indistinct]. To lay down a suitable program for
training housewives and to compel female workers in various
sectors to undergo military training - all right, you have devel-
oped them further. This is great and this people are great and
they will develop this great experiment. How nice! You have
undertaken very serious commitments.
The training of housewives has become compulsory and subject
to a suitable program for their training. Tomorrow a housewife
who may not abide by this program may be subjected to insults.
Who has decided this? The president of the republic? The
chairman of the Revolution Command Council? No. the general
officer in command or the supreme commander of the army? No.
That is it. The decision was taken by the people's congress.
[Passage indistinct] Commissioning the female graduates of the
military colleges for girls to train the housewives [words indis-
tinct]. The military girls who graduate today, as I told you [words
indistinct].
This is another error which you rectified. It should be taken into
consideration that the training should take place after official
office hours. Those who have no conscience used to come during
the official office hours and say train us. They used to absent
themselves from work on the pretext of training. This is treason.
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This is a deviation [words indistinct] the people with us. The
popular will is asserting itself. After this popular resolution, it is
now absolutely unacceptable for any person to be trained during
office hours. You go to your job, and after you finish it, they will
set a training time for you. [applause]
This is a kind of training. In the new year he resigns. Why?
Because during the past year you (?criticized) him at the congress
and brought him to book. He will not do something like that
again. We have trained a person and taught him what is wrong
and told him: We are watching you and will ask you to account
for everything you may do [words indistinct].
What are the reasons for his failure? Why should he be labelled
as useless? [Words indistinct] failure in something does not mean
failure in everything. I have told you this many times - a person
who is a primary school teacher may fail in his job from the first
day. This does not mean that he is a total failure at everything.
All right, he has failed in his profession. There may be failures
among teachers in secondary schools or universities. [Words
indistinct] we have said that this General People's Committee
[words indistinct] with the stress on the people's authority on this
great day and say that these administrative actions are within the
duties of the General People's Congress. They should not give up
and should not ask for help from any person.
I have come here to talk on 2 March on the anniversary of the
establishment of the Jamahiriyah and the establishment of the
people's authority, and will say and do what reaffirms the peo-
ple's authority and I will incite the masses in order that their will
may become stronger. I have come here in order to clarify more
and more my own position and those of my colleagues in this area.
I spoke about this in a previous speech.
Therefore, before we can start as a revolutionary supervisory
body, we draw the attention of the popular masses at this
congress... [changes thought] because the people's committee to
whom this person belongs should ask him to account for himself.
Yesterday when you came here you mentioned Jadallah `Azzuz
instead of [name indistinct]. How? Why? Where did you get this?
Who told you about it? Those who told you so will try to harm
you tomorrow. [applause and cheers]. Before arriving at this
conclusion we should go by stages. We should first tell the
congress: Here is the result of the inquiry. [Indistinct shouts from
the floor to which Al-Qadhdhafi replies: Yes, yes, I will come to
that in due course]
The Secretariat of the General People's Congress knows on what
it depends. (?I have received) the inquiry and the personal files,
and I consider the issue as having been concluded. Instead of this
frank talk and [words indistinct]. That is it, we begin with change
and that is it. No, there is no harm. You should not refrain from
talking about many issues. We should not insult each other in
public places; we should respect each other. Even the person
sentenced to death should not be humiliated. Yes, we sentence
him to death according to the law, but we should not humiliate
him. Frank criticism in the wrong place should not take place.
No person should have his honor or his family insulted. But you
should not refrain from openness. [Words indistinct] you should
not be so shy that you do not talk openly to anyone. If you have
a personal relationship with someone, then this should be con-
Generally, however, there should be compromise. If someone
steals, spends or neglects, his acts should be made public; this is
not shameful. We do not have the right to blame him or to insult
him. With respect you can show that this person is a thief without
telling him that he is a thief, and this is enough. [Passage
indistinct]
So, here are the results of the inquiries: You have first of all
formed a body of the municipal secretaries. This body has
undertaken the questioning of the General People's Committee,
according to the correct method. Now the matter is before you.
Last year, you postponed looking into the affairs of the General
People's Committee in order to see the results of [words indis-
tinct]. And the dossiers of the secretaries - who should all be
appraised - the dossiers of last year, 1985... [changes thought]
I personally have been asking what has been done with them?
What have they done with the [words indistinct] budget? What
were the negative and positive items in it?
These kinds of questions are a necessity. He who cannot ask them
or who is afraid to do so should say so from the beginning. If such
a person is asked to rise to the post of committee secretary he
should decline, saying he is not prepared to undertake confronta-
tion and [words indistinct]. Those who are promoted by you for
this year and the next should understand this fact now, and they
themselves, together with their personal records, will be submit-
ted every year to the General People's Congress. [chants] [Pas-
sage indistinct]
Yesterday, you expressed your view about the well-known
democracy. A people's committee [words indistinct] a quantita-
tive committee. If we take this middle line and consider it as
people's quantitative committee for economy for example, and
then we elect it the people's basic conferences... (changes thought]
We in this hall, the General People's Congress, when we elect
someone we create a secretary. As soon as he becomes secretary
for a committee he will become a member of the People's General
Committee; everybody can understand this, even school boys. But
at this stage the expertise is limited and conditions may not be
[words indistinct] We cannot bring someone from outside this
middle line or from outside this hall and elect him as the secretary
for this committee. [applause] [Passage indistinct]
The general specialized people's committees were abolished. (?It
seems) that you forget. The people's congresses decided to abolish
the housing an el . _ ricer committees during their sessions. Did
you not decide to establish companies for electricity and social
services and for housing? Did you not just say they are no more
and the committees disappeared? There is no committee for
housing or electricity. The electricity committee became a com-
pany which would supply us with electricity, and we, the consum-
ers, will pay for the electricity whether in our houses, workshops
or farms. The company will supply a farm, workshop or house
with electricity and the owner will pay fees. That is that. No
people's committee or general secretariat. This is a company
which has the electricity and supplies the motors with it, and
wherever you require light, the company will send you light
[words indistinct] If we were workers in a factory, let us say we
were in a factory, we would call on the electricity company to
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bring us electricity to make the factory work. If you work in a
iron factory, [words indistinct] factory, glass factory, clothes
factory, petrochemical factory and chemical factory, you pay for
the electricity given you out of the revenue, from your production.
That is that. We ourselves produce the raw materials and we cut
the price of electricity and we give it to (?society). This does not
need democracy. You have already decided that before. So why
do you ask why and how the housing and electricity committees
disappeared? This is a general issue.
n addition, the existence or disappearance of the people's com-
m ittees, , or one of the secretariats does not constitute a danger to
emocracy; this happens in a spontaneous way. If such an entity
has no mission, then that is that. It becomes a dead organ, about
which you do not have to argue. Whatever will remain, will
remain. [Words indistinct] if it has no work anymore. If socia
has no central duty, then it will disappear in spite of all
of us. We will not decide it. [Words indistinct] and someone said
that it should remain, he does not even know the meaning of social
security. Let it remain or not; then who will raise his hand? Even
if it remained, what then? It has no work. Well then, some people
came; who are they? People who became candidates for securing
the social security. This has disappeared completely. This disap-
pearance is according to the theory on which this state is based.
All these committees will disappear in the future, and they will
be replaced by the General People's Committee for the munici-
palities. Therefore, we are happy that they have begun to disap-
pear gradually. This indicates that everything is going correctly.
ey will disappear, and some secretariats which remain will
disappear in the future, [words indistinct] they will definitely
disappear. At every stage we expect that a committee will
isappear. People's committees will disappear or a general secre-
tariat will disappear, and will be replaced by a general people's
committee, which [words indistinct] for the General People's
Committee for the municipalities. Not this committee, the pres-
ence of this committee is temporary, and it started to disappear.
The housing committee became completely superfluous, and you
opted for a company, a company which builds and from which
you buy. What do we want from the people's housing commit-
tees? These are the plans of the municipalities and [words
indistinct].
We have another authority. You call it - what do you call it --
services, facilities municipalities. Any office for licences
[wor s m -istmct] this street and say its width is so and so and you
build buildings here or you build other institutions there. That is
that. An expert manages it, not a bureaucracy at all, but an
expert who knows how to plan cities. This has nothing to do with
democracy. There is no need for committees at all. The planner
would say this city should be constructed on a radial system, and
that another city would be built according to another system.
[Words indistinct] these houses should be of two stories, and those
of one story, and those should be apartment buildings, and do not
build over there because there will be gardens there and here are
car parks. Planning says so. If you do not want to build all by
yourself, then you spend money for [words indistinct]. Here is my
money, build me a house. [Words indistinct] naturally, these
companies are under the supervision of the people's congresses
and the committees for [words indistinct]. I say, may the General
People's Committee, all of it, disappear in one year, so that you
reach the end quickly. [Words indistinct) they are afraid. They
said if we have investigated these people, investigated these and
those people, and they were found guilty in their behavior last
year, and they were found guilty in their work - but we
sometimes need them for other jobs and other missions - then
we would lose them. Who said that you would lose them? We
said you would not lose them. [Words indistinct] they were found
guilty in that job, [words indistinct]. They were found guilty in
such and such a job, they stay in that job. If someone is found
guilty in a job, he stays in it because he was educated and trained,
and he will not do it again. [Words indistinct] the advantage of
this is that they have read about the matter, and read the personal
files and lived [words indistinct] before, and it is possible to carry
out the selection of that committee and the whole management
of the congress -- which is better than selecting a new committee
that would start anew to read the files and the personal files, and
would have no idea about all that was done by the other commit-
tees of the congress. As for those who said: this Secretariat first,
then the congress - this is correct and true, and this is a sound
basis, according to which the masses gather in the people's
congress and elect a secretariat and select a people's committee.
But [words indistinct] of this situation is arranged if these people
are the ones. [sentence as heard]
Concerning housing, electric power, energy.-oil., [words indis-
tinct], r uclear energy a i other issues - we must set up people's
committees-forthem. [as heard] The same for of :companies to
drill with the authority to manage. Set up a people's committee
or an establishment for it. It is-^ v teedni .al a .i 4y. This
has nothing to do with democracy -- dust exploring for oil and gas.
Democracy manages resources. We explore for gas and for oil.
We sell them, we use them in industry. And then the task is to
manage the revenue they bring in, and whether they should be
sold as is or refined. But one must explore, just explore. You are
in fact not exploring. No Libyan or Arab is exploring. Complete
foreigners are exploring. You now have an idea about gas from
the Al-Tahaddi field, in the Gulf of Sidra. Did any of us decide
and say: Let us explore here? They were not even Arabs;
Americans in an Arab company! I visited them and found that
they were Americans.
Geological studies told them to drill for gas there, and not one
Arab is taking part in this operation. All we know is that we have
brought a company and are exploring for oil. Where? We do not
know. Ask those who know. Ask those who know the soil layers,
where gas lies and where oil lies. They say there is gas here and
there is oil there [words indistinct]. Later on you manage the gas,
you can say: All right, the gas is there; let it stay underground.
