AL-QADHDHAFI 15 FEB ADDRESS

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 5
• Document Creation Date: December 22, 2016
• Document Release Date: January 31, 2012
• Sequence Number: 37
• Publication Date: February 15, 1984
• Content Type: OPEN SOURCE

QXfDeclassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3_)
1 -
V. 17 Feb 84 NORTH AFRICA Q I
r
I~Feb~~]
Messaadia Returns From Andropov's Funeral
LD161056 Algiers APS in English 1005 GMT 16 Feb 84
[Text] Algiers 16 Feb (APS) - Mohamed Cherif Messaadia,
Politburo member head of the Central Committee Permanent
Secretariat returned to Algiers yesterday from Moscow where he
attended obsequies of Mr Yuriy Andropov.
Further Materials on General People's Congress
AI-Qadhdhafi 15 Feb Address
LD16181 / Tripoli Domestic Service in Arabic 0915 GMT
15 Feb 84 'A f
[Speech by6ammar al-Qadh bar t morning session of Gen-
eral People's Congress mee mg in ripoli - live]
[Excerpts] There is controversy regarding the law of the armed
people. The armed people's law in this form is a great (?mistake).
It cannot remain in this form because the people rejected the
establishment of an armed people in the people's congresses and
preferred to remain in the situation that existed before, namely
compulsory conscription, compulsory enlisting, and compulsory
guidance. It did not say armed men but the armed people, and
people means men and women.
You cannot enter a battle as a spectator, especially because as a
population your number is still small. We are forced to enlist
everyone who is able to carry arms. The Israelis have enlisted
men and women because their number is small, and that is why
they defeated [word indistinct]. You, the Libyan people, are a
great people. Men and women have to be enlisted to maintain
your existence on Libyan soil, not to liberate the Arab nation or
Palestine. When the U.S. fleets came to you in the Gulf of Sidra,
it was not we who went to U.S. shores; they came to you. You
did not cross the sea to France; they came to Aozou inside Libyan
territory. Egypt brought its Army and massed it near the Libyan
border; it was not you who went to occupy Egypt. It is all in
defense of your existence.
I don't advise that you raise your voices or enter into any
confrontation with other delegates. If you are not capable, then
prepare a mighty military force capable of defeating even the
United States. With the Air Force or with missiles, you must be
able to either destroy the U.S. 6th Fleet or inflict damage on it.
This will make the United States accept an end to war, because
it is going to strike at you shamelessly. It has reached a level of
madness and impudence. [Words indistinct] shelling villages,
farms, animals and livestock, and Arab families in Lebanon,
which is a foot long. [as heard] These guns were orginally to be
used against the Soviet Union when they were made by the
United States; it did not make them for use against the Druze or
the [words indistinct] Sunnis. Therefore, the United States will
have no scruples regarding shelling any Libyan town [words
indistinct] they will stay 40 km away and shell you. However, at
a distance of 40 km we can destroy them, but when they are at a
distance of 200 or 400 km and fire their missiles at you from the
middle of the sea, we would need a long hand and [word indis-
tinct] weapon in order to inflict damage on the U.S. fleet.
A number of draft laws submitted by the leaderships, that is, the
secretariat of the General People's Congress and the General
People's Committee, have been defeated at the basic popular
congresses.
There are differences; it is feared there are differences on the
draft law for an armed people. The draft law for an armed people
has suffered a heavy defeat, and it cannot be issued in this form
because the people have rejected the setting up of an armed
people at the [local or basic] popular congresses and preferred the
statu quo, that is, conscription, mandatory military service.
This law cannot then be issued; no armed people but armed men,
and I hope we will find them. This requires an end to the program
of military training in all the girls schools and girls institutes.
Therefore, starting the first of next month, I will issue an order
to the Armed Forces to stop the general military training in girls
schools and girls institutes and make this effort available for the
training of boys. Women will be ineligible [for military service]
because, since you have said to us that military service must be
optional, there there is no reason for training them.
