AL-TADAMUN INTERVIEWS MU-AMMAR AL-QADHDHAFI
Document Type:
Collection:
Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP05-01559R000400400057-9
Release Decision:
RIFPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
10
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
February 1, 2012
Sequence Number:
57
Case Number:
Publication Date:
September 7, 1985
Content Type:
OPEN SOURCE
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V. 6 Sep 85 NORTH AFRICA
Libyan Envoy Summoned to Foreign Ministry 4 Sep
LDO51 SSS Algiers APS in English 1 SlS CMT S Sep 85
[Text] Algiers, 5/9/85 (APS) -The secretary of the Libyan
Bureau of Fraternity (ambassador) in Algiers was summoned
Wednesday to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Liberia's Doe Contacts President Bendjedid
AB051427 Paris AFP in French 08/3 GMT S Sep 85
[Text] Algiers, 5 Sep (AFP) -Algerian President Chadli Bend-
jedidyesterday received a telephone call from Liberian President
Samuel K. Doe, it was officially announced in Algiers. The
contents of their conversation was not revealed but this follows
the visit paid to Algiers at the beginning of the week by the
Liberian foreign affairs minister. According to informed sources,
he reportedly obtained financial assistance during the visit from
Algeria.
It is recalled that relations between Algeria and Liberia exper-
ienced along period of tension due to relations between Monrovia
and Israel and to Liberia's support for Morocco in the Western
Saharan conflict. Observers feel that the recognition of the
SDAR by Liberia at the end of July helped bring Monrovia closer
to Algiers.
Bendjedid Sends Envoys on Diplomatic Missions
Receives Messasdia
LD051446 Algiers Domestic Service in Arabic
1200 CMT S Sep 85
[Text] Chadli Bendjedid, president of the Republic and secretary
general of the party, received brother Mohamed Cherif Mes-
saadia, member of the Political Bureau and official in charge of
the Permanent Secretariat of the Central Committee, prior to his
departure for Damascus and several other capitals as the per-
sonal envoy of the president of the Republic.
Messaadia will be carrying messages from the president.
Meets With Bessaieh
LD042236 Algiers APS in Arabic /600 GMT 4 Sep 85
[Text] Algiers, 4 Sep (APS) -President Chadli Bendjedid,
president of the Republic and National Liberation Front secre-
tary general, received today at the Presidency Mr Boualem
Bessaieh, member of the Central Committee and minister of
posts and telecommunications.
Mr Boualem Bessaieh is departing as a special envoy for the
president to Mali, Senegal, Maurtania, and Niger carrying
messages to the presidents of these countries.
AL-TADAMUN Interviews Mu`ammaK aly.Qadhdhafi,
PM051350 London AL-TADAt1~UN in Arabic 7 Sep 85 pp 5-11
[Interview with Mu`a'mmar al-Qadhdhafi by Chief Editor Fu`ad
Matar in Tripoli on 22 August]
[Text] AL-TADAMUN: Before I arrived in Tripoli the Arab
world was preoccupied with the news of your deportation of the
Egyptian and Tunisian workers. At Tripoli airport I saw masses
of humanity awaiting seats on airliners to take them to their
countries. Regardless of what one might feel on seeing such a
scene, one cannot but wonder: Who will bake for libya, who will
repair its waterpipes, who will repair the people's cars, who will
till the land, pick the fruit, and maintain the machinery, and so
on and so forth?
AI-Qadhdhafi: It is time for the Libyans to depend on them-
selves;let them roll up their sleeves to bake, till the land, pick the
fruits, and maintain the machinery. Just as at a certain stage of
transformation the house was for the one who lives in it, at the
present stage it is for the one who maintains it.
AL-TADAMUN: ' It appears that once again we will have to go
back to discussing the question of the Egyptian and Tunisian
workers and the reasons for their deportation. Therefore, let us
hear the brother colonel's views regarding the situation with his
Iranian allies following the bombing of Khark Island, their
principal financial source for funding the war.
Al-Qadhdhafi: I do not think that the bombing has halted the
the export of Iranian oil. Some damage has been caused which
can be repaired. Iran will suffer no more 'than what Britain
suffered when it was bombed by Germany. If we go back to that
stage we can see this clearly.
AL-TADAMUN: What is the reason for this attitude toward
Iraq that goes to the extent of establishing an alliance between
Libya and Iran? What is there between you and Iraq that you
have adopted this stance?
AI-Qadhdhafi: I personally am interested in Iraq more than
anybody else; I have vistied Iraq more than any other country. I
used to go to them without an invitation; I used to take the plane
and go. Most of my visits were to Baghdad. I had hopes that I
could unify the Iraqis and the Syrians and help establish a strong
front between them in the face of the Ramadan conspiracy
[October 1973 war] which AI-Sadat hatched and involved Syria
in. Following the fake crossing [of the Suez Canal by the Egyp-
tian forces] I carried out several contacts by land and by air
between Iraq and Syria [as published] with the aim of establish-
ing afront between them in order to curb the collapse that
happened then. I succeeded in bringing them together and an
agreement was reached on a unity project, but Saddam fab-
ricated astory and exploded the situation.
What I mean to say is that I made great efforts'to take Iraq by
hand and involve it in the battle, but it became clear tome that
everything was heading into a dead end and that the Ba`thists
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this in the spirit of the demands made by Gush Emunim and
Tehiya. A few hours later, yet another announcement on a new
wave of administrative detentions was swallowed up in the gen-
eral hubbub. It emerges that there is no connection between the
-iron fist and the practical fight against terrorism. The terrorists
are one group; the administrative detainees are in a completely
different category. The terrorists work. in the dark and the
security forces do not know who they are; the administrative
detainees are political activists working overtly. They are identi-
fied with the PLO, but do not deal with terrorism.
It can also be said that the increase in the number of acts of
terrorism in the territories is the result of Israeli polarization
from yet another basic aspect: The Likud's annexation policy left
the younger generation in the territories with no political outlet
other than violence. After the elimination of the National Guid-
ance Council and the cancellation of the municipal elections, no
political figures were left in the territories who could have spoken
up for the nationalist feelings in a public struggle, and the fiery
young people found noway other than to take up the dagger and
the gun.
I g ISRAEL
If there is no connection between the iron fist policy and the war
against terrorism, why is this policy being pursued? It could be
said that the Labor Party ministers have no choice but to be swept
.along by the demands of the right. Every terrorist murder act is
followed by an increase in that realm of public opinion which
lacks patience, desires revenge, and justifies severe measures.
