CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100480001-5
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 95
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 31, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: April 22, 1983
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 83314
22 April 1983
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 4, 16 February 1983
FFBIS
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JPRS 83314
22 April 1983
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 4, 16 February 1983
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
From Patriotism to Communism (pp 2-6)
.
(Commentator).... ...............................................
Scientific Socialist Principles and the Building of Socialism
With Chinese Characteristics--Commemorating the Centenary
of the Death of Marx (pp 7-13) 9
(Fan Ruoyu) .................. ...............................
China's Potentials in Developing Forestry (p 13)
(Bureau of Agriculture, Forestry and Water Conservancy 20
under the State Planning Commission) ...............................
Backward Administration and Management Methods Should Be
Reformed (pp 14-15) 22
(Jing Ping) ..................................................
How Is the System of Contracted Responsibilities With Payment
Linked to Output Implemented in the Rural Areas of Yantai
Prefecture? (pp 16-19) 26
(Wang Jifu) ...................................................
We Must Pay Attention to Energy Conservation (pp 20-22)
(Niu Yiping) ....................................................... 34
Another Talk About the Strategy in Solving the Problem of Food
in the Light of Development (pp 23-24)
(Fan Lianfen, Luo Genji) ........................................... 40
a CC - 751
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Modern Western Economics--Ensnared in Difficulties (pp 25-28)
(Li Yining) ..................................................... 43
On the Modernization of Our Country's Medical Science
(pp 29-32)
(Huang Jiasi, Wu Jieping) ....................................... 49
On Professional Ethics (pp 33-35)
(Luo Guojie) .................................................... 56
The Party Must Conduct Its Activities Within the Limits
Permitted by the Constitution and the Laws of the State
(pp 36-38)
(Zhang Hui) ..................................................... 61
Increase Our Understanding and Courageously Conduct Reforms
(p 39)
(Xue Song) ...................................................... 66
Several Points for Consideration in Technical Reform (pp 39-40)
(Ouyang Weizhong) ............................................... 68
There Was a Chinese Version of 'Party Organization and Party
Literature' as Early as 1926 (p 40)
(Liu Qingfu) .................................................... 70
Outline for the Study of Important Documents Drawn up Since
the Third Plenary Session (pp 41-47)
(RED FLAG Editorial Office of Theory and Education) ............. 71
II. Establish the Historical Position of Comrade Mao
Zedong and Uphold and Develop Mao Zedong Thought .............. 71
III. Uphold the Four Basic Principles and Correctly
Unfold Ideological Struggle on Two Fronts: .................... 78
Is Publicizing Communist Ideology Contradictory to the
Principle of Social Existence Determining Social
Consciousness? (p 48)
(Chao Yong) ..................................................... 86
Make Prompt Decisions Whenever Necessary (inside back cover)
(Wang Zhengwen) ................................................. 89
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FROM PATRIOTISM TO COMMUNISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 2-6
[Commentator's article]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
with the development of the socialist construction, on the land of the
great motherland, among the 1 billion people, a tremendous patriotic
current, which is filled with vitality, has been formed. Without such a
powerful spiritual force, which pushes people to surge ahead, socialism
cannot be built and the loftiest goal of communism cannot be realized. In
building a socialist spiritual civilization, one important task is to com-
prehensively, profoundly and persistently carry out patriotic education
among the masses throughout the whole country and to unite with all the
patriots to fight for the cause of socialist modernization.
Patriotism is a fine tradition and lofty quality of the Chinese people of
all nationalities. In his "Chinese Revolution and the CPC," Comrade Mao
Zedong wrote the following succinct sentence: "The Chinese nation is known
throughout the world not only for its industriousness and stamina, but also
for its ardent love of freedom and its rich revolutionary tradition." Our
ancestors had stamina and were industrious. In our vast and richly endowed
country, they gave full play to their abilities and intelligence and created
a civilization that wins admiration of the world. Their ardent love of the
motherland and freedom and the rich revolutionary tradition runs through
the entire history of the Chinese nation and has become our national
character.
Over the years, in laboring and in struggle life, they have deeply felt and
realized a simple truth: The motherland has brought up its children with
its land, mountains, forests, rivers, lakes, swamps and the old but ever-
renewing ideologies and culture. Every Chinese has the duty to repay the
immense kindness of his motherland with all his heart. He can absolutely
not resent, blame, forget, abandon or betray his motherland. In order to
judge the rights and wrongs, merits and demerits and historical position
of an individual, a class, a political party, a doctrine, a theory and a
trend of thought, it is necessary to base our judgment on whether they
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promote or hamper the advancement of the motherland and the unity and well-
being of the motherland's people. This criterion is of fundamental sig-
nificance. The destiny of the motherland and the destiny of an individual
are as inseparable as flesh and blood. One loses one's family if one's
country is destroyed. If the motherland is not prosperous and developed,
individuals cannot find outlets for their abilities. Every man has a share
of responsibility for the fate of his country. Every son and daughter must
strive for a bright future for their motherland. Under different historical
circumstances, persons with lofty ideals, though their realms of thought and
goals of struggle may differ, can see within the limits set by their times
the relationship between the fate of the motherland and themselves. They
see that they cannot find outlets for their abilities in dissociation from
the fate of their motherland and that they should willingly give all they
have for it. Whether in the past, present or future, to ardently love and
devote himself to the motherland is the minimum moral quality which every
upright Chinese must possess. Whoever does not possess or even despises
such a moral quality or tries to openly infringe upon the interests of the
motherland will be held in contempt and reviled by the people of the
country.
Since the modern age, almost all the capitalist and imperialist states
have aggressed against China and created tragedies on Chinese soil. How-
ever, all of them have been taught a lesson on the tremendous, inconquer-
able power of the Chinese people. During the Opium War, from the resistant
clique of the landlord class, Lin Zexu, Yu Qian and Guan Tianpei emerged.
Later, military leaders, including Feng Zicai, Liu Yongfu and Deng Shichang
and intellectuals who advocated strengthening of China through reforms, such
as. Gong Zizhen, Wei Yuan and Yan Fu also emerged. Faced with capitalist
and imperialist aggression and oppression by the landlord class, peasants
in modern China had manifested an unyielding fighting spirit. In May 1841,
in Sanyuanli, Guangzhou, "the young and the strong rushed to resist foreign
aggression and the old and the weak transports provisions." They had opened
up the first chapter of the peasants' resistance against the aggressors in
modern China. The righteous army of the Taiping Heavenly Kingdom had put
up a desperate fight against the foreign rifle detachment organized and
commanded by the aggressors. In the struggle against the cession of Taiwan
to Japan by the treaty of Shimonoseki, people of Taiwan. had displayed a
moving patriotic spirit. "They were willing to lose Taiwan after they had
put up a fight in which all of them were killed but not willing to lose
Taiwan by doing nothing." Thus, they had killed half of the troops of the
aggressors who invaded Taiwan. In 1900, the heroes of the Boxer Uprising
wrote a glorious chapter on the peasants' anti-imperialist struggle before
China's proletariat had come of age. The national crises since the Sino-
Japanese war of 1894-1895 had awakened the bourgeoisie. At first, there
was the hundred-days reform launched by Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao of
the reformist group. After the reform movement had failed, the "six
gentlemen" including Tan Sitong and Lin Xu.died a martyr's death. Later,
there was the bourgeois revolutionary movement. Sun Yat-sen, the great
revolutionary forerunner, Lu Haodong, Shi Jianru, Zhou Rong, Chen Tianhua,
Xu Xilin, Qiu Jin, Zhu Zhixin, Huang Xing, Cai E and the 72 martyrs at
Huanghuagang formed a generation of revolutionaries.
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In modern China, patriots possessed a patriotic spirit that startles the
universe and moves the gods and ghosts to tears. General Guan Tianpei,
Feng Zicai and Deng Shichang and others promised to die for the-country,
looked death calmly in the face and were "as fierce as birds of prey and
the bravest people of the whole army" before the enemy. In order to make
the country powerful through reforms, Tan Sitong was willing to die for the
cause. He said: "In other countries, reform movements cannot be success-
ful without bloodshed. In China, I have not even heard of anybody who dies
for a reform movement. That is why the country cannot become powerful.
If there should be somebody who dies for a reform movement, let me be the
first one." Chen Tianhua and Wang Yirong drowned themselves in the sea or
in a well to protest against the foreign aggressors. They had determina-
tion and would rather die in glory than live in dishonor. Qiu Jin, the
female bourgeois revolutionary, wrote the following iron pledge: "I am
ready to risk my life to turn the tide." In their last letters written
before their death, Fang Shengdong and Lin Juemin, two of the 72 martyrs
at Huanghuagang, expressed that, in order to seek permanent happiness for
all people, they were willing to sacrifice themselves, regard death as
honor and happily die. There are countless such heroic deed which boil
people's blood and fire people with enthusiasm.
Since the modern age, in order to bring about national liberation and make
the motherland both independent and powerful, patriots from different
classes and social strata have conducted all kinds of explorations and
made all kinds of tentative plans. However, their goal has not been
realized. The bourgeoisie tried to seek truth from the West. However,
the teacher always aggressed against his student. Since the peasants
were tied to backward modes of production, they did not possess and could
not find a new ideological weapon. Since the middle of the 19th century,
in China, although the bourgeois reforms and revolution and the traditional
and old-style revolutionary war of the peasants had in varying degrees
hindered the process of colonization of China, however, they had not freed
their nation from the yoke of imperialism. Despite this, the patriotic
spirit left by them will become an everlasting monument in our hearts.
The epitaph written by Comrade Mao Zedong on the monument to the heroes
of the people, which is erected in Tiananmen Square, reads: "Eternal
glory to the heroes of the people who from 1840 laid down their lives in
the many struggles against domestic and foreign enemies and for national
independence and the freedom and well-being of the people!" All those
people who have made contributions to the cause of the liberation of the
Chinese nation will forever be respected and remembered by future genera-
tions of the Chinese nation.
History itself asks for and has produced a new leading class, a new leading
ideology and a new combat style. This means the struggle with Marxism as
its banner and in which the masses of people take part under the leader-
ship of the working class and its vanguard, the Communist Party. As soon
as Marxism-Leninism had spread to China and combined with China's labor
movement, as soon as the CPC had ascended the political stage, the Chinese
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revolution assumed a new aspect and great, earth-shaking changes took
place in the motherland.
History has verified a truth: Socialism, and socialism alone, can save
China. Under the leadership of our party, through the Northern Expedition
of 1926-1927, the agrarian revolutionary war of 1927-1937, the war of
resistance against Japan and China's war of liberation of 1945-1949, the
motherland has won its independence and the Chinese nation has been lib-
erated. A new China, in which the people are the masters of their own
affairs, is on its feet in the east. After the liberation, we had con-
solidated the people's democratic regime, unified the country, including
Taiwan and some islands, brought about a unity of all nationalities,
defeated and frustrated imperialism or hegemonic aggression, sabotage and
armed provocation many times, basically accomplished the socialist trans-
formation of the system of private ownership of means of production,
eliminated the exploitation systems and the exploiting class and made
great achievements in economic, political and cultural constructions and
other aspects. Today, China is no longer a poor, backward country bullied
by other countries. It is an independent new China which gradually becomes
prosperous and powerful. Its dignity and integrity cannot be violated.
All our citizens are proud of such a motherland. Overseas compatriots who
live abroad are no longer looked down upon by others as they were in the
past and they are proud of being Chinese. We have no reason to belittle
any of our achievements. As Comrade Deng Xiaoping has pointed out:
"China's standing in the world was greatly heightened after the founding
of the PRC. Only the founding of the PRC, a big country whose population
is almost one-fourth of the total population of the world, can make China
firmly stand on its feet. Comrade Mao Zedong was right in saying that:
'From now on, the Chinese people are on their feet."' "Without the CPC,
without carrying out the new democratic revolution and the socialist revo-
lution, without establishing the socialist system, today our country will
remain the old China without any change." ("Opinions Concerning the Draft-
ing of 'Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since
the Founding of the PRC "')
The history of the past 60 years or more has proven that the CPC holds
aloft the banner of patriotism and that its members are the most sincere,
staunch and outstanding patriots. On the social stage in China, no polit-
ical party has made the outstanding contributions to national liberation
and enrichment, made the tremendous sacrifices, and won the brilliant
achievements that the CPC has. Members of the Communist Party have written
patriotic epics in the history of our country. The soil of the motherland
and the patriotic tradition of the Chinese nation are soaked with their
blood. When martyr Fang Zhimin was in jail, he wrote the "The Lovely China"
which expresses how much and how ardently a Communist Party member loves
his country. Under extremely difficult circumstances, General Yang Jingyu
led the anti-Japanese amalgamated Army of the Northeast to wage a struggle
against the Japanese. After he had sacrificed himself, it was discovered
that his stomach was filled with grassroots, tree bark and cotton. Even
the enemy was extremely surprised. For the sake of national liberation
and for the sake of the well-being of the people of the whole country,
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martyr Chen Jue had died. Before he died a hero's death, he wrote to his
wife: "Everybody has parents, children and lovers. We sacrifice all we
have in order to help and save the parents, wives and children of the
people of the whole China." Before he was executed, Comrade Liu Bojian
thought of letting his son continue the work left by him, "strive and shed
blood for the liberation of the Chinese nation and continue to accomplish
the glorious task which I have left unfinished." The patriotism embodied
by our older generation of proletarian revolutionaries, Communist Party
members and martyrs really shines through the ages. This is really the
imperishable Chinese soul!
The reason why the Chinese communists are such patriots is that they are
the vanguard fighters of the working class and all their actions originate
from the progressive nature of the working class. They have found the most
powerful ideological weapon of our times--Marxism. Communists regard
striving for the interest of the broadest sector of the masses as their
sole program and have no private interests apart from the interests of the
masses. Communists profoundly understand that they cannot be communists
without being patriots. The proletariat cannot liberate itself without
liberating the whole of mankind. Communists emphasize and adhere to the
common interests of the proletariat as a whole regardless of national
difference. Our ultimate goal of struggle is to realize communism through-
out the world. However, as pointed out by the "Communist Manifesto":
"Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat
with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of
each country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own
bourgeoisie." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 262) Thus,
to the communists, internationalism and patriotism are identical. If the
working class, Communist Party members, CYL members and communist members
of a certain country do things well in their own country, they have made
great contributions to world history and to the working class and people of
the world. By doing this well, we mean two situations: One is, when a
certain country is still ruled by the reactionary exploiting class, the
necessity to lead and unite with people to overthrow the reactionary rulers,
make the working class become the ruling class and make the people the
masters of their own affairs. The other is, after destroying the exploiting
class and the exploitation system and consolidating the socialist system,
the necessity to lead and unite with the people to shift the focus of work
onto the track of socialist construction and to strive to increase labor
productivity and promote the levels of people's material and cultural lives.
To be an unswerving patriot is the duty of every communist. Marx and Engels
ardently loved their countries. Everybody knows that Lenin had made
everlasting contributions to, and great efforts to realize, the cause of
the liberation of the Russian people of different nationalities. The
older generation of proletarian revolutionaries such as Mao Zedong, Zhou
Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Zhu De and so on are both great communists and great
national heroes.
Our party persistently holds aloft the banner of patriotism. Whether in
the past, present or the future, it takes as its sacred duty the striving
for the independence and unification of the motherland, the vindication of
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national honor and national dignity and the promotion of the prosperity
and power of the country. At the 12th CPC National Congress, in his
opening speech, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "While we Chinese people
value our friendship and cooperation with other countries and people, we
value even more our hard-won independence and sovereign rights. No
foreign country can expect China to be its vassal, nor can it expect China
to swallow any bitter fruit harmful to China's interests." "We Chinese
people have our own national self-respect and pride. We deem it the high-
est honor to love our country and contribute our all to its socialist con-
struction, and we deem it the deepest disgrace to impair the interests,
dignity and honor of our socialist motherland." This is the common aspira-
tion of our people voiced by the CPC members on behalf of them. In addi-
tion, this is also the fundamental reason why the CPC can win the support
and the esteem of the people of all nationalities and become the core of
leadership of the whole Chinese people.
Any individual cannot become a communist without being a patriot; any
political party of the working class violates the communist principles with-
out holding aloft the banner of patriotism; from the viewpoint of the
history of China's social development, we cannot even talk about the build-
ing of socialism and advancing toward a higher stage of communism without
striving for and resolutely defending the independence and national dignity
of the motherland. The road from patriotism to communism is one taken by
the members of the CPC and the ideological process which the advanced
people have undergone in the footsteps of the progress of the modern
Chinese society. Mao Zedong, Zhu De, Dong Biwu, Lin Boqu, Wu Yuzhang and
other comrades, before they became communists, had believed in the bourgeois
idealism and its sociological and political theories. They had also in
varying degrees taken part in the revolutionary movements under bourgeois
leadership in the hope that the country could be saved in this way. From
believing in the theory of evolution and pantheism, from pursuing the
"elimination of political corruption" and "revitalization of commerce and
industry," and from upholding Dr Sun Yat-sen's three peoples principles,
Lu Xun, Guo Moruo, Zhou Taofen, Soong Ching-ling and He Xiangning eventually
took the great communist road.
Today, we must still see that, although there are many people with varying
degrees of patriotism, they are not necessarily communists. The mother-
land's achievements in socialist construction and the status it enjoys on
the international stage have greatly inspired the people of all nationali-
ties throughout the country and the descendants of the Chinese nation
who live in different parts of the world and aroused their patriotic
enthusiasm. Seeing that their motherland has become powerful, they are
proud of being Chinese. Mr Li Zongren returned from abroad to see that
the motherland was prosperous and powerful. He said with deep feeling:
"This new atmosphere is not only unprecedented in the past century but
also unprecedented throughout the whole of Chinese history." "Our mother-
land has boundless prospects." A KMT army officer returned from Taiwan
to settle on the mainland and deeply felt that "the hope of the whole China
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lies here." He thought that he had taken the correct road. We should
believe that, no matter what their jobs, age, education and backgrounds,
so long as they are truly patriotic, there will come a day when they
recognize the role played by communists in China's social development and
become friends of communism. We have even repeatedly seen instances of
this: So long as they unswervingly advance along the path of loyalty to
the motherland, after the twists and turns of history they will realize
more and more from their personal experience the truth of communism and
eventually become communists themselves. Hence, the road from patriotism
to communism, which has been traversed by China's communists, is similarly
the road that all patriots are now following and will continue to follow.
Although we uphold the guiding status of communist ideology, we have abso-
lutely no reason at all to demand that everyone immediately become communist
or to exclude and look down on patriots of all types who have not yet
accepted communist ideology. As an historical path for saving the mother-
land, communism is the fruit of probing by the Chinese working class. How-
ever, people probed in the past, so now and in the future will people con-
tinue to probe, and there may be patriots of various types who carry out
their probing in a direction not completely at one with communism. All
these patriots, including people living under different social systems,
including people in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao, including Overseas Chinese
compatriots living abroad and Chinese of foreign nationalities can make and
indeed have made various contributions to the motherland's prosperity. We
do not permit people to oppose communism and the socialist system. We must
wage a principled struggle against the ideologies and actions which come
from various sectors and are against communism and the socialist system.
At the same time, we must be united with and respect all the patriots and
bring about the prosperity and the unification of the motherland together
with them. In this aspect, it is still necessary to continue to maintain
sharp vigilance and liquidate the influences of the "leftist" ideas of the
past. In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
pointed out that: "We must do everything possible to strengthen the broad-
est patriotic united front embracing all socialist working people and all
patriots who support socialism or who support the unification of the
motherland, including our compatriots in Taiwan, Hong Kong and Macao and
Chinese nationals residing abroad." To widen and strengthen this united
front is the duty of every communist and the concrete expression of our
patriotism based on our communist stand. Of course, we hope that all the
people become communists and patriots who are up to communist standards.