Arab states promised to contribute to the realization of the
artificial river [project to bring water from south to plains of the
north via pipelines], but so far they have given nothing. Naturally
the Arab states are contributing to the American and Israeli
economies; they are contributing to turning the Neguev Desert
in occupied Palestine into a land for the settlement of 12 million
Jews, because Arabs are investing their money in American
banks, and American banks are Israeli banks, and their interest
goes to the Israelis to reclaim the Neguev for the settlement of
Jews to kill the Arabs. They do not contribute to the Libyan
people to reclaim the Arab desert.
I am going to speak about foreign issues. Foreign policy issues
have also not been clearly put across. I believe that our late friend
Yuriy Andropov died during the conference and we should stand
for a minute in mourning. [I minute's silence]
There is no Arab unity [words indistinct]. There is a real danger.
I told them: Brothers, a real danger is going to engulf you.
When I spoke to the King of Morocco and told him there is a
danger, he said: Look, I am fighting in the Sahara and you are
fighting me in the Sahara; I am righting in the Sahara and you
want me to right with you in Palestine, this cannot be done. I told
him: First, to whom does the Sahara belong? Why are you
righting in the Sahara in the first place? You could have left the
Sahara and fought in Palestine. He said: No, the Sahara is part
of my territory, and (?you can see my people). I met trade union
and party leaders. Some of those I met were from the opposition
and some from the government, but they unanimously said that
the Sahara is Moroccan.
At any rate, I told the king: Since there is a people that has said
no, I am not part of Morocco; I cannot agree to the Sahara's being
annexed by force. He said: Look, if you do not agree to my
V A
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
V. 17 Feb 84 ? Q 2 -
annexing it by force, then do not help the Saharan people to
secede from me by force. What matters is that he said: If you
are talking about Palestine and the liberation and unification of
the Arab nation, then leave me alone regarding the problem of
the Sahara; I have 80,000 troops in the Sahara; leave me alone
in the Sahara and take them with you and use them in the
fighting for Palestine. This is what he said precisely, 80,000. This
is what he said. It is up to him whether he remembers saying it
or not, but this is what he said to me.
The Saudis, they responded at that time. They said: This is a
real danger and your analysis is right and we must undertake
everything necessary. That was just talk, general talk. Jordan is
the one I found linking its fate with that of Iraq, betraying Syria,
the cause, and the region.
I found that there was no possibility of reconciliation between
Syria and Jordan, and I found him interested in the intervention
force that America has promised him. America seeks to set up a
Jordanian intervention force with American weapons in order to
fulfill American objectives instead of the American Army.
When I went to Algeria, I found that in Algeria they are ready
for the construction of the Greater Arab Maghreb, and Chadli
Bendjedid spoke precisely about one flag, one parliament, and
things of this sort, and one motto for the Greater Arab Maghreb.
But in Algeria, when I saw them later, I found that they were
retreating somehow; they were not as they were at the beginning.
Thus the question is one of preserving a minimum of unity of the
Arab nation, and the program I have proposed was their own
program which they have had for a long time. They said no to
revolutionary unity, no to an integration-type unity, no to quick
unity; they said that unity can be come on a step-by-step basis
starting with economic unity.
This theory of theirs, the step-by-step approach, we have
accepted. We have accepted economic unity; we have accepted
starting with economic integration; we have accepted the step-
by-step approach, and we continue to test them. This is the last
arrow in their quiver; I am saying this for the second time, and
they are hearing it. It is the last thing in their quiver. If unity is
not achieved between Libya and Tunisia with the step-by-step
approach, by economic integration, then there will be no excuse
for those who oppose revolutionary unity, unity by revolution,
integration-type unity.