From this viewpoint, Palestinian terrorism is not helping those
on the Israeli side who seek a settlement. The Labor Party, as a
partner to the unity government, has got itself into adead-end
situation: On the one hand, it desires to carry on with the
partnership with the Likud, and on the other, it wishes to begin
to do something to solve the Palestinian problem, which is the
main point of dispute with the Likud. Thus the Labor Party must
look for the lowest common denominator with the Likud, and
that common denominator is the fight against the PLO. The
administrative detentions can be clearly laid at the feet of one
political personality: Yasir `Arafat. And this policy is combined
with the personal attacks by Peres and Rabin against `Arafat
(although it should be noted that recently Peres has severely
criticized `Arafat for not helping the political process; from this
it follows that if he does help, Israel's attitude toward him may
change). The warnings to Amman to cut itself off from the PLO
are also increasing. The intention behind this is clear: The Labor
Party ministers desperately want to sever the link between
.Husayn and `Arafat in order to begin a political process which
the Likud will not be able to oppose. The iron fist in the territories
is not just a surrender to pressure from the right. It is also an
attempt to get `Arafat's supporters into trouble in order to
reinforce the supporters of the crown and keep a finger on the
pulse of the public order should Husayn decide to begin peace
talks without `Arafat.
This is a policy built more on wishful thinking than on recognition
of reality. Israel is beginning an exhausting upstream swim. The
renewed campaign against the PLO actually broke out as the day
of U.S. recognition of the Palestinian organization is dawning, in
the wake of the anticipated meeting between Murphy and the
joint delegation. The normalization of relations will later receive
the blessing of the Soviet Union at the summit conference
between Reagan and Gorbachev. In the past, the war against the
PLO led us into the Lebanese catastrophe and the renewed war
is leading us into another catastrophe. It is taking us out of
international policy circles.
There is no chance of Husayn abandoning the path he shares with
`Arafat. Even those pro-Jordanian activists Israel would like to
encourage at the expense of the PLO will do nothing without
`Arafat's blessing. Ironically, Husayn needs `Arafat's support for
the concessions Husayn understands he must make to Israel. If
he did not have to make concessions and was guaranteed that all
his demands would be met, he would not need `Arafat and would
have come to negotiate with us on his own, like AI-Sadat. Husayn
also knows that the two superpowers support a Palestinian solu-
tion which includes `Arafat, and they will not let the king act
alone. Their aim is to solve the existing problem, not create new
ones. Nevertheless, Israel is confronted with a genuine terror
problem and it must solve it. However, because of the new war
against the PLO, we could miss the genuine chances -and these
are political opportunities - we have to solve the problem.
It should be taken into account that the murderers of the soldier
in the casbah were not necessarily PLO members, because this
is not the PLO's modus operandi. This attack is more similar in
style to that of the Muslim Brotherhood, as it acted in the murder
of Aharon Gross. It is true that the PLO claimed responsibility
for the action, but it ought to be wondered if a process really is
taking place in which terrorism is no longer its sole prerogative.
If terrorism is being taken out of the PLO's hands, the PLO is
losing a political weapon; if it does not control terrorism, when
the time comes it will not be able to demand a political price for
stopping it. Thus the PLO should put an end to the dispute while
it still? has terrorism as the goods displayed on its shelves and
before the dispute overflows into such dimensions that the PLO
itself will be out of the picture. Herein lies the chance of bringing
terrorism to an end through an agreement with the PLO. From
this aspect, it should be noted that this is the first time that the
groups actually supporting `Arafat have issued an announcement
condemning terrorist actions and pointing out to the Palestinians
just how much damage they are causing the Palestinian cause.
The first to do this was Hilmi Hanun from Tulkarm, who did not,
it is true, issue an official announcement, but let others speak in
his name. But the dismissed mayor of Heborn, Mustafa al-
Natshah, said specific things. It is actually someone who was
dismissed from his post as part of the war against the PLO (part
one) who is pointing out to us the way to end terrorism. The
Palestinians are also interested in ending it. It has recently been
learned that in a bid to strengthen this trend, none other than a
member of the Palestinian delegation to the negotiations, Hanna
Sanyurah, signed the document initiated by Labor Party Center
member Arye Hess supporting a tripartite confederation between
Jordan, Palestine, and Israel, with clear recognition for the State
of Israel and a mention of the Camp David agreements and
Security Council Resolution 242.
The West Bank is not only showing us how to end terrorism, but
how to reach peace with the Palestinians. All we have to do is
read the map correctly and act accordingly, and not repeat -
almost to the letter -the mistake of the Likud government's war
against the PLO.
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V. 6 Sep 85 ~ Q 2
bear a grudge against the Libyan revolution and are jealous of it .~
because it has been able to go beyond their concepts and to set ,
up people's congresses. They thought that the Libyan revolution ~,
was no more than a military rule and, because they were senior
to us, they could outdo us. But they felt that something new had
happened which made them fear the waning of their star. By the.
new thing 1 mean the popular revolution experiment.
[asked them more than once: What makes you fight the Libyan
revolution? [went to them, to Baghdad, and told them: You
are in Asia and we are in Africa. What we have in common is the
liberation of Palestine. There are no common borders between us
nor common waters, skies, or roads that have to be crossed. Since
this is the case why should we not be brothers and parties to the
question of the liberation of Palestine or to Arab unity. Many .
times [repeatedly told them: You are Asians and we are
Africans and so what is the problem between us?
Furthermore, they [the Iraqis] used to go to Libyan patients in
European hospitals and offer them money so that they would
curse Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi. They also used to contact Lib-
yan students in the United States and Canada. They even had
contacts with Mauritania aimed against us.
AL-TADAMUN: But President Saddam Husayn's leadership
realized an important Arab solidarity in the matter of war. Now
the majority of the Arab countries stand with President Saddam.
AL-Qadhdhafi: The Arabs achieved no solidarity. These were
orders from the United States. It is the United States that gives
orders to oppose the Iranian Revolution. What the United States
is interested in is not Saddam Husayn but fighting the Iranian
Revolution. Unfortunately everybody is against the Iranian Rev-
olution, including the Soviet Union, which sees that the Iranian
Revolution is dividing the world into religious and nonreligious
worlds and that the contagion of the Iranian Revolution might
spread to the Islamic Soviet republics.
