AL-QADHDHAFI MAKES EVACUATION DAY SPEECH
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Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST):
CIA-RDP05-01559R000400400048-9
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RIFPUB
Original Classification:
K
Document Page Count:
14
Document Creation Date:
December 22, 2016
Document Release Date:
February 1, 2012
Sequence Number:
48
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Publication Date:
June 11, 1985
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OPEN SOURCE
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Body:
V. 12 Jun 85
ALGERIA
Comments on Talks
LDI 12341 Algiers APS in English 1435 GMT 11 Jun 85
[Text] Algiers, 11-6-85 (APS) - India's Prime Minister Rajiv
Gandhi declared here today shortly before his departure that
although short his visit was "very useful" because it helped to
hold political talks which were marked by an extraordinary level
of understanding and [words indistinct] Rajiv Gandhi paid a
glowing tribute to President Chadli Bendjedid, "eminent
statesman whose views on the international situation and the
Nonaligned Movement have been very useful to me", he under-
scored adding that Algeria and India will cooperate closely
within the Nonaligned Movement and at the level of interns.
tional fora.
"Algero-Indian bilateral relations which are already excellent
will be enhanced" Gandhi said. He also declared that to expand
the array of bilateral cooperation India has decided to purchase
one million and half Algerian oil.(Sentence as received]
India will play more important role in the Algerian schedule of
technological modernization, he said. India's premier, who left
for Washington on an official visit to the United States, had a
series of talks with President Chadli which were enlarged to bring
in the two delegations.
Departs for Washington
LDI 11746 Algiers APS In English 1425 GMT 1 i Jun 85
[Text] Algiers, 11-6-85 (APS) - Rajiv Gandhi, India's prime
minister left Algiers on Tuesday morning for Washington follow-
ing a short working and friendly visit in Algeria.
India's prime minister who has been seen off notably by Abdel-
hamid Brahimi, Poliburo supply [as reoe%ved] member expressed
in a brief declaration his great satisfaction with his visit and
similarity of points of views at talks he had with President Chadli
Bendjedid.
During his working visit, Gandhi had talks with the head of state
(words indistinct] and Indian delegations, also he held [words
indistinct] (?in which) he recalled the themes of political talks.
AI-Qadhdhafi Makes Evacuation Day Speech
LD112131 Tripoli Television Service in Arabic
2025 GMT 11 Jun 85
[Speech by Colonel Mu'ammar al-Qadbdhafi on the 15th anni-
versary of the expulsion of U.S. bases from Libya at a rally held
at the Al-Mallahah Air Force base - live]
(Text] In the name of God. We feel proud and glorious as we sii\
in the heart of the base that was occupied by the American forces-
and which was the biggest U.S. base outside American territory.
[Applause]^It-watprepared to be a nuclear base, so that, if there
;, had been :a Inew world war this base would have been used for
nuclear purposes.
Naturally, the Americans were not concerned about the safety
of Tripoli or Libya, where this base is situated, which is far from
American territory. America was not concerned if the Russians
were to react and fire nuclear missiles against it and destroy a
town like Tripoli.
This is the way America deals with all spheres of influence in the
world. America today has bases in Turkey, Greece, the Phil-
ippines, and is preparing bases in Egypt. It was preparing bases
in the Sudan prior to the fall of the filthy lackey. It also prepared
bases in the Arabian peninsula, in Muscat and Oman. These
bases are still in existence.
The United States does not care if a new world war breaks out,
if nuclear missiles drop on and destroy the Philippines, Turkey,
Greece, or the Arab countries. In Western Europe, missiles are
being installed by the United States. The first nuclear strike
would hit Western Europe on behalf of America. This is what a
country that practices an imperialist policy wants. This was the
case with the Al-Mallahah base. It was planned to be a nuclear
base. If a war had broken out, nuclear strikes would have been
launched from and against it.
Tripoli is an Arab and a Libyan town. It is not an American town.
Thus the United States does not care what happens to it. But the
blame for this does not fall on the United States, which is an
imperialist power whose mission is to dominate the world. The
shame and disgrace falls on the agents who ruled Libya: mini-
sters, king, advisers, members of parliament, governors, and all
those responsible for Libya's destiny prior to the revolution. That
filthy traitorous agent class which conceded a sacred land. Buried
in this land are the bones of our forefathers who fell as martyrs
for the cause of freedom. But Idris al-Sunusi and his prime
ministers, ministers and deputies of the dirty bourgeois families
and conmen - what have they to do with the land under which
the sacred bodies of our ancestors are buried, and which was
given to them?
The agents in the Arab countries are similar to Idris al-Sunusi.
Their position is similar to the position of the Idris al-Sunusi
clique, about which we were talking, before the revolution. Now
America has a free hand in the Arab countries. Bases similar to
Al-Mallahah base are being prepared for the American Rapid
Deployment Force in a number of Arab countries. America is
America, and this is its expansionist imperialist policy, for it
wants to control the whole earth.
But we are interested in those who paved the way for America,
those who gave America the sacred land. In Libya we made them
account for what they did. They gave our sacred land to America,
and we have finished with them. Where is America, and where
are the agents, of America?
we are celebrating in the middle of the
on 11 June 1985
Today
,
,
base America rented for 99 years. In fact, in internnti&
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141111F 141111V
treaties, 99 years means rented forever, but in order to put it in
a legal formit was said this base is rented for 99 years. America
was planning to remain on this base forever, according to law, for
99 years. If it had not been for the revolution, it would have been
possible to remain on this base. If the country had not liberated
its land, who would have removed America if the matter had
remained between America and the ministers, deputies, king, and
prime minister. There are presidents, deputies, prime ministers,
ministers, kings, amirs, and sultans in the Arab countries who
are giving or selling their land to America.
There is the buried AI-Sadat, who gave all of Egypt to America.
Egypt today is mortgaged to America. The land of Egypt is open
to America. The forces that were in this base are now holding
their maneuvers in Egypt. What does this mean? The objective
of the liberation of this base was to attain freedom. Freedom is
in danger until the liberation of the whole Arab homeland. We
ousted the Americans from Tripoli, yet they have returned to
Marsa Matruh. The aircraft which used to be at this base,
aircraft which we deprived of training and from operating in this
region, are now allowed to do what they want in another part of
the Arab homeland, along our border.
'Abd al-Nasir ousted the British from the Suez Canal, so they
attacked him from Tubruq in 1956. He saw that the freedom of
Egypt could not be secured unless the freedom of the whole Arab
nation was secured. For this reason Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir raised
the banner of Arab nationalism, the banner of liberation in the
whole Arab homeland; He confronted the tripartite aggression,
confronted the Israeli aggression, and he said that for all the time
Palestine was occupied, Egypt was in danger. In the story of the
revolution, the Philosophy of the Revolution, 'Abd al-Nasir
wrote about the Fallujah and a Palestinian child the same age as
his daughter. He imagined that her fate would be the fate of his
daughter. Indeed, the bombs that reached the house of Jamal
'Abd al-Nasir, reached Cairo, reached the school - what was
its name? (Bahr) al-Baqar - the national company, and the
children who died, one of them could have been the child of Jamal
'Abd al-Nasir. He saw what an Arab people was subjected to at
the hand of a common enemy. Another Arab people could face
the same thing.
What is happening now in Lebanon, the calamities you see in
southern Lebanon and in the Sabra and Shatila Palestinian
camps, you should be certain that this - unless this enemy is
defeated - will be the fate of all Arab people. In Dayr Yasin
only the Palestinian people were subjected to it.
Today it is in Sabra and Shatila, with the Palestinian people in
Lebanon subjected to it. You have seen in southern Lebanon, in
Beirut, and everywhere in Lebanon, massacres perpetrated by
the enemy against the Lebanese people. There had been mas-
sacres in Egypt and in Syria by air raids.
We cannot rest assured and say: Here we are today, I I June
1985; 15 or 16 years ago we drove America out of this base that
was forbidden to us! As an officer in the Libyan Army I entered
from that eastern gate. I came to a vegetable plot that they used
as a garbage dump which they offered to the Libyan Air Force.
They told them: Remove the garbage and take it. Some officers
of the Libyan Air Force at the time were sitting here. A vegetable
Q 2 NORTH AFRICA
plot that the Americans were using as a garbage dump! They did
a favor to Libyan Government. They said: Take this vegetable
plot, remove the garbage and use it for the Libyan Air Force. The
radio then spent days and days making a hullabaloo about it, as
did the Libyan newspapers at the time, saying: Our friend
America has done us a favor; They gave us a part of the
AI-Al-Mallahah base. Would you believe it! As if it was in
(?Alaska) or in Washington!
Go back to that year, 1962-63. Have a look at the Libyan
newspapers of the period. How angry we were to see such
language written by a vile, hireling Libyan! A Libyan writes in
his paper, and a Libyan announcer says over the radio: Our
friend America has done us a favor. This was naturally on orders
from the Libyan Government, telling the information media that
they must praise Amcrjca because it had offered us a part of this
base.
In 1968 I came to enter the part of the base where the Libyan
Air Force was located. I had come to see Air Force officers. An
American patrol, commanded by a corporal, stopped me, saying:
No, this is a base and you cannot enter. I told him: I'm an
officer of the Libyan Army. He said: Because you are an officer
of the Libyan Army you are not allowed in. I was in military
uniform. Can you see: One could not enter one's own land!
More still: I was an officer, yet an American corporal stopped
me on my own land, where my grandfather was buried and fell
as a 'martyr for it! [Words indistinct] sons of a bitch! The
representatives (as heard] were eating ice cream. They, the
representatives of the nation used to be invited by the commander
of the base. [Slogans supporting Al-Qadhdhafi]
In this celebration we, in fact, feel proud and dignified at this
hour to mark this anniversary inside this base, after we, the
revolution, liberated it. [Applause] The Americans never imag-
ined that somebody in this country, after they had seen the
representatives eating ice cream and the ministers selling and
giving them beer to drink during the month of Ramadan, the
ministers and the prime minister, and the kind sitting in Al-
'Adam base and would be seen wandering in the streets. [Sen-
tence as heard] They would drink and throw cans on them. They
had thrown cans at the face of a Libyan. By God, I once met a
Libyan who lived in a shanty town; he was crying in the middle
of the night. I asked him what was wrong. He explained that an
American vehicle came from AI-Mallahah Base full of drunken
American soldiers who threw empty cans at him. He said that
the only thing he could do was to say: Almighty God, please
give me refuge from the devil. He said: They came close to me
with the vehicle and one of them was holding a whip. He was
whipped several times, he said, until his clothes were ripped. They
continued their drive, he said. They were totally disdainful. Look
how the Libyan citizen was treated while the Libyan responsible.
was eating gelatin.