The idea I have put across to the Arabs is that the Libyan General
People's Committee should meet its equivalents in the Arab
countries periodically, every 6 months; for instance starting with
Tunisia and Libya, then Libya and Morocco, with the possibility
of a meeting in the future between Tunisian and Moroccan
ministers and the Libyan people's committee, in a common
meeting of the three regions, a meeting of an executive body. If
this goes on every 6 months, then they meet, they make a common
decision, and they implement it in their respective countries. This
action would not be a waste of time; it would advance Arab unity.
At this moment work with Tunisia is going on very well, and there
was a meeting with Morocco recently. There has been just one
meeting with Algeria, but this program has been impeded by the
NORTH AFRICA'."
Algerian side. The Algerian National Assembly was supposed to
take part with us in the General People's Congress, but it failed
to come to the meeting twice or three times. Our brothers in
Algeria make excuses that not enough has been forthcoming
from the Libyan side; but I wish the shortcomings were on the
Libyan side so that we could deal with them and quickly revive
the common program. The Algerian Council of Ministers was
supposed to meet in Libya with the General People's Committee
after the meeting of the General People's Committee with the
Algerian cabinet in Algiers, but this failed to take palce.
I for one do not openly incite for revolution against a regime that
decides to go along with me on the road to unity, but if the
inhabitants of a country decide on a revolution [words indistinct]
we are on the side of the revolution. But we do not go to Tunisia
to organize Tunisian secret revoltuionary committees and tell
them to engage in a revolution, or go to Morocco, Algeria, Egypt,
or any other country and set up secret revolutionary committees
there. If youths in these countries set up secret revolutionary
committees to stage a popular revolution, this is their business,
and we hope there will popular revolutions in all the Arab
homeland and throughout the world, that peoples will triumph.
If these regimes go along with us, by God, we are even prepared
to protect them. You must protect the Tunisian, Algerian,
Moroccan, Mauritanian, and any other Arab regime that follows
the road to unity and liberation; and you must not conspire or
transgress against such a regime.
I told Morocco: If you are going along with roe for the liber-
ation of Palestine and on the road to unity, then I will not supply
arms to the Polisario any more. But the Polisario question
remains an entire people's question. I do not agree that it should
be trampled under foot, evicted by force, or annexed by force. At
the same time, and as a matter of fact like any other unionist, I
would not like to see the emergence of a new Arab state.
I made a proposal to the Polisario: Stay as an opposition; rule
your country with self-determination; stay even as an armed
opposition inside Morocco, but what matters is that you stay as
one state. They said: No, full independence or [words indis-
tinct]. Now, our brothers in the Polisario are excellent rev-
olutionaries and friends of ours, but a state consisting of a few
thousand people in this region - what is its fate going to be in
the future when Mohamed Abdelaziz, Mohamed Lamine, and
Bashir ar-Rugaybi are no longer there?
Husni Mubarak's visit to Morocco is considered a blow to
solidrity, a blow to all that we agreed upon. It is considered
perfidious. I reject it and do not accept it, and excuses that he
came [words indistinct] means that we are regarded as children,
that the Arabs are stupid. It belittles Arab mentality, [words
indistinct]. When someone who has recognized the enemy visits
an Arab state, this is a violation of the Arab League Charter, a
violation of the resolutions of the Baghdad summit, and a boost
for the enemy. What is worse is that last night, in all insolence,
the king of Jordan, the Egyptian president, and their master,
Reagan, boastfully showed their faces to the Arabs on the
artificial satellite. What does this mean? This is a great conspir-
acy; everything is in favor of the Israelis; everything now taking
place is against the Arabs.
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
V MT
The sole positive point is the victory of the nationalist forces in
Lebanon against the NATO forces and their forcing them to flee.
[applause] We are neither afraid nor are we hesitating to fight
against the NATO forces in Lebanon, anywhere, side by side.