AL-TADAMUN: Do you believe that the existence of the
present regime in Iran disturbs the United States and threatens
its interests?
AI-Qadhdhafi: With the outbreak of the Iranian Revolution
the United States lost a zone of influence. It is a revolution that
fights the United States and sees it as the big Satan; it also fights
Zionism and reaction, on which the United States depends in the
area.
Orders were issued to Husni Mubarak to fight with Saddam
Husayn. Orders were also issued to King Husayn to fight with
Saddam Husayn. Orders were also issued to Ja`far Numayri to
fight with Saddam Husayn. Such stands in fact are in accordance
with U.S. orders. We as revolutionaries cannot fight in the U.S.
ranks, and our attitude toward the Iranian Revolution is clear.
When the shah was ruling Iran and occupied the Tunb and Abu
Musa Islands he was very hostile to the Arab nation and fanatical
about his Farsi origins. He bribed all the Arab regimes. We
rejected the [Iranian-Iraqi] treaty and said that we cannot put
our hands into the hands of the arrogant shah who occupied the
islands by force and hoisted the Iranian flag on them. At that
time.and in view of the shah's arrogance, we began our alliance
witli the Iranian people and the war against the shah. The Arabs
used;tb:;tell us: You are trying to do the impossible; it is
impossible for the shah to be toppled. He is backed by the United
States. Zalfikar Ali Bhutto once told me that on meeting the shah
he asked.him about conditions in Iran, to which the shah re-
plied:, Ask your friend Al-Qadhdhafi. Meaning to say that he
(Al=Qadhdhafi) was the cause of the problems and explosions.
Still at?that time the Arabs used to say that it was impossible to
do anything because the shah was God and he was backed by the
United,SEates and its military arsenal.
After the outbreak of the Revolution in Iran things.proved to the
contrary. It was proved that we can do something. Some of the
revolutionary leaders, including Rafsanjani and Montazeri, told
me: , The. speeches you were delivering instigating us to rev-
olution~were our food when we were in jail.
The Iranian revolutionaries launched the Revolution and toppled
the,shafi, who was backing Israel and South Africa. After Iran
becatl-e `liberated from U.S. influence and threw its weight
behind the Arab nation against Zionism and racism we began
fig'hting_with it. Why did they not fight the shah when we told
them: ? Oh Iraqis, fight the shah! Now that there is a revolution
in' bran the war against it is a war at the orders of the United
States.'
It-grieves me to see this revolution engaged in a war with an Arab
country. But in the final analysis I cannot betray a revolution,
nor cap. I fight it, especially a revolution which I was calling for
and which has come into being. How can I carry arms against
the Iranian Revolution? How?
In any,case, the war between Iraq and Iran is a losing war. We
have lost,an Islamic power and an Arab power in a senseless war,
because Iran cannot occupy Iraq and Iraq does not have the
capability to swallow the Persian nation. It is a senseless war, a
war that is neither against the United States nor against Israel,
nor aimed at uniting the Arab nation.
AL-TADAMUN: Do you not think that had it not been for this
war the Arab nation would have possibly succumbed to a Persian
invasion as it succumbed in the past to a Turkish invasion?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Had Iran decided to march on the Arab world
it would have then been aggression and not a revolution. It would
then have been Persian imperialism and we would have been the
first to oppose it. But Iran does not want this. It is a revolution
within its borders that helps the Arabs, the Palestinians, and the
Islamic peoples. It did not launch a campaign beginning with Iraq
and moving toward other countries. Had this happened we would
have been the first to stand against it. We would have been the
first to fight Iran had it annexed Iraq.
AL-TADAMUN: You sent Foreign Minister Dr `Ali al-
Turayki to Baghdad, and 'Abd al-Salam Jallud also paid a visit
there. Do you not think that there is a possibility of adopting a
certain attitude toward the war issue and of calling the Iraqi and
Iranian sides to a meeting in Tripoli similar to the meeting held
in Algiers in the past?
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AI-Qadhdhafi: How can I call for such a meeting when Iran is
refusing reconciliation. We have spoken about the matter with
the Iranians but they told us: Do not discuss this matter as
Saddam Husayn's downfall is certain.
Q 3 NORTH AFRICA
United States will establish bases on them. We in Libya believe
that they are right in this.
AL-TADAMUN: What is your opinion of Iran's activities in
Lebanon? ,.~.
AI-Qadhdhafi: Saddam Husayn can launch some haphazard
strikes but he cannot persist with the war. Iran is' capable of
throwing in wave after wave [of fighters] and can recruit some 20
million people.
AL-TADAMUN: You must have read`articles by those ayatol-
lahs and spoken to them. Can you tell me what conclusion you
have drawn about their thinking and what they want?
AI-Qadhdhafi: They advocate a revolution for the sake of the
oppressed people in the land and call for the unity of the Islamic
nation. They call for the need to put an end to world imperialism,
for the elimination of Zionism, and for the liberation of Palestine.
They instigate revolution and in their. current advocation they
preclude Shi`ism and Ja`farism [sentence as published]. I do not
believe that it is a confessional revolution.
AL-TADAMUN: Since this is what you think of them, do you
not think it appropriate that they should at least go along with
you in the matter of naming the Gulf, and not call it the Persian
Gulf? ~ ~ , .
Al-Qadhdhafi: At my first meeting with Khamene`i he men-
tioned the "Persian Gulf," to which I replied the "Arab Gulf." I
also said that it is possible that we would quarrel over this matter
if they continued to say the Persian Gulf. He replied: The
countires overlooking the Gulf are not Arab; they are American
colonies. The day they become revolutionaries like you I will be
the first to endorse calling this gulf the "Arab Gulf'' or the
Kuwaiti Gulf or any other name you like.
AL-TADAMUN: It is a simple matter, therefore. If-they wish
to reconsider the name they can, as an expression of goodwill,
call it the "Islamic Gulf."
AI-Qadhdhafi: In my discussions with them I personally sug-
gested this name, but Khamene`i said: It is not in our interest
to do so now and to leave the Gulf to the U.S. agents. He repeated
his readiness to reconsider the name if the rulers of the countries
overlooking the Gulf become revolutionaries and not U.S, agents.
Khamene`i added: When'we see that the Arab land has been
liberated we will be the first to abandon naming the Gulf the
Persian GuIF. But it is better to keep the Gulf Persian belonging
to the Iranian Revolution rather than give to those Arabs who
are agents of the United States.
AL-TADAMUN: What about the question of the occupied
Arab islands?