The Americans thought the base would remain for 99 years. They
were wrong. They said to themselves: As long as the ministers
and the representatives of this country and the citizens are like
this, oppressed, we can whip them in the street while they cry.
Who can drive us out? These are the American calculations now
in Egypt, in great parts of the Arab world, and until recently in
Sudan. They think that as long as the Egyptian rulers are traitors,
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and as long as they can see the other filthy Arab rulers going one
after the other to perform a minor pilgrimage in the American
White House, that the Arab nation is docile in the same manner
as its rulers, who, instead of going during Ramadan to Mecca,
are going to the American White House to lick Reagan's filthy'
feet. The Americans think that the Arab nation is humiliated,
like these rulers; but we should warn them that the least presti-
gious thing in the Arab nation are these rulers. When one says
an Arab ruler, one means someone who is a coward, because he
cannot be a ruler unless he is a coward, a liar, and a hypocrite,
because the Americans and the Israelis are pleased with him. In
fact, all these 20 people are the basest in the Arab world.
[Applause]
These people gave America a very mistaken impression. That is,
the Arab nation resembles its rulers. Consequently, America
(?was) planning to seize the Arab homeland, partion it and
restore its influence in it, as it was planning in Libya. It used to
believe that it would remain in this base for 99 years. There are
four other bases, and you know them all; this base used to rely
on them. There was Bi'r al-Shumaylat for supplies; Al-Wati'ah
for shooting practice ranges; Ra's al-Unuf for surveillance on
shipping; and the other base, Tajura', for telecommunications,
radar, and (word indistinct] surveillance. Tajura' was teeming
with wires. People could see them along the coastal highway. One
was unable to enter it for so many aerials. America was settling
down permanently - in Ra's al-Unuf, Tajura', Al-Shumaylat,
and Al-Wati'ah. Moreover, the land, sea, and air were open in
the terms of the treaty for America. It was do as you please.
The Al-Qardhabiyyah base. It was that name when I was a
student in secondary school. I was walking; I came across some
tents and soldiers. I knew a few words of English. I approached
a soldier. I remember his name. He said his name was Jim. Where
are you from Jim? He said: I am American. What are you
doing here? He said: I (?come) from Al-Mallahah base. What
are you doing here in the AI-Ziyyaniyyah, or Hunaysh, area? He
said: I work in the base. What? He said: I work and I survey.
They were surveying the land to construct runways on it. They
were in the process of turning it into a base, but they were behind
in its completion. They were expected to complete it by the end
of the sixties.
The revolution broke out. They left. It was the same spot on which
we built the base. The truth is that I remembered that the
Americans were carrying out some surveys and I thought the
place could be suitable for a base. It was inspected and was found
to be suitable for a base. They were building another base, called
Al-Qardhabiyyah. They turned it into a base. There were others.
Several places were turned into bases. It means that they seized
Libya in the same way as Sudan was seized during the time of
the underling, and like Egypt today, which is captured today by
the Americans.
Q 3 NORTH AFRICA
afterward they go back. It means that Egypt is seized. The plane
which entered Egyptian airspace and dropped it bombs in the
Egyptian desert could drop them on the Egyptian capital, on the
Egyptian' Army, on a factory, on Libya, on the border, on an,,
,Egyptian or a Libyan port, on an Egyptian or a Libyan airport,
on a school, or on a housing development. Who can stop them
when (?the country) is seized by them? They were experimenting
on how to seize the Arab homeland.
By force or willingly, the Egyptian rulers are agreeable to
America's tactical tests on Arab soil. How can freedom be
guaranteed, since the planes continue to fly close to us? The
planes that were at this base still fly and strike at their imaginery
targets on Libyan borders. The Israeli chief of staff has reached
the Libyan borders and inspected the Egyptian forces. He also
inspected the Libyan borders from Egyptian positions.
This means that a situation has developed in Egypt which con-
stitutes a threat to Libya's security and to the security of the Arab
nation. This was because of Egypt's recognition of the enemy and
its striking of an alliance with American imperialism.
Thus the battle has not ended. The 1 September Revolution is
only the spark. The 1969 revolution is only the spark. [Applause
and chants] We staged the revolution as unionists and free men.
Since we are unionists, our battle is not only in Libya. Libya is
only the springboard. It is a spot that has been freed so that we
may move out from it and begin the instigation of the Arab nation
on the revolution.
All Arabs must understand that this is our task and they have to
define their position toward us. This is our mission: It is not the
liberation of Libya, particularly as we do not recognize Libya's
borders nor all the present borders in the Arab homeland. This
is because these bottlers have been set up by Britain, France, and
Italy. These countries which colonized the Arab homeland were
the ones who created these imaginary borders. We do not recog-
nize them at all. The proof of this is that the so-called Libyan
and the so-called Tunisian are actually the offspring of one
father. Part of them are outside this imaginery line and the other
part are inside it. One part was called Tunisian and the other part
was called Libyan. We do not recognize these imaginary lines. It
was one family spread over Tunisia and Libya. One member of
the family is called Tunisian while the other member is called
Libyan, though their father and mother are the same. Just
because two members of the family happened to be beyond the
imaginary line, they were called Tunisians and those who were
beyond the other imaginery line were called Libyans. Thus we
do not recognize this myth. There are no borders between a
Libyan and an Algerian, or between a Tunisian and an Algerian,
or between an Algerian and a Moroccan or between a Mauritan-
ian and a Moroccan, or between an Iraqi and a Syrian. We cannot
recognize all these imaginary borders.
All must understand that we are unionists and our mission is to
liberate the Arab people and the Arab homeland. If they like it,
then all well and good; and if they do not then let them go to bell.
We will continue to instigate the Arab nation on revolution and
the destruction of the borders. [Chants and applause]
The liberation of this base is for a beginning, and not for'
What I am driving at is that today's celebration, in complete
freedom inside the base which recently we were banned even
from entering, must not let us think that freedom has been
realized. Freedom is in danger, because these forces we evicted
from this base are currently stationed in Egypt. You have seen
the B-52 bombers. They came from America in order to drop
their bombs in the Egyptian desert when on maneuvers, and
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celebrations every year, or to deceive ourselves, to bury our beads
in the sand like ostriches and ignore the danger surrounding us.
The Arab land around us is now open to the forces we evicted
from this base, and they could come at any moment. The Arab
land around us - you know the Arab regimes and lands that are
open for the American forces to enter - the American forces;
French forces, NATO forces, and the Rapid Deployment Force.
This constitutes a danger to our security, a danger to our free-
dom. Therefore we are in a state of self-defense when we call for
revolution in the Arab homeland in order to ban America, the
Israelis, France, NATO, and the Rapid Deployment Force from
the Arab homeland. This is our right. There is a danger to our
freedom. There is a danger to our existence on our land.
This is our land, the land of our grandfathers, land on which we
are living peacefully and securely. We have the right to combat
any danger to us. This is our natural right. If there arc hostile
forces at our borders, from any direction, then we have to prepare
for war and we have to resist. This is self-defense. We are
practicing self-defense. This is our legitimate right, to remove the
danger against our existence. Any foreign presence in the Arab
countries surrounding us consitutes a danger to our existence,
future, security, and freedom. Therefore we have the right to
incite revolution and to prepare for confrontation-to remove this
danger from our borders: Our borders, are the Arab land:
Therefore we have the right to liberate the Arab land - every
'inch of it.
We are now certain that the liberation of Libya did not secure
freedom. Freedom is threatened on the Libyan soil as long as the
forces which wcrevacuated from the Libyan soil, are present on
other Arab soil.Therefore we have the right to struggle until we;
liberate all the Arab soil in order to be confident that we can live
in peace on our soil. This is not aggression. We did not go to
Europe, did not go to America, and we did not cross;the Atlantic
Ocean. We want to be free on our soil. They are the ones who
came to our land.
This should be clear, and we reject this being considered as
interference in internal affairs, stirring up trouble, or the Amer-
ican crude expression - destabilization. What destabilization?
Should land be stable under the feet of America and the agents
of America? Let this land shake and cave in and become the lake
of Qarun, but not a lake of water, rather a lake of blood, if its
stability means stability for the American forces so that the
American columns can advance on it. There is no stability in the
Arab homeland for the American forces and the agents of
America. Stability is for the freedom of this nation. This is a song
made by America and is reiterated by the flattened agents. Let
all the Arabs hear the explanation in order to mock their leaders
and their agents' information media, which barks and echoes the
American propaganda, propaganda hostile to the Arab nation.
You hear, you follow the news and read the newspapers of the
world and listen to the radio stations of the world; you hear these
expressions repeated: Libya, or Al-Qadhdhafi, or the rev-
olution in Libya, the Jamahiriyah, works for destabilization in
its neighboring countries, in Africa, the world. It works to create
trouble in the region. The Americans say this, and where is the
echo? It is with the dogs of the Americans, which are the agents,
the agent governments, the agent regimes, and the agent reac-
Q 4 NORTH AFRICA
tionary information in the Arab World. They repeat these expres-
sions which are uttered by America. You heard this talk in the
past and you will hear it again. But we want to expose it. We
reply to them. Every Arab is listening to this; he will remember
what we said tonight.
America, by destabilization, means anti-American action, liber-
ation resistance against American control in the Arab homeland,
in Africa, because it wants the continent and the Arab region to
be stable for its influence and agents. We reject any stability for
the agents of America in the Arab homeland and Africa, and any
,stability' in the Arab homeland and Africa for the American
bases and influence. Thus you must understand. I regret very
much the Arabs repeating this, but because they are agents - I
regret very much their being agents, not because they do not
know what they are saying - they know that the Jamahiriyah
destabilization in the region means that it resists the stability of
American influence. America wants to settle and we want to
destabilize this. Thus America does not say Libya destabilizes
my stability in the regions of influence and in the Arab countries
which I have subjugated. America does not say this. It says Libya
destabilizes its neighbors. If its neighbors are agents of America,
we will shake them up, not only destablize them. [Applause] This
is our duty and self-defense. We believe in one Arab people, from
the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf, in one Arab homeland. To hell
with all these borders; let them rest in the trash can, we will
destory them and cross them when we are able. This is our right
and self-defense, and it concerns us as a truly internal matter.