You can sell it, you can liquify it.
As for social it has not disappeared. People's committees
for socia sell exist in every municipality. it is good, that
social security exists in every municipality this is better than their
being tied down to people in Tripoli or anywhere else in a general
committee. Many times I have gone around and found somebody
who has broken limbs or handicapped, and people say: This
handicapped man has poliomylitis, this one needs a vehicle, this
one needs a pair of crutchers. I say: Where is the social security
committee? They say: We have addressed ourselves to the Gen-
eral People's Committee for Social Security, but it has not
answered. Well then, let there be local social security, which
would care for the handicapped, those who need vehicles or a
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bicycle, and for those who need treatment. It would also decide
on various cases or direct those in need to various establishments.
This is better than tying this activity down to another depart-
ment.
Even ea supposed to [words indistinct] because health is
bound to words indistinct]; but there is still a problem. There are
hospitals meant for patients from all over the Jamahiriyah that
are located in a particular municipality. At this stage, we might
not understand that they belong to everyone; we should not
believe that they belong exclusively to the municipality where
they are located.
As regards i i .what do we have to say about its essence? all
these repressive organs must be destroyed. You must create
security services in every municipality, in every street; create
traffic police and secret police; Create fire brigades, civil defense,
and people's courts. You are making laws, and those who violate
the law can be tried in the streets. This is done even in Burkina
Faso: In that country, when you go somewhere, you may find
people gathering and trying somebody in the street. They inves-
tigate him, his attitude to the revolution, what he offers to the
revolution or society, and whether he is useful or useless. If he is
useful, they say he is good, and he gets a light punishment.
Somebody else may not have any value, and have done nothing
for the revolution or the country; he receives harsh punishment
and is imprisoned. They look for evidence that would lessen the
punishment of individuals. This is done and said by people who
do not know the person on trial. People gather and start the trial
by asking the person apprehended what he did. They summon
the revolutionary committees to testify whether the accused is
good or not for the revolution. Justice must be everywhere. It
must not be centralized throughout the Jamahiriyah, [words
indistinct] we used to be like that -- in tribes, in the streets, in
local groups, everywhere -- courts used to resolve problems. Is it
necessary to go to court about matters like divorce, marriage,
maintenance money, and so forth? A number of people and
relatives can settle (?divorce issues). Two judges - one of the
husband's relatives and one of the wife's relatives - can settle
the matter. There used to be local courts for local issues. Now
your [words indistinct] is local, and what need is there for central
[words indistinct)? even [words indistinct]
As for Jamahiri syor This is the program that has been the
worst failure and not dust during the tenure of the present sports
committee. This was during the tenures of all previous commit-
tees. Those who do not share this view should leave us alone. Now
all the world is moving towards the Jamahiri sports. They have
seen that this era is very dangerous to the health, future and even
the structure of man. One might lose the use of limbs without
even practising sports; he might be involved in a car or aircraft
accident, or electrocuted. Presently, especially in the industrial
world, there is a rush towards the Jamahiri sports. Millions are
taking part in sports. We have failed. I have never seen a street
where Jamahiriy sports are played or a city quarter where they
practice Jamahiriy sports. I also noticed there are no sports in
schools. There is no alternative; we must build the physique and
the mind of the new generation if we want to conquer Zionism
and imperialism.
We must build this new Arab generation from the elementary
school level, so that it grows up into a giant in physique. To me
physical training at schools is more important than 50 percent of
the lessons taught there. If this youth is (?so weak physically) how
are we going to destroy the enemies? How? We can destroy them
through a new angry generation which possesses a physique as
strong as steel and a mind which is just as tough. The new
generation should be trained in electronics and technology and
[words indistinct]. Half of the syllabus is rubbish and reactionary.
It is better if the youths are given physical training. In any case,
it means that Jamahiri sports have failed. There should be
revolutionary committees for Jamahiri sports. Each municipality
should (?pay attention) to it. Each quarter in the town has a
popular committee [words indistinct].
[Text] Inagriculture (?there is) a central issue. Everyone of you
can grow something. (?It is not a problem). Agriculture in a
country like Libya is privately owned. We do not interfere with
you. [Passage indistinct] In every municipality there are popular
committees on agriculture. There is an agricultural gazette in
every municipality and there are experts and veterinarians in
every municipality [words indistinct]. There are central projects
and the central projects are a failure or they exist through the
efforts of aliens, but they are a failure because the general action
is not succeeding in a reactionary society. The society (?in Libya)
is reactionary as in the case of underdeveloped societies. It is
against the general interest and the general good.
Therefore, we (?must promote) private interest. Every one of us
should breed livestock and cultivate the land himself and live on
it. You should serve yourself. This is a natural theory and lends
itself to (?the nature of development). It appears that the general
project is not a success worldwide. You were afraid to apply the
principle of partners and not workers. I have not seen any
partners. [ have not seen workers do their share of production in
cement and glass works and motors and buses and trucks and
textiles, footwear, chemicals and petrochemicals. I have not seen
workers do their share and [words indistinct]. They are working
for a wage. This is why the general project is a failure; it is not a
socialist project. The second chapter of the Green Book has not
been applied up to now. I do not know what it is. Is it the workers
or the popular committees who are afraid ? [Passage indistinct].
Why do the workers not take their share of the profits from
petrochemicals? Why not? Who produced the products? It is
they who produced them. Therefore, on this occasion, I say --
especially after the confrontation with America and with Zion-
ism at one and the same time -- the people emerged on our side
because it is in their interests. But an organized people also
emerged; they backed us and never ceased to serve and therefore,
I tell you that as of now everyone - this is a revolutionary
(?principle), it is a revolutionary action - everyone who works
in Libya - and I say this in front of the secretaries of the
international congresses, the pan-Arab congresses and the secre-
taries of the basic popular congresses in the Socialist People's
Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah - every worker who works on Jama-
hiriyah soil as of the 9th anniversary of the emergence of the
Jamahiriyah, is considered a partner and not a wage earner
[applause] whichever country in the world he comes from. [chants
of approval]
Let the general projects of rarian effoormm remain general. That
is, let it remain a body or corporation. Might, the general body
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of agricultural production: This one stands on its own even with
the existence of the General People's Committee of Agrarian
Reforms and Land Recalamation. It exists; this independent
body exists. It has seed projects, it has its own budget, engineers
and workers. As for other agricultural [words indistinct], they
remain with the municipalities. There are farms and animals.
That is it, as long as people live and they are happy, and the
budget is local.
Why do you want centralization? I do not understand; facilities
are available. These are technical ideas; education, scientific
research, higher education and others. There may be one or two
secretariats. This is not really an issue of democracy and is not
submitted for discussion. It is a technical matter. Later we can
try them [words indistinct]. Let us suppose that technically and
administratively it is said that education should be amalgamated
in one secretariat. Personally, I may have a technical idea
concerning this issue. It is the place of democracy, I mean
democratic discussion, but we are saying this as a supposition.
Try it; if this process succeeds, well and good, but if it does not
then [words indistinct], education on its own and higher education
on its own. You think the country cannot bear separating educa-
, separating IUht and heavy industries, and all our cap-
abi ities have to be in one secretariat, rom a technical view. Our
view is that they sho W he separated
There are entities that have completely disappeared. Some sec-
retariats have completely disappeared and some have disap-
peared at the general level but still exist at the local level. [Words
indistinct] people's committees. The ones which have not disa -
peared yetire plannin p u b l i c economy, e e -
T6n 'Tnforma t
c t bons an forei liaisgp. These have not disappeared
yet. [Words i istinct must disappear; yes, they disappear, but
not tyrannically [words indistinct] have trust, and have the right
to [words indistinct] to be distributed in hotels; this is not possible.
Not one, two, three or even a hundred agree behind the people's
back; one comes out and raises his hand: I nominate so and so,
or elevate so and so. Who is to elevate so and so? Let us know
where you got the idea, where you got the proposal? This
secretariat is chosen by this congress. It has the trust and is an
official party, and you can make it accountable. While you can
say [words indistinct] it will shoulder the responsibility. This you
will only say if you change the General People's Committee or
one of them. [as heard] We can help you; so and so and so and so
have experience. This is what we have. Then [words indistinct]
can raise his hand and say: I am against so and so. He can say
we would like so and so, another person. You are free, but the
way of distributing [words indsitinct] deprives the congress of
authority and enables anyone to play around with you. Someone
may come to you and say: this piece of paper is from the leader
[words indistinct] take it and read it. [Passage indistinct]
The people's courts are not founded upon a law. [Words indis-
tinct] it is not by a law that the courts of the people's congresses
are established. A basic people's congress establishes a court.
This concerns the internal regulations of the congress. This
includes the General People's Congress, which during its session
can form a court [words indistinct] specified in its regulations. It
can form a court [words indistinct] this person and that person
you are a court, and look at this person and try him, even a person
Q 10 NORTH AFRICA
in the congress who deserves to be tried. We schedule a session
- if he made a mistake or did something, well then the court will
look into it. This is not done according to a specific law. These
are the internal regulations of the basic people's congresses. We
will stop the sessions. For instance, the formulation, the court,
these are the tools of the congress. Do you not have the agendas
and minutes of the sessions? Do you not have the formulation,
the formulation committee? They are exactly the same [words
indistinct]. It is possible from those [words indistinct] only. From
another session you can direct another court, and so on. This has
nothing to do with law.
The other phenomenon which should not exist, whatever its
democratic support, is the Al-Khums municipality phenomenon.
It is a negative phenomenon. Regarding some people who have
been selected, it became apparent that this selection is suspicious.
To correct this it is necessary to rearrange the selection of the
committee. But a problem has appeared. The General People's
Committee or even the Secretariat of the General People's
Congress considered that this committee should be transferred
from this municipality to that municipality, so that the people
who thought that they would benefit from these individuals did
not benefit. This is because they are [wordd indistinct] and they
were selected on that basis. You cannot say that is sabotage and
[words indistinct] for the Jamahiriyah as a whole. You say no, we
do not accept, we do not accept that you bring us a committee
from another municipality. The situation includes a subjugation
of the Jamahiriyah as a whole. How? These are necessary
missions. At least the exceptions are necessary now. As an
exception we select a secretary for the committee from outside
the committee. Because if your thinking is mature you will not
select someone because he is a relative or a neighbor of yours.
You have no right to speak because you are not mature. If you
were mature, we would not have reached this stage, the stage of
moving the one you select to another municipality, while we bring
you someone else from amother municipality.
Why did we take such a measure? Because you have not reached
the stage of respecting your will. You applied this exception to
the rule in all the committees of the Jamahiriyah. [Words indis-
tinct] if the selection is made, which was decided by the General
People's Committee, this General People's Committee is not
[words indistinct], it is from the people. It said this committee
should be transformed to that municipality, and it will be
transformed even [words indistinct], it is transformed from
municipality to municipality. This committee is transformed
from municipality to municipality, from one place to another.
The whole committee is transformed. All the committees are
transformed. That is it. These committees are just officials of the
people. If you want to put them on trial, do so in their places, but
the General People's Committee is free to do what it wants.