AI-Qadhdhafi: I have also raised this question with them, but
their view is that if they give back the islands the United States
will turn them into bases. If the other side of the Gulf is liberated
we are ready to give them back immediately. Khamene`i said that
Iran is definitely not ready to abandon the islands so that the
AI-Qadhdhafi: Those~Lebanese will fight,one another,regard-
less ofwhether there are Lebanese working in the interest of Iran
or against such interests. What is happening in Lebanon is a war
between Lebanese and between Arabs. ?
AL-TADAMUN: Is it true that you sent advanced missiles to
Iran which it used in bombing Baghdad with the result that
President Saddam Husayn decided to escalate the campaign
against you? ? ,
AI-Qadhdhafi: We have not yet sent missiles, but we support
the Iranian Revolution and stand with it and not with Saddam
Husayn; this is for the reasons I have already mentioned. But we
might throw our weight in with the Iranian Revolution, which
means that the balance .will be tipped against Saddam Husayn.
AL-TADAMUN: What do you mean by you might throw your
weight in?
Al-Qadhdhafi: I mean that we might send squadrons ? of
surface-to-surface and surface-to-air missiles as well as
squadrons-of aircraft.
AL-TADAMUN: Have you taken such a decision? ?
A1=Qadhdhafi: We have not made any decision thus far, but if
Saddam Husayn goes further in his hostility toward Libya,
continues to beam broadcasts against Libya, persists in training
elements for carrying out sabotage and explosions, and continues
to coordinate with Egypt and some Foreign and Arab countires,
then we will throw our military weight in with Iran and so, bring
an end to Saddam Husayn. This matter should be clear.
AL-TADAMUN: Supporting anon-Arab country against an
Arab country remains a puzzling thing. Supposing a revolution
situation emerged in Muslim Turkey and the regime in Syria was
of a kind that did not agree with you, would you then support the
non-Arab state against the Arab state or, in other words, would
there be a repetition of what is happening now regarding your
support for Iran, the non-Arab state, against Iraq, the Arab
state?
Al-Qadhdhafi: If Syria were like Iraq now and Turkey like Iran
at present, then it is possible to support the non-Arab side against
the Arab side.
AL-TADAMUN: In other words, Libya would then throw its
military weight in with Turkey against Syria.
?AI-Qadhdhafi: The war as we see it is a war by revolutionaries
against nonrevolutionaries and a war between those with the
United States and?those who are against it. These are the present
criteria of conflict.
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AL-TADAMUN: Why do you not do something for Sudan and
why do you not help in the achievement of stability rather than
continuing to encourage Garang?
Al-Qadhdhafi: We have sent them a shipload of oil and col-
umns of tractors and plowing machines. We have had a squadron
of transport planes in Sudan since the outbreak of the revolution
for transporting food supplies and relief materials. .
AL-TADAMUN: The problem in the past was that President
Ja`far Numayri's regime was not the kind of regime you could
cooperate with. Numayri is no longer in office and so the question
being asked now is: Is the new leadership in Sudan, in the light
of your contacts with it and your meetings with its members and
of information and analysis available to you, the kind of leader-
ship that you can reach an understanding with and stand on its
side? `
AI-Qadhdhafi: This a temporary leadership whose elements
have not prepared themselves to rule. Also, it is not prepared to
carry on with holding office. This applies to both the. Military
Council and the Cabinet. The situation in Sudan is temporary
pending the transfer of power by one means or another.
AL-TADAMUN: But these are officers and power is now in
their hands?
AI-Qadhdhafi: This is true, but they are Army commanders;
the Air Force commander, the Navy commander, the tanks
commander, the artillery commander, the supply commander,
the intelligence commander, and the police commander. It is all
the military command in Sudan that is ruling and not just Army
officers. This is the difference. ~ ~`
Once again [say that those who are now ruling, be they military
elements or civilians, are ruling temporarily. Nothing is asked
from them except holding the country for a few months until the
Sudanese people who launched the revolution decide its destiny.
Those who are now administering the country, be they military
or civilians, deserve to the thanked for shouldering the responsi-
bility of the transitional period.
AL-TADAMUN: Do you think that this will be a transitional
government? Will those in office easily give up their posts after
tasting power?
~: , ;, . .
AI-Qadhdhafi:? Of course they will give up their posts. If they
will not do so there will be a renewal of the popular demonstratons
and the people will take to?the streets.
AL-TADAMUN: But certainly those who are now in the lead-
ership in Sudan are in need of something of extreme importance
which you can bring about yourself but.are not doing.
AI-Qadhdhafi: What is it they need that I am not doing?
AL-TADAMUN: ~ What they need is that you should tell your
friend Garang to reach an understanding with them, lay down
his arms, and go to Khartoum to respond to the appeal which the
north addressed to him.
NORTH AFRICA
AI-Qadhdhafi: This is true.
AL-TADAMUN: Yet this is not happening.
AI-Qadhdhafi: I am continuing to make appeals to Garang so
that he will come to an understanding with the Sudanese Gov-
ernment; Mengistu's deputy arrived in Tripoli today (Thursday,
22 August 1985) for this purpose. We are against the continu-
ation of fighting in .southern Sudan after the downfall of
Numayri.
AL-TADAMUN: You are Garang's ally and without you he
would be incapable of doing anything. Nevertheless, he is con-
tinuing 4he fighting and is rejecting the appeal by the north.
Al-Qadhdhafi: Following the success of the revolution in the
north we stopped supplying Garang with arms but we did not stop
appealing to him to respond to the peace appeal. But....
AL-TADAMUN: But what?
AI-Qadhdhafi: I am afraid that there will be a secession in
southern Sudan. There are signs to this effect. Indeed I am afraid
that there will be a secession and the establishment of a state in
southern Sudan: There are circumstances encouraging this. The
south is black and not Arab; the south is Christian and not
Muslim; and the southerners speak English and not Arabic. I
have visited the south and observed that I was not in an Arab
environment. When I visited Waw I saw that the current lan-
guage is English and not Arabic. Also, when I entered Waw
(capital of Bahr al-Ghazal Province) I felt I was in the jungles of
Africa and that these black areas have absolutely nothing to do
with the Arab homeland.
AL-TADAMUN:? But the Persians, when we meet with them,
only speak Iranian, yet some of the Arabs sympathize with them.
AI-Qadhdhafi:' The sympathy you refer to is sympathizing with
their cause and has nothing to do with the language.