[Applause] It does not concern America, Europe, or the world. It
concerns the Arabs. [Chantings)
Thus we must be aware of this celebration. It should not make
us forget the danger around us, and we should not forget that the
liberation of an Arab place does not guarantee its freedom while
another Arab place next to it is under foreign influence. When
the Israelis occupied Palestine we said that danger was not
confined only to the Palestinians; it crossed Palestine to the Arab
countries.
The Israelis have now stationed nuclear missiles in the Golan and
in Sinai. This constitutes a danger to the Arab homeland from
the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf. These nuclear missiles have a
range of 4000 km. The missiles are a danger to Palestine since
Palestine is occupied, it is under their feet, and not for Lebanon.
These missiles are aimed at the remaining Arab countries.
[Chantings] Even if the Palestinians were to recognize the Israe-
lis, and solved their problem, we the Arabs do not accept the
Israeli presence inside the Arab homeland because it threatens
the whole Arab presence. Palestine was threatened, and they
occupied it. Indeed, the issue is not Palestine, it is the Arab
existence or the Israeli existence. We warn the Arabs and the
flattened rulers who talk about solving the Palestine issue, that
the real issue is not that of solving the Palestine problem. The
Palestinians might tomorrow recognize the Israelis and the Israe-
lis recognize the Palestinians, so that the Israelis become free.
For whom? For us, the rest of the Arabs. Where are they going
to hit with their nuclear missiles? In their Palestine? Palestine
has become their country, they occupied it. They will fire them
at the rest of the Arab countries.
Many thanks to the Palestinians who are now resisting on behalf
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of the Arabs. If the Palestinian resistance ends and the Palestine
issue is solved, the Israelis will be free to deal with the rest of the
Arab countries in order to destroy them. They are now continuing
to occupy the sources of water, and tomorrow they will occupy
the sources of oil and the holy places, and will transform the
Arabs into American Indians or Kurds; they will perhaps become
like the Kurds, they will perhaps become like the American
Indians. Their fate might become like that of the Kurds, a nation
divided, with each one having become a minority. When they
demand their freedom, they are suppressed. They are suppressed
in Iraq, in Turkey, in Asia, everywhere they are suppressed. A
respected Kurdish nation has the right to live on its land, Kur-
distan. They divided it and it has become a minority. A Kurd who
opens his mouth in any country is murdered.
Tomorrow, the Arabs will be divided like the Kurds, and if any
Arab opens his mouth and demands his right to live on this earth,
which was created by God, not by America, they will kill him.
The American Indians are a nation and America is their land..
The American continent belonged to the American Indians.?
Then came the American imposters with no origin and occupied
,their land and expelled them. Now the American Indian is
regarded as a fugitive criminal because he is demanding his right
to his land, the land of his forefathers, which was taken from him
by the invaders.
The fate of the Arab land would be similar to that of the Kurdish
land and the land of the American Indians, and the Arabs would
have the same fate as the American Indians and the Kurds if this
situation should continue. Thus we are defending our presence,
our right to survive, generation after generation.
Who among us is asking for a quarrel with Egypt? Immediately
after the outbreak of the revolution we hurried toward Egypt,
asked for unity with Egypt, opened the borders with Egypt, gave
the Al-'Adam base and called it the Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir base.
The airmen with whom Al-Sadat fought the October war, using
them for his big trick against the Arab nation to hide his dirty
treason - these airmen were trained in Libya at the Tubruq
base! There was an undeclared unity. Who among us does not
like Egypt and the Egyptians? Who'is not in need of the Egyp-
tians, as the Egyptians are in need of him, as brothers in the same
land!
But it was Egypt that committed high treason. It brought the
Israelis and the Americans. It recognized our enemy; it is selling
it oil, steel, and chemicals. It offered it security in the south so
as to devote itself entirely to the north, and here it is today,
slaughtering the Lebanese, Syrians, and Palestinians! All this is
due to the high treason committed by Egypt.
Who among us would not like it if tomorrow we became brothers,
and opened the borders between Tunisia, Libya, Egypt, Algeria,
etc, without war or anything..We are obliged to. Do we want a
war between us? We are indeed obliged (?to fight). Your duty is
to fight even though you may be reluctant. We do not like to fight
an Arab, but we may have to. If an Arab person conspires against
us, wastes our future, sells out the Arab nation and his own land,
which would thus be a threat to our own land, we would have to.
In fact, it is not his own land, it is our land, the Arab land. A
traitor forfeits his land and his Arab character.
We said that this threat in Palestine had moved to Lebanon, to
Syria, to Egypt, and it continues. If the Palestinians recognize
the Israelis, and the Israelis recognize the Palestinians, then the
danger would be greater because this would enable the Israelis
to devote themselves entirely to taking their right to other
non-Palestinian Arabs. I personally do not rule out that one day
they will recognize each other so that the Israelis may be able to
devote themselves entirely to liquidating the Arab existence. It
is in the interest of the Israelis to recognize the Palestinians. I
mean that some time the Israelis will realize that recognizing the
Palestinians and offering them a piece of land would be in the
interest of the Israelis, because this would put an end to the
Palestinian resistance and would make the Israelis devote them-
selves entirely to liquidating the Arab existence outside Palestine.
They are currently seeking with all their power to seize the
Jordan River, the Yakmuk River, the Orontes River, and the
Al-Litani River; then it would be the Euphrates River in Syria,
until the Tigris. This is a battle for water. They are bound to
occupy the water sources in the Arab homeland.
Lay yourselves flat in front of America you Arab rulers; go and)
,kiss Reagan's shoes; lick them! Go to the Israelis and lay your-
selves flat in front of them! No one can lay himself flatter than
Al-Sadat did, and there is no humiliation like the one practised
now by the Egyptian submission.
But the Israelis will come back and reoccupy Sinai. The Israelis
will return to the Nile and to Sinai. They will occupy Sinai by
means of people. There are 24 million Jews being prepared for
dispatch into the Arab homeland. Tomorrow they will become
50 million and then 100 million. This is a nation which cannot
live...[Sentence left incomplete]When the prophet - may God
.have prayers for him - found Jewish Arabs living in the Arabian
peninsula, he slaughtered them all. Why? He said because two
religions' cannot exist in the land of the Arabs, only one
religion: Either Judaism triumphs or Islam triumphs. He
slaughtered the Arabs who adopted Judaism, saying that there
cannot be two religions in the land of the Arabs.
'What about then having two nations in the land of the Arabs:
Zionism and Arab nationalism? [Words indistinct] coexistence
can there be with the Israelis, with a racist aggressive camp that
is hostile to the Arab existence and that is armed with nuclear
weapons?, No matter how much you lie prostrate before the
enemy, and capitulate, beg and submit to him, the enemy will
continue to assert its existence and destroy the Arab existence.
This is because there cannot be two nations in this Arab land.
We thank the Palestinians for resisting on our behalf. But when
we see an Arab massacring a Palestinian, no matter who that
Arab might be, be he a revolutionary, a progressive, a unionist,
upholding the Kaaba and upholding.[word indistinct], we cannot
accept this at all. The Arab who massacres a Palestinian is an
Israeli. Today we cannot differentiate between the so-called,.
Nabih Birri and Sharon. Not at all, and not me alone. Hold a
plebiscite throughout the world; talk to them about Sabra and:..,.
Shatila. All the world was disgusted because of these massacres; ,~'. .
and because of the carnage carried out by the Israeli Sharon.
Sabra and Shatila against the Palestinian women, children,.and;
the aged.
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Now comes an Arab called Nabih Birri to repeat the same
massacres. What a disgrace. The Arabs have now formed musi-
cal troupes in the Arab Maghreb; they sang songs that won
worldwide renown and in the Arab world as well. They sang
patriotic songs: The songs of Sabra and Shatila. They tell the
story of the massacres of Sabra and Shatila. How can Birri, the
Arab, massacre the Palestinians again at Sabra and Shatila? We
say Nabih Birri; We say Sharon: There is no difference.
Now we say to our brothers in Syria, in Lebanon among the
Palestinians and to all Arabs: Anyone who places his hand in the
hand of Nabih Birri would be placing his hand in the hand of
Sharon. This is a hand drenched with the blood of the Palestin-
ians, a hand stained with the blood of the Palestinians.
Any one who recognizes, anyone who supports the Amal gang,
must also support the Israeli army. Whoever gives arms to the
Amal gang must give arms to the Israeli army, because both are
working for the same mission. If we consider Sharon an enemy,
then we must consider Nabih Birri an enemy. This man who is
called Nabih Birri, it is right to kill him. Islam disowns him, the
Shiites disown him, and Arabism disowns him. The Arab nation
would be disgraced if this Sharon No 2 is really an Arab. We will
abandon Islam if Nabih Birri is considered a Muslim. We cannot
be of the same religion as Nabih Birri. If Nabih Birri and the
Amal gang are Shi'ites, then Shi'ism becomes Israel and Shi'ism
becomes a blasphemy. But we exonerate the Islamic Shi'ite creed
from the crime of Amal and the crime of Nabih Birri. The Shi'ite
cannot be Israel. The Shi'ites cannot be Jews. The Arab Muslim
Shi'ite cannot be an enemy of the Palestinian. Birri is an Israeli
agent. He is carrying out a plan. What is taking place in Lebanon
at present is actually an implementation of a plan - an
American-Israeli plan intended to bolster the Israeli presence at
the expense of the Arab existence. This is an unforgiveable crime.
Sharon carried it out. We said: He is an Israeli, he is a Zionist
bitch, an enemy. But for an Arab and a Muslim to commit the
crime? This is unacceptable.