However, we cannot and are not permitted to realize this hope by the crude
and simple way of adopting administrative orders. A Communist Party member
or a CYL member should use his own actual action to show that, as a com-
munist, he is a thorough patriot who is truly capable of making outstanding
contributions to the bright prospects of the motherland and the interests
of the broadest sector of the masses. We should attract more and more
people to take the communist road by playing an exemplary role.
Patriotism is by no means something abstract. It has different historical
contents under different historical conditions. Our motherland took the
socialist road long ago. Today, patriotism is not only love for the
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motherland's grand scenery and ancient culture; it also means that one must
warmly love the socialist motherland and the people building socialism.
The specific contents of patriotism today can be summarized in our three
major tasks in the 1980's as discussed by Comrade Deng Xiaoping in his
"The Present Situation and Our Tasks." They are: In international affairs,
to oppose hegemonism and preserve world peace; to accomplish the reunifi-
cation of the motherland; and to promote the four modernizations drive.
These should also be regarded as the hallmarks for determining whether a
person takes a patriotic stand or not.
Every Chinese, whether living on the mainland, or in Taiwan, Hong Kong,
Macao or elsewhere, is faced with this choice: Are you patriotic?
Whether in the past, present or future, as far as people with the most
rudimentary moral feelings are concerned, the answer can only be in the
affirmative. The 1 billion Chinese people can tolerate their brothers
who make this or that mistake and take this or that wrong course of
thinking. However, whoever is willing to abandon his motherland and be a
rebel against the Chinese nation is a person condemned by history and one
who completely isolates himself from the 1 billion people. Patriotism is
the ladder leading to communism and the torch which ignites the spirit of
devotion of the Chinese people to giving full play to their wisdom and
abilities for the sake of the prosperity and development of the mother-
land. We believe that, if we can solidly carry out the dissemination of
and the education on patriotism, we will comprehensively mobilize the most
of our people to forge the closest unity and with one heart and one mind
accomplish the three major tasks for the 1980's put forward by our party,
implement the magnificent program formulated by the 12th CPC National
Congress, train communists by the thousand and enable our motherland to
achieve greater and greater victories in the socialist modernizations.
CSO: 4004/23
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SCIENTIFIC SOCIALIST PRINCIPLES AND THE BUILDING OF SOCIALISM WITH CHINESE
CHARACTERISTICS--COMMEMORATING THE CENTENARY OF THE DEATH OF MARX
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 7-13
[Article by Fan Ruoyu [5400 5387 1946]]
[Text] This year, 14 March, marked the centenary of the death of Karl Marx,
the man who expounded socialism for the first time in a scientific way. At
present, the people of all nationalities in our country, under the leader-
ship of the Communist Party, are striving to create a new situation in
socialist modernization and build China into a modern socialist country
with a high degree of civilization and democracy. On this occasion, the
commemoration of the centenary of the death of Marx has a more profound
significance and more abundant contents.
Scientific socialism, or scientific communism, and Marxist philosophy and
political economy form an interrelated, inseparable and integrated system.
With regard to its relation to philosophy, scientific socialism is a
product of the law of development of human society discovered by Marxist
historical materialism. Just as Engels said: "In comparison with mate-
rialism, modern materialism concludes with scientific socialism."
("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 20, p 673) With regard to its
relations with political economy, scientific socialism is a product of
Marxist theory of surplus value. Engels said that although "Das Kapital"
was not aimed at expounding socialism, everyone should admit that "socialism
was, for the first time, expounded in a scientific way." (Ibid., Vol 16,
p 412) For this reason, when the Marxist classics used the expression of
scientific socialism in a general sense, it was a synonym of Marxism.
However, being a component part of Marxism, scientific socialism has its
specific and relatively independent tasks and objects of study which are
different from those of philosophy and political economy. Engels pointed
out:' "Communism is a theory about the conditions for the emancipation of
the proletariat." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 210)
"Communism no longer means an idle dream about a society which is as
perfect as possible, but means a further understanding of the characteris-
tics and conditions of the struggles carried out by the proletariat and
the general aims of these struggles." (Ibid., Vol 4, p 193) These are
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brief expositions made by Engels on the tasks or objects of study for the
theory of scientific socialism. They show that scientific socialism, which
takes the theories of Marxist philosophy and political economy as its basis,
has further pointed out for the proletariat the concrete conditions for and
ways to the overthrow of capitalism and the realization of communism. It
is a theoretical weapon directly guiding the emancipation movement of the
proletariat and a science guiding the action of the proletariat in striving
for liberation.
Socialist theory has been developed from a utopian scheme to a scientific
one by Marxism. However, the development of the theory of scientific
socialism has not ceased. On the contrary, Engels pointed out: "Since
socialism became a science, it has required people to regard it as a
science. In other words, it has required people to study it." (Ibid.,
Vol 2, p 301)
In light of conditions in developed capitalist countries, the theory of
scientific socialism points out the general law of realizing socialism in
these countries. In their struggles to realize socialism, the proletariat
in various countries, especially those in the originally backward countries,
must not only study this general law governing the realization of future
society, but also explore the specific laws of realizing socialism in
their specific countries in light of their own conditions.
Lenin said: "It is inevitable that all nations will arrive at socialism
in the long run, but all will do so in not exactly the same way. Each will
contribute something of its own to some form of democracy, to some variety
of the dictatorship of the proletariat, to the varying rate of socialist
transformations in the different aspects of social life." ("Collected
Works of Lenin," Vol 23, pp 64-65) "The more backward the country which,
owing to the zigzags of history, has proved to be the one to start the
socialist revolution, the more difficult is it for it to pass from old
capitalist relations to socialist relations." ("Selected Works of Lenin,"
Vol 3, p 454) These expositions are of a greater and more direct and
immediate significance to the proletariat in economically and culturally
backward countries and their political parties in formulating line, policy
and principles for the realization of socialism.
Due to historical restrictions, especially when there was still no practice
of building socialism, the founders of the theory of scientific socialism
did not, and could not, point out concrete ways and means of building
socialism for their descendants. Lenin said: "Marx did not commit him-
self on the future leaders of the socialist revolution to matters of form,
to ways and means of bringing about the revolution. He understood very
well that a vast number of new problems would arise, that the whole situa-
tion would change in the course of the revolution, and that the situation
would change radically and often in the course of the revolution." (Ibid.,
Vol 4, p 511) This has later been proved by the practice of socialist
construction.
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Under the leadership of Lenin, socialist ideals were turned into reality
in Russia, which was backward in comparison with the developed Western
capitalist countries. The first socialist country was established and
Marxism, which includes scientific socialism, was developed.
Along with the development of the socialist practice in Soviet Russia,
Lenin's understanding of socialist society was also constantly deepened.
He put forward many creative concepts in the economic, political, ideologi-
cal and cultural fields. What should be especially pointed out here is
that in 1923, when Lenin was lying in his sickbed reviewing the path Soviet
Russia had followed in the previous 5 years and looking forward to the
future of socialism, he put forward an extremely important concept. He
said that the reason why the plans of the utopian socialists were fantas-
tic was "because they dreamed of peacefully remodeling contemporary
society into socialism without taking into account such fundamental ques-
tions as the class struggle, the seizure of political power by the working
class and the overthrow of the rule of the exploiting class." But "things
have changed now that political power is in the hands of the working class,
that the political power of the exploiters is overthrown and all the means
of production (except those which the workers' state voluntarily abandons
on specified terms and for a certain time to the exploiters in the form of
the concessions) are owned by the working class," and now that successes
have been scored in the socialist revolution. He pointed out that owing
to these changes, "we have to admit that there has been a radical modifi-
cation in our whole outlook on socialism. The radical modification is
this: Formerly we placed, and had to place, the main emphasis on the
political struggle, on revolution, on gaining political power, and so
forth. Now the emphasis is changing and shifting to peaceful, organiza-
tional, 'cultural' work." ("Selected Works of Lenin,"'Vol 4, pp 686-687)
Lenin thus made a clear and strict distinction between the period of
striving for socialism and the period after establishing the socialist
system: The main tasks for the first period were class struggle, political
revolution and gaining political power, and the main task for the second
period was carrying out "peaceful, organizational, 'cultural' work." Here,
the culture in quotation marks is similar to the civilization we speak of
today. It refers to both material civilization and spiritual civilization,
and also includes the establishment of the democratic system. Lenin's
conclusion is of great significance for us.
After Lenin died, Stalin led the Soviet people to conduct unprecedented
socialist construction and thus.created many useful experiences. He also
made great contributions. However, he did not completely solve, or did
not solve well, the problem of how to recognize and build socialism in an
all-round way in a country which was originally backward in economy and
,culture.
Since the founding of the PRC, the Chinese working class and the masses of
people, under the leadership of the CPC and the guidance of Marxism-
Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, have scored great victories in the social-
ist revolution and socialist construction, and have accumulated our own
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successful experiences. However, on our road of advance, we have also
suffered setbacks and have even made serious mistakes. Since the smashing
of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique, especially since the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, our party has summed up
experiences and lessons through bringing order out of chaos and has put
forward the line, policies and principles for the new historical period.
It has realized a great historical turn. The documents of the party's 12th
national congress are scientific reflections and proof of this historical
turn. In these documents, the theory of scientific socialism was enriched
and developed with the new experiences we had gained in our socialist
construction since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee.
The documents of the 12th CPC National Congress show that our party has
gained a more profound understanding of the law of China's socialist con-
struction than ever before. In his opening speech at the 12th CPC National
Congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "We must proceed from China's
realities in our modernization drive. It is necessary to study and use the
experiences of other countries in our revolution and construction. How-
ever, we will never succeed if we mechanically copy the experiences or
models of other countries. We had some lessons in the past in this
respect. The fundamental conclusion we have drawn from our experiences in
our long history is to combine the universal truth of Marxism with the
concrete practice in our country, follow our own path and build socialism
with Chinese characteristics." This basic conclusion is the guiding
ideology for us in completing the "greatest creative project in human
history" put forward by Comrade Hu Yaobang in his speech at the 12th CPC
National Congress. This "creative project" means "building China, which
was originally backward in economy and culture, into a powerful, modern
socialist country in the new historical period." "Many problems in this
cause were not, and were unable to be, solved by previous Marxists."
Therefore, when we study and make research of scientific socialism today,
we must also study the problem of building socialism with Chinese charac-
teristics.
When listing the main indicators of the great historic change our party
has brought about, the report of the 12th CPC National Congress pointed
out: "In the sphere of ideology, we have resolutely broken the fetters of
dogmatism and the personality cult which existed for a long time, and have
reaffirmed the Marxist ideological line of seeking truth from facts, thus
infusing a dynamic and creative spirit into all fields of endeavor. We
have restored-the original features of Mao Zedong Thought and persisted in
and developed it under new historical conditions." In 1869, in the preface
to the second edition of his "The 18th Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte," Marx
wrote: "Outside the boundaries of France, very few people have noticed
this violent change, this great spiritual revolution, which was against the
traditional beliefs of the masses, still fewer people have understood it."
The "great spiritual revolution" mentioned by Marx here is similar to the
emancipation of mind we are speaking of today. Our party is understanding
the emancipation of mind from the high plane of ideological line. This is
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an ideological guarantee for us to constantly create new things and
advance in various fields.
The 12th CPC National Congress reaffirmed an analysis made by the CPC
Central Committee since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee on China's classes and principal contradiction. With a scientific
approach, the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee negated
the erroneous slogan of "taking class struggle as the key link" and reso-
lutely shifted the focal point of the party's work to economic construc-
tion. Thus, a situation of stability, unity and prosperity which had not
been seen for many years appeared in our country. Marxism holds that
classes and class struggle belong to the category of history and are
related with certain stages of the development of history. The exploiting
classes emerged together along with the private ownership and exploitation
system and will die out when the private ownership and exploitation system
are eliminated. It is based on this basic principle of Marxism that the
12th CPC National Congress, after making concrete analysis in light of
China's realities, further pointed out: After the elimination of the
exploiting classes as such, most of the contradictions in Chinese society
do not have the nature of class struggle, and class struggle is no longer
the principal contradiction. However, owing to domestic circumstances and
foreign influences, class struggle will continue to exist within certain
limits for a long time, and may even sharpen under certain conditions.
This is an objective truth we have recognized after a painful process and
at great costs. It has, in principle, correctly solved an important prob-
lem which still exists in our society after the socialist system was estab-
lished.
The 12th CPC National Congress pointed out that it is necessary to
rationally arrange and develop diverse economic forms on the premise of
upholding the leading position of the state economy. This also shows that
our party and our people have already gained a more profound understanding
of the law of socialist construction in our country. The production
reespgnsibility system which is being carried out in the collective rural
economy and the responsibility system iri management which is?adopted in
the state economy are concrete forms to suit production relations to the
development of productive forces at present and for a rather long time to
come. The Marxist classics conceived in the past that the peasants would
be led onto the socialist path through the cooperative system. Our party
has already organized the broad masses of peasants in the socialist
collective economy through the cooperative movement. However, in view of
the low level and uneven development of the productive forces in our rural
collective economy, we have also carried out an important reform of the
management system while adhering to the public ownership of the. basic
means of production. Once the contracted responsibility system linking
payment to output is widely adopted in accordance with the experiences
created by the peasants, and a unified or separate management is conducted
in light of concrete conditions, the superiority of the collective economy
and the initiative of individual economy can be unified and the initiative
of the laborers and their family members in production can be fully mobi-
lized. At the same time, since responsibility, power and interests are
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unified under the contracted responsibility system, and the achievements
of the laborers and the remuneration they obtain are directly related to
each other, the laborers have more concern with the material benefits and
the socialist collective economy has a more solid foundation. Thus,
egalitarianism has also been overcome. This is a great achievement of the
Chinese peasants under the leadership of the CPC. The perfection and
development of this system will certainly make the concrete steps of
China's socialist cooperative movement in agriculture more in conformity
with China's concrete conditions and make the Marxist theory of agricul-
tural cooperation develop to a new stage through our practice. In our
state economy, we have already begun trial implementation of various forms
of responsibility systems, with the contracted responsibility system as
the main form. Under these systems, the interests of the state, the
collective and the individual are taken into overall consideration and the
benefits of the staff and workers are linked to their labor achievements.
Thus, the phenomena of egalitarianism, such as "everybody eating from the
same big pot" and the "iron rice bowl," which have existed for a long time
and have been harmful to giving play to the initiative of the enterprises
and the laborers in management and production, have been changed, the
workers' sense of responsibility as masters of their own houses has been
strengthened and the development of production has been promoted.
The 12th CPC National Congress pointed out that it is necessary to cor-
rectly implement the principle of "ensuring planned economy to play the
major role and market regulation the supplementary role" in organizing
socialist economy. In socialist society, it is necessary to carry out
planned economy. This is a principle which must always be adhered to and
can never be changed. Engels said: "Once the means of production are
owned by society, commodity production will be eliminated. At the same
time, the domination of products over the producers will also be elimi-
nated. The anarchy in social production will be replaced by planned and
conscious organization." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 3,
p 323) However, the practice in various socialist countries later has
proved that after the establishment of the socialist system, the production
of commodities is not eliminated at once, but instead, commodity production
and exchange are greatly developed. Thus, socialist planned management is
related to market and the role of regulation of the law of value is used.
As has been proposed, on the basis of socialist public ownership, the
principle of ensuring planned economy to play the major role and market
regulation the supplementary role must be carried out, and in the form of
planned management, both mandatory and guided planning must be related to
free production within certain spheres. In mandatory or guided planning,
it is necessary to conscientiously use the law of value and give play to
the role of regulation of various economic levers, especially of prices.
Only in this way can we integrate the necessary centralism and unity with
diverse and flexible concrete forms and ensure the national economy
develops in a coordinated and planned way. If we advance in this direction,
we will be able to establish some concrete systems and forms in the planned
management of the socialist national economy, which suit the characteristics
of our country.
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The report of the 12th CPC National Congress regarded socialist spiritual
civilization as an important characteristic of socialism and expounded the
significance, purpose, content and requirements of the building of social-
ist spiritual civilization from the high plane of the theory of scientific
socialism. Marx pointed out that cultural life was an important aspect of'
social life. He also made quite a few expositions on cultural life in
socialist society. Lenin especially pointed out the tasks for socialist
ideological and cultural construction. Both many times used the concept
of "civilization," holding that it is a symbol of social progress. They
exposed the class nature of the opposition against social civilization
and predicted that a high degree of civilization would be created after
eliminating the exploitation system and the exploiting classes. When they
talked about civilization, they mainly referred to the progress of industry
and science and technology, as well as culture and management. In
accordance with their basic ideas and in light of China's practice, our
party uses the concept of socialist spiritual civilization to summarize
socialist cultural and ideological construction. It has scientifically
expounded the dialectical relations between the building of material
civilization and the building of socialist spiritual civilization which are
conditioned by each other and which aim at promoting each other, and has
emphasized political ideology and morality which are an important content
of socialist spiritual civilization. It has insisted on educating every
member of society in communist ideology so that all of them can become
laborers with ideals, morality, cultural knowledge and a sense of dis-
cipline. It has taken the establishment of a new relationship between men,
which reflects communist ideology and morality, as a fundamental under-
taking in the building of socialist spiritual civilization. It has thus
enriched the ideological content of Marxism in this respect.
The report of the 12th CPC National Congress pointed out that the building
of both socialist material and spiritual civilizations must be ensured and
supported by further developing socialist democracy. Undoubtedly, our past
setbacks in the socialist construction chiefly resulted from not shifting
the focal point of our work to economic construction for a long time, and
also because we did not base ourselves on the firm foundation of a high
degree of socialist democracy. Our experiences and lessons show that only
when a highly democratic political system is established can we guarantee
the smooth implementation of socialist economic construction.
Marx and Engels summed up the historical experiences of all the previous
state problems, especially those of the Paris Commune, and founded the
theories of the proletarian state and the proletarian dictatorship. Lenin
enriched and developed these theories on the basis of the practice and
experiences in the construction of the Soviet state. According to Marxism,
the socialist countries, which take the public ownership of the means of
production as their basis and undertake the historical mission of'reforming
the whole society through revolution and eliminating classes, can only
adopt the form of democratic state to realize the real rule by the
majority, which is unprecedented in history. All power of the state
belongs to the people, and the people's position as the masters in the
political life of the state should not be infringed upon. Being a system
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of the state, socialist democracy includes the following two aspects:
1) Democracy practiced within the proletarian class and the broad masses
of people; and 2) dictatorship exercised by the proletariat and the broad
masses of people against the enemies of socialism. Being a political sys-
tem, this democracy means the exercise of power in managing state affairs
by the broad masses of people who are organized under the leadership of
the proletariat and in accordance with the principle of democratic
centralism.
After summing up the historical experiences in our country in accordance
with the tenets of Marxism, the 12th CPC National Congress took the build-
ing of a high degree of socialist democracy as a fundamental task for
building a powerful, modern socialist country. It also put forward a
series of policies and principles. It closely related the establishment
of socialist democracy with the establishment of the legal system so that
socialist democracy can be guaranteed by systems and laws. It called for
continuously reforming and perfecting the state's political and leadership
systems in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism so that
the people can more effectively exercise their rights in managing state
affairs and that the state organs can more effectively lead and organize
socialist construction. It expanded the practice of socialist democracy to
various fields of political, economic, cultural and social life, and called
for democratic management in various enterprises and institutional units
and mass autonomy in grassroots social life. It clearly pointed out that
it is necessary to establish a relationship of equality between men in
accordance with the principle of socialist democracy and correctly handle
the relations between individuals and society. It regarded the further
development of socialist relations between all nationalities in our coun-
try, which are characterized by equality, unity and mutual help, as an
important task in our construction of socialist democracy. The 12th CPC
National Congress emphasized that all measures we adopt in the process of
development of socialist democracy must be conducive to the strengthening
of the socialist system and to the development of socialist production and
other undertakings, and that no freedom will be given to hostile elements
to endanger and sabotage socialist construction. All this has made the
tasks of our socialist political construction clearer and more abundant,
and has added substantial content to the concepts of democracy and state
of scientific socialism.