AL-TADAMUN: Supposing the southerners decided to secede,
can you, in view of the special relations between you and its
present strong leadership (that is Garang), not do something to
prevent such a step?
Al-Qadhdhafi: All that we can do is o ~aeg-fie are
doing it. We are in con act w-t ~ him all the time and trying to
convince him to come to an understanding with the Sudanese
leadership.
AI-TADAMUN: Has he visited you and are you still providing
him with aid?
AI-Qadhdhafi: We have stonn_ed ~~-Mies-t~ `-~'- ti?
he has not come to the Jamahiriyah. I believe that since the
rela tons a ween us and the Sudanese regime have become good
he will not make such a visit.
AL-TADAMUN: Did you have anything to do with the assas-
sination of the Israeli diplomat in Al-Ma`adi [suburb of Cairo]?
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AI-Qadhdhafi: (The answer is a smile).
AL-TADAMUN: We ask you this question because whenever
an operation of this kind takes place it is bound to be said: Look
for Libya or look for Mu`ammar al-Qadhdhafi.
AI-Qadhdhafi: It was the free men of Egypt who carried out
the operation.
AL-TADAMUN: This leads us to ask another question, which
is: President Mubarak is not pugnacious by nature and, further-
more, seems to be uneasy with the burden he inherited. More-
over, President Mubarak has, with a certain amount of warmth,
expressed his desire for good relations with all countries, includ-
ing the Libyan Jamahiriyah. What is the secret behind your
refusal and the refusal of others to help him to achieve the other
crossover, that is,the crossover from the situation he interited to
the Arab coast or, if I can say so, to help him to substitute the
renowned Sadatist crossover with an Arab crossover?
AI-Qadhdhafi: If (?President) Mubarak says he wants an Arab
crossover and needs assistance, then I will be the first to assist
him. But he is not saying so and keeps saying that he is remaining
on the other side and that the Arabs must go to him and enter
the stable [Camp David] as if the Arabs were donkeys.
AL-TADAMUN: In the light of the expulsion of Egyptian
workers from the Libyan Jamahiriyah and the continuing tension
in relations as a result of the Egyptian-Israeli peace, it appears
as if matters are heading for a confrontation between you and
Egypt. Should a military confrontation take place between you
and them, will you be sure of the results?
AI-Qadhdhafi: If matters developed into a confrontation and a
battle occurred between Egypt and Libya, I believe that Egypt
could stand in the face of Libya. In any case, I exclude the
possibility of war between us.
AL-TADAMUN: In the meantime there are further Tunisian
allegations about Libyan concentrations on the borders with
Tunisia. Will matters develop into a confrontation with Tunisia?
AI-Qadhdhafi: What concentrations and what confrontations?
Is Tunisia so strong as to require concentrations on its borders?
We have dispensed with the Tunisian workers. The fact that the
Tunisians are insulting Libya, closing down the People's Bureau
(the embassy) and the cultural centers, expelling the Libyans
employed in the Arab League, and throwing out the employees
working for Libyan airlines, Libyan tourists, and the Libyans
who have been residing in Tunisia for scores of years, it is clear
that Tunisian officials are reacting blindly.
AL-TADAMUN: Do you expect to announce a surprise on the
occasion of the 16th anniversary of the 1st September revolution,
a surprise that could be a challenge to those wo are looking for a
military confrontation with Libya?
AI-Qadhdhat"i: What would be a surprise would be to announce
that Arab unity should be achieved even if by force. It is not
necessary that Libya should do so. Any country is capable of
achieving unity by force and has the right to do so. If Saudi
Arabia is capable of uniting the Arabian Peninsula let unity be
achieved by force through Saudi Arabia. If Iraq is capable of
uniting the Gulf region by force then we will support it in doing
so. And if Syria is capable of uniting Lebanon and Jordan by
force we will support it in doing so. Even if Egypt is capable of
uniting the Arabs by force and making them join the David stable
[Camp David] we will support it too. [sentence as published) If
Algeria can occupy Tunisia and Mauritania and even Libya, we
will support it. If Libya is capable of uniting the Maghreb region
then we should do so.
The borders must be abolished and unity must be established,
Otherwise the phenomenon of setting up militias will prevail
throughout the Arab world, although such phenomenon might
take different forms.
AL-TADAMUN: Demanding unity and at the same time
expelling all the Egyptian and Tunisian workers would raise
questions over this matter. Are there other reasons that have led
to the expulsions other than those we have heard, namely, that
the contracts of those workers have expired? Is there a financial
crisis, for example, that has forced a reduction in manpower in
Libya.
Al-Qadhdhafi: First of all there are no financial difficulties and
things, thank God, are going well. The measures we have adopted
were decided upon some 2 years ago after the 5-year plan that
was launched in 1980 had almost been completed. In order to
implement this plan we imported thousands of workers from all
parts of the world. The majority of those were Egyptians and
Tunisians. Once the plan has been completed the workers are
supposed to return to their country. We should thank them for
their efforts in implementing the plan that included the building
of scores of projects, bridges, factories, farms, and 24,000 km of
roads, which is a world record figure. Those workers have
behaved strangely with us. Is it conceivable that if one asks
workers to build a house and after the building is completed that
those workers should say: It is true that we have finished the
building but we must stay. This is our situation with the workers
who have been deported, bearing in mind that, in appreciation of
the living conditions in their countries, we suggested to them that
they stay with us provided that they acquire Libyan nationality.
We will thus spare them the red tape involved in obtaining
residence permits and the sensitivities that might arise. Instead
of responding to this initiative with thanks, their governments,
which have no solutions for absorbing them, launched a vicious
campaign against us and made false accusations. They accused
us of expulsion, plundering, and stealing. What is astonishing is
that the Tunisian Government was aware of the matter some 2
years ago and we informed it that by the end of 1985, when the
development plan would be completed, we would no longer be in
need of the workers we imported. We were anxious to inform
them 2 years in advance so that that government would have time
to find solutions for those workers. Now instead of finding
solutions we find that it is blaming us.
AL-TADAMUN: Does the same thing apply to the Egyptian
workers?
Al-Qadhdhafi: In Egypt's case it is different because we do not
want to support Husni Mubarak's government with hard cur-
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?
AL-TADAMUN: But is it wrong for a state that advocates
nationalism and revolution to help develop the Egyptian citizen,
solve his problems, and give him work opportunities?