We are prepared to fight as volunteers, as regular forces. We give
our money, our rifles, everything we have in the fight against the
NATO forces. We do not at all recognize their presence on Arab
land; they are not peace forces, they are colonial forces. They
have fled, and (?after our threats), they have refrained from
shelling. Yesterday they used a small ship, but (?shelling) might
resume again. I tell you the truth: One must not remain silent
about the shelling by the American fleet of the Arab [words
indistinct]. We do not accept a ship like the New Jersey...[sen-
tence not completed]
Amid these problems we have allied ourselves with the Lebanese
National Salvation Front, and our position is clear toward the
Phalangists. We consider them part of the Israeli-American
camp. Amin al-Jumayyil made contact from Morocco and
said: I am coming to you. As a matter of fact, it was [word
indistinct] for one to receive Amin al-Jumayyil of the Phalan-
gists. But he asked to come and I agreed to this. `Abd as-Salam
Jallud met him at the airport and he came to me.
What I say is that Amin al-Jumayyil is different from Bashir
al-Jumayyil; he is different from his father too. Bashir al-
Jumayyil was the butcher who commanded the Phalangists; he
is the one that was killed. As for Amin al-Jumayyil, his brother,
he was against Bashir. Furthermore, Amin is a good man, not
made for politics or things like that.
When he came to me, he came as an Arab youth, having faith in
his Arabism and in that of Lebanon. He came to me as someone
speaking about a Maronite nation or about the Phalangists. He
considered the Israelis an enemy in view of the fact that we are
Arabs - this is what he said to me - and America is an enemy
to us because we are Arabs and Lebanon is Arab. He said: I do
not want to fight; I am a man who has inheritated this problem,
and Lebanon is in its death throes, so please find a settlement.
We have no one but you - and words of this kind. He added: I
wanted to see you and meet you; I am a peaceful man, I do not
hate my Arab brothers and I would like you to help me. This is
what he said to me.
Naturally, as for all that was said by the Arabs, you must
differentiate between words and the deeds taking place
afterwards. After I saw Saudi Arabia and Morocco and many
countries, I saw matters taking on objectionable orientations;
different from what I was told. And Amin al-Jumayyil said this
to me.
I told him my opinion. I told him: First you seek the withdrawal
of the NATO forces, as they are forces hostile to us, and ask for
UN forces from small states. And this is the idea that is being
realized. The proposal I made to him is now being carried out.
But I had another condition. I told him: These forces must not
come as a mediator between you and our people. They should
superivse the withdrawal of the Israeli forces from southern
Lebanon. This is also difficult, because he said: There is
fighting between myself and the nationalist forces in Lebanon,
and who will guarantee my security? [words indistinct] I told him
the Lebanese question is between the regime in power and the
people; the Arabs should setup security forces to stop the fighting
inside Lebanon and prevent the Druze, the Shi'ites, and the
Lebanese Army from fighting one another, until such a time that
the Lebanese question is resolved in a radical and democratic
manner. You will have an opportunity for dialogue as sects and
as Lebanese in order to resolve your problem [words indistinct].
I also told him to abrogate the accord signed between him and
the Israelis. His opinion on this subject was, as he said to
me: This agreement is considered to be frozen, and I will act to
abrogate it as time passes. Help me to abrogate it.
I told him: I cannot support you because you are the chairman
of the Phalangists and the Phalangists are allied with the Israelis
and with Americans who kill the Lebanese people. You are
against the Lebanese people. How can I back you while you are
fighting your own people?
There will probably be an agreement in Lebanon on a new,
neutral person. But the heads of the Phalangists are involved in
a war with other parties in Lebanon. He could be a Christian,
but not a Phalangist; he could be a Muslim, but not Walid
Junblatt.
The Druze are a religious sect, true Arabs, but from the religious
point of view, they resemble the Shiites or the Sunnis. It is a
Druze sect, a religious denomination only. They are genuine
Arab tribes. They have shown courage worthy of appreciation.
[appluase]
In that region they speak about Shiites, Druze, and Sunnis, but
we here do not have this. We know only that a Muslim is a
Muslim. Over there are Arabs who are not Muslims, and we used
to believe that an Arab is a Muslim and that we do not have these
sects. But it is God's will that this exists in the Arab arena.