[Words indistinct] this is wrong and is condemned regardless of
any excuses. This is the Al-Khums municipality, because it
originally selected people on the basis of [words indistinct].
According to this, they were transferred from the municipality
and people from another municipality were brought to Al-
Khums. As soon as you are transferred to another municipality,
then everything stops, even the salaries, because their manage-
ment of that area is not recognized. Everyone is supposed to look
at the matter in this way. [Words indistinct] a sincere and mature
people who understand their public interest. But when there is a
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people, which is described as under age, then they need a central
police and central force to control them [words indistinct].
In addition to this introduction [words indistinct] to the agenda
and the related matters: Following the questioning and the
perusal of the files of the General People's Committee and the
General People's Congress Secretariat is completed, which is the
democratic method and the revolutionary way, we will refrain
from taking any steps until we reach a conclusion as regards the
questioning, and until we open the files of every one of them. Then
the secretary of the General People's Congress, for example, will
ask, after listening to the questioning and having read the files,
whether there\is a request to change a person or a whole commit-
tee. I have lists. If you approve them so be it, but if you do not,
you can bring someone else. You are free.
Regarding the internal issue, despite the steep decline in the oil
price from $30 to $25 per barrel to the current $15 per barrel.
[sentence as heard] In fact, a war has been declared on a world
level against the developing countries in Africa, Latin America,
and the Arab countries, seeking to destroy them and browbeat
them as they [industrial countries] have seen a factor for devel-
opment and wealth in oil. This is a a new capability for that
[developing countries] group, a matter which produces another
factor that might be at the expense of the world superpowers'
imperialist interests.
We agree that the world has two poles headed by the Soviet
Union and the United States of America. This is a balance.
International detente is, in fact, aimed at not disturbing this
balance to such an extent that they have restricted the acquisition
of other lands or other countries. They object to any change in
the balance. The United States for example, objects to the Soviet
forces' presence in Afghanistan, not for the sake of the Afghan
people or in defense of freedom. No. It is because it believes
Afghanistan will be pro-Soviet and become a communist state.
Thus, we have added another gram to the other side of the scale.
And so on. But if another factor were to emerge, such as the
establishment of Arab unity or if the developing countries
become a striking economic, military, and political power, then
this will create a third pole. Consequently, that is undesirable. In
fact, this major international economic conspiracy indeed has
created this. They have exerted great efforts to replace oil and
have found alternative energy sources in the recent past.
When carrying out the revolution in Libya we carried out a world
revolution for the benefit of oil-producing countries. We man-
aged to bring the price of a barrel of oil up to 40 dollars, which
previously had ranged from I to 5 dollars a barrel. It reached the
maximum and all oil-producing countries have benefited since
the beginning of the 1970's. They have been benefiting from their
wealth for the first time, and the credit for that belongs to us in
this revolution's leadership.
Following the outbreak of our revolution, we decided -- from a
local and national point of view, but within the group of oil-
producing countries, after seeing that Libyan oil was being sold
at low prices (?and we needed this wealth), and that the world
needed oil -- not to sell our oil only at a certain price even if we
were to stop production. They were obliged to accept, and we
raised the price to 40 dollars. All of the oil-producing countries
and the oil experts admit that the Libyan revolution takes the
credit for carrying out this revolution for the benefit of the
oil-producing countries.
The war, naturally, is underway between the two camps. This
means they had been preparing themselves during these years,
and are now trying to make us lose the gains we secured in the
preceding period. How did they make us incur losses? They did
so because of [words indistinct] agents inside the oil-exporting
countries, governments working against their own peoples. Oil [in
such countries] belongs to governments, to individuals. They told
them: This is not your business; you, this ruler or this amir, you
receive your income from your field or oil well; sell us the largest
quantity possible and take millions which we will deposit in our
banks for you. Why should they worry about the people, the
toilers, or the developing countries [words indistinct]. Regret-
tably, there are some Arab countries where oil belongs to individ-
uals, to amirs. It is not like the situation here, with oil pumped in
(?Jalu) and you refine it drop by drop, from [words indistinct].
No, over there, anyone with oil found on his tribal land, that is
it! It then belongs to the amir or to the shaykh. They may use it
to bestow charity on others.
Oil in the Arab countries belongs to rulers, except, obviously, in
a progressive state like Algeria. It belongs to rulers; it does not
even belong to the government. No, it belongs to shaykhs, sultans,
and amirs. [Words indistinct] the Americans came and told them:
We will only enter into contracts with each amir separately. They
had individual contracts with Dubai, without any relation with
the oil-exporting countries, with the people, or even with the
United Arab Emirates.
They [Americans] have dispensed with energy. I mean they have
created energy sources that have enabled them to dispense with
energy to a certain extent, through not completely. They have
purchased large quantities of oil from these states [where amirs
and shakys own oil], and deposited it as reserves. And they have
asked the agents I have mentioned, those who own oil individually
as private property, they have asked them to increase production.
That is it. The offer rose, demand slumped, and prices dwindled.
Undoubtedly they have made these countries incur reasonable
losses, but now it is our turn. We are engaged in a counterattack
to secure a price rise. Analysts believe that oil cannot be dispen-
sed with, and it [oil prices] will not slump continuously. They will
reach a certain level, and they will start to rise again. Great
efforts currently are being exerted to convene a meeting of
oil-producing states so that they may reduce production, demand
a price rise, and recoup their losses as much as possible.
Naturally, efforts are now concentrating on Saudi Arabia, inside
the Arab states, and the oil-exporting states because all of these
states consider Saudi Arabia responsible in view of its large oil
reserves. It started to produce large quantities and thus flooded
the market which depressed the price of oil and made it cheap.
This has harmed states like Libya, Algeria, Nigeria and some
other oil-producing countries.
If the wealth does not belong to the people, well, the people do
not benefit from it anyway because it does not reach them.
[sentence as heard] So if the price of gasoline is increased or
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decreased, it makes no difference because the people are not
affected. If someone used to produce 10 units and received 1
million dinars, now he produces 20 units but still gets I million.
Why should he bother to produce 20 instead of 10, instead of 10
barrels to produce 20 barrels? The important thing for him is
that he gets 1 million, even at the expense of the oil reserves.
Reserves are calculated in terms of scores of years, but the
individual does not calculate his life in terms of scores of years
when calculating for himself. The people as a whole calculate in
scores of years, hundreds of years, and thousands of years. The
individual does not do this.
Irrespective of the great fall in oil about which I have alerted you
repeatedly. [sentence as heard] I have repeatedly told you that
you have nothing but the oil to sell, and that the oil price may
fall or you may not find a buyer. You have heard me say that you
that you must find an alternative for oil. Stop imports, stop
luxuries. Dispense with this and that. [chants]
However, as far as Libya is concerned, the problem is not all that
big. In my opinion the solution lies in the fact that as you are now
celebrating the anniversary of the Jamahiriyah and the establish-
ment of the authority of the people, and as you are consolidating
your free and independent existence on your territory for the first
time, you should boldly face up to any crisis -- be it military,
political, or economic. You must tackle matters with radical
solutions and you have actually begun th process with these
resolutions. The best thing is, I believe as a citizen, either we all
will be subjects of the state or each of us will act independently
and each of us will manage his own affairs. But such a thing is
dangerous in regard to solutions.
When you are under the jurisdiction of the state, all Libyans
should be given salaries. But these salaries should be unlike those
of the past: a salary allowing you to live, to eat, to drink, to clothe
yourselves; then you save the rest. Either you save it for yourself
or you save it for the public treasury. With salaries that are just
sufficient for us to live, we can develop our country; we can
address ourselves to the production achievements I have been
talking about. Complexes for agriculture, for industry, for edu-
cation will be set up.
Or you could say: No, we do not accept such a solution, and each
one of us will serve his own family. Well, fine. you get a loan, get
a salary, get the salary given now or get the available salary [ratib
mutawaffir] which could be greater or lesser than your present
salary. You than say: I want to establish a farm, or I want breed
animals, or I want open a workshop. Thus, each one would
maintain the minimum level of employees or the people they need
on the level of the state. If you can cut this down further, it would
be even better. There would no longer be anyone in need of an
employee, management, or office; it would be better. In. this way
there would be no problem.
The price of oil will increase again. We have reserves for scores
of years in oil and gas. The world needs the wealth we have. It
would be a grave thing for us to squander it now. We are selling
the oil cheaply now and in this way we will deplete it. Instead of
it lasting us for 30 years, it will last us only 10 years. [Passage
indistinct] When their revenue fell they doubled the production.
When a barrel of oil cost $30, for example, they sold $1 million
Q 12 NORTH AFRICA
worth. When it fell to $15, they began to sell 2 million barrels,
in order to maintain the same level of revenue through the
doubling of production. It is a serious matter for each to double
his production and thus flood the market. Although our words
will be held against us politically, it must be said that Saudi
Arabia is strongly to blame and so are all the oil-producing
countries. However, Saudi Arabia defends itself by saying it
urged you to abide by the quantities allocated for you, but you
violated the agreement on quotas and, consequently, Saudi Ara-
bia was forced to increase its production. Truly, this argument is
reasonable to a great extent. I have to say this for the sake of
fairness. I am aware that Iraq, the UAE and Nigeria even before
the recent coup, failed to abide by their allotted quotas. When
their quota was I million barrels a day, they produced, l and 1/2
million barrels. Consequently, they flooded the market with their
excessive production.
It is a fact that Saudi Arabia repeatedly warned that everyone
must adhere to his allotted quota, so that the oil-producing
countries together would not produce more than 16 million
barrels a day. But when production reached 19 million barrels a
day, it meant that 2, 3, or 4 million barrels were above the limit
[words indistinct]. Saudi Arabia says it warned you and con-
sequently it no longer consider itself bound. Saudi Arabia has
immense capabilities and immense resources; it can produce 12
million barrels a day, but it would be doing this at the expense of
its future. I believe that the oil resources of Saudi Arabia and the
Gulf countries are being depleted irresponsibly and will one day
lead to turning these countries into deserts. All their palaces and
edifices will become ruins and [words indistinct], their glass will
break and their wood will rot and the luxurious cars will become
scrap and they will return again to their camels and go hunting
for deer [words indistinct] from the American cars [words indis-
tinct]. When you visit the Gulf countries you can see buildings
and decorations which will astound you. In few years time, after
the depletion of oil, all will turn into darkness. This will actually
happen unless something is done to save the region.
But we wish to warn that if these countries persist with their
policy which is detrimental to us by producing large quantities
of oil in excess of allotted quotas, it would be equivalent to a
declaration of war. It would mean that we are faced with a state
of war, which we will fight by God, by all means, because we
would be defending our wealth and our resources.