Where did these gangs which are committing massacres in Sabra
and Shatila get the weapons? Every Arab should ask from where
do the tanks, guns, and rockets which demolish the Palestinian
camps from from? Where do these arms come from? Either from
the Israelis or from the Arabs. I do not think that the USSR gives
arms to massacre the Palestinians, otherwise the USSR will
become America No 2. If it is the Israelis - if the arms the Amal
have are Israeli, then this is reasonable, correct, and expected.
The Israelis have to arm the Ama) gangs because they are
implementing the mission which the Israeli forces could not
implement - the liquidation of the Palestinian existence. If the
arms are Arab, then we should find out who are these Arabs and
put them on trial. What kind of crime is this appalling crime?
At the same time nobody should exploit this Israeli-Arab-
American conspiracy against the Palestinian presence in Leba-
non, thinking that Libya will change its alliances. I mean the
revolution...[changes thought] We as revolutionaries naturally
change our alliances. Our allies are the Palestinian revolution
and it will remain the Palestinian revolution. We are allies of the
revolutionary movement and will remain so, because it is a
revolution. But when it becomes apparent that the revolutionary
movement is not a revolutonary movement, then those within the
Q 6 NORTH AFRICA
movement will become the same as those who are outside it. Abu
'Ammar [Yasir 'Arafat] and Abu Musa [Sa'id Musa Muragha]
might become the same if they are the same. What is happening
now does not mean that Abu 'Ammar has been cleansed. We do
not forgive Abu'Ammar his deviation, and we do not forgive him
shaking hands with Husni Mubarak, who is shaking the hands of
the Israelis from morning until night. An Arab president shakes
the hands of the Israelis, while Arab citizens used to go to prison
for life if they mixed with an Israeli! Why do we not apply this
law to the rulers of Egypt? How many Egyptian citizens went to
prison for life because they were accused of contacting the
Israelis? Why do the rulers of Egypt not go to prison for life for
publicly shaking the hands of the Israelis? They should be
executed. This is right. Undoubtedly they are sentenced to death.
The sentence was executed in the case of Al-Sadat, and it will be
Lexecutedkwith.the.others. Anybody who puts his hand in the hand
of the Israelis should be executed, and the hand should be
severed, either sooner or later.
This is iyour mission and the mission of all Arab revolutionaries
in Egypt and outside Egypt. We will never allow any Arab
countr4 to recognize our enemy. No Arab country is allowed to
recognize Israel. Even if by force it has to be forced to retreat
from this fault, from this historic fault. One last word for Egypt:
If Egypt becomes a base of aggression against Libya, and
becomes a hostile station against Libya, it means that Egypt gives
us the chance we are looking for, creates the excuse we were
looking for. We pray that Egypt will create an excuse for us to
settle our account with it. This country recognized the enemy,
enabled the Israelis to be present on our borders, enabled Amer-
ica to conduct maneuvers on our borders, and constituted a
danger against the aspirations of the Arab nation.
We were searching for a justification in order to settle our score
with it. If Egypt has now been turned into a base hostile to Libya,
and into an information station hostile to Libya, it would mean
that it gave us justification and placed it in our hand. We are not
going to say we will do this today because they recognized Israel.
No, that gave us another justification. However, we are looking
for this justification in order to settle the score with a regime
which recognized the Israeli enemy; an Arab regime which must
be punished and forced to revoke it. Sooner or later, freely or
against its will, Egypt must be forced to recede from Israel.
[Applause]
If the Israelis ...[changes thought] If the Egyptians take over the
role that the underling Numayri was playing, we will bring the
glad tidings to Husni Mubarak that his fate will be the same as
that of Numayri. Numayri did something which was beyond him.
We told him you cannot do it. Close down your radio, close down
the American stations you have set up against the Libyan people.
Do not antagonize the Libyan people. Don't stand in the way of
the stubborn Libyan revolution. [Applause][Words indistinct] we
told him:' Don't challenge us. Leave Chad alone. Don't oppose
the revolution in Chad. Don't accept American orders or let them
turn your country into a radio station (?against) Libya, or you
will pay the price. He said: No, I (?will do as I please). [Applause]
By God, we did everything, pleading with him. We used inter-
mediaries; We told him-through so-many people: You will not
succeed. We struck in Omdurman. We said to him: Now you
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have got a taste of it. The best thing is that you shut up. He
said: No, America (?told me to go on). [Applause]
Husni Mubarak himself knows how much we pleaded to
Numayri not to stand in our way, not to turn his country into a
base hostile to Libya directly. He said no. He followed his whims.
And there he was: He was finished. What Numayri was doing
in Sudan is now taken up by the Egyptian regime. If it became
certain to us that the Egyptian regime was playing the role that
is hostile to the Libyan people, the Libyan revolution, and its
pan-Arab African and international aspirations. If this regime is
playing this hostile role which Sudan was undertaking, then, we
say to you today: Thank you. We will not abuse him. But we
will thank him because he is giving us the justification, before
the world, which would drive us to settle the score with this
regime; not because he built camps and stations which are hostile
to us. Truthfully, the blood revenge between us is over their
recognition of the Israeli enemy. It is a pan-Arab demand. A
pan-Arab issue, which concerns our existence and the existence
of the Arab nation and its future generations.
We will not tolerate an Arab regime which enables the Israelis
to build atom bombs and factories, and to bring more Israelis to
settle in the Arab homeland. On the contrary, this Zionist state
should be besieged and bled dry, combatted, and constantly
raided so that it will not grow, and so that it will continue to wilt
and come to an end. It is because it contradicts our security and
our existence. The Israelis struck an atomic reactor in Baghdad.
They said to the entire world: it was a danger to Israeli security.
To us, the existence of Israel itself is a danger to our security.
Therefore, we should destroy it like they destroyed the atomic
reactor. -This is what we must do. Any Arab who guards the
Israelis must also be first to receive the stab. The score must be
settled first with the.guardians of Israel, so that the way becomes
open between us and the Israelis. [Applause]
We think we should give the Egyptian regime a little time for
.We it is doing, but not long. If they turn their country into a
station hostile to the revolution in Libya, and a camp which is
hostile to Libya, then they would be giving us the excuse and the
direct cause to settle the score in, indirect reasons; that is,
recognition of the enemy. We will not give them a long time.
When this becomes confirmed it means that Egypt has declared
war against the Jamahiriyah regime in Libya. Then, the people's
congresses will be asked to debate the issue of confrontation and
of settling the score with the Egyptian regime. But we will give
the Egyptian regime this chance. If this direct danger is not
averted, the pressures on it will continue, until it revokes the
Camp David treaties.
We wish this in a friendly manner. In time Egypt will become
certain that its interest is not in Camp David. America cannot
fill the bellies of the Egyptian people with wheat. It cannot feed
the Egyptian people and it cannot keep the Egyptian people. The
Israelis cannot actually feel assured of an Arab truce because
they will come back and seize the Nile and split Egypt into two
states: One Coptic and one Arab. And then, this Arab state,
they will divide into two or three states.
Q 7 NORTH AFRICA
from Salloum to Kilometer 9, near Alexandria, to the sands of
Alexandria. This is the true border between the land which is
called Libyan territory and Egyptian territory, meaning Coptic.
This is if we start talking in terms of geography. Then we would
be drawing up our own and not the English border. The English
drew it between Musa'id and Salloum, and then to Sidi `Umar
and these areas, and between Siwa and Jaghbub. These were
drawn by the English and the Italians.
If Egypt is going to be partitioned the Israelis will seize it and
turn it into small cantons. Then we will take back our land, The
Libyan land, the Libyan desert which extends to the border of
Kilometer 9 - to the sands of Alexandria. The evidence exists
and history exists, and the Libyans themselves, in the Second
World War, were in this place and regarded it as their land. They
allied themselves with the English so that they operated against
the Italians from Kilometer 9. This is the border between Libya
and Egypt, or what is called Egypt. The latest borders were
drawn by the English and the Italians. We will not give up the
western desert if Egypt abandons the Delta and the Nile, then
from Kilometer 9 and onward it is Libyan soil, and we have the
right to liberate and protect it in the long run - that is if the
matter reaches this point. But we are giving the Egyptian regime
the chance to revise its calculations. We gave Al-Sadat an
oportunity, and he squandered it. I would like to tell you a short
story on this occasion about Al-Sadat. Egyptian soldiers entered
the Libyan territories in 1977, after having fled from Egypt. They
said we do not like Egypt and we do not like to serve in the
Egyptian Army; we like Libya because Libya is a rich country
with its oil, and because our relatives are working here in Libya
and we like it. They came, these poor men, leaving behind their
arms. The Egyptian military governor for the border zone was
embarassed. How could he continuously report about his soldiers
and about those who were assigned to his zone while they fled to
Libya. If he had done so he would have been told that he was not
in complete charge, that morale was very low, and that he was
not able to maintain the high morale of his soldiers. He sent false
reports and said that the Libyans were kidnapping the Egyptian
soldiers from the borders: They deluded them and then
abducted them. He went on reporting to the military governor of
the Egyptian western region about every Egyptian soldier fleeing
to the Libyan territories, but instead of reporting or saying that
this soldiers had fled, or this officer had fled, he reported that the
Libyans had abducted this officer, kidnapped this soldier, or
grabbed this patrol. If a patrol lost its way and entered Libyan
territories it was taken by the Libyans. Al-Sadat thought -
because of the Egyptian intelligence reports, which were all based
on lies as every one concerned was trying to save his own skin,
and to appear blameless before his superior and would not tell
the truth _ that the Libyans were abducting the Egyptians
soldiers. But they were fleeing into the Libyan territories.
We are also celebrating today, I I June, the day the Libyan
people defeated the American expedition led by Eaton in 1805.
An expedition came from Egypt and attacked Darna with seven
ships. They attacked Darna from the sea and from the land.
However, the Libyan resistance triumphed over the American
If this is what is going to happen to Egypt, then instead of being
seized by the Israelis, we have the Libyan desert, which begins
expedition on I 1 June 1805. The Americans were expelled from
our home. We celebrated that day [applause] and by chance
by chance, or by the revolution - on I I June 19,70, the
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Q 8 NORTH AFRICA
on I1 June, they were expelled, and on I1 June 1970 they were
expelled once again. So we are celebrating this anniversary in our
country because it coincides with 11 June 1805, the date the
American expedition was defeated. Many martyrs fell fighting it.