AI-Qadhdhafi: When that citizen rebels against Husni
Mubarak it becomes our duty to help him develop, solve his
problems, and give him work opportunities, but it is against our
principles and convictions to support Husni Mubarak's govern-
ment while he continues to follow his present line.
AL-TADAMUN: Had large sums of hard currency been
transferred to Egypt?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Hundreds of millions were transferred. During
the last period of AI-Sadat's reign we deposited about $600
million in Egypt. The purpose of that deposit was to prevent
Egypt's bankruptcy, but they have denied that. Numayri did the
same thing. He came asking for aid. We gave him $60 million as
a loan. I signed the agreement myself. Once he got the loan he
refused to repay it. A year passed, and another, and another, but
no repayment was made. When the bank began asking Numayri
to repay the debt, to our surprise, he organized a campaign in
Sudan under the "dignity piaster" slogan and collected the sum
from the Sudanese people on the grounds that he would repay us,
but he did not. So we lost that money and the Sudanese people
also lost an equal sum which he collected from them. This matter
has been the subject of inquiries and explanations between us and
the new Sudanese regime. They asked if the money had been
returned to us and we explained that Sudan still owed it.
AL-TADAMUN: The Arab citizen is bitter about one thing. It
has something to do with your insistence on calling Cairo Al-
Maghurah [vanquished] instead of Al-Qahirah [victor]. Are you
going to keep on calling it that?
AI-Qadhdhafi: It is vanquished and it will continue to carry
that name as far as we are concerned until it triumphs. Is it logical
to call it the victor when it has been vanquished? Is it right to
falsify the truth and call it the victor when in actual fact it has
been vanquished? We must call it by its real name, which in this
case is the vanquished.
AL-TADAMUN: Did you invent that name? How did it come
about and under what circumstances?
AI-Qadhdhafi: After the kilometer 101 [Egyptian-Israeli
talks], the recognition of the enemy, and the visit of shame and
disgrace (AI-Sadat's visit to Jerusalem) I came to the conclusion
that the name AI-Qahirah was not a suitable name for the
Egyptian capital. It was in that atmosphere that the new name
emerged. It is a name that suits the present reality.
AL-TADAMUN: Is that name likely to be dropped and is the
Egyptian capital's real name of Al-Qahirah likely to be used
again by the Libyan media and, if so, when?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Not before the Israeli flag leaves it. When that
flag is removed Cairo will then be triumphant indeed.
AL-TADAMUN: One of the impressions formed about the
crisis between you and Tunisia is that the crisis was fabricated
to torpedo what was agreed upon during the Casablanca summit
conference on the question of clearing the Arab atmosphere to
pave the way for reconciliations that would reunite the Arabs.
Do you agree with that impression, and will you contribute to the
efforts aimed at clearing the atmosphere and achieving reconcili-
ation?
AI-Qadhdhafi: I do not believe that it is easy to do that because
the circumstances are not conducive to Arab reconciliation. How
can the atmosphere be cleared with U.S. agents? The clouds will
persist. I believe that this is a desperate attempt. The Arab map
should be changed and the Arab political and social structure
should be reconsidered. That might save the Arab nation. We
have had enough self-deception.
AL-TADAMUN: Why not regard Libyan-Saudi relations as
an example to be followed in your relations with all the Arab
states? It is reasonable to assume that that would ensure a
reasonable degree of coexistence and cooperation in the present
bad Arab circumstances.
Al-Qadhdhafi: That is possible with those who have not crossed
the red line but not possible with those who cooperate with Egypt,
which has become Zionism's bridge to the Arab homeland.
AL-TADAMUN: Regarding the Palestinians, why do you not
do what you are capable to doing -namely, invite the two sides
to the dispute to Tripoli as you did in the past? The two sides are
Abu `Ammar [Yasir `Arafat], who welcomes reaching an under-
standing with you, and his rivals, who are Syria's allies but also
have lines of communication and contact with you.
AI-Qadhdhafi: That would have been possible if the two sides
were interested in reconciliation, but what we notice now is that
the uprising group, that is the group of Abu Musa [Fatah
dissident Said Musa], and others, are against reconciliation
whereas Yasir `Arafat welcomes it and works for it. Reconcili-
ation between two sides is possible when both sides extend their
hands toward one another with a third party or a mediator urging
the two to meet, shake hands, and establish solidarity between
them. Otherwise, how can you reconcile an extended hand with
a hand which refuses to do the same thing? One Palestinian hand
is extended but the other is in the pocket of its owner who is
unwilling or unable to take it out of his pocket.
AL-TADAMUN: The nature of your relations with Syria enti-
tles one to assume that you could make an endeavor with Presi-
dent Hafiz al-Asad to get that hand out of that pocket.
Al-Qadhdhafi: Syria has gotten rid of Yasir `Arafat. Having
done so, what could it do?
AL-TADAMUN: Finish him off?
AI-Qadhdhafi: You have said it.
AL-TADAMUN: We are a magazine that is published in Lon-
don by a British company. Since your relations with Britain are
very tense, we ask you what message would you care to pass on
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? ?
to British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher through. AL-
TADAMUN to enable some relaxation in the tense relations?
1-Qadhdhafi: The severance of relations was aone-sided
ove. So far the people's congresses have not decided to break
ff relations with Britain. We would like to see our traditional
relations with Britain restored. We hope that the Libyan prison-
ers in British jails will be released and that the British police will
take their hands off the Libyan students in Britain who have been
recruited by U.S. intelligence. If none of that happens we will not
remain idle.
AL-TADAMUN: Was it not possible for you to attend the
Casablanca summit conference and to say what you want to your
colleagues the kings and heads of state?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Say it to whom? To a group of employees? The
kings and heads of state did not attend.
AL-TADAMUN: Some kings and heads of state boycotted the
summit conference but four or five adopted a wait and see
position to find out who was going to attend and who was not.
One could assume that all of those -and you were one of them
-would have attended had the others done the same.
AL-TADAMUN: And would you not attend the Riyadh sum-
mit conference if it is held?
Al-Qadhdhafi: I mean that in the past 16 years I have only
participated in one summit conference. That was the conference
held in Rabat in 1969 immediately after the revolution - oh,
and the summit conference convened by `Abd al-Nash in 1970
in Cairo, which was an unofficial conference held because King
Husayn had massacred the Palestinians. Furthermore, how can
I attend a summit conference when the Baghdad summit res-
olutions have not been honored and there are those who are
restoring relations with Egypt despite the Arab League res-
olutions prohibiting such a step?