Contacts with Saudi Arabia are continuous. I have personally
contacted them by telephone. There are also written messages
from King Fahd; they contain nice words, saying that Libya is
Saudi Arabia and Saudi Arabia is Libya. Thus, to the letter, we
cannot harm our brothers here in Libya. However, practically
nothing has been achieved. Saudi Arabia is still producing [oil],
still blaming other countries, the other countries blame Saudi
Arabia. The result is that the imperialist conspiracy continues at
the expense of these peoples' future. Naturally, it is useless to
discuss a subject like this. Even if it were (?put before) the
General People's Committee a thousand times a day it will not
change the price of oil by one penny until the equation regarding
oil-producing countries is changed.
The issue pertains to the liberation of the entire Arab region and
oil must be under the contrl of the Arab masses, who someday
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must be able to stand up and say: If there is no oil we can live
without it, and we can live on bread and water, even for a year.
Then, tomorrow, the consumers will say: Please sell us the oil at
$100 million per barrel. That is because reserves will be depleted,
and they are in need of oil. There is no dispensing with oil and
gas. But because they have a surplus and our production is great,
they have stored it and reluctantly say to us: We will not buy
from you at more than $15 or $13. If these peoples wanted to save
their lives they could decide to live in great austerity, even for
several months, or abandon oil production, or produce a very
little. This would turn the picture upside down. From the 16
million barrels per day we offer them on the market, let us offer
them only 6 million. They might ask for 10 millions barrels per
day, ask us to provide them with 10 million barrels per day at
$30 per barrel. This could happen immediately, in one day, if we
decide to do it.
Q 13 NORTH AFRICA
Generally, we see the countries whose conomic and oil policies
affect our fate as countries declaring a state of war. If it continues
it will be considered a state of war. I say that the escalation of
the Gulf war, the crossing by Iranian forces of Shatt al-Arab,
their occupation of new Iraqi territories, their crossing of the
[words indistinct] borders, their occupation of the north of Iraq
is in fact a response to the oil conspiracy. Indeed, in this way, oil
production must be stopped in the Gulf region, its production
must be hindered. Apparently it is a state of war. The U.S.
officially announced that if anyone interferes with Gulf oil it will
intervene militarily because it represents a vital interest to Amer-
ica. This means cutting off oil supplies to America, which is
considered a state of war. We, on our part remind America of
what it said, and use the same pretext: Whoever denies us oil,
increases his production, ruins the market for us, and denies us
these revenues is harming our vital interests, and here we will use
every means to defend ourselves. If it is a state of war, let it be a
state of war.
In such a case Libya, Iran and Algeria will.be states very close
to one another, because the goal is to bring these countries to their
knees; to bring Libya, Algeria and Iran to their knees, for the
benefit of reactionary and imperialist forces. In such a case,
Algeria, Libya and Iran will be forced to unite their respective
forces to defend their vital interests, because they are being
attacked for their means of sustenance. Responsibility would
then be borne by he who has declared this war on us, and neither
America nor anyone else can protest, because the United States
itself said that anyone fighting my oil interests would be
infringing U.S. vital interests, and it would then intervene mil-
itarily.
We use the same point: Anyone adversely affecting our oil
production would be harming a very, very vital interest; and we
are prepared to use all means to defend our interests. I was
contacted by the king of Morocco, by King Fahd, and a number
of [pauses] even the Iraqis, the Kuwaitis, concerning the crossing
of Shatt al-Arab by the Iranian forces. I told them: This is a
reaction to the war waged on Libya, Algeria and Iran against
their means of sustenance. You want to bring us to our knees!
The United States has not been able to bring us to our knees, and
you want to bring us to our knees in lieu of them, on orders from
the United States? Obviously, Saudi Arabia rejects these accusa-
tions, saying: We do not want to bring anyone to their knees, but
the oil-producing states have not met their commitments, and we
are obliged to produce as we want! Naturally, this recent Saudi
production has considerably affected these states.
As a matter of fact, on this occasion I want to make it clear that
the Gulf countries are currently making reproaches to Libya,
Syria and even Algeria over why these states support Iran against
Iraq. Here lies a deception: They say this war is an Arab-Persian
war! Right. Why, when the shah, a racist Persian, occupied the
Arab islands in the Gulf, and when we then called for fighting
them, why did you, the Arabs in the Gulf, in Jordan and in Egypt,
why did you not fight the shah? Answer!
I contacted them one by one over the telephone. `Abbas Hoveyda,
then president of the Iranian house of representatives, convened
the Iranian house of representatives just to brag: Today at dawn,
the Persian flag was hoisted over the Greater and Lesser Tonb
Islands in the Gulf. The Iranian revolution executed `Abbas
Hoveyda. This president of the house of representatives was
executed. Now, concerning his blatant defiance from racist
`Abbas Hoveyda and his president, the shah: Why, at that time,
did the Arabs not speak about a Persian confrontation, or urge
us to unify our forces and liberate these islands? And why did
Saddam Husayn agree with the shah of Iran and hand him the
Shatt al-Arab by way of the Algiers treaty? We told him: It
would be a disgrace for you to accept this treaty with the shah of
Iran. He said: No, the Arabs and Persians are brothers! And the
Arabs in the Arabian Peninsula used to say about our Muslim
brothers: We are Muslims. We said: They are Persians; he [the
shah] is a Persian and we are Arabs; he wants to dominate you!
They said: No, we are all Muslim brothers.
Now, since the outbreak of the revolution in Iran, they do not
say: We are all Muslims. They say: They are Persians, and we
are Arabs! Why did you not say so when the shah was there,
challenging the Arab nation? Now they are proved to be Per-
sians! Look at this logic! Every Libyan must understand this, so
as not to say: Why are we supporting Iran? We called for an
Iranian revolution, and the Iranian leaders listened to my
speeches while they were in jail. They admit this. They said: We
were listening and recording them; you were inciting us to rise
when we were in the shah's prisons. The shah was an ally of the
Israelis.
The shah was an ally of the Israelis, of South Africa, and of the
United States. He constituted the biggest threat to the entire
region through the U.S. presence. Because the United States was
the supreme master of the Arab and Iranian regions at that time,
there was a harmony between the regimes in the Arab homeland
and the then Iranian regime. They were all partners in agentry.
The United States was the supreme master of the region. Now
that Iran has liberated itself from U.S. domination, it has turned
against the Israelis siding with the Arab nation and the Palestine
people. It has turned against racist South Africa, siding with
Africa and openly against the United States. But now the
Iranians are being described as Persians and we as Arabs. We
will never betray the Iranian revolution. It is a revolution backing
us against the Israelis, against America, and against South
Africa. We will never fight it. To say that that revolution is
against Iraq, is a big fallacy. We are not against Iraq, but only
against the fascist Ba'thist regime, which is the enemy of the
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Iraqi people. We are with the heroic Iraqi army and with the Iraqi
people who are our people, and with the Iraqi revolutionaries. I
personally am leading part of the pan-Arab revolutionary forces
which comprise the Al-Jut Front and Juqat front [names as
heard], two Iraqi fronts fighting the fascist Ba'thist regime. They
are Iraqi forces. [applause] Thus, it is a great fallacy to claim that
Libya is against Iraq. Not at all. We are with Iraq and with the
Iraqi people and the Iraqi army. The Iraqi revolutionary front
constitutes a part of the forces we lead.
Brothers. The Iraqi people would not open any radio stations
broadcasting against you as you are confronting the United
States. Our Iraqi people could never condone this. Would it be
logical for our Iraqi people to open stations against us when we
are facing America and when the whole world is siding with
Libya against the United States? However, the Iraqi regime
opened six radio stations to demoralize the Libyans during their
confrontation with the United States in the Gulf of Sidra. Would
the Iraqi people do such a thing? Not at all. It was Saddam
Husayn and his fascist Ba'thist regime who did this. How then,
can we support him? Listen to the radio which calls itself the
Voice of the Masses when the masses have nothing to do with it.
The Iraqi masses have nothing to do with that radio. Morocco
and even the UAE told him to stop these anti-Libyan people
stations which only serve the United States. But he refused.
[applause and chants] This is the state of affairs as regards Iraq.
This is the position in Iraq. It has even rejected mediation. They
told us it is of no use. How can Saddam Husayn accept mediation
from Libya, and simultaneously begin hostile stations against it.
He wrecked King Hassan's mediation and wrecked Shaykh
Zayid's mediation. They rebuked us: How can you stand against
Iraq? We do not stand against Iraq. We (?visualize) the rev-
olution in Persia (?to be) in the land of the Arabs. We were
(?against) Iran, we [words indistinct] the revolution. When Iran
sided with the United States and was ruled by the racist shah we
were against him, but now the United States wants us to fight
the revolution. The United States is the enemy of the Libyan
revolution, the Iranian revolution, and the Palestinian revolution.
It is standing against the Palestinian revolution, the Iranian
revolution, and the Libyan revolution, against Syria, against
Algeria. Does it make sense for us to fight with our rifles on the
U.S.'s behalf, or to fight a revolution fighting the United States?
Some are saying the Iranians will take Iraq, and then will
continue and take Syria, Jordan,. Lebanon, and the Arab home-
land. If that were to happen it will mean that Iran is (?anti)-
revolution), appearing to be Persian, racist, sectarian, Shiite,
colonialist, and imperialist. Then there will be no difference
between imperialism and Iran; and we will fight it in the same
way we fight the United States, but only, if this occurs. Yet this
will not occur as long as there is an Iranian revolution. The
revolution may turn into colonialism. If the Iranians turn into
colonialists it means they are not revolutionaries, they will
become Persians and colonialists, and Shiite. There is a
(?chance) between us. Let Saddam Husayn fall, and we will see.
If Iraq is annexed by Iran, then Iran will be a colonialist country
and we will rise to fight it. If Iran proved that it is a revolution
and toppled that regime, which the Iraqi people have not yet
overthrown, and the Iraqi people became free and allied them-
selves with the Iranian revolution, if such words become true and
Iran is a revolution, then the Arabs will not have an excuse to
fight that revolution.
If the Arabs are defending the Arabs in the peninsula and Arab
nationalism, and (?here we have) Arab nationalism being
threatened by the United States and are being blockaded. [sen-
tence as heard] The Israelis, are they not an alien power occupy-
ing Palestine? Why do they not fight them? How could only Iran
be the alien? Now, because the Iranian is a revolution and
because he is against the Israelis and against the Americans, then
he must be an alien in the viewpoint of Arab reaction. The Israeli
is an alien. Why do you Arabs not fight him in the name of Arab
nationalism? The United States is a foreign power hostile to the
Arab nation. Why do you not fight it with us? They have even
taken (?economic measures) against us [words indistinct].
We now tell them [not further identified]: We asked them to form
a union among the Arabian Gulf countries. We told you, you who
are afraid of Iran and of its revolution, to set up a unionist state
comprising the countries of the Arabian Gulf region. We said
make a state of that peninsula, of those worn-out bits of paper
countries. They refuse to set up a state. That is it. A vacuum, a
vacuum. Whenever a force emerges in the region, whether Iran-
ian or any other, it is bound to fill the vacuum. This is a natural
rule, (?the colonization) of a vacuum. Someone is bound to
colonize this region, while it remains rich and open.