The problem of making the party a strong core of leadership in the social-
ist modernization drive after the proletariat has seized political power
and established the socialist system is also an important problem which has
not been completely solved by the previous theory of scientific socialism.
The 12th CPC National Congress put forward the important policy of enhancing
the party's fighting strength and improving the party leadership and made
an important revision of the party constitution. This is of great immediate
significance and is also of important significance in theory.
Our historical experiences show that whether there is normal political life
in the party, and above all, in the Central Committee and other leading
bodies of the party at different levels, is a fundamental issue bearing on
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the destiny of the party and the state. The new party constitution empha-
sizes that various party organizations from the central level to grassroots
must strictly abide by the principle of democratic centralism and collec-
tive leadership. And a series of measures were considered to reform the
party's leadership system and to perfect the party's organizational system
in order to ensure that our party is no longer bound to "personality cult."
In 1890, in his letter to Friedrich Adolf Sorge, 2 days before his 70th
birthday, Engels wrote: "I have already received some messages of con-
gratulation on my 70th birthday (the day after tomorrow). Besides, Singer,
Bebel and Liebknecht have said that they will come to see me. I hope that
all this will be over soon, for I am not interested in this and feel that
it is entirely unnecessary. Anyhow, I cannot tolerate it." ("Collected
Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 37, p 498) From the works and correspondence
of Marx, Engels and Lenin we can see that they all opposed "personality
cult." The new party constitution adopted by the 12th CPC National Congress
clearly stipulates: "The party forbids all forms of personality cult. It
is necessary to ensure that the activities of the party leaders be subject
to supervision by the party and the people, while at the same time uphold-
ing the prestige of all leaders who represent the interests of the party
and the people." This correct and thorough stipulation is very important
to strengthening party building.
The 12th CPC National Congress also clearly pointed out that party leader-
ship is mainly political and ideological leadership in matters of principle
and policy. The party is not an organ of power which issues orders to the
people, nor is it an administrative or production organization. Party
leadership should not be equated with administrative work and the direction
of production by government organizations and enterprises, and party
organizations should not take everything into their'own hands. Only in
this way can the party ensure that the government organs and enterprises
do their work independently and effectively, and can the party itself
concentrate its efforts on the study and formulation of major policies,
the inspection of their implementation and the strengthening of ideological
and political work among cadres and the rank and file both inside and out-
side the party. While emphasizing the importance of amplifying the social-
ist legal system, the 12th CPC National Congress also clearly pointed out
that the party must carry out its activities within the range of the con-
stitution and laws and should not go against them. The congress affirmed
the policy to ensure that the ranks of.cadres become more revolutionary,
younger in average age, better educated and more professionally competent.
Many veteran cadres who are advanced in age will be relieved of their heavy
responsibilities in frontline posts and, at the same time, will be enabled
to continue their service to the party; the state and society by utilizing
their rich experience in leadership work.. On the other hand, the leading
bodies at all levels can continuously absorb new lifeblood and talent to
maintain their vigor. The 12th CPC National Congress also stressed that
"the style of a political party in power determines its very survival."
It decided to rectify party organizations step by step and in a planned
way so as to effect a fundamental turn for the better in the style of the
party. It clearly pointed out that except for the interests of the working
class and the broad masses of people, the party does not have any private
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or specific interests. Party members are always members of common labor-
ers. Except for the power and position as well as personal benefits
stipulated by policies and regulations, they have no right to seek private
interests and privileges. These stipulations must. not be regarded as
temporary measures aiming at some current phenomena. They actually reflect
that our party has become more mature and that we have made great progress
in our understanding of the importance of strengthening party building in
the socialist period.
The documents of the 12th CPC National Congress show that the recognition
of our party of China's situation and the law governing socialist construc-
tion has reached a new height. Therefore, in order to better combine
theory with practice in our study and research of scientific socialism, it
is necessary for us to further study and publicize the documents of the
12th CPC National Congress and resolutely implement the program, policies
and principles of this congress.
Engels pointed out: "In my opinion, the 'socialist society' is by no means
an immutable society, but is a society in which changes and reforms often
take place, just like any other social systems." ("Collected Works of Marx
and Engels," Vol 37, p 443) Following the teachings of Marxism, our party
has already taken the theory that socialist society still needs to be
reformed in various aspects as an important guiding ideology in leading
the construction of the four modernizations. It has begun to judge whether
a reform is correct by the criteria of whether it is conducive to the con-
struction of socialism with Chinese characteristics, to the prosperity of
the country and to bringing about happiness for the people. It has also
determined that reform must be "proceeding from realities and carrying out
an overall and systematic reform in a resolute and orderly way." Under the
guidance of this general policy, certain aspects and links of production
relations and the superstructure which do not suit the development of the
productive forces and the economic basis will be readjusted so that produc-
tion relations and the productive forces as well as the superstructure and
the economic basis can develop in a more coordinated manner. Along with
the victorious development of our reform and the deepening of our under-
standing of the law of China's socialist construction, the general guiding
principles of scientific socialism have been more closely and accurately
combined with the practice in our country. The socialist society built in
this way is one with both Chinese characteristics and a scientific basis.
On the occasion of the centenary of the death of Marx, the Chinese com-
munists can use the documents of its,l2th national congress to commemorate
this great revolutionary teacher of the proletariat. Capitalism emerged in
old China's economy 2 to 3 centuries later than in the developed capitalist
countries in Western Europe. The spread of Marxism in China was also some
50 years later than in developed Western capitalist countries. However,
such phenomena as "the latecomers surpassing the oldtimers" have often
occurred in the tortuous world history. Some 40 years after Marxism
spread in China, under the leadership of th'e CPC, China entered the period
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of socialism before the developed capitalist countries. When China was
invaded by the Western bourgeois colonialists with opium and guns and
when China was reduced from a feudal society to the status of a semifeudal
and semicolonial society, the Chinese people still did not know anything
about Marx and Marxism. However, at that time, both Marx and Engels
already knew very well China's situation. In order to expose the aggres-
sive crimes of the Western colonialists and voice the struggle of the
Chinese people against the colonialists and the Qing Court, they wrote
several tens of articles including one entitled "Events in China." If
Marx and Engels were still alive today and had read the documents of our
party's 12th national congress, and if they had learned that we are build-
ing socialism with Chinese characteristics, they would certainly be elated
and would write today's "Events in China" with a warm feeling, entirely
different from the past.
CSO: 4004/24
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CHINA'S POTENTIALS IN DEVELOPING FORESTRY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 p 13
["Reference Material" column by the Bureau of Agriculture, Forestry and
Water Conservancy under the State Planning Commission]
[Text] At present, China has 1.17 billion mu of uncultivated land and
hills which are suitable for afforestation. If all of them are afforested
and half of them become timber forests, we will have 3.6 billion cubic
meters of timber 40 years after afforestation, or 6 cubic meters per mu.
If we take 30 years as the lumbering period, then 120 million cubic meters
of timber can be felled a year, more than twice present timber production
under state planning.
There are about 1 billion mu of middle- and young-growth forests in China.
If tending and management are strengthened in 10 percent of these forests
each year, that is, some trees in the young-growth forests are felled to
let in more light and some trees in the middle-growth forests are felled
to make them thinner, then the per mu timber yield will be increased by
30 percent (0.1 cubic meter) a year, and the reserves of timber in the
whole country will`be increased by 10 million cubic meters.
There are about 400 million mu of middle-growth forests in our country. If
thin-out felling is conducted in these forests, some 0.5 cubic meter of
timber can usually be produced per mu. If the thin-out felling is
finished in 20 years, then more than 10 million cubic meters of timber
will be produced each year.
At present, our country has 234 million mu of sparse woods which have very
low reserves of timber, an average of 2.4 cubic meters per mu. It is
necessary to carry out; improvements in the growth of these woods, to fell
some old varieties of trees and to plant some new varieties. If this work
can be completed in 20 years, then, some 14 million cubic meters of timber
can be produced each year.
At present, since the capital construction work in forest areas still can-
not satisfy our forestry development needs, some rich forest resources in
remote areas have not been exploited and a large quantity of forest
resources has become rotten. Now, there are 3 billion cubic meters of
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timber reserves in the mature and overmature forests in our country;
about 27 million cubic meters of these forests become rotten each year.
If we speed up the exploitation of the mature and overmature forests in
remote areas in a planned way, the potential in these areas can certainly
be tapped.
CSO: 4004/24
21,
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BACKWARD ADMINISTRATION AND MANAGEMENT METHODS SHOULD BE REFORMED
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 14-15
[Article by Jing Ping [2529 1627]]
[Text] Inspired by the 12th party congress, people across the country are
sparing no effort to create a new situation in carrying out the moderniza-
tion program. However, backward administration and management methods are
a bondage for the people and their thinking. The sense of responsibility,
of laborers as masters of their country and their wisdom have been
suppressed while enterprises are not aggressive and vital enough. To
display the advantages of the socialist economic system, it is imperative
to reform the backward administration and management methods that are con-
tradictory to our country's condition and to the needs of the development
of productivity.
Over the past few years and under the guidance of the spirit of the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the broad masses of
peasants and rural cadres have taken the lead in boldly reforming agricul-
tural administration and management methods. They have broken away from
the old practice that cooperative economy of collective ownership can only
undertake unified management, collective labor and recording work points
through appraisal and introduced various forms of the system of contracted
responsibility with payment linked to output and as a result, the rural
economy is now prospering. Like a strong wind in spring, the system of
contracted responsibility with payment linked to output is now blowing
throughout rural areas in China and has also affected urban areas.
Enlightened by the system of contracted responsibility with payment linked
to output, industry and commerce have also introduced various forms of
enterprise responsibility system. This responsibility system is charac-
terized by contracted responsibilities as the center, combining the inter-
ests of the state, collective and individuals and linking staff welfare
with labor achievements. Results of experiments in this system are also
striking. Consequently, people cannot but ask why, now that such a
responsibility system has been introduced to the socialist economy, it has
shown such tremendous vitality, like a volcanic eruption, and achieved
considerable economic efficiency? And why this system has been warmly
welcomed by the masses and has been able to. expand into various places
and various economic sectors across the country? The rational answers are:
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First, the reason for the lack of vitality in the national economy in China
lies in backward administration and management methods and not in public
ownership. Socialist public ownership of the means of production has
helped to overcome the contradiction between socialized production and
private ownership of the means of production and the contradiction between
planned production by some enterprises and unplanned social production,
and helped to eradicate the economic foundation for exploitation of man by
man. With this ownership, people have become masters of their own country.
This is an advanced economic system that is in a position to mobilize the
production initiative and creativity of the laborers. The core of the
question is that it is only when advanced public ownership is accompanied
by advanced administration and management methods that people will really
feel that they are masters of the socialist economy and that the advantages
of the socialist system will be displayed. The original administration and
management methods of the economy with public ownership in our country were
formed under the influence of certain patterns of foreign countries in the
1950's. Practice over the past decades has proved that these methods have
failed in many aspects and do not accord with the conditions of our coun-
try. The reason the responsibility system, with contracted responsibility
as the center, is able to activate the socialist economy lies in the fact
that this system has reformed backward administration and management methods
on the basis of upholding the basic system of the socialist economy.
Second, there are many problems in administration and management methods,
but the most important ones are excessively centralized management and the
distribution of "everybody eating from the same big pot." With "everybody
eating from the same big pot," it is only natural that some people do not
get sufficient remuneration for the work they have done, while other people
enjoy the fruit of other people's work. With "everybody eating from the
same big pot," everybody gets a share and, therefore, it seems that it is
in everyone's interest; but in reality, there is no definite awards or
punishment and, consequently, people have no initiative and there is no way
to improve production and economic efficiency. As a result, the state,
collective and individuals have suffered. The success of the system of
contracted responsibility with payment linked to output lies in the fact
that this system has broken away from the system of "everybody eating from
the same big pot" and is in a position to demonstrate still better the
principle of distribution according to labor. That is why, with the system
of contracted responsibility with payment linked to output, people have
become diligent and are able to display their wisdom. As a result, a
number of the people who are good at administration and management have
come to the fore, economic efficiency has been achieved at a greater pace
and social practice has been changed. In the 1950's, Comrade Chen Yun
said reforms were taken to forbid capitalists from exploiting workers.
Now, reforms are being taken in order to put an end to the system of "every-
body eating from the same big pot." The significance of breaking away from
"everybody eating from the same big pot" and the "iron rice bowl" and
implementing the system of more labor more gain, less labor less gain and
no labor no gain can be matched with the significance of reforming private
industry and commerce. This has been proved in practice. The three great
reforms in the 1950's resulted in changing the means of production by
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private ownership to the means of production by public ownership. Today,
the reforms are aimed at overcoming equalitarianism and consequently, we
have found a proper form for carrying out distribution according to labor
which is a basic question in socialist production relations.
Third, the great significance of the system of contracted responsibility
is that it has not only directly solved the problem of distribution but has
also promoted the reforms of enterprise administration and management as a
whole and consequently promoted the reforms of management methods of higher
level management departments. The core of the system of contracted respon-
sibility is "contract." "Contract" is the "chain" through which the welfare
of laborers is linked with the results of labor; it also combines responsi-
bility with right and interest and links state planning with the autonomy
of enterprises. "Contract" is also a "regulator" because through "con-
tract," the interest of various aspects, the interest among the state,
collective and individuals and the economic interest among enterprises and
regulated. "Contract" is also a "catalyst." Under the condition in which
the system of contracted responsibility with payment linked to output is
implemented, the management systems of production, finance and technology
and supply and sales must also be changed. The reform of enterprise admin-
istration and management will have microscopic and macroscopic linked
reaction in various aspects to promote the reforms of the whole labor wage
system, price management\system, financial and monetary system and manage-
ment planning system.
Fourth, the system of contracted responsibility with payment linked to out-
put is highly adaptable. It constantly perfects and enriches itself in its
development. Various forms of this system are adopted by different trades
in different localities according to their different characteristics. Even
the same form of the system is carried out flexibly, featuring unification,
dispersion or a combination of both according to specific conditions. This
system can be adopted. by units of collective ownership, units of ownership
by the whole people, agricultural, industrial, commercial, transportation
and building construction, as well as enterprises that are making a profit
or running a loss. As long as the contracted responsibility is rational,
we will be able to achieve economic efficiency quickly in the interests of
the state, collective and individuals.
In short, the fact that the system of contracted responsibility with pay-
ment linked to output has been generally welcomed proves that it is in line
with the conditions of our country and the needs in the development of
productivity and it is a creation with great significance by the Chinese
people in building socialism with Chinese characteristics.
The implementation of the responsibility system based on contracts has
effected a great breakthrough in the reforms of administration and manage-
ment methods. This success means that we will be able to achieve still
greater results in overall reforms. The national economy is an organic
whole and its various parts are closely related. Compared with agricul-
ture, we realize that the reforms of administration and management in
industry and commerce are more complicated. Meanwhile, reforms are a kind
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of pioneering work, which should be carried out carefully. Therefore,
reforms should be promoted in a guided way and step by step. While carrying
out reforms, various units should not pay attention only to their interests.
They should consider whether their interests will affect the overall economic
situation. Once they have made a correct judgment, they should be bold in
carrying out their reforms. If they are not sure of success, they should
not do the work in a rush. It has taken several years to carry out and
popularize various responsibility systems in agricultural production. A
continuously developing process in practice is also needed in order to
promote the reforms of administration and management in industry and com-
merce. Reforms of systems should, first of all, be carried out on an
experimental basis. Only through experiments can we popularize the reforms
stage by stage and area by area. In no way should we do the work in a rush
and demand "uniformity in everything." The progress of reforms might be
slower because of experiment work; however, if we disregard experiments for
the sake of speed, we will have to start all over again if the results of
the reforms are undesirable. Comparing these two methods, we realize that
we will suffer smaller losses if we employ the first method. We should
firmly carry out our reforms in an orderly way and employ appropriate
methods in light of local conditions. While carrying out the reforms, we
should consider whether our work will be beneficial to the building of
socialism with Chinese characteristics, to the prosperity and development
of our country, and to the well-being and happiness of the people. All
this should be taken as our criterion. In the process of carrying out
reforms, we will no doubt meet with various difficulties and obstacles.
As communists, we are dutybound to reform the world. For the sake of the
modernization program and building socialism with Chinese characteristics,
we must be aware of the situation, improve our understanding, follow the
trend in the development of history and spare no effort to become promoters
in reforming administration and management methods.
CSO: 4004/23
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HOW IS THE SYSTEM OF CONTRACTED RESPONSIBILITIES WITH PAYMENT LINKED TO
OUTPUT IMPLEMENTED IN THE RURAL AREAS OF YANTAI PREFECTURE?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 16-19
["Finding Report" by Wang Jifu [3769 3444 1133], secretary of Yantai
Prefectural CPC Committee, Shandong Province]
Yantai Prefecture lies on the Jiaodong peninsula and is one of the prefec-
tures in China with a relatively advanced rural economy. It is composed
of 16 county towns, with more than 8 million people and 12.52 million mu of
cultivated land. This area is near both sea and mountains, and hence has
rich natural resources, with relatively advanced water and land transporta-
tion. Yantai Prefecture is a base for commodity grain, peanuts, aquatic
products and fruits as well as an important region famous for its tradi-
tional handicrafts work such as drawn work, embroidery and grass-woven
work. A scene of prosperity has emerged in the development of the rural
economy across the prefecture since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee.
A new subject for us is now, through the implementation of the system of
contracted responsibilities with payment linked to output, to further mobi-
lize the initiative of the broad masses of people and create a new situa-
tion in the construction of thq rural areas. When the system of contracted
responsibilities with payment linked to output was first popularized across
the country, some comrades regarded this system as an expedient measure for
backward areas to overcome poverty and as inapplicable to advanced areas.
But following the development of this system and particularly the vigorous
development of the implementation of this system on a big scale, the origi-
nally backward areas have rapidly overcome backwardness while some rela-
tively rich areas have made still greater progress. Many cadres at grass-
roots levels and the broad masses of people wrote letters to leading com-
rades at prefectural and county levels and demanded the introduction of
the system as early as possible. Yet some cadres were still doubtful.
They worried that following the introduction of the system of contracted
responsibilities with payment linked to output, the output of grain and
edible oil would drop, causing losses to the collective and affecting
diversified economic management.
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Under these conditions, we comrades from prefectural, county and city CPC
committees repeatedly studied the related directives of the CPC Central
Committee and carried out study and investigations in more than 200
people's communes across the region. These investigations proved that such
shortcomings as excessive centralization of control, the practice of "doing
things in a massive and unplanned way," and egalitarianism seriously existed
in the rural economy in Yantai Prefecture and that it is a pressing desire
and a natural orientation for further developing the rural economy in the
region to introduce the system of contracted responsibilities with payment
linked to output, reform the original labor management and the method of
distribution and combine unified management with household management and
the advantages of the collective with the initiative of individuals. A
number of typical examples have fully proved this point. The Xili village
production brigade of Xiacun town in.Rushan County is a unit that has
introduced the responsibility system earlier and consequently it has
rapidly developed production. In 1981, per mu grain output was 1,967 jin,
with a total agricultural income of 890,000 yuan and per capita average
distribution of 711 yuan. This production brigade was seriously hit by
drought in 1982 and yet it was able to attain per mu grain output as high
as more than 1,800 jin. Agricultural, industrial and sideline production
net income was increased by 290,000 yuan. 'In that year,~this production
brigade was able to accumulate retention as much as 230,000 yuan, 110,000
yuan more than the previous year and per capita average distribution was
as high as 1,030 yuan, 319 yuan more than the previous year. Xiguan pro-
duction brigade of Mouping County has been able to increase its income
every year and quadruple it in a matter of 3 years since it introduced the
system of contracted responsibilities according to specialized teams. The
new collective income of the whole production brigade in 1981 was 2.02
million yuan, with an average of 1,900 yuan and average per capita distribu-
tion was 1,000 yuan. In 1982, the net income of this production brigade
increased by more than 500,000 yuan, with an average of more than 2,300
yuan.