AL-TADAMUN: Are we to understand from this that there is
no chance of your reconciling yourself, so to speak, to the Arab
status quo?
Al-Qadhdhafi: Actually I am at a crossroads. I see the Arab
nation drowning in differences and I see states replacing a nation.
There is a Kuwaiti state, a Libyan state, a Tunisian state, an
Algerian state, and so on. On the other hand the enemy is
encouraging this trend in us and trying to precipitate the concept
of a state ruled by a king by inheritance or the idea of life
presidency or the idea of a state whose interests run contrary to
the true course of cultural and political struggle which we should
wage against the enemy and who is preoccupied with the decep-
tive open-door interests and rigged elections. I am at a crossroads,
torn between two Feelings: To be the Arab nation's Christ who,
if slapped on one cheek would turn the other, or Noah, who would
assemble all the contradictions in one ship and sail it to safety
and then retreat, or, alternatively, initiate revolution and violence
with the aim of destroying the regimes. The Arabs should partici-
pate in making the choice, either they board Noah's new ship or
,respond to violence. ?
AL-TADAMUN: When you say that you are at a crossroads
do you mean that you are debating this idea in your own mind?
Al-Qadhdhafi: .Yes, I have been in this state for sometime. It
is either Bismarck's way or Noah's way. ?
AL-TADAMUN: Are you satisfied with the conditions inside
the Jamahiriyah?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Thanks to the people's congresses and the peo-
ple's committees, we have reached the end of the road in the
people's struggle for democracy.
AL-TADAMUN: Among the statistics you are proud of is the
fact that over a period of 16 years you have planted 120 million
fruit trees and 234 million forest trees and the fact that work'is
under way on an artificial river. There is just one question
regarding that river: When God created the world he distrib-
uted seas, rivers, and gold mines in various places. He.gave one
nation oil, another nation patience, and?another poverty. Such
was the divine wisdom that God gave Egypt and Sudan the Nile,
gave the Peninsula the holy places and oil,-gave Lebanon natural
beauty with a renunciation of that bliss coupled with some 50
sects and parties, gave the Palestinians patience and endurance,
gave Iraq two rivers and some holy places, and so on. He gave
Libya a share of the oil and gave it a sea and a green mountain
but no rivers. Then you come and decide to make an artificial
river. Is that not a kind of defiance of the choices of the Almighty
God and his wealth distribution in the world, bearing in mind
that you are not building a dam or a waterfall but a river? Unlike
dams, rivers are created by God.
AI-Qadhdhafi: There is subterranean .water under the sand.
We have no choice but ?to bring it out and use it in irrigating
arable land. The extraction of the water and its transportation to
the Arab land is what constitutes the artificial river process. We
will indeed have the greatest artificial river. The first stage will
be completed in 5 years time and the entire project will be
completed in 9 years. Work on that project is in full swing.
AL-TADAMUN: Will it be as important as Egypt's High
Dam?~
Al-Qadhdhafi: It is a miracle and it is more important than the
Aswan Dam.
AL-TADAMUN: Are there other ideas you are about to
include in a new edition of the Green Book?
AI-Qadhdhafi: The chapters of the Green Book have been
completed but the explanation of these chapters is not complete
yet. There is room for more explanation. There is always room
for more explanation. Much can be added in the explanation.
Always expect explanations because they contain new elements
which substantiate the basic idea.
AL-TADAMUN: All the time we find ourselves returning to
the issue of the deported workers because of the dust raised in
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the Arab atmosphere by the deportation storm: Are we right to
assume that, in the light of the change which has occurred in
Sudan, Sudanese workers will replace the Egyptian and Tunisian
workers?
AI-Qadhdhafi: In appreciation of Sudan's circumstances and
of the Sudanese people's. revolution we: have retained the Suda-
nese workers and employees.
AL-TADAMUN: What is.the state of your relations with the
new Soviet leadership and how do you assess General Secretary
Gorbachev's personality?
AI-Qadhdhafi: So far there has been no direct contact.
AL-TADAMUN: Is that a sign of coolness, or are you simply
waiting to see what develops in the nature of the exchange. of
interests and gains between Gorbachev and Reagan after their
meeting scheduled to take place in Geneva in 2 months time?
AI-Qadhdhafi: They have contacted me and invited me to visit
the Soviet Union. I accepted the invitation. In fact they contacted
me again today (Thursday, 22 August 1985) to enquire about a
date and whether I considered it suitable for the visit. Agreement
was reached on fixing a date. The visit will take place soon.
.AL-TADAMUN: Will the visit take place before.or after the
U.S.-USSR summit conference?
AI-Qadhdhafi: They took into consideration what I considered
to be essential, namely, that the visit should take place before the
Geneva summit because it is important that we hear :certain
things from the Soviet leadership before that summit is held just
as it is important that we say certain things to the Soviet
leadership before the summit.
AL-TADAMUN: Approximately 2 months and a few days ago
I was in Jeddah where you arrived suddenly to perform the minor
pilgrimage after a few hours' stopover in Khartoum. I noticed
that some senior officials were surprised to see you wearing a suit
which looked like the costumes worn by karate players.
AI-Qadhdhafi: It was a khaki suit for the hot summer.
AL-TADAMUN: The strange thing is that King Fahd himself
went to the airport with other senior officials to welcome you
despite the fact that it was an unofficial visit. What was even
more strange was the fact that you made a point of wearing the
same suit on your departure from Jeddah airport where you were
seen off by King Fahd and senior state officials, as if you had no
other suit in your case. You surely know how sensitive the Saudi
officials are about this matter, especially as the suit you wore was
not Libyan national dress to be accepted so readily. Forgive me
for raising this matter and for not explaining myself sufficiently.
(I excuse myself from repeating Col al-Qadhdhafi's answer to my
remark) '
AL-TADAMUN: What is the state ? of your relations with
France and President Mitterrand? Is there any chance of devel-
oping these relations?
Al-Qadhdhafi: Our relations with France are good. There are
no problems between us. The chances of developing these rela-
tions are numerous and that is possible.
AL-TADAMUN: Is there anything disturbing the Algerian-
.Libyan atmosphere or is everything normal between you and
President Bendjedid?
AI-Qadhdhafi: Actually, things between us are not normal.
Algeria is losing its allies one after another. It changes its
alliances.
AL-TADAMUN: Does that mean that Algeria is no longer the
ally of Libya, Syria, and the PDRY?