We presented a draft project on establishing an Arab federation
to them. This does not change any of the rulers. These rulers will
remain rulers; in fact the project enhances their positions. Up to
now they have not achieved federation. Each one of them read
the draft and approved it but then remained silent. We told them
to fight Israel in order to liberate Palestine. They did not fight
Israel. We told them to fight United States, but they said no, the
United States is our friend. We told them to contribute together
with you Libyan Arab people in the great man-made river -
with your wealth, with your billions which you invest in U.S.
banks. They refused. They did not give even a penny. For your
information the Arabs did not give a penny toward the great
industrial river.
We want to declare this now. They pledged to compensate Libya
as a result of the U.S. economic war. So far they have not given
a penny to Libya as compensation for the war which the United
States imposed on us. Despite all this they ask us why we support
Iran? We support Iran as long as Iran supports us. All right, why
did you not participate with us in the great man-made river? You
did not compensate us for the war which the United States
imposed on us. You have not even established a federation among
yourselves to fill the vacuum in the face of Iran. [as heard] You
have not established an Arab union. You drown the market with
oil. Then you ask us why we stand with Iran. As long as Iran is
a catastrophe which God has created for the Arabs in the Gulf
then this is a blessing. We are with the catastrophe.. [applause]
We want to write down these words to send them so that they can
read the words slowly if they do not hear such words from their
own radios. We want to send these words through the General
People's Committee for Foreign Liaison to every Arab region and
to the Arab League. They claim that Libya is against Iraq. We
are with Iraq. Look at the government which is dominating the
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Iraqi people - look what it is doing against us. We do not support
Iran every time. When Iran was Persian we were against it. When
it became a revolution we supported it. Why did you not fight
Iran during the days of the shah? Why did you not fight it when
we told you to fight it? This is for the benefit of every Libyan. I
say this for the benefit of every Libyan, please forgive me, who
may be ignorant or naive or any Libyan who may be deceived by
others; such a Libyan should understand these facts and read
these words well several times.
On the internal level there is no major problem or secret. We have
put an end to internal exploitation. There is no longer any
possibility for the emergence of exploitation anew within the
socialist system currently established in Libya. I have seen some
parties, reactionary of course, who express fear from the current
revolutionary activities. They say they demolished a house; they
demolished a mansion; they divided a farm. Any person who left
Libya is now in the hostile ranks on America's side. He is
finished. He will receive no mercy or compassion shown at home
or abroad. All traces of him should be wiped out. Even his house
should not remain so that he can say that he has a house to go
back to. [shouts and cheers: 0 leader, proceed and take no notice;
we sacrifice ourselves and our blood for you]
However, there is no fear from those who are inside. There is no
possibility for inequality between individuals. No one can harbor
ambitions for having a large farm in Libya while another Libyan
has no farm at all or has only a small farm. Ambition is out of
the question. We must be equal: This is a farm revolutionary act.
Nor is there room for anyone who would use Libyan land and
materials to build a building on it without paying taxes to the
Libyan people. This could have been acceptable if they had paid
for the building from their own funds; but if somebody uses
Libyan land and construction materials, and takes Libyan for-
eign exchange abroad to import floor tiles and marble, they then
must pay taxes on the extras they have. From now on, there will
be no extras; each of us will have only 500 square meters; 200
square meters; 1000 square meters, 800 square meters; the same
for all. [slogans and chants]
Libyans in Libya must be equal, and there is no fear of anyone.
There is fear for those who think they are higher than other
Libyans, or who want to take away their land and exploit them.
If they have a house abroad, destroy it so that they cannot say: I
still have a house abroad. They will not find a trace of it. Their
farms must be taken by the Libyan people, because these people
are finished; they have sold their souls to the devil. Now anyone
remaining abroad is disgraced and so is his family and anyone
related to him. For the world, which is not Arab at all, stands
with the Libyan people against the United States; and in this case
if a Libyan stands with the United States then he is finished.
Blasphemy is the greatest of sins.
Any Libyan here inside Libya must accept being equal with us
no matter what his status was in the past; rich or not, member of
the government or not. We do not admit such things. All we want
is Libyans on equal footing, and no Libyan must persecute
another Libyan, whatever the circumstances. So long as you are
here with us, you live like us.
As for the resolving of the present economic crisis, we have said
that resources have diminished in comparison with the situation
before, but they might increase. At any rate, whether they
increase or not, there must be economy in spending and a move
toward production. One must not seek the ownership of cars or
money. No, one must produce, produce grains, fruit, vegetables,
meat, milk, eggs. These are the things toward which we must now
orient oufselves. This is easy. Every family must work the land
and feed itself. [chants] Every family can do this.
Every family plans how to manage its situation. The important
thing is we will not be hungry, thirsty, without clothing until the
end of the oil problem when the situation improves. It means it
is possible, in a simple way, to overcome any crisis. No matter
how much we lost in the price drop, in my opinion the loss was
only in terms of luxury and extravegant items we used to buy.
Let us suppose that we were selling at $30 per barrel; in fact only
$15 were spent on essential goods and the other $15 were spent
on a variety of items, such as expensive clothes hangers, which
we imported from abroad. A nail can do the job. You have
probably seen the radio station offices during interviews; they all
have these clothes hangers, not necessarily to hang clothes on but
just to have in the office. It seems we cannot live without other
items similar to this. We might be paying half our oil revenue to
import them. Therefore, we did not lose because we can do
without these trivial goods. I am sure that any loss we have
sustained in the price drop is embedded in the superficial goods
of which we were unaware and on which we spent a lot because
there was a lot of money. We are obliged to spend seriously on
the rest and on essential goods [words indistinct].
The problem is not an internal problem; neither is it an interna-
tional problem. It is, as I see it, a pan-Arab problem. We must
think on how this pan-Arab problem can be solved and by what
means. We have no Libyan problem. I do not think that Libya
will face serious problems economically. Political problems are
nonexistant as authority is in the hands of the people. They have
no problems like the Philippines or Egypt or the countries where
their peoples are facing oppression and exploitation. There is no
exploitation and no oppression. All capabilities, whether large or
small, are in the hands of the people.
Before us is the pan-Arab problem. I have no worries at all that
there is a Libyan problem at the economic, political or even the
military level. From the military aspect [words indistinct] United
States. The confrontation is really not between Libya and the
United States. The United States is a superpower confronted by
a superpower, in other words, the Soviet Union and the United
States; the Atlantic alliance and the Warsaw Pact. However, the
United States considers Libya to be enemy No I because Libya
is in its path while it advances to occupy the Arab world and
advances toward the Soviet Union. Therefore, it intends to
destroy this resistance in its path and consequently it gives Libya
the first priority. However, if the United States is fighting or not
fighting the Soviet Union is a separate international issue. The
United States dominates Europe and stations missiles there and
in the Mediterranean. This is also a separate question. In fact, if
the United States violates our sanctity or attacks our soil, we will
fight it. We would do the same if it were America or the Planet
Mars. If it violates the latitude 32 degrees 30 minutes, it means
it has entered our home and we will fight it. We will be confident
even if it strikes at us with ICBM missiles or bombs and destroys
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our factories and homes. God is triumphant. We fight when
someone enters our home. We did not cross the Atlantic Ocean
to the United Staes nor did we go to its borders.
If the United States wants to force us to surrender the Gulf of
Sidra, then tomorrow it would force us to surrender something
else. Tomorrow it will say: I want to pass between Misrata and
Banghazi; you should not intercept my aircraft, the airspace is
mine, and if you intercept. [sentence as heard] Just like the
Israelis. They intercept our planes and threaten us if we intercept
theirs. We are insistant that if an Israeli civilian planes comes
within range of our aircraft we will force it to land. Let the world
hear this and let the Israelis and Americans hear it.
We won in this confrontation. The United States was trying to
mobilize public opinion against the Jamahiriyah. What hap-
pened was the opposite; world public opinion was mobilized in
favor of the Jamahiriyah and against the United States. We now
have the support of the whole world and all peoples have
endorsed, (?through) national internationalist congresses, that
the Gulf of Sidra is now regarded by the world as an inseparable
part of Libyan territory. This situation is the same as the con-
frontation that took place in Egypt in 1956: `Abd al-Nasir
nationalized the Suez Canal, and the superpowers at that time
- Britain and France - said that the Suez Canal did not belong
to Egypt. Exactly like the Gulf of Sidra, they said the Suez Canal
was an international canal. It was considered an international
waterway and Egypt had no right to control the canal. This is
how it was. `Abd al-Nasir nationalized the canal. It belonged to
an English company which administered it as though it were not
in Egypt. He nationalized the canal and said: It is Egyptian, and
whoever passes through here must pay fees to Egypt; the canal
is an inseparable part of Egyptian territory, and Israelis are
forbidden from passing through the canal because this is an Arab
canal. They fought him by force, this tripartite aggression
against Egypt, in order to convince the world that the Suez Canal
was international. They said that they did not recognize that it
belonged to any country; it will remain international. The out-
come confirmed the Egyptianization of the Suez Canal - by
war. The tripartite aggression led to a negative outcome for the
countries that carried it out. At the end of the aggression the
world confirmed that the Suez Canal was Egyptian, and not
international, and it has remained so until now, despite the efforts
of France, Britain and Israel and despite the tripartite aggression
at that time. They launched a military campaign to open the Suez
Canal by force to pass through it by force.
This is precisely what the United States is doing in the Gulf of
Sidra, but the United States has forgotten the lessons of the
tyrannical colonialists and imperialists. They did not benefit
from the lessons; they forgot the lesson of Vietnam; the lesson of
Lebanon, when a single fedayeen killed 300; and forgot the Suez
Canal. Now the United States is trying to repeat it in the Gulf
of Sidra. Now the Arabism and Libyanism of the Gulf of Sidra
has been confirmed more than ever. The whole world now realizes
that there is a gulf called the Gulf of Sidra. It is an inseparable
part of Libyan territory. We will die for it, and all peoples will
right beside the Libyan people for the Gulf of Sidra. Meanwhile,
the United States continues to say that the Gulf of Sidra is an
international canal [words indistinct]. The whole world now
confirms that the Gulf of Sidra is (?ours). Consequently, we now
have the right to defend every drop of water of the Gulf of Sidra
in view of the fact that before the world, it is our gulf, our right,
and part of our territory. _
Perhaps before the world knew where the Gulf of Sidra was, they
would have asked what and where is the Gulf in the event a battle
were to take place. Now they know that the Gulf of Sidra is an
inseparable part of Libyan soil, within Libyan boundaries. This
gives us more capability, a right, more legitimacy to fight for the
gulf because the whole world now recognizes it as our gulf. This
overwhelming support from peoples is enough.