Facts made people understand that the introduction of the system of con-
tracted responsibilities with payment linked to output is a major reform
for developing the socialist agriculture with Chinese features. It is a
valuable method not only for poor regions to overcome poverty but also a
golden bridge for. economically advanced regions to become rich.
The forms of the production responsibility system to be taken by a prefec-
ture and a unit depend on the level of their productivity, the structure
of the economy, cadres' management level and the will of the broad masses
of people. When we were selecting the 'forms for agricultural production
responsibility system for Yantai Prefecture, we fully considered the
following objective factors: First, the region has a relatively good
collective economic foundation and a high level of productivity. In 1981,
the power-driven machinery across the prefecture totaled 3.85 million
horsepower, with an average of more than 3,000 horsepower of machinery for
every 10,000 mu of cultivated land. Such production tasks as plowing,
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sowing, threshing, transportation and the processing of agricultural and
sideline products have been basically mechanized, fine seed strains have
been used in growing agricultural crops while irrigated acreage made up
more than 60 percent of the total cultivated area. Public accumulation
of the production brigades and production teams across the prefecture
totaled 3.38 billion yuan, with an average of 330,000 yuan per production
brigade. Second, the region has a relatively advanced diversified economic
management, coupled with a relatively high production specialization. The
region has been gradually turned from single management of crops growing
to comprehensive management of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry,
sideline production, fisheries and industry and commerce. Statistics at
the end of 1981 showed that the items of diversified economic management
across the region werermore than 138,000 while the labor force that
engaged in industrial and sideline production and diversified economic
management made up more than 55 percent of the total rural labor force in
the region, such labor force in some people's communes and production
brigades was as high as 80 to 90 percent; the income of industrial and
sideline production and diversified economic management made up 60.3 per-
cent of the total agricultural income and the figure in some units was as
high as 80 to 90 percent. In the sector of crop growing, the division of
labor among specialized groups has been carried out in some aspects as
nursing seedlings, crop protection and mechanical operation. Third, cadres
at grassroots levels have acquired a certain management level. Following
the rapid development of the industry run by people's communes and produc-
tion teams, the region has trained a great number of grassroots cadres who
have a certain amount of experience in specialized management. A number of
production brigades have their own technicians and some even have their own
engineers. Fourth, according to their practice over the past many years,
the broad masses of commune members hoped to change the situation in which
labor force was "excessively centralized" and distribution was carried out
"equally"; on the other hand, they also hoped that following the introduc-
tion of the responsibility system, "machinery will continue to operate,
specialization will be continued and income will not decrease."
According to the above-mentioned situations, we analyzed and compared the
various forms of the system of contracted responsibilities with payment
linked to output and correctly analyzed the experiences of a dozen advanced
examples. Consequently we hold that the forms of the production responsi-
bility system to be taken by Yantai Prefecture should have the following
features: The prefecture must take unified business management as the main
and combine it with dispersed management and this management form should
be defined for the purpose of further displaying the roles of collective
accumulation, big machinery and water conservancy facilities; management
tasks must be carried out according to contracted responsibilities assigned
to specialized teams because this practice is required by the existing
economic structure and a prerequisite for further progress toward a
specialized, socialized and commodity economy. With regard to planning
the forms of payment and distribution, it is necessary to absorb the
advantages of the all-round contract system and carry out distribution on
the basis of contracted responsibilities so as to make interests more
direct and the method more simple; with regard to the form of labor, it is
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imperative to take the method of dispersed independent labor as the main
and wherever possible, responsibilities must be contracted to households
and laborers. When it is impossible to contract responsibilities to house-
holds, the responsibilities must at least be contracted to teams. Thus,
basing ourselves on these analyses, we actively advocate the system of
contracted responsibilities for specialized teams with payment linked to
output under unified management, and we term this responsibility system
"unified management, specialization and contracted responsibilities."
By unified management we mean that it is necessary to persist in unified
management as the main. This unified management mainly refers to unified
coordination and unified policy by the collective in the process of produc-
tion, and it includes unified use of certain important production factors,
and unified arrangement of certain production links. For example, most
units in the region have persisted in implementing unified production
planning, unified use of big farm machinery and water conservancy facili-
ties, unified major production measures and unified balance of staff
payment in various sectors.
Specialization means division of work according to specialization. This
method is mainly based on such objective conditions as natural resources,
labor resources, foundation of specialization and various talents in each
unit. And it means "specialization first and then linking payment to
output" and responsibilities generally contracted to specialized teams.
In order to do a good job of dividing work according to specialization it
is necessary first of all to contract land rationally. We have advocated
throughout the prefecture to contract land to the labor force responsible
for industrial and sideline production or just to contract fields for
producing ration grain to members of households; we do not distribute land
according to members of the households. This method is aimed at guarantee-
ing that all the labor forces in forestry, animal husbandry, sideline
production, fisheries, industry and commerce will be able to display their
own advantages and develop rural economy in an overall way.
By contracted responsibilities we mean that distribution is carried out
according to contracted responsibilities. That is to say, under the
premise of unified management and division of work by specialized teams,
we use the distribution method on the basis of the all-round contract
system so as to closely combine responsibilities with rights and interests
of laborers and effectively mobilize the production initiative of cadres
and the masses. This distribution method on the basis of the contract
system is different from the method of the all-round contract system intro-
duced in some regions with relatively unitary economic structure. The
responsibilities for the output of grain and edible oil are in general
contracted according to "standard output" that is defined according to
average annual output of per mu contracted land over the past 3 years and
reliable potential for increasing output. The responsibilities for indus-
trial and sideline production and the production of diversified economic
management are in general contracted according to output value on the
basis of actual "standard profit." At the same time, consideration is also
given as how to balance the various trades. As price parity between
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industrial and agricultural products and the price parity of the various
agricultural and sideline products are not totally rational, the income
of commune members that are responsible for various production is often
affected by price. Therefore in defining collective retention, more reten-
tion is made for the contracted items with higher price and higher profit
and less retention for the items with lower price and lower profit. The
size of the units that have taken contracted responsibilities must be
based on their own specific conditions. Most of the responsibilities for
the production of grain and edible oil in the region are contracted to
households or individuals. Some of the items of diversified economic
management and industrial and sideline production that can be dispersed
in contracting to households and individuals are directly contracted to
them and the masses have termed this method "directly contracted responsi-
bilities"; some other items that require stronger coordination are con-
tracted to specialized factories (workshops), groups and teams and they
contract the responsibilities further to lower units with payment linked
to output or on the basis of piece work; the masses termed this method
"contracted responsibilities by different levels."
The responsibility system of "unified management, specialization and con-
tracted responsibilities" includes the advantages of the many forms of
responsibility system and therefore it has been welcomed by the broad masses
of'peasants. Up to the present, the number of production brigades that have
introduced this responsibility system makes up more than 90 percent of the
total production brigades. The introduction of this responsibility system
in Yantai Prefecture has activated and promoted the rural economy but at
the same time it has also caused new situations and new contradictions in
our work in rural areas. Consequently, the prefectural party committee and
party organizations at all levels are carrying out their work actively and
stably and constantly studying and solving new problems.
First, manage and use well the collective assets that have been accumulated
for many years and protect and develop the productivity that has already
been formed in rural areas. One of the outstanding problems following the
introduction of distribution according to contracted responsibilities is
how to protect the existing fixed assets of the collective, display their
roles still better and constantly develop them. In solving this problem,
we have relied mainly on correctly handling the relations between unified
and dispersed management and developed some specialized teams. Those that
are suitable for unified management such as tractors, water conservancy
facilities and some production equipment of diversified economic management
are put under the unified management of, and used by, the collective. But
as unified management is carried out with regard to those that are suitable
for being dispersed among households or jointly managed by households, they
are put under unified management. For example, it is encouraged to con-
tract the responsibilities for the care and use of draft animals to indi-
viduals, or the protection of crops to households. We have also actively
developed specialized organizations and a number of.the counties and
people's communes in the prefecture that have already set up various supply
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and marketing, processing and technical specialized companies or associa-
tions that are serving production. Most production brigades have set up
mechanical specialized service teams (groups) and irrigation specialized
teams (groups). Some production brigades have set up specialized teams for
supplying the means of production and agricultural technical service teams
and these organizations have introduced the system of contracted responsi-
bilities and the system of the distribution on the basis of contracting
responsibilities. Some of the units with less machinery have contracted
responsibilities to individuals and the machinery is used under the manage-
ment of the collective. Such "unified" management meets the needs of the
socialization of such agricultural production processes as plowing, harrow-
ing, sowing and transportation as well as irrigation. At the same time,
as this "unified" management is combined with "specialization" and "con-
tracted responsibilities," it enables the collective to display its
strength even better. In 1982, the utility rate of machinery during busy
farming season across the region was 93.percent, more than 10 percent
higher than the previous year while mechanized operation made up 60 percent
of the total agricultural labor used in agricultural production, 18 percent
higher than the previous year.
Second, persist in developing agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry,
sideline production and fisheries and industry and commerce in an overall
way, further specialize and socialize production and improve the commodity
rate of various agricultural and sideline products. We demand that cadres
at all levels must overcome the thinking of only undertaking crop produc-
tion and broaden their field of vision so as to concentrate their attention
on all the natural resources such as hills, waters, fields and land under
the premise of promoting grain production, so-that the masses will be able
to develop diversified economic management in a big way. The prefecture
added more than 16,000 new items of diversified economic management in 1982
and the number of people engaged in diversified economic management and
industrial and sideline production increased by 450,000 more than the
previous year while the income from diversified economic management in-
creased by 354 million yuan. We have also supported and developed various
specialized households, key households and specialized laborers so as to
provide more opportunity for various artisans to display their roles. Now
there are a total of more than 420,000 `specialized and key households
across the region and they make up 20.4 percent of the total households.
Massive emergence of the specialized and key households has expanded the
scope of specialized production, division of work has become more meticu-
lous and profit has been increased while the commodity rate has been also
increasing. It has been proven by practice that the responsibility system
of "unified management, specialization and contracted responsibilities" has
broadened the road.for specialized factories (workshops), specialized teams,
specialized households and specialized laborers to develop in competition.
This system will quicken the specialization and socialization of the pro-
duction in the prefecture and improve the commodity rate.
Third, persist in implementing the socialist principle of distribution
according to labor. Most people's communes and production teams in Yantai
Prefecture have undertaken more business undertakings and there are great
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differences in the net income created by labor in different trades. Such
differences are caused not only by subjective factors of the laborers
themselves but also by objective factors as natural conditions, production
equipment, supply of raw materials and sales and prices of products.
Therefore in defining the basic figure for contracted responsibilities, we
paid attention to balancing labor payment in various trades so that with
the same labor volume, the members of the same accounting unit that are
responsible for farm production, industrial production and sideline produc-
tion will basically have similar amount of labor payment. At present,
there are three methods for balancing payment. The first method is to
balance according to "standard work day value." The "standard work day
value" is first calculated early in the year when the norms of contracted
responsibilities are being defined. The method of calculation is: From
the total income from contracts of a production brigade, deduct production
expenses, tax and collective retention, and then divide this by the total
estimated labor to be put in by the whole production brigade. The result is
"standard work day value." "Standard work day value" multiplied by the
work days decided by the various units that are undertaking contracted
responsibilities is the payment due to these units. When the net income
of the various units is higher than the due payment, part of the surplus
will be handed over to a higher department by the end of the year and when
the net income is lower than the due payment, subsidy will be given by the
production brigade. The second method is to balance the payment by taking
the due payment for agricultural labor as the basic figure. This method is
termed by the masses "industrial and sideline production following agricul-
ture." First of all, the total annual income from contracted responsi-
bilities by the whole agricultural sector, after deducting production
expenses and collective retention, is divided by the number of agricultural
laborers. The result is the due labor payment for agricultural labor for
the whole year, and this result represents a basic figure for the payment
of various trades. The units that are using this method are in general
characterized by not too much difference of labor productivity among various
trades. The third method is to retain work points and carry out unified
distribution at the end of the year. Yearly work points are defined
according to the labor volume that is needed by various trades in fulfilling
contracted responsibilities, with unified distribution at the end of the
year according to work points. This method is used by most units as a
transitional form when they are first carrying out the system of contracted
responsibilities. Balance does not mean equality. No matter what bal-
ancing forms are introduced, the payment for those taking the contracted
responsibilities for production items and types of work that are charac-
terized by higher technology, labor intensity and greater contribution is
in general higher. The surplus that is left after fulfilling contracted
responsibilities belongs to those that have taken the responsibilities and
there is no balancing.
Fourth, proceed from the needs of the situation in the rural areas and
resolutely reform to rural economic system in an orderly manner. Following
the introduction of the responsibility system of "unified management,
specialization and contracted responsibilities," the following new situa-
tions have emerged in rural areas in Yantai Prefecture. First, the system
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of the "three-level ownership by the people's commune, production brigade
and production team with production team as basic accounting unit" that had
been implemented for many years has in fact been broken through. Now what
really has its role in the rural areas is the economy of the production
brigade, and the function of production teams as basic accounting units has
in fact been considerably weakened and has even been basically eradicated.
Second, a big scale development of the various specialized production teams
with families and groups as units urgently requires prior-production and
post-production services and demands the formation of a specialized and
socialized economic entity. These situations demand that it is imperative
to reform the current system in rural areas. At present, many production
brigades rely on the enterprises run by production teams and have formed a
number of specialized service organizations to strengthen the links between
production, supply and marketing of various trades. Some economically
advanced units have turned production brigades into "agricultural, indus-
trial and commercial companies" from the point of comprehensively managing
agriculture, industry and commerce and they have set up the three manager
departments of agricultural, industrial and commercial service to be respon-
sible for coordinating the production of various specialized items and form
a new economic system.
Although the responsibility system of "unified management, specialization
and contracted responsibilities" was introduced in Yantai Prefecture .not
long ago, it has demonstrated strong power through practice and brought
about profound changes in the political and economic situations in the
rural areas and has become a powerful motive force in developing the rural
economy. Of course, following its development in practice, the responsi-
bility system'of "unified management, specialization and contracted respon-
sibilities" has to be constantly perfected in many aspects. For example,
such problems as further standardization of contracted responsibilities,
further improvement of scientific nature and rationalization of contracted
responsibilities of diversified economic management and industrial and
sideline production tasks have to be gradually resolved in practice.
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WE MUST PAY ATTENTION TO ENERGY CONSERVATION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 20-22
[Article by Niu Yiping [3662 0001 5493]]
[Text] Energy shortages are one of the main factors restricting economic
growth in China. Comrade Hu Yaobang has already correctly pointed out the
principle for rectifying China's energy problems in his report to the 12th
party congress: "We must increase energy exploitation and severely cut
back on energy consumption." As far as exploitation of energy is con-
cerned, the state is at the moment raising funds to enlarge the scale of
energy construction and speed up energy exploitation in the 1980's while
also setting up conditions so that there may be guarantees of a certain
speed of increase in the 1990's. However, since energy exploitation is
restricted by technological conditions, construction schedules and various
factors such as transportation and communications, it will be difficult to
see any large-scale increases in the near future. If we only rely on
exploitation of energy it will be impossible to meet the demands of the
growth of the national economy. According to the requirements of the
Sixth 5-Year Plan industrial output is to increase by more than 4 percent
annually, while energy resources are only to increase by 1.4 percent and
thus more than half the energy required by industrial increases during the
Sixth 5-Year Plan must rely on energy savings. The speed of increase in
energy resources during the Seventh 5-Year Plan and the 10 years following
will not even be half the speed of industrial increases during the same
period and thus, there again, at least half of energy requirements will have
to depend on energy savings. Thus, energy saving has already become a
question of overall significance for the development of China's national
economy.
Energy conservation is the most realistic and effective measure to solve
shortages in China's energy supplies and it is also an important factor in
quickly improving economic results. Energy consumption both directly and
indirectly makes up a large proportion of production costs in industry.
Only by cutting energy consumption and raising the overall energy utiliza-
tion ratio can production costs be lowered, revenue increased and accumu-
lation expanded. While conserving valuable energy we can at the same time
invest in reproduction, thus increasing wealth for society. China's present
irrational enterprise structure, product make-up and technological make-up
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compounded by backward levels of production technology and unsatisfactory
management produce startling wastages in energy usage. Wastage and ineffec-
tive spending in living costs are also rife. In 1981 the national revenue
for every ton of standard coal consumed was only 576 yuan and this figure
is not only much lower than the figures in industrially developed countries,
it is also around 30-40 percent lower than the average figure in developing
countries. In a domestic comparison the national revenue produced at
present from China's investments in unit energy do not reach the highest
levels attained in the past. There are enormous differences in energy
consumption levels in different regions throughout the country. In 1981,
Shanghai city consumed 27,400 tons of energy for every 100 million yuan of
industrial output value. In Jiangsu this figure was 37,400 tons and in
Tianjin it was 38,600 tons--about half the national average of 76,400 tons.
But in some provinces the figure is as high as 180,000 tons or 200,000 tons,
more than 2 and 3 times higher than the national average. The differences
between enterprises and undertakings are even greater. So is it actually
possible to cut energy consumption? The answer is of course, yes. In
recent years, small nitrogenous fertilizer and metallurgical enterprises
clearly illustrate this. In 1976 the average consumption of coal and other
fuels per ammonia tonnage for small nitrogenous fertilizer enterprises in
China was 4,181 kilos and in 1981 this figure had dropped to 2,144 kilos,
showing a decrease of 49 percent. Consumption of electricity per ammonia
tonnage also dropped from 2,239 watts to 1,416 watts, a decrease of 37 per-
cent. As a result of this drop in unit consumption around 20 million tons
of standard coal were saved in the period from 1976 to 1981 which is equal
to the raw coal output of 2 or 3 large-scale mining areas of 10 million-ton
output. In the metallurgy industry overall costs in steel tonnage dropped
28 percent between 1978 and 1981 and this serves to illustrate the enormous
difference between tackling energy conservation and not tackling it.
Energy conservation is an all-embracing part of science and technology. To
a very great extent, energy consumption levels and social economic results
to be gained from unit energy investment together reflect the scientific
and technological level of a country. Energy conservation cannot be
founded on a technologically backward economy. New equipment, new tech-
nology, new materials and so on must replace backward and outdated equip-
ment, technology and materials before the energy-utilization ratio may rise
and before the overall economic results of energy usage also rise. The
technology and equipment being used today in China were to a very great
extent produced during the 1950's and 1960's and utilization ratios are
low, and consumption and wastage high. In China there are 28,000 different
varieties of electrical machinery products and around 16,000 of them are
poor in performance and need replacement or are simply obsolete, and this
figure represents around 60 percent of all products in the electrical
machinery industry. Throughout the entire domestic industry there are at
present around 200,000 boilers and each year their coal consumption reaches
200 million tons--one-third of total domestic coal output. Of the "old
tigers" among these boilers, with heat efficiency ratios of below 60 per-
cent, there are 120,000 steam boilers which each year consume 30 million
tons of coal more, representing 15 percent of total consumption figures.