Al-Qadhdhafi: In practical terms Algeria is an ally, but at the
same time we see that Algeria is losing is natural allies.
AI-Qadhdhafi Receives Envoy, Foreign Guest
L 042203 Tripoli JANA in Arabic 171 S CMT 4 Sep 8S
[Te ]Tripoli, 4 Sep (JANA) -The brother leader of the
revol ion today received Abdelhakim Laraki, the resident
Moroc an minister in the Jamahiriyah, who handed the brother
leader a, essage from King Hasan II of Morocco.
Japanese Parliamentarian
LD042256 7'kipoli JANA in English 1834 GMT 4 Sep 85
[Text] Tripoli,
AGENCY - T
ulhijaa 20, Sept. 4, JAMAHIRIYAH NEWS
nese member of parliament and chairman of
Sakora -the Ja
Libyan Arab and
panese Friendship Society.
AI-Turayki Intervie~ed on Tunisian `Crisis'
ZD051459 Paris Intern tional Service in French
1245 GMT S Sep 85
[Excerpts] There is a fla a-up in the Tunisian-Libyan crisis
where, for more than a eek, the climate has been rather
peaceful. Here is an explan tion - to our knowledge the first
made to a radio station and 'n French, moreover -the first
explanation given by the Liby Government through the voice
of its foreign minister, `A.li al- rayki, who is currently partici-
pating in the nonaligned confer nce in Luanda. He was inter-
viewed there by Claude Cyril.
[Begin al-Turayki recording] There
at certain times we need Tunisian
these brothers to return
moment we no longer need them we as
home..Our measure is really concern
number, of Arab workers in our county
with cutting down the
against either Tunisia or [word indistinct
and is not directed
in countries which
are,very far away. It also affects a country l' a Syria, which is
one of the countries closest to us. It is not a me~ ure directed just
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agains
other kinds -and which made use of our justified
action.
are a sovereign state. We asked workers (?to come)
when we ne
are internal, e
ed them, and now we no longer need them. There
nomic reasons, and it is quite natural that Libya
should have the
done this. Other c
numbers). (?Nigeria
ntries [words indistinct] have cut down (?the
as done it. France also; it has even asked
rs, including Tunisians, (?to leave). Why
all North Africah wor
then, this campaign aga
st Libya? This is the question that
ng]
Jallud Receives Sudanese Part
[Text] Tripoli, Dulhijaa 21, Sept. 5, JANI~~-HIRIYAH NEWS
AGENCY -Staff Major `Abd al-Salh`r- Ahmad Jallud
received this afternoon the Sudanese Democratic Unionist Par-
ty's delegation.
Revolutionary Nuns Movement Issues Declaration
LDOSI651 Tripoli Domestic Service in Arabic
1600 GMT S Sep 85
[Text] The Revolutionary Nuns Movement in the Jamahiriyah
has issued a declaration on that Movement's establishment from
among the Revolutionary Committees.
devote their lives to the revolution and its great historic aicr~s~
namely, the assertion of the people's authority; the bui~ing of
socialism, the Jamahiriyah, and Arab unity; the destr ction of
the old society; and the burning of all rotten things exy~ing in the
The Revolutionary Nuns Movement adds, in~its~declaration:
We are experiencing a historic challenge~fom the Jamahiriyah
to mobilize female masses in preparation for their entry into the
battle to incite the submissive men ~~the Arab homeland who
are in retreat before the enemy. Its stated, in the conclusion of
the declaration, that the woman yy~~ho is guided by the Creen Book
is embarking upon a tremendoysrfemale revolution to achieve the
inevitable and final triump n the current stage through which
the Arab nation is passing
Graduation Ceremony Held for Police Cadets
LD042/34 Tripolf JANA in English 1700 GMT 4 Sep 85
[Text] Tripoli; Dulhija 20, Sept 4, JAMAHIRIYAH NEWS
AGENCY - As part of Al-Fatih Great Revolution 16th anni-
versary celebrations a ceremony was held last night for the
graduation of the 10th batch of the police college.
The big celebration was attended by Major al-Khuwaylidi al-
Humaydi, secretary of the General People's Committee for
Justice, a number of armed forces officers, area people, con-
gresses masses and student parents.
Q 9 NORTH AFRICA
Director of the police college gave a speech praising the gigantic
~. achievements been realised thanks to the Great AI-Fatih rev-
olution. .
He said: Today is a great day. We are celebrating the
graduation of the 10th batch, the batch, no doubt, will contribute
to the people's security, an establishment tha has originated in
the third universal theory. These concept are now .gaining
grounds thus destroying tranditional syste that terrorize peo-
ideal citizen that will implemen
objectives. He said, the college
the youth in accordance wit
system based on the third u
the citizens who is ideolq
the college in making the
Al-Fatih Great Revolution
ave great attention to training
the scientific and revolutionary
versa) theory. That means to build
At the end of his speech director of the college called upon the
graduates to con ~bute,to their work life. You have to take your
duty in the J ahiri society, a society now is maintaining its
authority, a s ciety that is advocating a new civilization that will
turn worl~conflict into peace, brotherhood stability.
A p fide took place and was followed by the handing over of the
fist class training flag that was granted by the commander-in-
chief of the Libyan Arab Armed Forces.
Then, the graduates handed over the flag to the final class and
the res l~ts of the graduates where then read out.
Major a1-Khuwaylidi al-Humaydi, then gave the training medal
to the collegeand distributed the certificates to the first best
graduates. That~was followed by the oath ceremony for the
Secretary of the Gene~l People's Committee for Justice gave a
speech praising the gigar ~ttic achievements of the Jamahiriyah
people in the first Jamahiriyah in history thanks to the Great
He said on this great occasion we h e proud to be pressing ahead
towards strengthening people's authority and establishing the
pillars of justice and equality.
He pointed out that the people security lawt at has been decided
by the Basic people Congresses masses and as formulated by
the General people's Congress is qualitative 'vilized step in
.building people's authority and strengthening a mass era.
according to this law,.it is the society members who ke care of
their security and wealth security. Now security is t respon-
sibility of the citizens, men and women alike.
At the end of his speech justice secretary called upon the
graduates to contribute in their careers and to protect the soci-
ety's security and achievements.
Then one of the graduates handed over to Major al-Khuwaylidi
AI-Hamaydi a message of commitment to the leader of the Great
AI-Fatih Revolution on this occasion.
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