The other outcome is that a new internationalism at world level
has been established; its center is in Libya, its headquarters in
Libya, and its leadership in Libya in order to struggle with the
Libyan people for the Gulf of Sidra and for Palestine and against
the United States and Zionism. This has been missing. We now
have with us the secretaries of the internationalist basic people's
congresses, who declare their membership in the international
people's front in their resolutions. We have been calling for an
international people's front against imperialism which has not
been realized at an official level; however, it has been realized
now at the people's level. The people have declared the establish-
ment of the international people's front. [applause] This is a
declaration of the international people's front which was estab-
lished to confront United States and imperialist hostile threats
against the peace-loving Jamahriyah people. They call us terror-
ists while the internationalist congresses declare that the Libyan
people are peace-loving. They have attacked us in the Gulf of
Sidra, and when we resist they say we are terrorists threatening
peace [words indistinct] who threaten peace.
We support the Arab peopple with all our force, out of profound
faith. We firmly stand against U.S. imperialist terrorism. We
declare our absolute support for the world popular front and that
the Jamahiriyah is the haven for all the world's free men and
revolutionaries, and that it is that front's headquarters. These
resolutions adopted by the international popular congresses are
grave. This is a gain we won as a result of the confrontation.
They declared their absolute belief that Palestine is an Arab land
occupied by the Zionist forces backed by the United States. All
these peoples, irrespective of their origins and including the
peoples of Western Europe and the United States itself, have
declared this now in their congresses on the free Libyan territory.
These peoples and masses found the freedom here to express
themselves and to say whatever they like. They could not say this
in their own homelands, but they could in Libya. We have won
over all these people. They said Palestine is an Arab land
occupied by the Zionist forces backed by the United States. They
also declared that the Gulf of Sidra is an indivisible part of Libya.
We have wrested this support from the international congresses.
We have won this testimony from them: The Gulf of Sidra is an
indivisible part of Libya, it lies within the Libyan Arab territorial
waters, and the Libyan Arab people have the full right to retrieve
it. They denounced the U.S. military presence and the U.S. naval
and air maneuvers off Libyan shores, which threaten world
peace, and declared that any aggression against the Jamahiriyah
constitues an aggression against all peace-loving peoples. They
also declared that in the event of such an aggression, we will turn
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into bombs that will destroy all U.S. interests throughout the
world. They also said: We demand the withdrawal of all foreign
fleets from the Mediterranean and turn that sea into a lake of
peace instead of a sea threatening mankind with annihiliation.
We appeal to the American people to bring down the terrorist
Reagan, who plays with fire and threatens world peace. It
suffices to have such a denunciation by the international con-
gresses. He [Reagan] thought he had won over public opinion
against Libya. But it has now transpired that all world public
opinion is with Libya. All the peoples expressed their readiness
to volunteer to fight alongside Libya for the sake of the Gulf of
Sidra. Nevertheless, we say this problem is not an international
one. I have said that as far as the United States is concerned, if
it crosses our borders, by God, we will be forced to fight it.
Q 17 NORTH AFRICA
We are intent on the unification of the Arab nation and the
liberation of its territories. This is a matter which concerns us,
the Arabs. If the United States enters, then we Arabs will be
forced to confront it. This is our land and they have nothing to
do with it. We did not at all object to what George Washington
did for the U.S. liberation from British colonialism and for its
unification. If the United States considered their actions legiti-
mate, patriotic, and noble, they also must consider our actions
legitimate, patriotic, and noble and consequently show respect
for them. But the United States has no regard for freedom.
Indeed, it has no regard for its own history. It suffers from
megalomania. It wants all peoples to be subservient to it.
The truth of the matter is that I am prepared for confrontation
even inside our homes. The doors of our homes should be at the
32 degree latitude line, that is, at the entrance of the Gulf of
Sidra. If anyone enters the Gulf of Sidra and penetrates between
Misrata and Banghazi and begins to play inside Libya's home-
land, we cannot accept it, whatever the price and however strong
the aggressor might be. We will fight him. We have to fight him.
When I say we will fight, I do not care whether we will triumph
or not. But fight we will, because that is our duty.
The Israelis permit themselves to intercept Arab planes but they
do not have us to intercept their planes. We, in fact, object to
their entire existence. Their existence conflicts with the Arab
nation's existence. We must call on the Arab nation to fight the
Israeli entity. War must be declared on this entity until it is
eliminated, in spite of the United States and in spite of world
Zionism.
We are with the Jews as long as they remain in their homelands,
and we want them to enjoy equal rights in Europe, Asia and
everywhere, alongside their other compatriots. But for the Jew,
who was persecuted in Europe because he was a Jew, to come to
the Arab homeland, to become an invader and win support of
those who had previously persecuted him, is something we cannot
accept. If Europe supports the Jews, why do the Jews then flee
Europe? Let it support them there and grant them their full
rights there. Why does it expel them just because they are Jews?
Yet they protest against the Arabs, accusing them of being
antisemitic. We are semites. How do you Europeans persecute
the Jews? You persecuted the Jews when they were French,
British, American and German citizens. All the Jews now living
in Palestine belong to the nationality of another country. Why do
you persecute them and force them to come to Palestine?
If everyone should go to the land he holds sacred, then the
Muslims should all go to Saudi Arabia, seize the oil and declare
Mecca their capital. Come on. Tomorrow let us travel by cars,
planes and on foot in a big exodus. What do we want with this
desert, where we have settled for some years? We no longer need
it. Let us go then to our homeland. Kaaba would become our
capital, just like Jerusalem. We are Muslims and our religious
state is the Arabian peninsula. We would take the oil, everything,
without anyone being able to prevent us. If they want to prevent
us, then they should prevent the Israeli immigrants who are
coming to Palestine: that is, the Jews. Let them ban the Jewish
immigration to Palestine and also ban those coming from Indo-
nesia and Nigeria, especially in the present oil crisis. But we
would go to the Arabian peninsula, because it produces more oil.
This is our peninsula and our oil. The Jews have said that
Palestine is their country and its wealth is for them. Well, our
country is the Arab peninsula. The country of the Muslims is the
Arab peninsula. We (?who have oil), Nigerians, Libyans and
Algerians can decide and go to the Arab peninsula; they cannot
stop us, because they know our forefathers. The problem is the
existence of the alien Zionism, which is, in fact, a pan-Arab
problem and not an international problem. The Israelis, we have
declared and we are adamant, will be intercepted if they try to
cross the Mediterranean to our side, because they have (?mani-
fested) their alien existence. The United States is an alien in the
Mediterranean.
The second gain is that we - and for the first time - we the
Arabs have managed to stop the Israelis from acting freely. The
Israelis have changed all their air routes. [chants] They have
changed all their air routes and against their will, have taken
them away from the Mediterranean. Now they fly from occupied
Palestine via Greece, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia to get to Italy. If
they are listening to what I am saying and want to defy us by
saying: Despite Al-Qadhdhafi we are going to fly over the
Mediterranean - let them try, we will intercept with our war-
planes. [chants] If they are listening to what I am saying and want
to defy us by flying over the Mediterranean, we hereby declare
to the United States, which is defending them, and to the Jews
and those who are afraid of them, that we - in any part of the
Mediterranean which is within the reach of our bases - will
intercept its planes with our warplanes and force them to land,
and any Israeli plane which we intercept but refuses to land will
be downed by our missiles. [chants] We should be prepared to
involve the Arab countries neighboring Palestine if Israeli
aggression against Libya takes place. Let me explain the sit-
uation. The United States has equipped the Israelis with mid-air
refuelling aircraft, like those used when they raided Tunis. I
mean, if an aircraft takes off from occupied Palestine, it cannot
reach Tunis and back. They have these kind of aircraft which can
be used to refuel warplanes in midair, and by this method they
can reach Libya. Libyan aircraft can reach Palestine, but cannot
come back: That is, it is possible to raid and attack a target inside
Palestine, but then we have to land, either in Jordan, Syria or
Egypt. Our aircraft can carry out such an operation, but it ends
then and there.
Arabs must understand - if the Israelis can attack Libya by
using these long-distance means made available to them by the
United States, we are of course bound to retaliate. And not only
mere retaliation - it will be continuous war between us and
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them. This means that Egypt, Jordan and other Arab countries
neighboring Palestine, must understand that they, against their
will, will get involved in the war because we will raid targets in
Palestine and land in these countries' airports, even if the pilots
have to parachute there. [chants] Thus we will create a problem
between them and their people and between them and their
armies.
We are waiting to see if an Arab army will prevent an Arab
aircraft which has just hit the Israeli enemy from landing. Or
even down it. We are ready to accept a loss in this manner, even
two or three losses, until we create a revolution in these Arab
countries. When we hit the common enemy and we try to land in
these countries and use their lands, but are prevented by these
governments, then the nationalist armies and the Jamahir will
rise up. The Jamahir will accept Libyan aircraft which hit the
Israelis and land in an Arab country, even if they make them land
upon their hands [as heard] if these government are not willing
to do so. This will create a revolutionary situation. The masses
will move because we will announce that a Libyan aircraft has
hit the enemy and tried to land in that named Arab country, but
your government has prevented it from doing so. We will tell the
military and the popular masses that we have raided the common
enemy, but your regime has declined to cooperate with us by not
receiving our aircraft.
Egypt, Jordan, and other Arab states neighboring Palestine will
get involved in such an action if one begins between us and Israel.
As for the Americans, they must understand that any U.S.
aircraft flying at the 32.5 degree latitude line will be downed by
our missiles. [applause and cheers] They understand that the
SAM-5 missiles have a range that reaches further than the 32.5
degree latitude line; they cover the Gulf of Sidra - that is to say
further than the gulf. [applause] They must understand that any
U.S. warship that sails inside the 32.5 degree latitude line will be
destroyed with surface-to-surface missiles. They know the range
of these missiles: they can destroy any U.S. warship inside the
gulf. [applause and cheers]
The United States makes known those states that support it. It
is known that the U.S. 6th Fleet, which is thought to be a possible
means for carrying out an aggression on the Libyan people,
depends upon bases in southern Europe. It depends upon bases
in Greece, Italy, Spain, and perhaps France; this is in addition to
bases in Arab states around us. This is a fact. These countries
must understand that if and when the U.S. 6th Fleet carries out
an aggression against Libya, it will be compelled to deprive the
U.S. 6th Fleet of its supplies and dependence upon those bases
by acting against them. This will be regarded as self-defense
according to UN Charter Article 51. [applause and cheers]
The people of Sicily are against the U.S. bases. [passage indis-
tinct] Great. Here is a person speaking on behalf of the people of
Sicily - he is against the U.S. presence in Sicily. The United
States is angry because there are no other states in world history
that celebrate the expulsion of U.S. forces from their territory
except Libya and Vietnam. [applause]
Look at any state in the world where the United States had a
presence and has [words indistinct]. What has happened is to the
contrary. The states where the United States had no presence
Q 18 NORTH AFRICA
now have a United States presence. The United States had no
presence in Egypt during Jamal `Abd al-Nasir's era and now it
does have a presence there. As for the other Arab countries where
the United States had a presence, it continues to have a presence
there today. Other than Libya and Vietnam, there is no other
state in the world where U.S. forces were [words indistinct]. You
must understand that you are the only people celebrating the
expulsion and demolition of U.S. military bases. This has not
happened anywhere in the world. The U.S. is angry and is asking
itself: How can this [Libyan] people by way of a revolution
triumph over the United States and deprive it of the Mediterra-
nean and from the bases overlooking the Mediterranean? The
Vietnamese and Libyan peoples are the only peoples who cele-
brate the expulsion of U.S. forces from their territories.