The second faction is the Shiites. The Shiites have been crushed
and vanquished all their lives in Lebanon, so much so that by now
they have become [words indistinct]. They have become closer to
the Israelis than to the Arabs. The Shi'ites fought (?with Sa'd
Haddad) and even on the side of the Israelis. This is because of
the injustice and oppression they suffer in Lebanon where they
are called weaklings, the poor, and [word indistinct].
The shah of Iran installed Musa as-Sadr over them so that he
would have an agent in Lebanon. Of course, this kind of talk
could explode the situation or arouse a storm in Lebanon. I
intentionally want to say it this time, most clearly. This is because
henceforth the [word indistinct] no longer cares about As-Sadr.
A thousand As-Sadrs have died in Lebanon and in the Arab
homeland, but we did not mourn them. Why should we mourn
for Musa as-Sadr, the agent of the shah, whom he installed in
the Middle East and [words indistinct]?
If As-Sadr has disappeared - it does not concern us whether he
disappeared or not, or whether he will reappear on doomsday or
now, or whether, God willing, he is still alive and will return. We
wish him safety if he is still alive and wish him mercy if he is
dead.
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
V. 17 Feb 84 IF Q 4 NORTH AFRICA
I did not see Musa as-Sadr when he came to Libya, and I became
angry because I did not meet with him on the first or second day
after his arrival. So he took the plane and left for Italy. We have
been exerting all our efforts to find out what happened to this
man.
Anyway, Libya has offered men, martyrs, and unlimited arms
and money for the battles. This is our duty. It is not a favor or a
grant. It is our duty of self-defense. We have fought in Lebanon.
Libya feels proud of fighting on the side of our brothers. Hence
we do not want to hear anyone try to defame the Libyan people
after all these sacrifices and this unlimited giving by referring to
one Musa as-Sadr who has died or disappeared. He was an agent
who sold himself to the shah. He was a sectarian [words indis-
tinct].
The Shiites and non-Shiites in Lebanon must always remember
the Libyan people because they are the people who gave more
than anybody else in this arena. They have offered men, money,
and arms. They offered political and startegic stands to Lebanon.
We were the ones who said that the NATO forces are not forces
of peace and should leave. We were the ones who said that they
should be attacked and thus they were attacked. We shoulder all
responsibility for this. We advocate war against these forces if
they return and we will fight them just as we fight the Israeli
forces. [applause]
Thanks to the courage of the Druze, the Shiites joined the
fighting led by the Amal Movement, which is headed by an young
Arab man who is unlike Musa as-Sadr, who was an Iranian sent
by the shah. Nabih Birri, who is now leading the Shiites through
the Amal organization, is an Arab. [applause] He has no quarrel
with us or enmity. He is a brother whom we support and we are
ready to fight on his side.
We have no problem with Iran, revolutionary Iran. We and they
are allied in self-defense. We have no problem with the Shiites.
Thus we can no longer accept seeing the question of Musa
as-Sadr crop up in the relations between us and our brothers.
Anyone who raises this question in Lebanon is an filthy infiltrat-
ing agent who belongs to As-Sadat or the Mosad.
The Shiites have played a role in achieving the latest victory.
Nabih Birri addressed an appeal to the Shiite officers and men
fighting within the ranks of the Lebanese Army. These officers
and men joined the National Lebanese Salvation Front and thus
caused the stand of the Lebanese Army to collapse on the
Al-Jabal, and they moved to Beirut.
But we regret to say that our brothers in Lebanon, the Sunni
factions, should be the ones to have joined the Salvation Front.
All the Sunni officers and men in the Lebanese Army should
desert the Army and join the national forces so that victory will
be decisive. It is a shame, disgraceful, and ungodly that the
Muslim Sunnis should continue to fight on the side of the
Phalangists and on the side of the Israelis and Americans against
their Muslim brethren. Whether they kill or get killed, they will
end up in hell. This is the fate of the Sunni who is now fighting
in Lebanon.