It is impossible to obtain maximum utilization ratios with this kind of
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backward technology and thus in order to tackle energy conservation we must
tackle technological transformations,and improvements and this, in addition
to making enormous savings very quickly, will also effect and stimulate
technological advancement throughout society. Technological transformations
and equipment renewal will cost a lot of money but once they become effec-
tive, investments will be returned very quickly. The Daqing oilfields use
new high pressure water flooding pumps and since they are highly efficient,
every pump makes annual saving of 2.14 million watts of electricity which
equals monetary savings of 128,000 yuan. This annual financial saving can
cover the cost of purchasing two more of these new pumps. In 1981 Yunnan
Province spent 600,000 yuan on improving 11,000 "Liberation" brand cars and
after this work fuel consumption fell by 12.6 percent so that every year
savings of 6,000 tons of fuel were made, which were realized as returned
revenue of around 4 million yuan, thus the direct results gained were 6.
times the cost of improvements.
Energy conservation must begin with energy production and be carried right
through to consumption. At every step from mining, transportation,
processing to transformation and usage there must be reductions in damaging
wastage and increases in efficiency. To conserve energy we cannot depend
only on one or two sectors or launch ourselves into it from only one or two
angles, we must depend on all regions, all sectors and all enterprises for
their joint cooperation and at the same time we must increase the people's
understanding of the urgency of energy conservation and the duty that they
have toward it. In this way everyone may understand the strategic sig-
nificance of conservation, the relationship between energy conservation and
the attainment of our strategic goals and the relationship between energy
conservation and improvements in the people's living standards. Based on
the present situation in China as far as energy consumption is concerned,
the main ways of conserving energy are:
1. Continued readjustment to the economic structure. Because China
developed heavy industry in a very biased way for 'a long period of time,
irrationalities occurred within the economic structure and thus massive
wastage occurred in energy usage. In recent years steadfast implementation
of the principles of readjustment has meant that a fundamental balance has
been reached in the proportions between light and heavy industry and thus
just within the 2 years from 1980 to 1981 around 41 million tons of
standard coal were saved and the results of this'are obvious. However,
there are still some problems in the internal structure of both light and
heavy industry. In the future we must continue to implement the principles
for readjusting the national economy and, based on the greatest possible
satisfaction of the constantly increasing demands of the people's liveli-
hoods, we must ensure an overall balance, readjusting the structure of both
heavy and light industry as well as their separate internal structures so
that we may achieve even better economic results. Irrational make-up of
enterprises is one of the main factors creating energy wastage. In very
recent years energy shortages have meant that many large-scale enterprises
have been operating under capacity while small-scale enterprises with high
consumption and low efficiency have been blindly developing and expanding.
Small iron and steel works, small oil refineries and small calcium carbide
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factories characterized by low results and repetitive products should con-
tinue to be shut down or have their production aimed in another direction.
In 1981 Shandong Province shut down its small oil refineries and small iron
and steel works and thus made savings of 600,000 tons of standard coal.
While readjusting enterprise structure it is important that attention be
paid to readjusting product make-up. If we improve product make-up and
use every means possible to organize well those products that are needed by
society and suppress those products which are not needed or are not so
vital, especially those which are high in consumption, then we will be able
to make enormous savings on energy. If we improve product design and
product quality as well as technological processes and always take energy
conservation into consideration when thinking about product design, produc-
tion line design and what raw materials should be used then the energy
savings that we will make will provide even better results. For example,
in the metallurgy industry if more waste steel is used, iron and steel
proportions dropped, then for every drop of 0.1 there would be annual
savings of 7 million tons of standard coal. In 1981 China's proportional
production of iron and steel dropped to a ratio of 0.96:1 in comparison to
1.02:1 in 1980 and thus several million tons of standard coal were saved
during that year.
2. Improved scientific management of energy resources. -This is top
priority if enterprises really want to conserve energy. Improved manage-
ment does not cost very much money and results can be seen in a very short
space of time. For example, if energy-saving equipment and technology is
selected and used, if boiler and engines and so on function rationally,
work shifts are organized well, production scientifically organized and if
energy resources are used as rationally as possible in every department and
every enterprise, based on maximum social results, then enormous savings
can be made on energy. Improved management of energy resources means that
calculation and estimation work must be improved, that each enterprise's
position concerning consumption is made clear and that those involved in
management have an accurate picture of what's what. On this kind of basis
energy conservation can be carried out. Today, calculations in many
enterprises are not accurate, statistics are incomplete and the situation
concerning each enterprise's energy consumption is hazy. But, once calcu-
lation work is made more accurate and detailed and management is improved,
then consumption will fall. The Shanghai Solvent Factory which consumed
60,000 tons of standard coal a year began to take note of calculation work
and worked out its consumption every day based on 150 different statistics
throughout the factory and on the same basis accounted its production costs.
In the last 3 years total production value for the factory has risen by an
annual 13 percent while the profit margin has increased by an annual 11
percent. Fuel consumption rates have dropped by 5.5 percent and thus over-
all unit solvent fuel consumption has dropped by 34.6 percent. In the last
4 years in Sichuan Province civil meters have been put to use, referred to
as the "three meters" (electric meters, water meters and gas meters) and as
a result the energy consumption rate has dropped by about half while the
cost of installing the meters was recovered in a year and a half. Quota
management of energy consumption must be improved and those enterprises
which have no such quotas must set up scientific quota management. Those
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which already have such quotas must aim for advanced standards. Only with
advanced quota standards can there be any scientific assessment and
surveillance of energy consumption. General investigation of enterprise
energy resources is important work in putting an end to energy wastage.
If enterprises do not carry out such general investigations it may be
likened to not diagnosing the illness to be treated. For, if we do not get
to grips with the reasons or illness causing energy consumption, then we
have no way of finding the correct medicine. By carrying out a general
investigation of enterprise energy resources we can establish with clarity
exactly where energy resources are put to use in each enterprise and which
cases are rational and which are irrational or ineffective. Already many
regions and enterprises have begun this work and in some cases work has
continued so that some enterprises have developed heat and energy balances,
thus elevating scientific management of energy resources to a new level.
3. A good grasp of technological transformation and scientific and techno-
logical advancements centered around energy conservation. Good organiza-
tion of scientific management of energy conservation is extremely important
but we can only rely on scientific management to conserve energy to a
limited degree whereas the extent to which technological transformations
and scientific and technological improvements can help us in energy con-
servation is limitless. In order to put energy conservation onto a new
higher level we must actively examine and adopt advanced production tech-
nology and machinery, based on the different characteristics of every
enterprise involved. Only in this way will energy conservation broaden its
domain and develop extensively. We must use long and medium-term projects,
overall plans for technological transformation and effective measures to
bring down the unit consumption of all products and cut energy costs by
tens of thousands of yuan. The Anshan Iron and Steel Company plans to
carry out 65 technological transformation projects during the Sixth 5-Year
Plan and when work is complete unit steel energy consumption will drop from
1.014 tons to 0.96 tons, making annual savings of 380,000 tons of standard
coal. We must also pay attention to'equipment renewal and production
improvements, using effective measures to get rid of backward equipment
and production methods, replacing them with advanced machinery and methods.
In the last few years we have already made some progress in this area. For
example, the technology developed in the metallurgy industry such as the
blast furnace coal powder spray and the over-fire hot blast furnace and the
successfully developed new technology such as the steel ingot liquid center
heating method and liquid center rolling production techniques from the
Panzhihua Steel Mill are all great energy savers., The large amount of new
energy-saving technology that is appearing in China today is the crystal-
lization of the hard work of the multitudes of technicians and workers and
such work should be expanded and developed where necessary. Like the
example of the "Liberation" brand car, where improvements were only made on
four major pieces of equipment, namely the cylinder head, the carburetor,
the fuel induction pipe and the fuel distribution phase, total expenditure
of 300 yuan, fuel consumption dropped by between 10 and 15 percent. This
figure when translated into the life expectancy of the car of around 500,000
kilometers works out as a financial saving in fuel about equal to the value
of the car itself. If such changes were carried out on "Liberation" brand
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cars throughout the country, then we would make savings of about 400,000
tons of fuel per year. By publicizing the results of energy-saving tech-
nology, spending very little money and with very good results we could
very quickly achieve new productive forces. We have already put into
operation the advanced energy-saving machinery and technology that we have
been importing from abroad over the last few years. We must concentrate
more on digesting, improving and increasing. If we want to smoothly carry
out and promote technological developments and transformations centered
around energy conservation then we must steadfastly reform old systems and
old methods that are blocking technological development.
In addition we must organize well the scientific research of energy conser-
vation. We must concentrate our strength together to examine key scientific
and technological topics which could be effective and should be made use of.
As work in energy conservation becomes more thorough, so it will become
more complex and if we do not have the experts in science and technology
then such work will be hampered. Thus we must strengthen and increase the
training of energy conservation management personnel and technicians and
experts, organizing study classes according to region and enterprise so
that the management skills and technological abilities of the broad mass
of workers may be improved in stages. There must be firm administrative
intervention in cases of serious energy wastage and if necessary economic
or even legal sanctions should be imposed. At the same time we should
also aim to solve the problem of underpriced energy and, by using various
economic measures such as price, taxation and bank interests aim to achieve
and realize energy conservation targets.
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ANOTHER TALK ABOUT THE STRATEGY IN SOLVING THE PROBLEM OF FOOD IN THE LIGHT
OF DEVELOPMENT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 23-24
[Article by Fan Lianfen [8935 6647 5358] and Luo Genji [5012 2704 1015]]
[Text] The article written by Comrade Luo Jinbo--"A Probe of the Strategy
in Solving the Problem of Food in the Light of Development"--in issue No 8,
1982, of RED FLAG enlightened us very much. Now, we would like to make a
further probe of this issue.
People need various sorts of food, and their diets differ because of differ-
ing nationality, historical traditions, habits and customs and natural
conditions. However, in the final analysis, all diets are aimed at provid-
ing the necessary food sufficient to sustain life. The main nutriments for
every human being are calories, protein and fat. According to findings of
a survey by some research offices, an adult ordinary laborer in China needs
approximately 2,600 calories, 75 grams of protein and 73 grams of fat every
day
Meanwhile, according to a survey report by the State Statistics Bureau, the
Chinese people got on average in 1981, 2,666 calories, 78.8 grams of protein
and 41.1 grams of fat every day.
From the above figures, we come to understand that the caloric level is
sufficient for all the common people in China, fat is short by 43 percent
and protein seems to be sufficient in quantity but is not enough in quality
because their protein mainly comes from plant foods. A human body itself
cannot synthesize eight kinds of needed amino acids, namely, lysine,
methionine, tryptophan, leucine, isoleucine, phenylalanine acid, threonine
and valine. Insufficiency or deficiency of any of them always affects the
function of other amino acids and the digestion of food. Animal foods
contain more of the necessary amino acids than plant foods, whether in
quantity or variety.
The following is a table of the protein content of some staple foods:*
*Source of data: "A Table of Food Composition" by the Public Health
Research Office of the Chinese Academy of Medical Science, 1976.
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Protein
Tryptophan Lysine Methionine
Items of food
(percent)
(percentage in protein)
Rice (round shaped)
7.25
1.68
3.52
1.73
Wheat flour
10.74
1.14
2.44
1.41
Maize
8.38
0.78
3.67
1.83
Soybean
37.9
1.22
6.05
1.08
Pork (lean meat)
20.8
1.29
7.83
2.68
Cow milk
2.9
1.46
8.17
3.04
Egg
12.7
1.61
5.63
3.41
Apart from these, some other kinds of animal foods also contain much more
protein, such as 18 percent in beef, 18.4 percent mutton, 20.4 percent in
rabbit meat, chicken 23.3 percent and carp 18.1 percent.
Protein contained in animal and plant foods not only differs in quantity
but also in quality. The composition of amino acids in animal protein is
almost the same as the protein in the human body, so it is easy for it to
be synthesized into the protein needed by'the human body. Yet the composi-
tion of amino acids in plant protein is quite different from that of protein
in the human body. Therefore, only by integrating plant protein with
animal protein will the function of protein be promoted. Plant foods can
hardly replace all animal foods. Scientific experiments prove that amino
acids, especially lysine, methionine and tryptophan, can be balanced only
when the proportion between plant protein and animal protein comes to 3 to 1.
Insufficiency of animal protein or a disproportion between plant and animal
protein often leads to deficiency disease and waste of plant protein in the
human body. Consumption of meat per capita in China in 1981 was 24.7 jin,
with 5.1 grams of animal protein and 20 grams of fat per day. Judging from
the standard requirement in quantity, there was still a shortage of 15 grams
of animal protein and 32 grams of fat for each person every day. Therefore,
when attention is drawn to developing the production of plant food, par-
ticularly the rich proteinaceous bean crops, great attention must also be
paid to developing animal husbandry and increasing meat production so as
to meet the needs of the people for animal protein and fat.
In China, it is necessary and possible to devote greater efforts to develop-
ing animal husbandry. Throughout the country there are 3.3 billion mu of
usable grassland, 700 million mu of grass hills or slopes and more than 40
million mu of grass plots along sea beaches. All these are valuable for
the development of animal breeding. Apart from this, there is also a large
quantity of things which can be used as fodder, such as culm, stalks, chaff
and dregs of rice. China has insufficient cultivated land and a large
population. It is therefore impossible for us to use too much good grain,
as Western countries do, in developing animal husbandry. We have to make
full use of forage grass, which is abundant in our country, to feed
herbivores such as cattle, sheep and rabbits, with a view to increasing
the output of meat and dairy products. When compared with developed coun-
tries, the proportion of pork in the composition of meat is now too large
in our country, while the proportion of the meat of plant-eating animals is
too little. The average proportion of pork in the composition of meat in
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the world is 38.7 percent. This proportion in China is 94.1 percent now,
while in the United States it is 28.14 percent and 33 percent for both
France and the Soviet Union. The average proportion of beef in the composi-
tion of meat is 32.9 percent in the world, while it is 2.2 percent in
China, 37.6 percent in the United States, 33.9 percent in France and 44.7
percent in the Soviet Union. As for mutton, the world's average proportion
is 5.4 percent; there is only 3.7 percent in China. Vigorously developing
the breeding of plant-eating animals will enable us not only to make good
use of natural resources in our country, but also to reduce the need for
food grain and to gradually change the meat composition of our country.
As long as we spare no efforts to work hard for the development of live-
stock breeding, particularly plant-eating animal breeding, no doubt we will
be able to meet step by step the needs of the people for animal protein and
fat and to improve the nutrition of the people of the country.
Comrade Luo Jinbo proposed that China must lay emphasis on the production of
plant protein, while properly promoting the production of animal protein.
This is quite right. He also proposed that we may resort to industrial
means to produce lysine and methionine, which are in low quantities in
plant protein. This serves as a method to raise the nutritive value of
plant protein and as a major step to solve the problem of feeding the popu-
lation of 1 billion. We believe this proposal can be considered as a
major item in future research work, and efforts should be made to strive to
produce lysine and methionine in small quantities at an early date. At
present, the synthesizing of methionine and lysine in our country is still
in an experimental stage. It is difficult to put them into mass production
in a shorter time as a means to meet the needs of the population of 1 billion
and for use in large quantities as an additive to fodder. Moreover, Comrade
Luo Jinbo also suggested that we devote more efforts to the research work in
fungus protein extracting from petroleum and natural gas so as to develop
the industry of petroleum protein step by step. Now, we also have diffi-
culties in this because it involves large investment, low productivity and
high production cost. At present, it is still expensive to trial-produce
amino acid because its raw materials are largely food grain. For example,
if we add 0.1 percent of methionine to 3 kilograms of fooder for a pig
every day, it costs 0.36 yuan, and if we add some lysine, it will cost more.
An estimate says 3 kilograms of fodder usually produce 1 kilo of pork, and
the cost of additive methionine makes up 50 percent of the price of 1 kilo
of pork. Economically, this does not pay; also, most of the peasants and
herdsmen can hardly afford it. According to the present actual situation in
our country, if we measure the problem economically and technically, it
seems to be impossible to produce lysine and methionine by using industrial
means in a shorter time in order to raise the nutritive value of plant
protein and to improve nutrition of the people of the country. A more
practical method is to energetically; develop the production of animal
protein while promoting the development of plant protein, thus increasing
food from domestic animals in large quantities. This will finally bring
about a situation as the Chinese people like to say: There is an abundant
harvest of all food crops and the domestic animals are all thriving. Only
by so doing will the people throughout the country live a life of plenty.
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MODERN WESTERN ECONOMICS--ENSNARED IN DIFFICULTIES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 25-28
[Article by Li Yining [0632 0110 1380]]
[Text] In recent years Chinese economists, including some students from
high-level institutes specializing in finance and economics, have been
paying a great deal of attention to improving their understanding of and
research into Western economics. Some comrades feel that we could use
the theories of modern Western economics to guide China's socialist mod-
ernized construction, but such an opinion is not correct.
In the 1930's the most serious economic crisis exploded in the capitalist
world, causing enormous hardships for the working masses of every capital-
ist country. The destitute, penniless and homeless unemployed in every
country began their struggle to oppose monopoly capital. With increasing
strikes and demonstrations the capitalist countries found themselves
facing an acute political crisis. The extreme acuteness of the class
struggle forced the monopoly capitalist class governments to adopt inter-
ventionist measures to get rid of the massive unemployment and solve the
economic crisis.. Thus, the orthodox principle of traditional vulgar
capitalist class economics, which states that the capitalist system
achieves a balance between supply and demand through free competition and
on this basis avoids any economic crisis, was seen to be completely refuted
and destroyed. Beliefs which stated that a government should not intervene
in the freedom of the national economy and which supported policies of
nonintervention were thus seen to be exposed as outdated and hackneyed.
Thus, it was that the trend of state intervention grew in popularity in
bourgeois economics. The most important representative of this new trend
was the English bourgeois economist Keynes. In 1936 Keynes' book "A General
Survey of Employment, Interest and Currency" was published and was seen as
a "milestone" in the development of modern Western economics. Keynes'
principle of economics was essentially the theory of how to use financial
deficits and inflation to cope with mass unemployment. After the conclu-
sion of World War II the concept of a state-regulated economy, as advocated
by Keynes' followers, became the essential basis for the drawing up of
economic policies by governments of all Western countries, in the belief
that if the economy was run on this theory and with these policies, then
the capitalist economy could totally eliminate economic crises and unemploy-
ment and establish stable economic growth.
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Some bourgeois economists refer to the 20 years or so after World War II
as the "golden age." During these 20 years unemployment in the major
capitalist countries was relatively low and there were essentially no large
price variations while economic growth was very much in evidence. Further-
more, these economists regarded the "golden age" and the "age of Keynes"
as the same thing, apparently believing that the economic growth during
those 20 years could be traced back to Keynes' economics. Thus, a miscon-
ception grew in the hearts of the people in which modern Western economics,
especially the economic theories proposed by Keynes, were seen as lasting
theories to liberate the capitalist system from crises and even as compasses
to direct and guide economic development in every country. Today, a set of
mathematical formulae have added a scientific veneer to this theory of
economics, thereby hiding its true vulgar nature.
In actual fact, the economic growth in capitalist countries during the post-
war years can be traced to specific historical conditions. The defeat of
Germany, Italy and Japan in World War II and the serious weakening of
France and Britain meant that the United States became the hegemon of the
capitalist world. Waving the flag of "economic cooperation" and "aid," the
United States exported large quantities of capital and commodities, making
enormous profits. Thus, under the United States' "economic cooperation"
and "aid," Western Europe and Japan carried out massive renovation of their
fixed capital, quickly expanding their production capacity. At the same
time, the conclusion of the war saw a fast, large-scale redeployment of
military science and technology into civil economics with enormous growth
in science and technology in the capitalist countries and the birth and
growth of a series of new industrial sectors. Growth in science and tech-
nology caused a great transformation in the material technical basis of
capitalist production, vastly raising the labor production rate. Thus,
there are many factors from different areas which brought about the large-
scale economic growth in capitalist countries during the postwar years.