Even Cuba, despite the bitter fighting against U.S. supporters,
and against the Batista regime, still maintains a U.S. military
base on its soil. This is one of the reasons explaining U.S. enmity
toward us: The United States, with all its arrogance and
tyranny, a superpower, why was it ousted from Libya? Why had
its bases been so easily undermined? And it was deprived of 2000
kilometers of Mediterranean coast that used to be under its
control. Even the Gulf of Sidra.
It was only yesterday that we remembered our borders. It is only
now that this distress has been removed from us. We were not
free in our own country. I have told you that all of Libya was
under the Malta District Control [flight information zone]. And
did we use to be aware of the Gulf of Sidra? The Gulf of Sidra
was originally under U.S. control. It is only now that we are
cognizant of where our borders lie. A part of the Arab homeland
has been liberated, and we can at least see the limits of its
airspace and territorial waters.
Were we preoccupied with the Gulf of Sidra before? Colonialism
was inside our own homes. It is only now that we have remem-
bered where our territorial waters, our borders, and vital interests
lie. The Gulf of Sidra is not something new. They think so, but
it is not new. A country, a people has been liberated, and it
searches for the limits of its [word indistinct].
Concerning Chad, the international position clearly sides with
Libya. You see, France, a European state across the Mediterra-
nean, enters Chad, which is in Africa, in the heart of Africa.
France considers this action as its duty. What is strange is that
the French Government says that by such an action it wins over
public opinion. This would mean that the French people wants
its sons to fight in Chad, thus discharging their duties! Well, in
such a case what are the duties of the sons of the Libyan people?
If France says that its sons have to fight in Chad do we hear a
Libyan say: No, it is not our duty to fight in Chad? Libya is
in a better position to fight because is Chad not an extension of
Libya, rather than extension of France? If it is a matter of
treaties, I have a file here concerning them. When Goukouni was
in power, we had a mutual defense treaty with him while France
has no mutual defense treaty with any of the Chadian govern-
ments. France is taking a pure colonialist action.
Anyone fighting the Libyan people, and through it the Arab
nation, the challenge of the Arab nation, the influence of the
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? ?
Arab nation, [word indistinct] of the Arab nation [word indis-
tinct], they must be hit and nipped in the bud on Libyan territory,
whether from the Gulf of Sidra or from Chad. This is the
question.
Despite this, and our commitment for the full support of Chad's
transitional government of National Unity and the Frolinat
insurgents, it is not our intention as we have repeatedly affirmed
to the world, to enter with our aircraft and tanks to fight in Chad.
If France fights it will lose. Let it bring its aircraft and troops,
and enter the Chadian Sahara. They will be fought by the
Chadian insurgents, not by the Libyan Army. We have pledged
before the world that the Libyan forces will not enter in the
Chadian war. But with all insolence they brought their forces into
Chad. Let them try; let them fight with the Ndjamena govern-
ment against the national government; fight with the Chadian
Government against the Chadian people, fight with Chadian
agents against the Chadian insurgents, and they would them see
the fate of the French forces in Chad. The French people and the
world know that Libya does not involve its forces in the war in
Chad, but we support the Chadian insurgents. We support the
Chadian Government of national unity.
As for France, it supports the Ndjamena government with its
military force, and it has decided to fight with its army. The war
now is between the French army, and the Ndjamena government
which is backed by the French army on the one hand, and the
Chadian insurgents on the other. We will see who is victorious!
Furthermore, it has become clear before the world that there is
no government in Ndjamena. There are French forces there. At
the first battle the French forces returned immediately. This
means that there is no government with an army, a people and
which can resist. Why did it immediately asked for the help of
the French forces? In other words, there is no government in
Chad; there is no government in Ndjamena; there are French
forces in Ndjamena. Therefore, this government is a myth.
Q 19 NORTH AFRICA
- both open and clandestine - and that they should become
members of the revolutionary green guards. This resolution is
extremely important. Arab masses on Libyan soil and with roots
extending to all Arab soil, decided to form more revolutionary
committees both open and clandestine and to join the rev-
olutionary guard. This action has been put into motion and no
one can stop it. The resolutions of the masses have begun. We
want to deepen and expand this so that it embraces the Arab
homeland.
Another point - joining the pan-Arab command of the rev-
olutionary Arab forces: Here are the members of the basic
popular Arab congresses on Libyan soil and here are the masses.
They have decided to join the pan-Arab command of rev-
olutionary forces. Up to now the pan-Arab command rev-
olutionary forces were composed of regular groups such as parties
and revolutionary movements but now a new impetus has been
added to them, namely, the masses. Members of the basic
popular Arab congresses have joined the pan-Arab command.
The coming meeting of the pan-Arab command of the rev-
olutionary forces will include as participants the basic popular
Arab congresses on Libyan soil, and their extensions in the Arab
homeland [applause and chants of approval] will be affiliated to
the pan-Arab command of the revolutionary forces.
These are very serious consequences resulting from this confron-
tation in favor of the force fighting against imperialism.
We have seen the fraternization stressed between Libya and all
the other nations that used to think of Libya as a nation of
terrorists and aggressors and of the Libyan revolution as disliking
foreigners. Instead, an international fraternity has been realized
in this modern age on Libyan soil. Secretaries of the international
popular congresses of all nationalities are together here with their
brother secretaries of the popular Arab congresses and with their
brother secretaries of the Libyan popular congresses. All gather
under a general congress... [interrupted by applause].
The Ndjamena government is a myth. The government is a
French government in Ndjamena. It is like Paris in Ndjamena
and France in Chad. It should be made clear. The war now is
between the Chad people and the French forces which colonized
Chad. The struggle will be in this manner. We support the
revolutionaries of Chad. France allegedly says that it supports
the government of Ndjamena but it does this through its military
force. It is because the French forces have been involved in the
war directly. The government says that the French people sup-
ports this action, that they support the fighting in Chad. And this
is to be put forward to the Libyan people later.
Another gain is that pan-Arab popular congresses have been
formed. They are the nucleus of Jamahiri Arab unity on Libyan
soil. These will from now on, continue to grow; popular con-
gresses, popular committees, and revolutionary committees will
spread in the Arab homeland as they proceed from the base that
has now been established in this battle - the battle of confronta-
tion.
One of the most important points that attracted my attention in
the resolutions of the popular Arab congresses on Libyan soil was
the emphasis on forming more revolutionary Arab committees
There are more serious resolutions in this connection by the
pan-Arab congresses, including the opening of ideological camps
to absorb the greatest possible number of Arab brothers to work
as missionaries in spreading the thesis of the (?third world
theory). This is another gain. The Arabs themselves who are on
Libyan soil have decided to open camps to learn the new Jamahiri
theory so that they can apply it and spread it around. No
government can make a decision against it because it takes place
on Libyan soil and through the will of the Arab masses on Libyan
soil. It will have serious consequences in the future spreading of
the Jamahiri theory.
The pan-Arab congresses are the framework under which come
all the Arab leagues, federations, and congresses. They are the
official party which deals with the quarters concerned. They are
another benefit for all the Arab compatriots living on Libyan soil
because they are organized, democratic, and deal with the local
Libyan sides. This first round of confrontation with the United
States and Israel at one and the same time has been realized
through these gains and victories, and as such we must not be
complacent, letting victory make us lower our guard at this stage,
We must always remain alert. We must meet challenge with
challenge and always be wary with our fingers on the trigger,
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4P 49
Among the steps which caused this confrontation, made it come
sooner, and proved it necessary is the great action that I consider
one of the most important actions in the modern age of the Arab
nation, namely, the unity action for the future. We regard the
action that is taking place now after accomplishing the Arab-
African Union between Libya and Algiera - as among the most
important actions in the stage which concerns the unity of the
Arab nation. [applause] [this was discussed] During the meeting
at Ain Amenas with President Benjedid and the popular Algerian
leaderships. [It is most important] following the development of
the Algerian charter, which was approved by the Algerian people,
as this charter declares openly and insists on the rise of Arab
unity from integrationist form into an amalgamationist form.
Anyone who applies an amalgamationist or integrationist unity
is backed by the Algerian people because the Algerian people are
the ones who approved these words.
The Algerian people wrote in the National Charter the need for
the establishment of unity in this century, from integration to
amalgamation. On this basis, unity between the two countries
will be submitted to people's congresses in Libya and the Alge-
rian people in the next few months. This is one of the most
important actions in modern times regarding Arab unity, because
it brings together two important forces: Libya and Algeria, two
effective, progressive forces in North Africa. It will unite the
western wing of the Arab homeland and will integrate with the
African-Arab Union between Libya and Morocco. The unity of
territory will give it a strength that will distinguish it from unity
between any other Arab country and Libya. Libyan and Algerian
territories are one Arab territory, an extension of each other.
Therefore, there is no geographical problem as there is between
Libya and Morocco and Libya and Syria, or between Egypt and
Syria. It will be one of the most important historical acts that will
change the map of the Arab homeland in this century, if feder-
ation or any form of true unity is established between Libya and
Algeria in the next few months.
Moreover, Syria is prepared to begin unity action to implement
the unity plan signed by the Libyan and Syrian people on the
11th anniversary of the Al-Fatih Revolution, and to develop the
federation of Arab republics. If good intention prevails between
the two sides, the Libyan and Algerian sides, and unity work
between the two countries is approved, I am convinced that a new
stage will have begun for the Arab nation.
The solutions to all the problems - those of oil, education,
health, culture, science, scientific research, backwardness, hous-
ing, communications - all these can only be solved by unity.
Therefore, what troubles you is not internal Libyan problems; we
believe that Libyans will face no problems worth mentioning.
Nor is it international problems, because there is a specific line
between us and the United States and our Arab cause [words
indistinct]. If the United States comes to us we will be with it.
There is no conflict between us on the Atlantic Ocean, nuclear
missiles and so forth. The problem is peripheral, not internal. The
problem remains a pan-Arab one. Serious attention must be
given to changing the Arab map in any way. Praise be to God,
after a dialogue of 17 years with the Algerian revolution we have
reached an agreement on some form of unity. The truth is that
the dialogue between us was about unity, because there is either
unity or conflict.
I believe that each of the two countries welcomes shouldering its
responsibilities. [words indistinct] the speech given by the deputy
speaker of the Algerian National People's Assembly who
attended the General People's Congress. This brother expressed
Algeria's sincere unionist tendencies and its standing [applause].
Despite everything, it is well known what Algeria did when the
truth came and there was confrontation - unlike the government
of the fascist of Baghdad which took advantage of the opportu-
nity and doubled its anti-Libyan people radio stations. Algeria
openly announced to the United States and the whole world that,
without argument, if Libya was attacked, Algeria had to be taken
into account.