We here in Libya are Muslims without sects, but according to
tradition, we in Libya are Sunnis. The Sunnis in Lebanon are
part of us from the ideological point of view. Therefore, we are
calling on the Lebanese Sunnis to join the side of the nationalist
movement and we urge the Sunni troops and Sunni officers in the
Lebanese Army to carry their arms and join their Shiite and
Druze brothers in the nationalist movement which comprises the
Socialist Union and the Syrian Socialist Party, The Bath orga-
nization, and the Lebanese Communist Party. This movement is
the true supporter or the Palestine resistance movement.
Anyway, there are contacts going on at present between me and
AI-Jumayyil. Daily I ask him to tell the Americans to halt the
New Jersey's bombardment of the Lebanese villages; otherwise,
grave complications might result. An act of revenge might be
committed against your Christians in Lebanon at the hands of
the Muslims and the Arabs as a means of pressure so that the
New Jersey will stop its bombardment.
Perhaps some such approach has been made. Since then, the New
Jersey has halted its bombardment of Lebanon. Amin al-
Jumayyil still says: Help me and do not let them pressure me.
I say to him: Disengage yourself from the foreign forces and
then we will be prepared to cooperate with you. But the best thing
for a good young man like Amin al-Jumayyil is to resign so that
he can create a breakthrough in the crisis and a new president
can be chosen who, at the present stage, could be a Christian,
provided he is not a Phalangist, and so that a new Lebanese army
will be formed of all factions, and sectarian divisions are abol-
ished.
But in any case, our position will be firmly on the side of the
national Lebanese forces to assert the Arab character of Lebanon
and to rout the NATO aggression, the crusade aggression, and
the Israeli aggression.
The battle against the Israelis must continue. You must be ready
to fight the Israelis in Lebanon and in Palestine, for they are the
cause of all the problems. [words indistinct]
As for Yasir `Arafat, there are some points we wish to explain to
you once and for all. As for Yasir `Arafat, we have no personal
enmity against him, but we do have political differences with
him. Yasir `Arafat is the person responsible for the Sabra and
Shatila massacres and for the departure from Lebanon, from
Beirut. He is responsible for the policy that misused the Palestin-
ian question. These words are not mine but were said by our
brothers who set him up as chairman and who later rebelled
against and toppled him.
I once told him here in this place: 0 Abu Ammar, I will not
consider you a traitor unless the Palestinians consider you to be
one. The Palestinians cannot be with you when you, as their
leader, were a traitor. Today all the Palestinians consider Abu
Ammar a traitor. Thus, Abu Ammiar is a traitor.
Finally, I come to Chad. The wars taking place in Chad every
now and then are directed against Libya through Chad. Let us
take, for example, the Sudan. The Government of Sudan does
not differentiate much between Habre and Goukouni. But it
wants to fight Libya through Chad. Thus, it supports the side
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
 Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3
is
which Libya does not support. Had Libya been against Gou-
kouni, Sudan would support him. Thus Sudan's position is to
fight Libya through Chad. Do not listen to anything else.
Egypt's stand on the side of Habre is exactly like that of Sudan;
it is supporting Sudan and the war against Libya through Chad.
The United States, which brought arms and trainers and which
was about to occupy Chad, cares nothing about Chad or Habre.
It realizes he is not a strong ally. But America is also Fighting
Libya through Chad and is fighting Africa through Chad, where
it wants to set up a military base to threaten all the countries
adjoining Chad.
France does not want the United States to take the initiative from
it in Africa. For this reason, France intervened in Chad. It was
also prompted by the fear of losting its friends in Africa who are
afraid they will meet a fate similar to that of Habre. Con-
sequently, France has embroiled itself. France is now trapped in
Chad, and it has no alternative but to withdraw or accept a long
We are fighting and defending while our backs are to the wall.
It is the wall of Tibesti. We rely on this wall in our fighting. If
France has the right to fight in Tibesti, then it is more likely that
we should have the right to be martyred.