While the measures to regulate the economy advocated by Keynes and his
followers had a temporary stimulatory effect on economic growth in the
Western countries, their methods of using inflation and financial deficits
to stimulate the economy produced disastrous aftereffects. The reason being
that unemployment is.an integral, component part and creation of capital in
the capitalist system, and it is also a factor on which the existence of
capitalist production must depend. Thus, it simply cannot be solved, as
Keynes said it could, by depending on stimulated investment and consump-
tion. Furthermore, the enormous financial deficits and constant inflation
simply served to exacerbate the contradictions between the expansion of the
Western countries' domestic social production capacity and the demands of
the working people with remunerative capabilities. Thus, the situation
led to surplus production and unemployment figures grew, once again aggra-
vating the contradictions within the capitalist countries. This then is
the background to the financial crisis in the capitalist world at the end
of the 1960's and beginning of the 1970's and the economic crisis from
1973-1975. The combination of the economic crisis and the financial crisis
pushed up unemployment and inflation and aggravated trade wars, currency
wars and investment wars between the major capitalist countries. The addi-
tion of a fall-off in economic results, a shrinkage in economic growth and
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serious social problems meant that the Western governments who had seen
Keynesism as a panacea for curing all the ills of capitalist found them-
selves at a total loss at what to do, while those Western economists who
had been ardent adherents of Keynes' theories were totally perplexed. Why
was it that the economic policies outlined by Keynes failed? In the
capitalist economic world many people warned that Keynesism would run
into a crisis and Western economics with it.
Throughout the 1970's Western economists kept up a tangled and confused
war. There were some who had not been among those to praise Keynes'
economics and state interventionism but whose voices in opposition to
Keynes had not been well heard during the 20 or so years after World War II
when Keynes economics occupied what appeared to be a position of total
superiority in Western economics. Now was their time to be heard. They
announced that it was necessary to return to the traditional economic
freedom which existed before Keynes, with the implementation of fewer state
interventionist policies. The main factions among capitalist economists
of that time, advocating a move toward economic freedom, included the
currency school of thought which advocated a stable rate of increase in
currency supplies, led by Friedman [1715 6849 1795 2581], the school of
thought which advocated large-scale tax. cuts and stimulated supplies led by
Laffer and Wannisk [2139 1715 8001 4539 2448 1015] and the school of
thought which espoused new freedom and a return to the free competition of
the 19th century, led by Hayeic [0761 5102 0344]. In addition there were
some who not only had not praised and welcomed Keynes' methods of inter-
ventionist economics but who had even opposed Keynes and the methods of
analysis adopted by pre-Keynesian orthodox and vulgar economists which
avoided and ignored structural problems within the capitalist system. They
felt that the policies and theories of orthodox Western economics at the
time were nothing more than "trimming" methods for the presently existing
system structure and that these measures were not structural reforms. The
advocates of this kind of structural reform were economists of the new
system school of thought (such as the American Galbraith [0502 1422 1580
7191 1835] and others). In addition there was another group who had
originally been in agreement with Keynes. but who, having realized that
Keynes' original theories would not successfully deal with the many ill-
nesses in the capitalist economy but who nevertheless wanted to preserve
Keynes' traditional foundation, adapted and preserved Keynes' theory.
Today, there are now two mainstreams of Keynesism, namely the mainstream
school of post-Keynesism, led by the American Samuelson [5646 4924 1422
2773] and the new Cambridge school, led by J. Robinson [8774 5012 6333
6676] from Britain. The mainstream school of post-Keynesism feels that
the use of financial deficits and inflation to "alleviate" economic crises
should basically still be maintained but that some theoretical points from
pre-Keynesian traditional economics should also be incorporated into Keynes'
theory. On the other hand the new Cambridge school denounces the main-
stream school of post-Keynesism as being "fake Keynesists" and believes
that problems should be handled by concentrating on "improving" revenue
redistribution (such as imposing high-level progressive taxation) and in
this way alleviating the social contradictions of the capitalist society.
45\
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This controversy which rages between the different factions or schools of
contemporary bourgeois economics actually' reflects the difficult situation
into which Western economics has sunk. Although the present two factions
of modern Keynesism along with the currency school, the supply school and
the new freedom school all censure one another, not one of them is actually
able to solve the multitude of problems facing present capitalist social
economics. The reason for this is that it is the fundamental contradic-
tions within capitalism which are the root cause for capitalist economic
crises, inflation, unemployment and economic stagnation and hence neither
the measures of state intervention advocated by Keynesists nor the economic
freedom advocated by others are able to solve the contradictions between
the growth of the capitalist production forces and its opposition to the
demands of the working masses with remunerative capabilities. Certainly,
certain aspects of the general sickness can be slightly alleviated by
either increased or reduced intervention but the disease essentially remains
and returns frequently and the measures taken to temporarily alleviate one
aspect of the sickness simply give birth to an even more serious crisis.
Today the serious situation into which Western economics has fallen is, in
terms of analysis of its essential theories, inevitable. With the pretense
of so-called "psychoanalysis," the Keynesists are in fact simply glossing
over the basic contradiction in capitalism and refusing to acknowledge that
the root of the economic crises lies in the capitalist system itself. The
advocates in every faction which supports economic freedom are only
nominally in support of free competition and opposed to total monopoly
whereas in actual fact the placing in absolute opposition of monopoly and
competition merely conceals the general situation in capitalist society.
Furthermore, the theories of these factions support allowing the free
market economy to develop on its own and this is tantamount to asking for
noninterference in the large capital's annexation of small capital and the
large enterprises' exploitation of the small enterprise. The advanced
economic efficiency which these theories advocate is exactly the same as
providing support for the development of large private companies. As far
as the new system faction is concerned, it claims that while preserving the
capitalist system of private ownership of the means of production and main-
taining the capitalist state machine, it can, through various improvement
measures in different areas, actually improve and perfect the nature of the
capitalist society. What this faction is actually advocating is the theory
of reformism in capitalist society in which the interests of the exploiting
class and the exploited class can be mutually coordinated.
At present, in order to retrieve their economic theories from the diffi-
culties into which they have fallen, many of the Western economists are
thinking very hard about changing economics into an "exact science" and
thus are trying as hard as possible to change economics into something
similar to a natural science. They have filled economics to overflowing
with mathematical formulae while the economic metrological model that they
have constructed continues to grow to enormous proportions with increasing
complexity and the arithmetic needed for economics become more and more
abstruse. Not only are economic growth and economic cycles expressed with
mathematical formulae, but so too are certain problems relating to the
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political system. Of course quantitative analysis is very important in
economic research, but scientific quantitative analysis must be directed
by a scientific economic theory; such a vulgar economic theory as that
represented by modern Western economics as a basis for quantitative
analysis is not only unable to clarify the real development of objective
situations and facts, but it actually conceals the contradictions within
today's capitalist world.
Other people, also wanting to rescue Western economics from the mire into
which it has fallen, are thinking hard about integrating economic research
with sociological research and using sociology, logic and social psychology
to fill in the gaps in modern Western economics. They suggest that there
is a need to totally reexamine the theoretical standards of economic
behavior, asking, for example, such questions as what is "good," what is
"evil," what is "happiness," what is "human value," what are "common aims"
and so on. This trend must be seen as a form of resistance against the
obsession with quantitative analysis and also as a reflection of the
intensification and increasing complexity of the present capitalist eco-
nomic and social crises. Although the Western economists' present emphasis
on the "socialization of economics" to rescue economic theory from its
predicament has, to a certain extent, exposed some of the problems within
capitalist economics, the fact that they have replaced class analysis with
supraclass discussion compounded by the fact that they base their research
work on such abstractions as "human value" and "common aims" means that
these theories and trends are merely cosmetics for the beautification of
both the capitalist system and the moral standards of the capitalist class
society. They are unable to solve any of the present problems within
capitalist society. Those Western economists who advocate the use of
sociological analysis in handling the ills of the present capitalist
society's economy are equally at a total loss.
The economists of the new Cambridge school believe that there are things
to be found within David Ricardo's theory of value and theory of distribu-
tion which may act as basis for Keynesian economics. They also feel that
Marx' theories and Keynes' theories can mutually enrich each other. This
hotchpotch of ideas is a misinterpretation of Ricardo's theories, a dis-
tortion of Marx' theories and a beautification of Keynes' theories. As we
know, Ricardo was a classical economist of the British capitalist class,
Keynes is a vulgar economist of the modern capitalist class, while Marx
was the revolutionary mentor of the working class as well as the creator
of proletariat political economics. Marx inherited classical political
economics and then critically carried out revolutionary improvements on it.
Marxist political economics is fundamentally opposed to modern Western
bourgeois economics. The idea of linking up the economic theories of Marx,
Keynes and Ricardo is counterscientific. Furthermore, such an approach
could not hope to change the fate of destruction which awaits modern bour-
geois economics.
Although, as far as the analysis of some concrete problems is concerned,
modern Western economics does contain some things worth our consideration
(such as economic management, technological economics and research into
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methods of economic metrology), to consider modern Western economics as a
theoretical system is both vulgar and counterscientific. It has already
sunk into difficulties and it will now only continue to sink even deeper.
Some younger comrades who lack understanding of the true nature and
present condition of modern Western economics, or who have been confused
by the formulae and principles to be found in modern Western economics
textbooks or who have thought about the relatively fast economic growth
that took place in Western countries during the postwar period, falsely
believe that modern Western economics is a scientific economic theory.
In fact, they only have to appreciate the mire into which modern Western
economics is now sinking and the pessimism and depression that surround
modern Western economists to understand the words of Hayek's speech on
accepting the Nobel Prize for economics: "It must be admitted that the
present rapidly increasing inflation is a result of the policies which
the vast majority of economists have recommended or even urged their
governments to implement. In truth, we have no worthy reason to be proud,
for, as far as my own work is concerned, we've already botched it up."
Modern Western economics cannot cure the capitalist society's economics
of its many woes and even less can it be used as a guiding ideology for
economic construction in a socialist country. It must be understood that
specific economic and social developmental targets are conditioned by
specific socioeconomic systems and are decided under the guidance of
specific economic theories. China is a socialist country. Socialist
economics has decided that we must adopt Marxism as our guide and on the
basis of socialist public ownership of the means of production we carry
out production with the aim of fulfilling the constantly increasing
material and cultural demands of the people. Historical experience provides
ample proof that as long as we take Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought
as our guiding ideology and draw up economic policies based on the actual
conditions in China, then China's socialist economy will flourish and see
increasing prosperity.
CSO: 4004/23
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ON THE MODERNIZATION OF OUR COUNTRY'S MEDICAL SCIENCE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 29-32
[Article by Huang Jiasi [7806 1367 7475] and Wu Jieping [0702 7132 1627]]
[Text] Medical science arose and developed out of man's fight against dis-
ease and its long-term aim is to improve the standards of health of mankind,
prevent and cure illness, preserve the labor force and lengthen man's life.
Medical science in different countries shares some common features but
differences in such factors as economic levels, cultural and scientific
foundations and social systems mean that in each country medical science
also has its own special characteristics. Naturally since China is at
present in the historical period of opening up a new vista in socialist
modernization, so medical science finds itself facing questions of how to
handle modernization construction. A discussion of these questions must be
integrated with China's present actual condition and we must emphasize and
take good look at our own experiences and general developmental rules of
medical science since the founding of the PRC.
A Look Back at the Development of China's Medical Science
China is a country with a civilization which stretches back several thousand
years. Chinese medicine is an important integral part of our glorious cul-
ture. Way back in ancient times the Chinese people began to assimilate
knowledge and experience in curing and preventing sickness and disease.
From the very earliest medical books "Huang Di Nei Jing" to Zhang
Zhongjing's Han Dynasty "Shang Han Za Bing Lun" and the multitude of later
medical books, Chinese medicine not only amassed a wealth of experiences
but it also created a theoretical system. In the Ming Dynasty, Li Shizhen's
enormous 52 volume tome "Ren Cao Gang Mu," which was read both throughout
China and abroad, became established as a veritable pearl in the history of
world medical science. Chinese medicine was extremely important in the
increasing prosperity of the peoples of China and its theoretical successes
far outweighed those of traditional medicine in other countries. Take for
example the principles such as "diagnosis and treatment based on overall
analysis of the illness and the patient's condition," "different cures for
like illnesses" and "like cures for different illnesses" all of which
illustrate how skilled Chinese scholars were at taking rich, practical
experiences and elevating them to a high level of rational knowledge.
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Western medicine began and developed from its foundations in ancient Greece.
It began with Hippocrates' systematic research and from this time right up
until the Renaissance emphasis on experimental research made Western medi-
cine more and more scientific. Later, achievements in the natural sciences
during the 19th century allowed enormous development for Western medicine.
Dissection research, probing of physiological functions, pathogenic
research, the discovery of microbes, cellular pathology, the study of
pharmaceuticals and pharmacology were all gradually set up as basic
branches of medicine and through constant experimentation and research they
widened and increased in depth so that both clinical medicine and preven-
tive medicine developed very fast. As one composite branch of the applied
sciences, medicine became an overall theoretical and applied system.
Around about the time of the opium,wars, Western medicine spread into China
and it had firm foundations in China as many as a hundred years before the
founding of the PRC. Thus China found itself in the presence of both
Western and Chinese medicine and as a result of historical conditions these
two medical schools of thought were not only unable to develop in coordina-
tion but furthermore they created a situation of mutual rejection.
Since the founding of the PRC and under correct party guidance, the last 30
years of hard work has produced enormous successes for China's undertakings
in health and hygiene, as well as success in medical scientific research.
China has eradicated smallpox and has basically brought under control such
infectious diseases as the plague, cholera, venereal disease, kala-azar,
polio and so on as well as greatly reducing the occurrence of schistosomiasis,
malaria, leprosy and encephalitis B. There has been considerable develop-
ment in such areas of preventive medicine, clinical medicine, pharmaceuti-
cals, antibiotics, biological products, medical equipment and so on. Work
on extensive burn treatment, replantation of severed limbs and the remark-
able results achieved as well as investigations and research into tumor
epidemiology have all attracted international attention. There is abso-
lutely no comparison between the standards of modern medical research and
their achievements and the situation prior to liberation. Something par-
ticularly worth attention is the commencement of an integration and mutual
absorption between Chinese and Western medicine. Acupuncture anesthesia
has been very successful in clinical usage and this has advanced our
research into the principles of acupuncture. The integration of Western
and Chinese medicine has improved the cure rate of many illnesses and has
enriched clinical treatment methods. The integration of Western and
Chinese medicine has not only brought about good results.in.mending broken
bones and curing acute abdominal diseases, it has also changed some tradi-
tional Western medical viewpoints. At the 1978 National Science Assembly,
there were 335 awards made for achievements in medical science. In addi-
tion, over the last few years some achievements in medical science have
earned national discovery awards. General improvements in standards of
health in the population as well as increases in average life expectancy
both help to illustrate the development in China's medical and hygiene
undertakings.
The above basic outline of the development of Chinese medical science shows
us the unique and independent path of development that medical science in
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in China has taken. The basic situation today is as follows: There is
already a basic foundation for Chinese medicine and hygiene work and the
coexistence of Chinese and Western medicine possesses three maih branches,
namely Chinese medicine (including national minority medicines), Western
medicine and integrated Western and Chinese medicine. The modernization
of China's medical science must be based on this foundation, offsetting
its weaknesses with its strong points and giving expression to its
advantages.
The General Situation in Modern Medical Science
The growth of medical science depends to a very great extent on the growth
of the organic sciences. The present growth of natural sciences and tech-
nological sciences and their infiltration into the organic sciences has
meant that research into organic sciences has moved from qualitative to
quantitative research and has reached the molecular and in some cases the
quantum level. Growth in the organic sciences is today exerting an enor-
mous influence on research in medical science. Research in medical
science has now entered the molecular level and is now able to examine the
principles of the occurrence and development of disease at much deeper
levels and as a result develop specially effective methods of prevention
and cure for certain diseases. For example, recent developments in genetic
engineering technology have produced some important results in research
into cancer and have shown the existence in human tumors of DNA formations
which change normal cells into cancerous ones, now referred to as cancerous
genes, and furthermore the only difference between these formations which
have already undergone this change in cancerous cells and normal, healthy
genes is a difference in the nucleoglucositic acid. This has given us
important clues to the mystery of tumors. The infiltration of cellular
biology, genetics and molecular biology into immunology have meant that
the previously organizationally incompatible principles of genetics which
formed the very key to organ transplantation have now been essentially
clarified. Now many diseases and illnesses whose causes were previously
unclear have been proved to be directly linked to immunity, thereby clearly
pointing the direction for the treatment of these illnesses. There is now
a very thorough understanding of the workings of bacteria, germs, viruses
and parasites in relation to their host cells and this has provided a
theoretical basis for improving preventive medicine. Some diseases are
caused by chronic viruses and this was previously not understood, but once
the cause of a disease is understood one has a concrete target for seeking
a cure.
The increasing infiltration of the natural sciences and engineering tech-
nology in both theory and practice into medical science has from the
engineering angle widened and increased research into human bodily struc-
ture, functions and internal bodily relations and thus solved many related
problems within medical science. Research in this area has led to the
production of artificial human organs. Electro-technology is becoming more
and more widespread in diagnosis, curing, monitoring and prevention. The
use of computers is now changing the entire face of medical science.
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As medical science researches the very nature of life itself and launches
into the microcosm, it is also developing at the same time into macroscopy.
Research moves from the individual to the group to society. Knowledge of
medical science has expanded from a simple biological point of view to
encompass such scientific areas as psychology, sociology and anthropology.
In the last 30 years there have been deep and widespread changes in medical
scientific research and we may predict that in the future there will be
enormous breakthroughs in areas of medical science and hygiene work that
today pose insoluble problems.
Several Problems Concerning the Modernization of Medical Science in China
Premier Zhao'Ziyang pointed out that work in science and technology should
cater to the needs of economic construction and that scientists and tech-
nologists should throw themselves wholeheartedly into the glorious practice
of socialist modernized construction. Today's problems are how, under this
guiding ideology, we should activate the enthusiasm of medical workers,
medical scientists and medical administrative and management personnel to
break down old frameworks and steadfastly carry out a series of reforms
thereby raising standards of hygiene work and medical science in China.
1. We must steadfastly implement the party's principles relating to
hygiene work, using relatively high standards of science and technology to
fulfill health protection duties. The successes in hygiene work during
the last 30 years clearly prove the accuracy of China's principles relating
to hygiene work. In the early days of the PRC medical hygiene workers were
very few in number, organization was incomplete and lacking, disease was
rife and health standards among the population were very low with a high
death rate and low life expectancy. Thus the fact that we were able to
overcome these difficulties and to change the whole face of hygiene
throughout the country in such a short time and greatly improve health
standards was due to the fact that we outlined and emphasized the prin-
ciples that hygiene work should serve the people, that everyone should be
mobilized to fight against disease and above all steadfastly practice pre-
vention. Thus while scientific and technological standards were rela-
tively low, as far as the medical protection that the entire population in
China receives is concerned, it was in some ways more effective than that
in scientifically and technologically advanced countries. Westerners,
especially those working in medical science and hygiene have always been
deeply impressed by this and have praised it profusely. In order to
achieve greater successes in medical and hygiene work we must continue to
uphold this principle and work hard to improve scientific and technological
standards, strengthening education and training of medical and hygiene work-
ers on every level and developing work in scientific research.