When we were surprised by Al-Sadat's raid - he brought a
special task force from inside Egypt, which raided a Libyan
police post inside the Libyan territories, near Musa'ad. The
Libyans drank tea together and talked until they slept; when the
Libyans slept, the task force came and slaughtered many of them
and took away the rest. We were surprised by this treacherous
act; we asked why? But they did not reply. I sent messages to
Al-Sadat even with Yasir 'Arafat and other people, and asked
him the reason for this act, and for the justifications behind it.
But he did not want to listen to what I said.
We had a ship, with a crew of five or six men, patrolling the sea,
when they were confronted by a storm and therefore had to seek
refuge in Al-Sallum. They were detained and brought to trial.
Their solicitor was an Egyptian; he was an Arab and a noble man.
He said as Egypt is part of the Arab federation, any soldier who
seeks refuge in this country cannot be considered as a spy or as
a foreigner and thus cannot be incriminated. The Egyptian
solicitor said this must be a mistake; those are Libyan soldiers
who came to the country - Al-Sallum, Al-Darna, and Tubruq.
[Applause) Despite the fact that they were acquitted by the court,
Al-Sadat detained them. I contacted him and said: My brother,
those are soldiers who sought refuge in your country, and it is
shameful if you do not send them back to their families. AI-Sadat
said no, this can only be done in the framework of a comprehen-
sive settlement. I said to him: You son of bitch, how could you
bargain with the Libyans in a comprehensive settlement? Do you
think the Libyans are sheep or cows? You seized the policemen
in order to reach a comprehensive settlement. The cars [as heard]
were only deposited in trust In Egypt, and you are telling me of
a comprehensive settlement. I tried to advise him, but all was in
vain.
Regretably we had to carry out a raid in the middle of the day
on the Egyptian borders, and we detained a number of Egyptian
soldiers equal to the number of Libyan soldiers who were
detained. I was in Tubruq, shouldering the responsibility, and I
was in control. They detained 11 policemen and we detained
exactly II soldiers. They took from us I I policemen and we took
from 11 soldiers. We even left the rest. We told him; we sent him
a message on that same day. I told him: Listen, you have taken
Libyan soldiers and we have taken Egyptian soldiers. We spoke
to you and sent mediators, but that was in vain. You do not want
to listen to us. We are now compelled to take by force soldiers so
that we have an equal number. I ask you please to return the
Libyan soldiers and to come and take your soldiers.
I also see that you have been inside Libyan territory by some 20
km for the past 20 years. You are now building a barbed-wire
fence. You are not satisfied with the border which was estab-
lished by the Italians and the British, by which they divided
Libya from Egypt. The barbed-wire fence was once established
by the Italians to prevent supplies from reaching the Libyan
mujahidin. The Egyptians encroached inside Libyan territory by
some 20 km behind the barbed-wire fence. We left for 20 years
knowing their encroachment. We used to say: What is the
difference, since both Libya and Egypt is one land. But now they
constituted a danger to us. They even used to fire on Libyan
shepherds. We told them that you are inside Libyan territory. I
said to him: Listen, Al-Sadat - I wrote a message to him -
return I I Libyan soldiers and we will return to you 11 Egyptian
soldiers. This is because we are not proud of having Egyptian
prisoners. The prisoners in our hands should be Americans or
Israelis. I said to him: Return the Libyans to their families and
we will return the Egyptians to their families. Furthermore, you
are inside our Libyan territory by some 20 km. I ask you to return
to within your own border.
But he refused. He said this was an ultimatum, so he rejected it.
I gave him 2 days. I told him: I give you 2 days to withdraw the
soldiers and the barbed wire peacqfully. He said: No, this is an
ultimatum, and I reject it. The 2 days passed without anything
done. '
On 19 July, we moved from Musa'id and Jaghbub, and purged
the border area. Unfortunately, 70 Egyptian soldiers were taken
prisoner and scores were killed, scores who resisted.
They sent another report. I have told you that the Egyptians
always gave their president false reports and involved him in
trouble. They wrote him a report saying that the Libyan tanks
had now penetrated to a depth of 70 km inside Egyptian territory.
Imagine. They said this when all we were doing was clearing the
borders. Yasir 'Arafat himself was with them. They told him, so
he came to see what Mu'ammar had done and how his tanks
penetrated 70 km and were advancing. They said nothing can
stop them other than aircraft. What we sent were only recon-
naisence detachments to clear the borders, but suddenly Egyp-
tian aircraft raided Libyan territory. We did not contemplate
using aircraft or having a war, but clearing the borders.
Even so, the Egyptian aircraft failed to accomplish anything.
They carried out one or two raids on the Libyan detachments.
Seventy Egyptian soldiers were taken prisoner, and unfortu-
nately at every point, there was resistance. I issued orders to tell
the Egyptians over loudspeakers: Brother Egyptians, you are
our brothers. We do not fight you. We intend to set up a tent at
this place; you should withdraw to your wall. I said that if they
withdrew, well and good, but if they refuse, we must seize the
spot by force.
As soon as the Libyans began to talk to them over the loudspeak-
ers the Egyptians began opening fire. The soldiers took orders
from their commanders, of course. The commander of the region
was a coward, and he concealed the facts from the president, who
was staying at Al-Qubbah, Al-Tahirah, or any other palace,
caring nothing about the Egyptian soldiers at the borders. In fact,
he was spending a holiday at Alexandria at the time.
Unfortunately, a number of Egyptians were killed as a result of
the resistance. We did not send any Libyan tanks, nor did our
tanks pass through any borders, but they told him that we had
entered 70 km into the Egyptian territory.
Following this operation, he wanted to retaliate. We ended the
operation and told him the matter was closed and we had cleared
the borders. We have the Egyptian soldiers. Bring the Libyan
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soldiers back to us. When the exchange involved 11 of each side,
you rejected. Now we have 80 Egyptian soldiers, which we will
exchange for the 11 Libyans. But he refused to understand.
I am saying all this now hoping that Husni Mubarak will
understand and will refrain from pursuing the methods of
Numayri and Al-Sadat. Al-Sadat was slaughtered, and the other
fell, humiliated and cheap, near him. He must learn lessons from
Al-Sadat and from Numayri. Let him hear my words and fully
understand them.
I told Al-Sadat, when there were I I soldiers: You refused to
heed my words. Now we have 80 Egyptian soldiers prisoners with
us. Scores of other soldiers have died. Return the II Libyan
soldiers and we will end the war between us, and the skirmishes
and borders problems.
We withdrew our soldiers from the borders. There were no
soldiers left. When they saw that there were no soldiers, they
entered to Musa'id village, which contained nobody other than
some civilians. It had no guns or soldiers. They attacked it at
dawn and began blowing up the buildings and seizing the
unarmed people.
By God, we too could attack Al-Sallum, but we had nothing
against Al-Sallum. It was occupied by the Israelis, so we could
liberate it. [Sentence as heard) We were forced to reply. We
retaliated by destroying the Egyptian forces, which unfortu-
nately, were stationed at Al-Sallum plateau and which were
reinforcing the bridgehead at Musa'id. We were forced to destroy
them with missiles, artillery, and aircraft. A mechanical brigade
and an infantry brigade were destroyed. Unfortunately these two
brigades were destroyed at Al-Sallum plateau. Between 10,000
to 11,000 were killed. We continued for I or 2 days with shelling.
Why? Because [words indistinct) at Musa'id.
After that, we declared an end to the operations. The Egyptian
soldiers returned to their borders. But we were suddenly faced
with an air raid on Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir base. After everything
was ended, he launched a raid against Jamal 'Abd Al-Nsair,
using the same pilots who had received their training at Jamal
'Abd al-Nasir base. He told them: My sons, you have received
your training at Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir base, and you know it, you
know its landing sites and where the officers' messes are. See how
mean the Egyptians were. They brought the airmen who were
trained at Jamal'Abd al-Nasir. They were the ones who staged
the raid against Jamal 'Abd al-Nasir base and against the
officers' mess in which they had stayed. They did so believing
that some Libyan officers might have been at the mess. Nat-
urally, the raid was a failure. Some of the Egyptian airmen
refused to heed Al-Sadat's orders. They dropped their bombs
away from the targets.
Regrettably the Egyptian aircraft which came were destroyed by
missiles. When he went to Boumediene, Boumediene asked him:
Why did your aircraft fall over Tubruq? He said: It is a forest.
Boumediene asked him what forest? He said: A forest of
missiles. This was a lie because at the time, our air defense was
very weak. What would he say now about it if he were alive?
[Applause]
On 23 July he was delivering a speech, and (?staged) raids on
Tubruq, and was threatening punishment. Three days later he
was speaking in Alexandria, on 26 July, and his aircraft were all
destroyed. He was defeated, and his soldiers imprisoned; he was
humiliated, and his mechanical and infantry brigades [words
indistinct] the Al-Sallum province were destroyed. On 26 July,
in front of the world, he stood and said: and, and, and - you
know how he speaks. They told him: and, and...has just
returned. I asked him: What made you stand in front of the
world muttering and, and, and? Why did you not preserve your
dignity and let us hand you 1 l soldiers in return for 11 soldiers.
The matter would then have been over. Why did you not explain
when I asked you: Why did you raid the Libyan border? He
did not say to me, you took soldiers from us, so we could tell him
there are no soldiers. If you have soldiers who are on the run,
come and take them. We never kidnapped Egyptian soldiers.
What do we, the poor people, do with the Egyptian soldiers to
kidnap them on the border? We have I million Egyptians in
Libya. Do we need 11 tired Egyptian soldiers from his front in
Libya? The mind cannot believe this.
What is important is that Al-Sadat did not listen to our advice.