There is a delegation from Yemen, the Yemen Arab Republic,
whom you have not yet heard, and we are thankful for their
presence. There [words indistinct] another Jamahiriyah in the
Arab south, where there is something called the General People's
Congress in Sanaa. Its membership has doubled and is numbered
in the thousands. This is clearly the beginning of the birth of a
Jamahiriyah in North Yemen [applause]. Therefore, [words
indistinct] the head of the Yemeni delegation and they have
understood the Third Universal Theory and the Jamahiriyah
theory. We are very thankful for the sentiments of the Malian
youth and people during my visit. They came out to welcome me.
In fact they were not welcoming me but the Libyan people.
Malta is a country that I do not consider foreign as far as we are
concerned. The natural and [word indistinct] thing that blend in
with the nature of Arab-Maltese relations is the removal of many
restrictions and considerations which existed between the two
countries. Now, a Maltese can work in Libya in the same way as
a Libyan; he can be admitted without a passport and own
property in Libya. The Libyan has the same rights in Malta. He
can own property and enter without a passport. This is a great
step that will consolidate peace in the Mediterranean, consolidate
fraternity and the solidarity of the Mediterranean peoples.
In fact all of these achievements work against imperialism and
against Zionism, against the United States and against the
Israelis. We must move all Arab potentials in every way to bring
them to effective action regarding the Zionist entity. The Arab
rulers must understand that we, the revolutionaries of the Arab
nation and we the Arab masses, will not be silent for long toward
their slumber. The Arab rulers all have to understand that we
the revolutionaries and the masses are losing our patience and
will not go along with them much longer in their hestitation,
negligence and their parting with thinking and working toward
the future of the Arab nation. If they think about the future of
the Arab nation, the Arab nation is capable of removing them
and deciding its future by itself. This is possible and we are
agitating for it to the exception of anything else. We have the
material means and material capabilities, and we are obliged to
defend the future of the Arab nation, to exploit it and mobilize
it in the direction of unity and liberation. The Arab nation will
remain under neither the U.S. insolence nor under the Israeli
infleunce. Our God did not create us to live continuously under
U.S. and Israeli terrorism.
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The Israeli entity must be removed at whatever price. Its removal
is not a big problem, and if the U.S. risks involvement in a third
world war then our slogan will be: On me and on my enemies,
O God, and it will not matter. We as a nation are exercising our
right to live. Now and while we are celebrating the 9th anniver-
sary of the founding of the Jamahiriyah and the declaration of
the people's authority, we celebrate while we are stronger materi-
ally and morally. With us now are the secretaries of the Arab
basic people's congresses. This means that the pan-Arab people's
congresses have been born in the Arab arena and have affirmed
the need for revolutionary education with the new theory of the
popular masses and the need to spread people's committees,
overtly and covertly, in the Arab world and the spread of the
people's congresses in the Arab world.
The secretaries of the international people's congresses now
affirm the solidarity of all peoples with us. This confirms that the
Jamahiriyah is indeed an international model and example and
is the land of all the masses and an international focal point. This
is, in fact, a great historic burden. You are leading the Arab
revolutionary forces :and leading the Arab people's congresses
which have joined the pan-Arab leadership and became part of
it. You have become an international meeting point for all
peoples.
Look at this poor land and the small people who are being
awarded all of these distinctions and this honor and who are
shouldering this heavy burden. However, this makes us feel our
greatness and our power. If France is colonizing Chad, Central
Africa, Gabon, and the Ivory Coast - the French-speaking
countries - to create out of them an international power to face
Europe and America, and if the United States is building bases
and acquiring colonies and spheres of influence in order to create
weight before the world and before the Soviet Union, and if the
Soviet Union itself in the general congress of the Communist
Party calls for the creation of Soviet power with the socialist
community and the Warsaw Pact, here in the Jamahiriyah -
and not through an imperialist or colonialist action nor through
might but through the people's democracy, the theory of salva-
tion and emancipation - we have become a new power in the
world connected to the masses, connected to the peoples within
which enthusiasm has erupted after seeing their emancipation.
The masses danced on Libyan soil after realizing that there is no
police, no army, no party, no class, no ruler and no executioner
looming over them. The historic joy, which was suppressed,
began to manifst itself on Libyan territory. It was a great thing.
The Arabs, on Arab soil, danced with delight because they did
not expect to see that. The Europeans were saying to hell with
America, but they could not say that in their own countries or
they would be trampled by horses' hooves. You have seen that in
Britain where they have been trampled by horses. They said we
were expressing their feelings for them, and that is why the
United States got angry and threatening. [Words indistinct)
however, our stand is consistent. [Words indistinct] it got angry
because a new polarization has emerged, a popular polarization
this time and not by the power of missiles or by military-economic
power. It is the camp of the masses, which the United Nations
and others failed to establish. it is a new United Nations on
Libyan soil.
have been much longer. It was an honour for me to stand before
the General People's Congress and the Pan-Arab General Con-
gress and the General International Congress at this joint session
of the three congresses which forms a people's congress for all
the Arab Libyan and international peoples. Thanks to God, we
have celebrated the 9th anniversary of the founding of the
Jamahiriyah without any setback to the people's authority and
without any frustration to our masses. No one has deviated from
the principles and the loyalty to the masses. Even those who tried
to betray the people's authority have not succeeded. The few
attempts have died in the cradle. We have passed the test - the
test of our revolutionary ethics and our loyalty to the popular
masses. There were some who said that this is merely a dema-
gogic attempt designed to win over the sympathy of the masses,
that it was propaganda and will not continue. Even some Libyan
skeptics claimed that these were not people's congresses and not
a people's authority [words indistinct] and it is impossible; you
will not be able to issue a law or a decree or a budget. They will
seek a pretext to proclaim a revolutionary government and to
declare a revolutionary authority, using all of these terms to
restore power to themselves again and will not arm you.
It has become clear that the leadership of the revolution has
joined the masses in opposing anyone who is not serious. We will
chase everyone who does not carry arms or who does not quickly
train for arms or who does not practice authority. They said it
was illogical for the people to practice politics.
Thank God, after 9 years of serious work, the Jamahiriyah is
acquiring more firmness and its root going deeper; our people are
gaining confidence in themselves day after day. And now the
effects have started to show on the Arab scene. The masses have
begun to revive the feeling that the people's revolution leads to
the elimination of all tyrants and idols and pressures practiced
against Arab citizens who have allowed a handful of Israelis to
dominate. This was because the Arab people were chained. The
masses have begun to feel the revival and to feel they are capable
of rebelling against the American bases.
Before this Jamahiri action which emerged from the Libyan land,
and even in Europe, the people had no thought of opposing
America. See how such a thought is now escalating. Demonstra-
tions and actions are increasing. The greens have emerged;
revolutionary committees have emerged. All this is thanks to
your influence. [words indistinct] neither the missile nor [word
indistinct] have any effect. Where is the Nazi power'? Where is
the fascist power? Where are the Moguls? Where are the Tar-
tars? Where is Genghis Khan, Alexander the Great, and others?
On the other hand the theory of Jean-Jacques Rousseau is there
and is immortal. Plato's thoughts are immortal. Ibn Sina or Abu
Bakr al-Asam or the Ghozali - all those who came out with
thoughts and ideas - their thoughts are immortal. Religions
which are based on justice have no missiles or anything else -
that is to say, Jesus died when he was 32 years old and was raised
to heaven by God. They tried to execute him but he left behind
70 of his close associates. Now half the world believes in the
religion of Jesus. They do not believe in missiles or in atomic
bombs - on the contrary. They are now in a dilemma with these
missiles and atomic bombs because they do not know how to
destroy such weapons; they have to continue to maintain them
and develop them. They are living in torture. Victory is for the
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just theories - the popular theories. We do not create power; we
do not create chemistry or the atom or terrorism. We want to
restore the humanity of man which has been crushed everywhere.
Everyone should understand that the future is with this theory
which will be adopted by all the people of the world sooner or
later. Forward, and the struggle continues! [applause and pro-
longed cheers]
Telegram Sent to Al-Qadhdhafi
LD032123 Tripoli Domestic Service in Arabic
1729 GMT 3 Mar 86
[Telegram addressed to Colonel Mu'ammar Al-Qadhdhafi from
members of the International General People's Congress at
Qaryunis University in Banghazi read in English - live]
[Text] [Unidentified speaker] The telegram to the leader of the
Great Al-Fatih Revolution, Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadhdhafi:
Greetings of the Great Al-Fatih, to the thinker, the teacher and
the philosopher of the revolution, Colonel Mu'ammar al-
Qadhdhafi, leader of the era of (?masses). [applause]
We, the members of the International People's General Con-
gress, at our meeting in Banghazi on the occasion of the 11th
regular session of the General People's Congress, convey our love,
respect and appreciation to your unending efforts for the better-
ment of Jamahiriyah and of all world. [applause and chants]
We assure you of our solidarity and support in your just and
legitimate fight against the imperialist and Zionist enemies. We
assure you our staunch belief in the ideology of the Green Book
in its three parts and regard it as the only solution to the problem
facing mankind. We implore you, as our leader, in the light of
your green ideology, which proclaims peace and happiness to all
the people of the world, to stick to your strategy until humanity
gains victory over all its enemies.
Congress Concludes 7-Day Session
LD040043 Tripoli Voice of Greater Arab Homeland
in Arabic 0015 GMT 4 Mar 86
[Text] The General People's Congress concluded last evening the
meetings of its 11th regular session in Qaryunis University in
Banghazi. The session continued for 7 days during which the
congress formulated the resolutions of the Basic People's Con-
gresses, the Pan-Arab Basic Congresses and the International
Basic Congresses.
The congress held its evening session, at the beginning of which
the resolutions of the Pan-Arab Basic Congresses, which were
formulated by the General Pan-Arab Congress, were read.
Denial of Recruiting Djibouti Citizens To Fight
LD041527 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 1430 GMT 4 Mar 86
[Text] Tripoli, 4 Mar (JANA) - A spokesman at the People's
Committee of the People's Bureau for Foreign Liaison has made
the following statement:
The French defense minister has told Djibouti television that the
Jamahiriyah is recruiting citizens from that country (Djibouti) to
fight in Chad. The statements by French officials in this context
are dictated by some specific factors, which are linked to the
French involvement in Chad. They are as follows:
1. France is seeking justification for its intervention in Chad,
which confirms its colonial ambitions in Africa, particularly in
Chad;
2. The French defense minister can base his allegations only
on some false justification, after the French policies have been
exposed and the French intervention in Chad has been con-
demned by most African states;
3. France is the last country that can talk about Chad,
because the Chadian problem is an African problem; the
framework of its solution should be African with an African will,
with the efforts of the sons of the continent; and a European
country like France has nothing to do with this problem;
4. The French Government is seeking a pretext to expoit in
order to resolve domestic political problems at a crucial stage in
the elections;
5. The Libyan Arab Jamahiriyah has previously denied such
rumors, and today it confirms that it has recruited no citizens
from Djibouti or from elsewhere, contrary to allegations by
French officials seeking to cover up French military and colonial
involvement in Chad.
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