2. We must research prevention and cure of all diseases which seriously
damage the health of the people and thereby preserve the labor force. In
the last 30 years we have constantly emphasized research into pressing
problems affecting the people's health, adapting as soon as possible all
scientific results into effective tools to prevent and cure disease. Today
we should continue to make these pressing problems which affect the health
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of the people the prime task for medical scientific research, striving for
great results. We should realize that while there have already been great
achievements in the prevention and cure of infectious and parasitic dis-
eases, this is not the case for acute and chronic infectious diseases. As
life expectancy increases, arterial diseases, cancer and diseases of the
respiratory system have become the main causes of death and thus we must
increase research in these areas. As economic construction develops, if
we do not investigate in minute detail prior to construction the dangers
to the health of workers and citizens that can arise in the production
process, then the aftereffects could be very serious. Environmental pollu-
tion is one such example. We must emphasize research work in these areas
and integrate them with the actual situation in China in searching for
effective solutions. Today there are very many pharmaceuticals, biological
.products, and much medical monitoring equipment and machinery used in the
prevention and curing of disease and demand for these things is great, thus
we must ensure an integration of research, production and utilization, con-
stantly improving quality and making use of new technology. Relevant
product types should be produced according to the needs of the ijarious
medical institutions in all urban and rural areas while final design and
makeup of all products should guarantee quality., One important problem
today is ensuring the quality of batch production products. Since research
and production in these areas extends over a very wide area, the numbers
of scientific fields, work units and workers which must participate are also
great and thus we must stress overall planning and coordinated division of
labor.
3. We must emphasize fundamental research at the same time as increasing
applied research. In the early years of the PRC there was a much greater
lack of medical scientific personnel than medical hygiene workers; one
could count on one's fingers the number of work units which were able to
start research work, and there were even only a very few hospitals carrying
out clinical research work. As far as the principle of integrating propa-
gation and improvement was concerned, this situation meant that in actual
fact it was only propagation work that could be carried out as we lacked
the means to carry out necessary improvement work. This situation was
already well noted in 1956 when the first national scientific plans were
drawn up and by the 1960's the situation had already changed, but the small
amount of strength that we had just mustered was seriously damaged during
the following 10 years of social chaos. At that time our fundamental
theoretical research was actually branded as "divorced from reality,"
"divergent from the socialist direction" and so on and thus medical scien-
tific research was wiped out. After the smashing of the "gang of four"
and in particular after the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee, medical scientific research work was at last able to gradually
recover and grow. The many kinds of cultural exchange with foreign coun-
tries in recent years have played a definite role in promoting and
improving research work in China. Today there are a certain number of work
units which already have the foundations for actively developing research
work. In the future we must firmly implement the principle of integrated
propagation and improvement, emphasizing research work and organizing a
certain amount of our forces to carry out basic research. Medical science
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is an applied science and thus most research is characteristically applied
research, directly linked to the prevention and curing of disease, improve-
ment of health standards and the protection of the labor force. But without
basic research it is very difficult to achieve any outstanding achievements
in applied research, thus it is vital that a certain amount of our forces
be assigned basic research work. Basic research in medical research is in
fact applied basic research and the vast majority of it does not represent
an insurmountable barrier in front of practical work. At present the num-
bers of people and material resources that we are able to invest in research
work are very few and for this reason we must work even harder to improve
organizational and management work. Decentralization of work topics, lack
of concentration of our forces, sluggish development and lack of necessary
coordination as well as repetitive work with low standards are all still
very common today. We must prioritize the drawing up of medium- and long-
term development plans concentrating on several key topics.
4.' We must carry on Chinese medicine and continue our work in integrating
Chinese and Western medicine. The three-faceted structure of Chinese medi-
cine, Western medicine and an integration of the two is a victory for
China's principles concerning hygiene. As far as the integration of Chinese
and Western medicine is concerned we have now gained only a few initial
experiences and this facet of the whole is still very small today and it
must continue to be developed and enlarged. Without Chinese medicine it
would be impossible to continue to integrate Chinese and Western medicine
and thus it is vital that we draw up plans for training more doctors of
Chinese medicine and plans for passing on the science of Chinese medical
science. It has already been proved that a good and effective way of
encouraging the integration of Chinese and Western medicine is for Western
medicine to learn from Chinese medicine and this should now be planned in
an organized fashion. It is absolutely vital that students of most medical
colleges do study in the basic principles of Chinese medicine (including
practical field work) during their other studies. In this way every medical
worker may gain a basic understanding of Chinese medicine and this will be
of benefit in integrating Chinese and Western medicine during their practical
work as well as providing.them with a foundation for further study of
Chinese medicine.
5. Increase research into family planning and eugenics. Family planning
is a basic national policy in China and directly influences the realization
of national economic plans and improvements in the people's living stan-
dards. Among the many areas of family planning work China does have some
technical measures which occupy very advanced positions in international
circles but despite this there are still many problems requiring our
research. There are still many problems which need researching in order
that we may offer more convenient and safer drugs and devices for contracep-
tion, birth and child-raising. Since China has such an enormous population
there are often problems that need to be solved in disseminating some of
our more effective technical measures.
6. We must train all kinds of medical personnel and solve questions of
advanced or refresher courses for them. China is a vast country and the
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needs of the rural and the urban areas are not necessarily the same. Thus
one form of teaching system will not be able to satisfy the needs of every
area. Thus we must on the basis of different needs, research how to train
all kinds of medical personnel. In order to improve medical standards it
is extremely important that we organize in a planned way refresher courses
or advanced courses for medical personnel and try and ensure that research
personnel in relevant scientific areas take part in medical scientific
research work. The methods put forward by the hygiene department which
include overall planning, graded responsibilities, variations suited to
local conditions and emphasis on practical results will produce some
experiences very soon and these must be publicized.
In order to open up a new vista in the modernization of China's medical
science and in order to realize the above-outlined ideas, we must maintain
a firm and courageous spirit of reform, and then carry out overall and
systematic reform. This reform work will touch on every area of the
system of medicine and hygiene as well as all relevant organizations and
some regulation systems. It will also touch on every work unit, every
medical technician and every member of management personnel. The key to
all this reform is how to give full expression to the intellectuals and how
to stimulate the enthusiasm of the intellectuals, especially young and
middle-aged medical technicians. This means that our work should begin in
such areas as the wages system, personnel matters, the system of personal
responsibility and the system of bonuses and awards. We must implement the
party's policies concerning intellectuals and change the phenomenon of
insufficient expertise and wasted talent. During the overall reform process
we must improve ideological teaching work for medical technicians and other
workers in relevant jobs for only in this way can reform be carried out
smoothly. At this minute a new vista for lively and flourishing modernized
medical science is being born.
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ON PROFESSIONAL ETHICS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 33-35
[Article by Luo Guojie [5012 0948 2638]]
[Text] The report on the 12th party congress. states that one of the most
important parts of the construction of socialist spiritual civilization is
"the need to strengthen education of professional responsibility, profes-
sional ethics and professional discipline in every enterprise and work
place." It is predictable that as activities related to constructing a
socialist spiritual civilization increase and develop, professional ethics
will take on an increasingly important role.
Professional ethics are very closely linked to people's professional
activities and they may be said to be ethical standards and norms with the
characteristics of one's own particular profession. Since everyone who
does the same kind of specific job has common working methods and has
received common professional training, it,is usual for such people to share
common professional interests, likes, habits and psychological traditions,
which, when combined, produce special relations and create special profes-
sional responsibilities and professional discipline, and these in turn
produce special codes of behavior and ethical demands. In "Feuerbach and
the End of Classical German Philosophy," Engels wrote that within social
life "every class, even every business,"has its own ethics." ("Selected
Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 4, p 236) The ethics of what he called
"every business" are the professional ethics under discussion here.
In historical terms, professional ethics appeared as early as the slave
society, alongside the development of the social division of labor. For
example, the celebrated doctor of ancient Greece, Hippocrates (460-377 BC),
was one of the first to bring up the question of. medical ethics. He said:
"I will use my abilities and my mind to their utmost to cure a patient and
will on no account harm him or her. No matter whose household I enter, my
purpose will be the welfare of the sufferer and my duty will be to prevent
them from deteriorating and degenerating." By the time the feudal society
arrived, professional ethics had seen some development. For example,
China's famous Tang Dynasty doctor, Sun Simiao, included in his work
"Qianjin Yaofang," two pieces, entitled "Medical Practice" and "Medical
Faith," in which he'claisified in great detail the wisdom and morals that a
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doctor should possess. He believed that a doctor of high moral fiber
should not seek personal gain by means of his expert skills, but that all
patients should be treated equally, regardless of whether they were rich
or poor, young or old, beautiful or ugly. After the arrival of the capi-
talist society the human division of labor had become very detailed and
thus professional ethics became more and more diversified.
The important characteristics or demands of professional ethics are what
people frequently refer to as "love for one's work" and "faithfulness in
the discharge of one's professional duties." Both of these aspects of
professional ethics are related to each other and both have their particu-
lar emphases. Love for one's work means a love for the profession that
one has, protection of the interests of one's profession, constant improve-
ment of one's skills and attempting to fully exploit one's professional
abilities. Faithfulness in the discharge of one's professional duties
means a conscious awareness of the duties one has to society and to others
in carrying out one's job and a highly developed sense of professional
responsibility. As we know, the main function of ethics is to regulate
interpersonal relations and in general professional ethics are required
to regulate two main aspects of these relations: one is the handling of
internal relations between the people of one profession and the other
handles the relations between them and others with whom they come into
contact. In historical terms every professional group has always aimed
at protecting its own interests, its own professional credibility and
professional honor and has thus not only set up a system of rules and
established certain ethical standards, thereby regulating the internal
human relations within the professional body, but also has taken care to
fulfill demands put on the profession by every area of society, and thus
through its own professional activities regulate relations between the
profession and every area of society. For example, a doctor must not only
love his or her work and strive to improve medical technology, he or she
must also have an acute sense of responsibility toward the patient.
Regardless of who the patient is, the doctor must always espouse the
spirit of healing the wounded and rescuing the dying and try his or her
utmost to relieve the suffering of the patient. We should recognize that
the hard work that mankind has done in the area of professional ethics has
had a profound influence on the development of ethics as a whole, greatly
helping forward development in ethics.
However, historical materialism states that in the final analysis all
ethics are products of the socioeconomic situation and professional ethics
in any society are a reflection of the economics and politics of that
society and are governed by the political ideology of the ruling class of
that society. Just as Engels said: "Consciously or unconsciously, people
absorb their ethical beliefs, in the final analysis, from the actual rela-
tions on which their class position is based and from the economic rela-
tions with which they carry out production and exchange." ("Selected Works
of Marx and Engels," Vol 3, p 133) In a society with a system of private
ownership of the means of production, since the means of production are
privately owned, political power lies in the hands of the exploiting class
and the ethical principles of egoism occupy a dominant and ruling position
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in the society and professional ethics cannot help but be influenced by the
ideology of the exploiting class, bringing with it varying extents of
cliquishness and guildism. Only the attainment of political power by the
proletariat and the construction of a new form of socialist society with a
system of public ownership of the means of production may bring about funda-
mental changes in professional ethics. The professional ethics of a social-
ist society are on the one hand the continuation of professional ethics
which have grown and developed over a long historical period but, on the
other hand, also display essential differences in nature from the profes-
sional ethics to be found under a system of private ownership of the means
of production.
The professional ethics of a socialist society are based on the socialist
system of public ownership of the means of production. With the socialist
society's eradication of human exploitation and relations of hiring and
being hired and the casting off of the egoistic principles of "every man
for himself and God for every man," the socialist society can in a very
fundamental way harmonize professional interests with the essential inter-
ests of the entire society and thus establish a new form of relations
involving mutual help and cooperation characterized by interpersonal
camaraderie. In a socialist society every profession is an integral and
component part of the entire socialist cause and thus every line of work is
able to establish common ethical demands, the chief characteristic of which
is to serve the people. In a socialist society, everyone carrying out
every kind of work should base their work on serving the people, both in
loving their work and faithfully discharging their professional duties, and
should make the aim of their work the satisfaction of the demands of the
people. For example, business ethics in the socialist society emphasize
that those working in business and commerce should be totally honest and
should be positive, enthusiastic, patient and considerate toward clients,
and eager to meet the needs of the client. All of this is not simply
designed to solicit more customers and increase profits nor is it for any
narrow-minded professional interests or personal glorification, but is
simply to serve the people. Literary writers in the socialist society
should constantly improve their skills but not for their own fame and
wealth nor should it be seen as simply art for art's sake, rather, they
should strive to fulfill the spiritual and cultural needs of the people.
Thus we can see from this that professional ethics in a socialist society
organically unites the interests of each worker in every profession with
the interests of the masses so that professional interests are subordinate
to the interests of the people. In this way professional ethics play a
role of historically unprecedented importance in the regulation of inter-
personal relations.-
Professional ethics in a socialist society, in terms of their establish-
ment and propagation throughout society, have an extremely significant
role to play in raising ethical standards throughout the society, improving
the social atmosphere, establishing new forms of interpersonal relations
and fostering a new generation of "idealistic, ethical, cultured and
disciplined" people.
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First and foremost, professional ethics must be constantly respected by
every person in their working lives. Only when such ethical principles and
standards as collectivist thinking, wholeheartedly working for the people
and respect and love for the common property of socialism have been imple-
mented into the professional ethics of the people will these principles and
standards be able to increase their effective role. "The National Profes-
sional Regulations" emphasizes "respect for one's job, emulation of the
advanced, increased quality and striving for efficiency." "The Capital
Science and Technology Workers Scientific Ethical Norms" emphasizes "bold
investigation, bold attack, disregard for hardship and dangers, persevering
work and a lifelong struggle for scientific truth." It is very clear that
the postulation and establishment of such a set of professional ethics will
help raise the communist ethical standards of the cadres and the masses.
Thus one of the most important things in respecting and obeying communist
ethical standards is to obey and respect professional ethical standards.
Second, all the jobs and professions to be found in the socialist society
are closely linked with the masses' lives and ideology. If there were a
lack of necessary professional ethics and the all-important professional
responsibility, with people feeling no sense of duty toward their work,
then this would undoubtedly give rise to certain dangers and damage within
one's work, even to the extent of producing certain social contradictions
and polluting the social atmosphere. On the other hand, a highly developed
feeling for professional ethics and a well-developed ideological work style,
can directly influence people, educate people and stimulate their emotions,
while exerting a gradual, uplifting influence on their morals. This of
course is very beneficial in constructing new interpersonal relations
characterized by unity, mutual love and help, common struggling and common
advancement. Furthermore, it is very beneficial in improving the social
atmosphere.
Professional ethics in the socialist society are a brand-new set of ethics
based on a foundation of the economic system of public ownership of the
means of production and thus they are different from old professional
ethics which can be spontaneously created. These new ones have been estab-
lished as a result of the conscious hard work of the adult members of the
socialist society under the guidance of Marxist teaching. Lenin pointed
out that socialist and communist consciousness is not produced spontane-
ously but will arise only as a result of ideological teaching or "imbibing."
With this in mind we can also say that without communist education it would
be impossible to form and construct a socialist society's professional
ethics. In old China professional division of labor was influenced by the
class system and thus people always classified jobs in terms of high
level, low level, rich or poor and as a result used these same classifica-
tions and standards to identify people's position and status in society.
It should be noted that today these influences from the old society have
still not been completely eradicated and'thus they will influence people's
thinking to varying degrees. Hence, strengthening communist ideological
education in the masses will make them clearly see the nature and character
of socialist professions and jobs, and understand the position and duties
of their own job within the socialist society, which is extremely important.
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In a socialist society, even when dealing with such things as wages and
labor conditions, it is impossible to avoid certain differences among all
the jobs that people do, but these differences are all necessary in the
construction of socialism. Different people doing different jobs may find
themselves in different positions as far as their jobs are concerned, but
not as far as their wealth is concerned. It is important that everyone
doing a job understands, and this is especially true of those doing jobs
which were looked down on in the old society, that in a socialist society
every job is carried out to serve the people and thus every job has its
glory. Every line of work and every trade is an integral part of the cause
of socialist construction and every job is intimately linked to the future
of China, the interests of the people and modernized construction. As long
as every person integrates his or her ideals, expectations and intelligence
with the professional reality of serving the people and contributing to
socialist modernized construction, then everyone's life will become richer,
more substantial and loftier.
Today some people lack correct understanding of their own jobs because they
have been influenced by old ways of thinking, old traditions and the pro-
fessional beliefs of the exploiting classes, thus they are unable to
express total enthusiasm. Some people do all they can to avoid certain
kinds of jobs and unintentionally feel ashamed if they are below someone
else. In regard to this we should also consider those few people in
every profession who do not respect or adhere to professional ethics, as
a result of having been influenced by the ideology of the exploiting
classes inherited from the old society. They exploit whatever power'they
have for personal gain, thus seriously damaging the interests of the
masses. On the basis of the above-outlined situation professional educa-
tion should not only emphasize the teaching of professional knowledge and
skills, but should also emphasize improved teaching of professional ethics,
making the teaching of professional ethics of primary importance. In other
words, we must help people, especially young people to appreciate the sig-
nificance of the work they are doing and foster in their hearts feelings
of ardor for their work and a strong pioneering spirit. In this way they
will come to abide by, protect and develop professional ethics. Those
people who have seriously damaged professional ethics to a point which
must be considered criminal will be dealt with under the law. Only in
this way can we guarantee the healthy development of socialist professional
ethics.
The strengthening of the teaching of professional ethics has already become
an urgent necessity in the construction of socialist spiritual civilization
and the spiritual needs of our age. The activities related to the "five
stresses and four beauties" as well as the "three loves" that are already
underway are now being well developed in China. If every person in every
line of work can increase his or her consciousness for respecting profes-
sional ethics, then the construction of a socialist spiritual civilization
in China will reach a new and higher level.
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THE PARTY MUST CONDUCT ITS ACTIVITIES WITHIN THE LIMITS PERMITTED BY THE
CONSTITUTION AND THE LAWS OF THE STATE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 36-38
[Article by Zhang Hui [1728 1920]]
[Text] The "CPC Constitution" adopted at the 12th CPC National Congress
explicitly stipulates: "The party must conduct its activities within the
limits permitted by the constitution and the laws of the state." This is
an extremely important principle. It has set even higher demands on our
party. According to this stipulation, all party organizations, from the
Central Committee down to grassroots organs, and all party members and
cadres, leading cadres in particular, must strictly observe and implement
in an exemplary way the constitution and the laws of the state and must
adhere to the principle of equality for all in the face of the law. This
means that the activities of all party organizations and party members
must not contravene the constitution and the laws of the state and no
party member or party organization is allowed to have any privilege beyond
the rights stipulated.in the constitution and the laws of the state, other-
wise they will be investigated and punished without exception.
Why then must the party conduct its activities within the limits permitted
by the constitution and the laws of the state?
First, this is determined by the nature and objective of our party. Our
party is the vanguard of the Chinese working class and is the faithful
representative of the interests of the people of all nationalities in
China. It has no special interests of its own other than those of the
working class and the broad masses of the people. The objective of our
party is to wholeheartedly serve the people and to work for the interests
of the overwhelming majority of the people. The constitution and laws of
our country are formulated by the people under the party's leadership and
have given full expression to the will and interests of the people of the
whole country. In our country, the constitution and laws have integrated
the party's stand and the people's will. Therefore, it is not only in
conformity with the interests of the country and the people but also in
keeping with the objective of our party for it to conduct its activities
within the limits permitted by the constitution and the laws of the state.
If the party goes against the constitution and the laws of the state, it
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will go against the common will of the people of the whole country and
damage their interests. This will not only run counter to the objective
of our party but will inevitably damage the party's prestige among the
masses.
Second, it is a basic demand for strengthening the socialist legal system
of our country that our party must conduct its activities within the
limits permitted by the constitution and the laws of the state. The basic
principle of the socialist system of our country is: There must be laws
for people to follow, these laws must be observed, their enforcement must
be strict and lawbreakers must be dealt with. This means that we must not
only make and have laws but also observe and enforce them. Without sound
and complete laws, it will be impossible to strengthen the legal system.