If France has come from across the sea to Chad to fight us at
Tibesti, why should we then stay back in our homes? We have
the right before France and before the United States. If the
United States comes across the Atlantic to Chad, then we must
be prepared to fight in Chad with our forces or by supporting the
forces of Goukouni, or by supporting the Chadian people, because
most of the wars in Chad are directed against Libya but with
Chad used for the purpose.
In fact, we have nothing against Habre as an individual. There
is no difference between Habre and Goukouni. All of them are
our brothers and they are Muslims and both come from the
northern part. But Habre has allied himself with our enemies.
Hence we must take a stand against him. Just as Goukouni allied
himself with their enemy, with Libya, the enemy of the United
States and Israel and the reactionaries, the United States allied
itself and so did the Israelis and the reactionaries with Habre.
But in all conditions, our position toward Goukouni and his
brothers should be a Firm one free from any betrayal. We have
fought on their side and we have offered sacrifices for their sake.
They should not be caused to deny us this favor.
However, whatever the. conditions, Chad is of concern to us
particularly since the big powers use Chad to fight us and after
the reactionary countries fight us through Chad. The Israelis too
But why do they fight Libya and why do they all use Chad, other
countries, and the Gulf of Sidra to Fight Libya? Because Libya
is the only voice in the Arab homeland which is urging liberation
and unity and because there is no other voice at all in the Arab
homeland at present. I would like all to listen to the speeches of
the Arab heads of state. I defy them to look into their newspapers
?
NORTH AFRICA
U JO y0,
and listen to their official radios: Can you Find one paper
mentioning the liberation of Palestine or the unity of the Arab
nation from the Gulf to the ocean, or even the word "socialism,"
or even blowing a rasberry to America? None of them dares do
so.
It is your duty to face up to the challenge in Chad [words
indistinct]. Even if the question of Chad was not one of security
to us, it is one of dignity, after all, even if we were to disregard
all other factors. After all, it is one of challenge. If France has
the right to enter Chad, then how can it be that we do not have
the right to enter? Then let the challenge begin in Chad. You
must prepare yourselves for this challenge, because the battle in
Chad is one of the battles which, as I said, becomes necessary. I
do not mean a battle only with tanks and guns but a battle in the
full sense of the word in Chad. From the point of view of national
dignity in front of the world, in addition to the security aspect,
the battle in Chad has become essential and we must not retreat
from it one inch.
We do not seek wars and [words indistinct], but we cannot retreat
- not at all - because we are brothers defending our lands. If
anyone commits aggression against your land, you must find the
means to retaliate against him. Even if the American fleet
bombards you, you must pounce on it with all your might and
with sacrifices so that you can destroy it before the eyes of the
world. This is bound to happen and you must be ready for it.
P,3 47S-- 0110
ct T y.
Resolutions Issued (6 0VG2nMU ,
i
ol
S
LD.. ..
p
Domestic
ervice in Arabic 1330 GM /
16Feb84 OJIC.I
to n amt, s .,,
[Resolutions adopted by General People's Congress during ninth
regular session held 1 I-16 February 1984 in Tripoli]
[Excerpts] 1. Part 1: Review of the Resolutions of the Basic
People's Congresses in Their Third Regular Session in 1982 as
Formulated by the General People's Congress During its Eighth
Regular Session in 1983:
The basic people's congresses have followed up their resolutions
and affirmed them and expressed satisfaction with what has been
implemented concerning them. They affirm the need for the
implementation of those parts that have not yet been imple-
mented, particularly the following resolutions:
2. Reduction of the number of people employed by the people's
administration and their direction for work at production centers.
3. Reduction of the number of foreign workers.
4. Foreign travel allowances.
5. The total mobilization program.
6. Paying attention to the marketing of agricultural produce.
F- m?A-$L- 034
Qla
Declassified and Approved For Release 2012/01/31: CIA-RDP05-01559R000400390037-3