I told him do not go to the Israelis. I sent him an officer a day
before he went to the Israelis. I told him: Shame on you, this is
a crime which will bring your end. This is high treason. He said:
No, I am going; I will pray in Jerusalem. Will you pray under
the Israeli flag? He did not want to listen. Finally [words indis-
tinct] Mubarak was a witness. America was a witness. The
satellite carried the celebration. America was unable to lay its
hand on Al-Sadat and prevent it when his hour had come. When
one Egyptian decided to kill Al-Sadat, America was not able to
protect him. Numayri had one hand with Husni Mubrak and the
other with Reagan. Between the two, he believed that the whole
Sudanese people were under his boots. He fell from Husni
Mubarak and Reagan to the ground. Those in the Arabian
peninsula and (?the whole world) who supported him, are now
cracking jokes about him. I asked them: How is it you used to
support him? They said: How can we support him? We thought
he was still sitting with America and Egypt. He said that there
is joint defense between me and Egypt, and I went to Reagan and
I am between Reagan and Husni Mubarak. They said [words
indistinct] The son of a bitch, he is so low, so weak. They said
thank goodness we got rid of him. I said he was your agent and
he was your friend, and now you say: to hell with him. I want
Husni Mtibarak to learn a lesson from Numayri and Al-Sadat.
If he does'not learn a lesson [words indistinct] between his ears.
I want to say a final word about Egypt. But I was saying my final
words about Lebanon. I said what is happening now cannot make
us forgive Yasir 'Arafat for placing his hand in that of Husni
Mubarak. We do not forgive Saddam Husayn, nor King Husayn,
for placing their hands in the hand of Husni Mubarak, who was
at the time shaking hands with the Israelis, the enemies of the
Arab nation. We do not forgive Nabih Birri, whose hands have
been stained with the blood of Sabra and Shatila, just as the
hands of the Zionist Sharon had been stained with their blood.
What I mean to say is that nobody should think that we change
our natural alliances: The first of these alliances concerns
Syria. We are still allies with Hafiz al-Asad and Syria aaalnst
the Israelis, imperialism, and reaction. We are with Syra.hr the
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steadfastness. However, this does not mean that we would sacri-
fice the Palestine people and the Palestinian camps.
Q 10 NORTH AFRICA
Amal and the Israelis, and that the Israelis would withdraw in
order for Amal to settle the account with the Palestinian presence
on behalf of the Israeli army. The Israeli army did not enter
Lebanon except to liquidate the Palestinian presence.
We blame Syria for a major part of what is taking place now in
the Palestinian camps. Not because Syria is the one carrying out
this action, but because Syria is in a position to intervene and to
cut the hands of the Zionist Amal gangs. This is because there is
no difference now between the so-called Amal and the forces of
the interned Haddad in southern Lebanon and the forces of
Sharon. None at all. There can be no difference now between
Begin, who staged the massacres, and Nabih Barri, who staged
the Sabra and Shatila massacre no 2. We consider anyone who
places his hand in that of Nabih Birri, to have placed his hand in
the hand of Begin, who is responsible for the 1948 massacres, and
in the hand of Sharon, who is responsible for the 1982 Sabra and
Shatila massacres.
If we blame Syria, it is because Syria is in a position to intervene
and to cut off the hands of the Zionist Amal gangs. If Syria is
progressive and unionst, as we are confident it is, it cannot
henceforth be an ally for the Zionist Amal. We call also on all
the honorable Shi'ites to rebel against the Amal gangs and
against Sharon-Nibih Birri No 2, and to split into 100 factions
within Amal and purge the Shi'ites of this crime and of the blood
of the Palestinians, by No 2, Nibih Birri. Nabih Birri is a Zionist
and an agent. He cannot be a Muslim. We are the Muslims and
we are the Muslim nation. We are the ones who issue fatwahs
[formal legal opinion] for the Muslims if there is a fatwah and
imamship. We are the Islamic nation and the mufti of Islam. We
say that any Shi'ite who joins the Amal gang is not a Muslim,
and if he dies, he will end in hell. The killed Palestinians will go
to paradise, and the killed Amal members will go to hell. There
can be no doubt about this. Nabih Birri is a Zionist, a non-
Muslim and a non-Shi'ite and non-Sunni. His death is permitted.
The one who kills him will enter heaven.
The Palestinian refugee - who flexes their muscles on him?
What kind of Arab does this? A person with Arab blood attacks
the camps of Sabra, Shatila, and Burj al-Baranjinah full of
Palestinian women and children? A dispersed people, instead of
protecting them and arming them, we disarm them and slaughter
them? Hafiz al-Asad will never accept this, and Syria will not
accept this. This is the responsibility of Sharon No 2, and the
Amal gangs, who are not Muslims and not Arabs; they are
Zionists mobilized to defend the Israelis and to liquidate the
Palestinian presence on behalf of the Israelis.
Therefore, today we are still confirming our alliance with Hafiz
al-Asad and with Syria against Zionism, imperialism, and reac-
tion. In its steadfastness our army is its army, our power is its
power, and we are still on the way to unity with it. Even if in what
is happening now against Sabra, Shatila, and Burj al-Barajinah,
Syria was involved one way or another, then it is a conspiracy
against the unity between Libya and Syria, the Syrian
steadfastness, the reputation of Hafiz al-Asad, and a violation of
the steadfastness of Hafiz al-Asad, and of the great heroic
steadfastness of Syria. It is a conspiracy aimed at destroying the
role of Hafiz al-Asad and the role of Syria in the Steadfastness
and Confrontation. It is similar to when we cheered Nabih Barri
and Amal when they were fighting in the south against the
Israelis, but we did not expect there to be a conspiracy between
If Amal is taking care of the liquidation of the Palestinian
presence, then there is no need for the Israelis themselves to fight
the Palestinians; they can withdraw securely and leave Amal to
fight on their behalf. Syria will never fight on behalf of the
Israelis, because the Israelis are the mortal enemies of Syria and
they are the real danger against the existence of Syria and its
entity. Syria is preparing to confront the Israelis, otherwise what
is it doing with this army, and against whom? We are still
confirming our alliance with Syria. If there is a mistake, we
should discuss it and rectify it. But all the Arabs cannot blame
Syria, because it is able to interfere and protect the Palestinians,
and we reject the disarming of the Palestinian camps. Any Arab
who supports this just cause must arm the Palestinians. We
encourage arming Palestinians everywhere, arming the camps,
and storing arms in the camps both inside and outside Beirut.
This is a chance to prove the Palestinian presence and to establish
Palestinian bases.
The Palestinian camps should be armed so that the massacres of
Sharon No I and Sharon No 2 will not be repeated. Lebanon's
security is dependent on the arms in the Palestinian camps. The
Lebanese security is threatened by the other gangs - the Pha-
langist militias, the Amal militias, and the other gangs which
were formed at the expense of the Lebanese state. I talked to
Amin al-Jumayyil by telephone. I said to him: What is going
on? How could you allow it? He said: I am not responsible, I
cannot do anything. I said this is done by the Phalangists. He said
no, it is the 78th Battalion, who are Shi'ites. It is separated from
the 8th Brigade and went to Amal. I am surprised that the
Shi'ites are fighting the Palestinians. They are not Shi'ites. I
address a call to all Shi'ites: They should rebel, and they should
join Jihad, the Palestinians, and the sacred cause, otherwise they
will end in hell and extermination, and they will have no future
in the Arab homeland. In this case they will be agents, agents of
Zionism and imperialism. He said, the Lebanese state and the
constitutional institutions are nonexistent. I said: Brother, if they
are so, are they nonexistent because of the Palestinian camps?
They are nonexistent first of all because of your Phalangists, they
are the ones who should be disarmed. Hubayqah, Ja'ja', and the
forces of Haddad in the south are the ones who ended your state.
The Amal gangs and all the other Lebanese sides are armed. First
you should disarm the Lebanese. When you jump, you jump first
at the Palestinians, the innocent in their camps, women and
children. Who will accept this shameful crime? It is a shame for
all humanity, and not only the Arabs.
In fact, we will differ with anybody, including Hafiz al-Asad,
when the Palestinian issue and the Palestinian camps are con-
cerned. We are with the camps; with arming the camps; with
defending them and with the Palestinian presence, not only in
Lebanon but also in all the lands surrounding Palestine. In these
lands the Palestinian presence must be consolidated. The cow-
ards who are stopping the Palestinian resistance from crossing
their borders, from working from their borders against the Zion-
ist entity [words indistinct] we curse them.
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I say Hafiz al-Asad is our ally, brother, and friend. We are with
him in the same trench, but we differ with him on the Palestinian
camps and the Palestinian existence. But we do not believe that
he differs with us on this. [Sentence as heard] We believe that he
is on the side of the Palestinian camps, their defense, arming, and
the acertaining of the Palestinian existence. Indeed, if there is an
Arab leader who is in fact involved in the second massacre of
Sabra and Shatila, he would have surpassed Al-Sadat in high
treason. AI-Sadat's treason becomes less dirty than the treason
of one who now attacks Sabra, Shatila, and Burj al-Barajinah.
The liquidation of the Palestinian existence was not carried out
by Al-Sadat with a rifle. He wanted to liquidate it politically. As
to the one who completed the liquidation of the Palestinian
existence materially, he completes AI-Sadat's treason, and he
surpasses AI-Sadat in treason and beats him completely. I do not
believe that there is now an Arab leader who condemns Al-Sadat
and now commits a crime which AI-Sadat was unable to commit.
Q11 NORTH AFRICA
Sharon becomes less bestial before Nabih Birri. Sharon was
unable to liquidate the camps, but Birri has now brought down
Sabra and continues in his drive to bring about the downfall of
Shatila and Burj al-Barajinah. In whose interest is the liquidation
of the Palestinian existence? It is an advantage to Israel. As to
treason becoming a point of view to be debated, we reject this;
we reject treason becoming a debatable point of view. This is
rejected by me; we do not debate treason. This operation is a
treason which surpasses that of AI-Sadat.
But I still hold Hafiz al-Asad and Syria innocent. They cannot
commit this treason, unless they were overwhelmed and deceived
with the intention of destroying their reputation and
steadfastness, and making them lose their dearest and strongest
allies. We are the dearest and the strongest ally of Syria. Thus
there is a conspiracy against Syria itself in order to make it loosen
the Palestinian resistance, the Palestinian people, and Libya.
Also the whole Arab people - not the leaders, the rulers, whose
cowardly stands are known - but the whole Arab masses are
now on the side of Sabra, Shatila, and Burj al-Barajinah; they
totally denounce what is happening against the Palestinian exis-
tence, and the whole Arab nation is with the Palestinian exis-
tence, inside and outside Lebanon. If she Palestinian existence is
nonexistent in Jordan, Syria, or another place, does this mean
that we should liquidate what is left of it in Lebanon? On the
contrary, what exists of it in Lebanon should be preserved,
brought back and consolidated in the other regions along the
border of Palestine. Is Yasir 'Arafat becoming a substitute for
the uprising? I do not believe this. Has the uprising replaced
Yasir'Arafat? I do not believe this. Subsequently, Abu'Ammar,
Abu Musa, Abu Jihad [Khalil al-Wazir], Abu al-Walid [Sa'd
Sayil], Abu, Abu, Abu: They are all equal.
In fact, I cannot now distinguish between Yasir 'Arafat and the
others. Yasir 'Arafat is less treasonable than what is now being
committed against the Palestinians. Perhaps I doubt that this was
originally a conspiracy against the Palestinian leadership: First
Abu 'Ammar, his leadership and camps were expelled; then the
expulsion and liquidation of the camps in Sabra, Shatila, and
Burj al-Barajinah followed; and then the expulsion of Abu Musa,
Qadri [Samih Abu Quwayq], Abu Khalid, Abu Jihad, etc. I
believe that there is a conspiracy for the elimination of the
Palestinian existence and Palestinian leadership, wh ich started
with Abu 'Ammar. Perhaps Abu 'Ammar is forced to shake the
hand of Al-Sadat No 2 -Husni Mubarak. He, perhaps, is forced.
If we were in the position of Yasir'Arafat we would perhaps ally
ourselves with the devil. If an Arab conspires against you, a
Palestinian Arab refugee, you will go to anyone. They massacred
him in black September. They massacred him in Beirut. They
massacred him in Sabra and Shatila. Where will he go? From
this aspect we sympathize with Yasir 'Arafat, that is, from a
sentimental aspect, not a political one. I believe that all these
leaderships are now incapable of solving the Palestine problem.
The Palestine problem? There is no problem; there is only the
cause and the rifle. Fighting in the mountains, and the trenches,
rather than hotels. No one can apply these slogans. I now
summon the person who used to send me unsigned letters saying
that now you should come out of the camps and the Palestinian
fronts, settle the account, lead the Palestinian fighters, and open
the door to pan-Arab resistance. Resistance should be pan-Arab,
not Palestinian. Every Arab who fights for the liberation of
Palestine should take his rifle and follow this unknown who
should now come into the open because these leaderships, these
facades, have in fact become unable to face up to their responsi-
bilities. Their responsibility is fighting without detours and eva-
sion. The slogan of the cause is the gun and nothing else. It is
neither politics nor anything else. The slogan is "Trenches and
Not Hotels, Trenches and Mountains." This is the story. It is not
one of left and right.
At present, we cannot try Abu 'Ammar. Other things have
happened which made Abu'Ammar a victim. Had I been a judge
I would say that there is an Arab-Israeli-American scheme
directed toward the liquidation of the Palestinian leaderships and
thence the Palestinian existence. The scheme started with Abu
'Ammar, his leaderships and camps, and now moved against the
camps. Tomorrow it will turn against the upsurge and thence the
National Alliance and their barracks and camps, and after that
against the Democratic Alliance. The Salvation Front will be
liquidated if Sharon No 2 and the armed gangs continue unde-
terred. Thus the serial started with Abu 'Ammar and will end
with the last Palestinian. This is clear.
In view of this, we deal with Abu 'Ammar. We consider him a
victim. But we do not pardon his policy, his deviation, his shaking
hands with Mubarak, and not even his hostility to the Libyan
people, when he cooperated even with CIA agents. We might
differ politically with him, but we consider him in the end a
victim. In this case, he has become the victim.
Finally, I wish to tell you about an important matter, which I told
the Arabs I would announce. Yesterday and today, I sent envoys
to carry a message. We told the Arabs: Brothers, instead of
each one leveling charges against the other, accusing each other
of plotting, of setting up time bombs and booby-trapped cars, and
of writing against each other in newspapers and such trivialities,
which are caused by the fact that Arabs are living in a morass.
[Sentence as heard] Nothing but trivialities can come out of a
morass. I put forward to them a plan for the establishment of an
Arab union. I did this out of my feeling that the entire Arab
situation, despite the rotten condition it is in, is in danger,
threatening the new and the old, the left and the right, the
revolutionary and the reactionary. What I want to say is that the
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whole Arab nation is exposed to danger, particularly after the
installation of the Israeli nuclear missiles, and after Israel
acquired the ability to produce missiles and an atom bomb. They
have fixed the warheads on these missiles which have a range of
thousands of kilometers.
Egypt is now, unbelievably, unable to produce enough food! We
used to believe that Egypt was an exporter of flour, bread, wheat,
and bananas. Today, melon is sold on the black market in Egypt.
This means that even Egypt is finished, unable to produce, unable
to produce.food. The Egyptian press is writing jokes about the
fact the melon is sold on the black market in Egypt. Egypt
receives wheat from America. As for Sudan, you have seen how
the situation is such that people die of hunger on the border; you
have seen this in the media. Sudan, which has the two Niles, the
White Nile and the Blue Nile!
Other Arab countries are unable to ensure adequate education
and health care! Your have seen how American has stopped sales
of wheat to Morocco; tomorrow it might forbid sales to Egypt. A
nation, a people, should not be living on wheat from America.
This would mean that our livelihood depends on a demon!
There are Arab countries unable to ensure full education. They
cannot do it. Areas in some Arab countries, areas created by the
English, French, and Italians, have become too narrow, with not
enough room for all the population. One of them is Tunisia. It no
longer has enough space. Lebanon is also perhaps short of space;
in a few years time the Lebanese territory will not be enough to
absorb all the Lebanese. In a few years' time, the Tunisian
territory, will not perhaps be enough for the Tunisians. As for
Egypt, 5 per cent of its surface is inhabited, the Nile valley and
Delta, but the rest is a sterile desert that cannot be (?cultivated).
Egypt also has a population explosion, with only 5 percent of the
surface of the country offering the possibility of life there. There
is a population crisis, a drought crisis. The Nile is drying out and
for tens of years it has not experienced the disaster besetting it
now. The Nile waters have become so low that there is a threat
to all Egypt; the Egyptian people might die, or might perhaps
leave Egypt. The Nile might well become a dry river, with only
the lake created by Al-Nasir surviving. Some might benefit from
it, but Nasir Lake is not enough; it cannot meet the needs of all
the Egyptians. They cannot exploit it any way.
Also, there are explosions in Kuwait, explosions in Riyadh,
explosions and bread riots in all the Arab Maghreb region. We
have seen how the Arab homeland, subjected to an imperialist
assault, to a Zionist assault, thirst and hunger inside, is unable
to resolve the problems of underdevelopment. Even the question
of survival on earth, without any comfort or luxuries, and with
just food and water, is now under threat, unguaranteed.
I told them: Brothers, given that the Arab situation is so bad
that it has become a threat, isn't there a wise man among you, as
the Koran says? We speak about an explosion in this or that place
and recriminations: You have sent me a booby-trapped car, you
have distributed a leaflet about me, or you have infiltrated across
my border. Are we going to remain like small children, playing
games? Can't we take a step that takes us beyond all this
deteriorating Arab situation? A post-Arab League step?
Q 12 NORTH AFRICA
Today Major al-Khuwayladi left with a messge to King Fahd
and then to Sudan. Someone else is leaving today or tomorrow
for Morocco, given that Libya and Morocco belong to the same
unity, so that Morocco undertakes the same role as Libya. It is
not to invite Morocco. Last years I sent them a letter in this
respect. Replies that were somewhat positive came, and given
their replies we proposed to them the setting up of an Arab union.
An Arab union that would change nothing from the point of view
of form; the form would remain, but there would be radical
changes. An Arab union that would make of the presidents,
kings, sultans, and amirs who long for authority, a presidential
council for the would-be union. But no king, no amir, no sultan
would be changed. Every one would remain emperor, but mem-
ber of the presidential council. The presidency of the council
would be changed periodically so that everyone's wishes would
be satisfied.
The chairmanship of this council would also be in turn, so that
each one would be satisfied - he who wants to be a chairman,
to preside over them all, will have an opportunity to be just that.
If they want, we can make the term of this chairmanship every
month, or 2 months, or every 6 months, or on annual basis. There
is no need for change. The Arab kings and presidents are asked
to form a chairmanship council. They elect one of them to be
chairman, and this will be in turn; each one of them will be
chairman in turn. This chairmanship council will be like a head
of one state, and each Arab country will preserve its own system
of regime - the monarchical regime will be monarchical; the
amiri regime will continue to be that; the sultante regime will
continue as such; the republican regime will stay as it is, and the
jamahiriyah will continue as it is. These are internal matters
which concern each country. Each country can change itself -
a kingdom can become a republic; welcome. The republic can
become a jamahiriyah; welcome. These concern them. If two
Arab countries want to integrate and become one state within the
union; then so be it. The prime ministers of the Arab countries
will set up an executive council. No prime minister will be
changed; he should not fear for his post. This is because it is a
unity.
What has prevented the establishment of this unity? The rulers
who fear for their posts - they fear losing their posts. When a
single state is established this means there will be one head, one
prime minister, and one health minister. Then they would
ask: How about us? What will we do? Twenty health ministers,
20 prime ministers, 20 kings - what will they do? We have
solved the problem. Stay where you are, sir. Let the health
minister remain as health minister, and let the education minister
remain as education - or ignorance - minister, and let the king
stay as king, and let the president who has been elected for life
stay as president for life. But set up a single chairmanship
council; the prime ministers will stay as prime ministers in their
own countries, but when they meet they will set up a single
executive council so that they can elect one prime minister of that
council in turn. Instead of one person being a head of state of one
country, he can be for 2, 3, or 6 months, or for a year, head over
all Arab rulers. This is something new that satisfies their arro-
gance. For example, a prime minister of a small state such as
Kuwait can, when his turn comes, become a prime minister over
all the Arab prime ministers, from the Gulf to the Atlantic
Ocean; he will gain another glory in this way.
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The specialized ministers will set up an executive committee -
that is to say, all health ministers will form one executive
committee, and one of these health ministers will be chairman of
this committee. All electricity ministers will form one executive
committee, which will have one chairman. All industry ministers
will form an executive committee for industry, and this will have
one chairman - one of the industry ministers; all ministers will
become chairman in turn.
A framework for this chairmanship will be set up for this union
- the chairmanship council, the executive council which is
composed of the prime ministers, and the executive committee
which is composed of the ministers. There will be a national
congress composed of Arab parliaments - each parliament will
send or elect, for example, 20 delegates - this proportion will be
equal to all the 20 or 21 Arab states. They set up a national
congress - 22 or whatever Arab states - and this national
congress will have legislative powers. This will be at the union's
level. But inside each country each regime will be free - the
regime which wants to have a people's authority can do just that,
and so on.
The Arab countries will set up a federal Arab court so that it can
try any person who may renege on these decisions and this
agreement; he will be tried by an Arab court, and he will be taken
for trial before the international court, the latter acting as an
arbitor. This is so that no person would go without trial,such as
Al-Sadat did. Al-Sadat violated the constitution of the Feder-
ation of Arab Republics after having taken the oath on it in front
of the parliament, and nobody was put on trial for this violation.
A basic condition should be the existence of a court; he who
violates this agreement - the unionist agreement - will be
referred to this court. Any side can sue such a person.
There would be an Arab bank to issue the currency. This is the
union's structure - this is from the political point of view. But
it is not a political structural action only. It would be accom-
panied by projects which we have talked about. Memoranda -
these are the drafts of these memoranda.
In actual fact I wish to tell you that I ridicule the current Arab
policy, which does not know anything except infiltration across
the border, sending a booby-trapped car, issuing a leaflet, sending
a message, insulting someone in a paper, or drawing caricatures
ridiculing another - these in fact are trivialities. The Arab
nation now is on its death bed; it is shameful that we should
indulge in such things. Despite all its big problems we can take
this nation to a stage beyond the Arab League - to a union in
this form. We can leave the social revolution and the political and
revolutionary interactions inside each country. Here is an Arab
gas project. This union, after being set up, and when it will have
common political aims, will set up a gas network in the Arab
homeland. There is a capability to establish a network from
among Kuwait, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia a gas network that
supplies this region; there is a vast capability to establish vast
quantities of gas; a capability to establish a network among
Algeria, Tunisia, Libya, and Morocco. Instead of Algeria saying
- once the Tunisians said the Libyans blew up the gas pipeline
- I do not know. Let us establish a gas network and let us all
benefit from our gas. These are Arab capabilities which we can
exploit.
This project is possible if there is a political aim. The union will
connect the Arab homeland with a gas network. This is a project
for scientific research. All the centers of scientific research and
powers of scientific research in the Arab homeland constitute a
pan-Arab federal scientific research institution. This means that
this is a strong factor for advancement, for getting into the
technical age and conquering backwardness by collecting all
these scatterred Arab technical powers into one unit.
Give them also another framework - an organization for grain.
There should be an organization for grain for all the Arab
homeland. Sudan grows wheat; Egypt grows cotton; Libyan
breeds poultry; I do not know who breeds cows; Mauritania
breeds camels; here we grow wheat; here we grow barley; here
we grown corn for the Arab homeland. This is a danger to our
future. We start to tremble [words indistinct] because they come
from America. All Egypt is extending its hand to America. When
will it come? The ship will come from America after 3 months,
bringing wheat. This is a shame, a country which has the Nile.
Also it is a danger against our future. How can 50 million live
extending their hands to America? [Words indistinct] the Egyp-
tians write everyday in the newspaper, bringing a silly person
whose wife expelled him from from Libya, and conduct an
interview with him: What do you think of the opposition? What
opposition, when his wife expelled him from here? Someone who
deserted from national service. They are effeminates; they are
not men at all, and we know them all [words indistinct].
We say to them, instead of this trivia everyday, (?make) a
booby-trapped car. Send someone. Think about how to connect
the Nile valley with the great artificial river. Here is a grain
organization for supplying food for the Arab homeland, because
no Arab country will be able to supply sufficient food for itself,
as we said. Even Egypt and Sudan, who have the Nile, arc now
unable to supply sufficient food, and you have seen the famines.
But with united Arab effort we can supply sufficient food and
exports.
Then a water network, similar to the gas network. We presented
to Egypt a project which connects Nasir Lake with Kufrah, and
connects Al-Nubariyah Canal with Tobruq. We would have
extended the great artificial river to Tobruq, and canals from the
Nile; all that is now desert, containing land mines, wolves, and
poor people _ while the rulers live in Alexandria - would
become paradise. We would have connected the great artificial
river, the Kufrah lake with Nasir Lake. (?They said): He is a
terrorist, these, are booby-trapped cars, this is a destabilization
process. We would like to ask anybody with some reason in the
world whether these projects presented by the Libyan revolution
are nonsense, trivial, or lead to destabilization. Or are they right
and sincere and reasonable, leading to the salvation of this
nation? This is keenness on the part of this nation for its future.
If the Arab rulers carry out this great historic action, then they
will have the glory. We will be taking a step which gets over all
the trivia in which America, Israel, and the enemies of the Arab
nation sink us. But if the Arab rulers have become like Al-Sadat
and Numayri - and even if they do not say no - then I will
continue to work quietly. If they did [word indistinct) even if they
kept quiet and did not respond, I warn them that there will be
floods. After that the real violence will begin. All the sanctities
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V. 12 Jun 8S Q 14
in the Arab homeland will be laid open, and there will be no more
borders, restrictions or barriers, and Lebanon will be all the Arab
homeland, we will become armed gangs, and everyone of us will
take revenge on the other. If we do not do this, the enemy will
divide the Arab homeland into cantons and ministates, and will
deprive us of our rivers and energy and holy places; they will
divide and rule us. Before this crisis takes place, we must take
the initiative and risk. After that weapons and violence will be
everywhere, and no one should blame anybody but themselves.
Those who oppose the unitary action in the Arab nation will see
where they will end.
Forward. The struggle continues.
SUDAN
Siwar al-Dhahab Discusses Saudi Aid, Egypt, South
PMl11321 London AL-SHARQ AL-AWSAT in Arabic
10 Jun 85 pp 1-2
[Interview with Transitional Military Council Chairman General
'Abd al-Rahman Siwar al-Dhahab by 'Abdallah al-Hajj in
Mecca - date not given]
[Excerpts) [AI-Hajj] What are the results of your talks with King
Fahd ibn 'Abd al-'Aziz of Saudi Arabia, and what are your
impressions of that meeting?
(Siwar al-Dhahab) As you know, I am in the Saudi Kingdom at
the invitation of His Majesty King Fahd to perform a minor
pilgrimage. I take this opportunity to thank the Saudi monarch
for his kind invitation, which reflects the depth of the good
relations existing between the two fraternal countries. During the
private meeting I held with his Majesty King Fahd we discussed
Sudan's economic situation and the appreciable efforts Saudi
Arabia will be making on the international level in connection
with the possibility of easing the pressure of our debts to Western
banks, especially the World Bank. Saudi Arabia will help us in
this respect in order to enable Sudan to recover and permit the
continuation of development projects which will bring prosperity.
We also discussed Arab issues and Middle East developments.
[AI-Hajj] Were specific plans drawn up for rescuing the Sudanese
economy?
[Siwar al-Dhahab] Yes. First there are short-term plans to stop
the current deterioration of Sudan's economy. There are
medium-range plans for Sudan's recovery, and there are long-
term plans to put Sudan's economy on the way to prosperity, God
willing.
[AI-Haji) The question of the south is considered one of Sudan's
fateful issues. What has become of the contacts with Colonel
John Garang on the question of peaceful dialogue to solve
Sudan's problems?
[Siwar al-Dhahab) The question of the south is a fateful issue
indeed, and we insist that it must be resolved during the I-year
transitional period. Some steps have been taken in this connection
and a national conference will be held on this question. It will be
NORTH AFRICA
attended by all people concerned both in the north and in the
south. Contacts have been made with John Garang. At the
beginning there was a lack of interest, but in the past 3 days good
signs have appeared on the horizon indicating that Garang will
attend the conference and discuss a settlement of the question of
southern Sudan.
[AI-Hajj] We have a question about the investigations connected
with the Falasha scandal. Is it true that Sudan is coming under
foreign pressure to shelve this issue?
[Siwar al-Dhahab) Investigation of the Falasha case is still
continuing. So far we have no evidence of foreign involvement or
complicity and so far no foreign side has contacted Sudan with
a view to putting pressure on it to close the Falasha file. I reaffirm
that the investigations afe continuing and that there is no pres-
sure on us.
[AI-Hajj) There have been conflicting reports recently about
Egyptian-Sudanese relations. What is the truth about these
relations at present?
[Siwar al-Dhahab] Egyptian-Sudanese relations are historic,
eternal, and firm. Ancient and recent history has shown that
these relations are not affected by political tremors, however
strong. Egyptian-Sudanese relations are solid and go from
strength to strength. The situation with fraternal Egypt is now
very good, despite the fact that some news agencies and papers
have tried to give the impression that there is some kind of
estrangement between Egypt and Sudan; this is absolutely
untrue.
[AI-Hajj] Is it true that you have made boosting integration
projects between the two countries conditional on the extradition
of former President Ja'far Numayri?
(Siwar al+Dhahab] There is no truth whatever in these reports. I
want to emphasize that integration between the two countries is
still valid, and we insist on it. If there is anything, then it probably
has to do with certain policies related to the timetables for
implementing some projects, but integration as such still exists
and we are eager to uphold it.
Minister Ayyub Outlines Foreign Policy
JN112004 Khartoum SUNA in Arabic 1740 GMT II Jun 8S
[Text] Khartoum, I I Jun (SUNA) - Foreign Minister Ibrahim
Taha Ayyub has stated that the Council of Ministers has agreed
on the general outline of Sudan's foreign policy. The agreement
on Sudan's foreign policy is meant to correct the course of
Sudanese foreign policy by laying down the foundations for
dealing with foreign countries. The general outline is also more
concerned with the foundations for dealing with foreign countries
than with laying down the criteria of foreign policy because the
criteria and basic principles have not changed since Sudan's
independence; this is because they primarily take into consider-
ation Sudan's national interests. This came at the press con-
ference that his excellency held this afternoon at the Foreign
Ministry which was attended by representatives of local and
foreign press organs.
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/02/01: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400400048-9