However, if there are laws but they are not observed and enforced, it will
be the same as if there were no laws. The constitution is the fundamental
law of the state and all other laws are made on the basis of the spirit of
the constitution. Once the constitution and the laws are promulgated for
enforcement by the supreme organ of state power, they possess extremely
great authority and a universal restraining force. All state organs, state
functionaries, citizens and social organizations must observe them without
exception. The CPC is the leading core of our country and people and it
assumes a leading position in all aspects of state affairs and social life.
However, it does not place itself above, but rather among the state and the
people. It is a part of the people and each party member is an ordinary
member of the masses of the people. Therefore, like other social organi-
zations and other members of society, the party's organizations at all
levels and its members are dutybound to observe the constitution and the
laws and are strictly governed by the constitution and the laws. Besides,
it is precisely because the party is in a leading position that the party
is shouldering particularly great responsibilities in safeguarding the
sanctity of the constitution and the laws. and ensuring their enforcement.
The CPC should play an exemplary role in observing the constitution and the
laws. Only if the party's organizations at all levels and its members take
the'lead in observing the laws can they effectively bring along all state
organs, social bodies and citizens in strictly enforcing and consciously
observing the constitution and the laws. If the members and organizations
at various levels of a ruling party can violate at will stipulations of the
constitution and the laws, the authority of the socialist legal system of
our country will be seriously damaged and it will be impossible to ask other
social organizations and other members of the society to act strictly
according to law. We must understand that since our party is a ruling
party leading the political power throughout the whole country, its posi-
tion as a ruling party will easily give rise to a special privilege
mentality of ignoring the laws. Moreover, as a result of damage done to
the socialist democracy and social system in the 10 years of internal
disorder and the pernicious influence of the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing
counterrevolutionary cliques and because the influence of "leftist" ideas
have not yet been completely eliminated, even now quite a large number of
party members, including some responsible cadres, are not very clear about
the importance of strengthening the legal system. The phenomena of not
observing the laws and not strictly enforcing them still exist in some
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units and localities. If this situation is not resolutely changed, it will
be impossible to strengthen the socialist legal system in our country.
That our party must conduct its activities within the limits permitted by
the constitution and the laws has been put forward on the basis of scien-
tifically summing up the positive and negative experiences of our party in
leading the building of the legal system in the past 30 years and more and
is an important achievement in bringing order out of chaos since the smash-
ing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique. In the first few years
after the setting up of the country, our party attached much importance to
building the people's democratic legal system. Our party not only actively
led the people of the whole country in formulating our country's first con-
stitution and a series of laws and decrees but also repeatedly educated its
party members to take the lead in observing the constitution and the laws
of the state. In 1954, on behalf of the CPC Central Committee, Comrade Liu
Shaoqi put forward at the First Session of the First NPC: "Members of the
CPC must play an exemplary role in observing the constitution and other
laws." In 1956, Comrade Deng Xiaoping also stressed in his "Report on the
Revision of the CPC Party Constitution" at the Eighth CPC National Congress:
"The draft party constitution demands that all party members, without
exception and irrespective of his contributions and position, observe the
party constitution and the laws of the state and follow communist ethics."
The party constitution adopted at the Eighth CPC National Congress stipu-
lated for the first time that observing state laws is one of the duties of
a party member. On the whole, in the early and middle 1950's, the over-
whelming majority of our party's organizations at various levels and its
members consciously observed. and strictly enforced the constitution and the
laws of the state and actively safeguarded their sanctity, thus effectively
promoting smooth progress of the socialist transformation and socialist
construction. However, beginning at the end of the 1950's, the phenomena
of belittling the legal system and not observing the laws become more and
more serious because of the influence of erroneous "leftist" ideas. The
concept of the legal system began to thin out and consequently many activ-
ities of the party departed from the orbit of the constitution and the laws.
This was particularly so during the 10 years of internal disorder the Lin
Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques wantonly trampled on the
constitution and the laws. They were absolutely lawless. They substituted
their words for laws and placed power above the laws. With their order,
people could be thrown into prison and even be put to death. As a result,
the broad masses of cadres and people were ruthlessly attacked and strug-
gled against, giving rise to a large number of unjust, false and wrong
cases. Party organizations were also damaged. Lessons drawn from the past
have shown that because of the leading position of the party in state
affairs, whether or not the party's organizations at various levels and
its members conduct their activities within the limits permitted by the
constitution and the laws is closely related to whether or not the consti-
tution and the laws will be earnestly enforced and whether or not they
can really become weapons for protecting the people and hitting at the
enemies.
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Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee which is of
great historical significance, our party has attached great importance to
and stressed developing socialist democracy and strengthening the socialist
legal system. It also has formulated a series of important policies and
principles in this respect. This is not only a fundamental guarantee for
our party to lead the people of the whole country in fulfilling the
historical mission of the new period but also a development of Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought in theories concerning the state and party
building. The communique of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee explicitly pointed out: "In order to safeguard people's
democracy, it is imperative to strengthen the socialist legal system so
that democracy is systematized and written into law in such a way as to
ensure the stability, continuity and full authority of this democratic
system and these laws; there must be laws for people to follow, these laws
must be observed, their enforcement must be strict and lawbreakers must be
dealt with." On the basis of summing up historical experiences, the "Reso-
lution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding
of the PRC" adopted at the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee further pointed out: A fundamental task of the socialist revolution
is to gradually establish a highly democratic political system; it is essen-
tial to consolidate the people's democratic dictatorship, improve our con-
stitution and laws and ensure their strict observance and inviolability;
and like other social organizations, party organizations at all levels must
conduct their activities within the limits permitted by the constitution
and laws. An extremely important content of the 12th CPC National Congress
was to stipulate as a strategic task the building of a high level of
socialist democracy and a sound socialist legal system and to determine
the party's fundamental viewpoints and policies concerning this question.
The new party constitution adopted at the 12th CPC National Congress
explicitly stipulates that the party must conduct its activities within
the limits permitted by the constitution and the laws. This has never been
written in the previous party constitutions since our party became a ruling
party.
Will the party's leadership be weakened when we stress that the party must
conduct its activities within the limits permitted by the constitution and
the laws? We hold that this will not weaken the party's leadership but
precisely is essential for strengthening and improving the party's leader-
ship. What is the party's leadership? The party's leadership is chiefly
political, ideological and organizational leadership. The party's polit-
ical leadership in state affairs is chiefly realized by means of formu-
lating and implementing correct line, principles and policies. The con-
stitution and the laws of our country are the party's line, principles and
policies written in concrete forms. In other words, the constitution and
laws are legalized line, principles and policies. Besides, only those
principles and policies of the party which have been proved through prac-
tice to be relatively more mature and essential are written down in legal
forms. It can thus be seen that stressing that party members and party
organizations at all levels must conduct their activities within the limits
permitted by the constitution and the laws of the state and act strictly
according to law is precisely for effectively and correctly implementing
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the party's line, principles and policies and for better realizing the
party's political leadership in state affairs. These two things are not
contradictory but are in line with each other. At no time should we set
one against the other. Of course, if any law really needs improvement or
can no longer meet the needs of the development of the situation and can-
not be effectively used to implement the party's correct line, principles
and policies, our party may revise or abolish it or make a new one through
legal procedures with the approval of the people and by means of organs
of state power. Therefore, even under these circumstances, our party's
leadership will not be hampered or weakened.
Will the party be bound hand and foot if we stress that the party must con-
duct its activities within the limits permitted by the constitution and the
laws? We must give a dialectical answer to this question. It is true that
the constitution and the laws have a binding force toward any organization
or citizen. The question is that the nature of restraint on different
persons is different. As Comrade Ye Jianying pointed out in his "Report on
the Revision of the Constitution" delivered at the First Session of the
Fifth NPC: "The socialist legal system is a deterrent to, and a restrain-
ing force upon, lawbreakers and offenders; for enemies who sabotage social-
ist revolution and construction it is a. merciless iron fist; but for the
masses of the people it is a code of conduct which they voluntarily
observe." The constitution and the laws of our country have given expres-
sion to the common will of the people of the whole country. They are
formulated by the supreme organ of state power and are guiding principles
of our conduct, the enforcement of which is guaranteed by the restraining
force of a state under the system of the people's democratic dictatorship.
Therefore, once the constitution and the laws have been promulgated, they
have a universal restraining force and members and organizations at all
levels of the ruling party must also strictly observe and enforce them and
must not violate them. However, only those who violate laws and discipline,
undermine social order and damage the people's interests, who ignore the
people's will, abuse their authority and deliberately violate the laws and
who are used to arbitration, substituting what they say for laws, placing
their power above the laws and ignoring the laws will find this restraining
force binding them hand and foot. This restraining force is very necessary
because if these people are not bound hand and foot and if the lawbreakers,
including those who are party members and cadres, are.not punished according
to law, the democratic rights and interests of the broad masses of the
people cannot be guaranteed, normal social order cannot be maintained,
socialist construction cannot be carried out smoothly and the people's
democratic dictatorship cannot be consolidated. People who understand the
importance of building the legal system, who consciously observe the con-
stitution and the laws and who act strictly according to law will not
regard the constitution and the laws as a restraining force binding them
hand and foot. Therefore, when our party conducts its activities within
the limits permitted by;the constitution and the laws, safeguards the
sanctity of the constitution and the laws and strictly observes the social-
ist legal system, it will not bind itself hand and foot but instead will
greatly guarantee its work in leading the people of the whole country to
create a new situation in all fields of socialist construction.
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INCREASE OUR UNDERSTANDING AND COURAGEOUSLY CONDUCT REFORMS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 p 39
[Article by Xue Song [7185 2646]; excerpts from Jiangsu's QUNZHONG [THE
MASSES], issue No 1, 1983]
[Text] Structural reform is a revolution. However, there are comrades
whose understanding of the necessity and imperativeness of this revolution
is far from adequate. Some people are restricted by conventions and old
impressions in their thinking and in looking at things. They think that
structural reform is nothing new, it is merely the abolishing, combining
and breaking up of organs, and the result is always that "the organs
become larger whenever people try to simplify them and the situation
becomes more complicated whenever people try to make reforms." Thus, they
have little confidence in reforms. Some people proceed from the interests
of their narrow circles in looking at problems. After repeated calcula-
tions, they always feel that their "temples" cannot be abolished and the
"bodhisattvas" cannot be removed. Thus, they are not so resolute about
reforms. If such an understanding, idea and state of mind remain unchanged,
the smooth implementation of structural reform will certainly be affected.
In the past, we conducted structural reform several times and we had
relapses. At that time, we were still at the preliminary stage of social-
ist construction, some of the shortcomings and evils had not been exposed
or not yet fully exposed. Our understanding of the significance of and the
difficulties in conducting structural reform was far from adequate. Thus,
we underestimated them. In addition, the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counter-
revolutionary cliques tried to sabotage our cause and we were restricted
by the protracted "leftist" mistakes and experiences in our guiding
ideology. Consequently, we failed to consolidate the results of struc-
tural reform every time. How should we handle such relapses today? Xunzi
said: "Although the goal is not far away, you cannot reach it if you do
not walk; although the job is trivial, you cannot accomplish it if you do
not try." Without practice and doing things ourselves, the correct answer
and successful experience will not fall from heaven. People try their best
to avoid relapses if they want to accomplish something. However, relapses
are always unavoidable. There is a famous saying by Dietzgen: "Relapse is
the mother of learning." Today, in our structural reform, we "can use
relapses for reference" precisely because we had relapses in the past. They
have made us more intelligent and confident.
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The structural reform carried out this time is an important strategic deci-
sion made by the CPC Central Committee after prolonged, thorough and care-
ful consideration. Both the objective and subjective conditions are ripe
for reform. Right from the time that the proposal to reform was made, the
CPC Central Committee thought that, as long as we are determined to carry
out reforms and if we can seize the right opportunity to carry out the
reforms in a step-by-step manner, we can ensure that troubles will be
avoided. If we follow the steps set by the CPC Central Committee and carry
out the reform in a resolute and, orderly manner, we can reach the goal as
expected. This prediction has been verified by the victory at the first
stage of structural reform carried out in the central organs. The idea
that "reforms are but old things" is not in keeping with reality. Our
worry about relapses in the future is ungrounded. In addition to simplify-
ing the administrative structure, it is necessary to adopt administrative
measures to clearly define the limits of authority of the staff members and
the organizations of the administrative organs. It is necessary to estab-
lish a strict system of assessment and a system of rewards and penalties
for the people who work for the state. It is necessary to clearly fix the
terms of office of the leading people and make provisions for the retire-
ment of old cadres. Through the implementation of administrative legisla-
tion, the situation of "eating from the same big pot," "holding an iron
rice bowl" and "lifelong tenure" will be radically changed. In this way,
people will not shift responsibility on others or be dilatory in doing
things. The work style of the feudal government office and the malpractice
of passing on documents will be checked. The possibility of having over-
staffed organs will be reduced.
The central feature of the present structural reform is, in accordance with
the principle of picking the highly trained cadres and the principle of
making the ranks of the cadres become "more revolutionary, younger in
average age, better educated and more professionally competent," to turn
the leading bodies at all levels into a strong and powerful combat head-
quarters which is capable of creating a new situation. In handling this
issue, which is closely related to the overall situation, we must be
certain of victory and have determination. If we have doubts, we must
continue to explore. But if we are certain that reform is a good thing,
we must make up our minds and not hesitate to carry it out.
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SEVERAL POINTS FOR CONSIDERATION IN TECHNICAL REFORM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 39-40
[Article by Ouyang Weizhong [2962 7122 4850 1813], reprinted from Hunan
XINXIANG PINGLUN [XINXIANG REVIEW], No 1, 1983]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee we.
have begun to tackle technical reform work in. existing enterprises and the
results of our investments are good and improving. However, in recent
years some new situations have arisen in technical reform work in our
province and they are worth considering.
1. A large proportion of locally built plants, basically involving
extensions inside and outside the factory.
2. Repetitive emphasis, blind construction and unorganized mass action.
3. Ineffective supply of fuel and raw materials.
4. Much emphasis on capital construction projects and projects of a large
scale, with the sole aim of enlarging production capacity but not increas-
ing product quality, lowering production costs or improving results.
We can see from these problems that many comrades still lack sufficient
appreciation of the major significance and role of technical reform and in
some cases comrades have not shaken off the influences of old habits of
relying on external enlargement of production forces. We feel that in
order to fully get to grips with technical reform, it is necessary to
clarify some points.
1. What are the aims of technical reform? In the long run technical
reform should be seen to improve overall economic results and this means
not only considering the economic results of one's own enterprise, under-
taking or department, but, even more importantly, the overall economic
results of the national economy. In other words, macroscopic economic
results.
2. Technical reform should be centered around energy conservation.
68
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3. Technical reform should be carried out with planning, emphases and in
progressive steps. In addition to overall, composite planning, there must
be many levels of planning in which emphasis is placed on towns, enter-
prises or undertakings.
4. When choosing and using advanced technology it is important to examine
the concrete situation in every region, enterprise or undertaking con-
cerned, concentrating on increasing self-support while also fully making
use of and exploiting our own technical forces and the role of the masses.
In addition we should, on the basis of society's needs, import some
advanced technology and some key equipment that we are unable to manufac-
ture ourselves so that we may improve and create on the basis of grasping
and digesting this technology.
5. Technical reform must take place at the same time as technological
standards of workers are improved and enterprise management standards
raised.
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THERE WAS A CHINESE VERSION OF 'PARTY ORGANIZATION AND PARTY LITERATURE' AS
EARLY AS 1926
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 p 40
[Letter in "Readers, Writers and Editors" column by Liu Qingfu [0491 1987
4395), professor of the Chinese Literature Department of Beijing Teachers
University]
[Text] Editor's note: In the letter which Comrade
Liu Qingfu sent he disagreed with the dating of a
Chinese version of "Party Organization and Party
Literature." The Translation and Editing Department
of the CPC Central Committee has confirmed that his
opinion is correct and thus we publish the letter to
correct and complete the affair.
In RED FLAG magazine No 22, 1982 the new Chinese translation of "Party
Organization and Party Literature" done by the Translation Office for the
Works of Lenin and Stalin of the Translation and Editing Department of the
CPC Central Committee was published along with an explanatory article. I
feel that the changes in the new translation are very good and the reasons
for the changes thoroughly convincing.
What I would like to point out is that the Translation Department's article
said that the article by Lenin "has been translated many times in China
since the 1930's." This is not completely accurate. As far as I know,
the translations done in the 1930's are not the earliest translations in
China. The earliest Chinese translation was published on 6 December 1926
in the Chinese CYL magazine ZHONGGUO QINGNIAN [CHINESE YOUTH] No 144
(Volume 6, No 19). The topic was "A Discussion of Party Publications and
Literature" and it was a translation of work by Lenin.
I mention this not only to date more accurately the first Chinese transla-
tions but also because it can be of help in understanding the new changes
in translations. The earliest translation translated the title as "A Dis-
cussion of Party Publications and Literature" and this very obviously is an
inaccurate translation and was added on the basis of the original trans-
lator's understanding of Lenin's article. Today's translator considers
that this article of Lenin's is not a specialized discussion of literature
but rather, it is a discussion of questions concerning party publications
and literature and the title that the translator has given it is entirely
in keeping with the essence of the article after the Translation Depart-
ment's changes.
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OUTLINE FOR THE STUDY OF IMPORTANT DOCUMENTS DRAWN UP SINCE THE THIRD
PLENARY SESSION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 pp 41-47
[Article by RED FLAG Editorial Office of Theory and Education; passages
within slantlines published in boldface]
[Text] II. Establish the Historical Position of Comrade Mao Zedong and
Uphold and Develop Mao Zedong Thought
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, in rooting
out the "leftist" mistakes that have persisted for many years, our party
has realistically analyzed and appropriately criticized the mistakes
committed by Comrade Mao Zedong in his later years, and has also reso-
lutely vindicated the historical position of Comrade Mao Zedong and the
status of Mao Zedong Thought as historical truth. Recently, our party has
in practice promoted the development of Mab Zedong Thought. In studying
this specific topic, we can read Comrade Deng Xiaoping's articles: "Free
Ourselves From Old Ideas, Seek Truth From Facts, Get United and Look
Forward," "Suggestions on Drafting 'Resolutions on Certain Historical Ques-
tions on Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC,"' and "Comrade Mao
Zedong's Historical Position and Mao Zedong Thought" in "Resolutions on
Certain Historical Questions on Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC";
Comrade Hu Yaobang's articles: "Introduction to the Forum on Ideological
Guidelines for Theoretical Work" and "Speech at the Meeting for Cele-
brating the 60th Anniversary of the Founding of the CPC"; Comrade Ye
Jianying's article: "Speech at the Meeting for Celebrating the 60th Anni-
versary of the Founding of the CPC"; and so on. The contents of this
specific topic includes the following three main points:
1. We must correctly and comprehensively study and apply Mao Zedong
Thought;
2. We must correctly appraise Comrade Mao Zedong;
3. We must promote the development of Mao Zedong Thought in our further
practice.
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/When we study the first main point, we must pay attention to a clear
understanding of the following two questions: First, why we must propose
a correct and comprehensive study and application of Mao Zedong Thought;
and second, what is meant by a correct and comprehensive study and applica-
tion of Mao Zedong Thought./
Through the Zunyi meeting and the Yanan rectification movement, our party
established Comrade Mao Zedong's position as the leader of the whole party
and proclaimed Mao Zedong Thought to be the guide for all the work of our
party. Consequently we achieved brilliant successes in our cause of revo-
lution and construction. However, in the. late 1950's and early 1960's, our
party's appraisal of Comrade Mao Zedong and interpretation of Mao Zedong
Thought began to be divorced from reality. The personality cult of Comrade
Mao Zedong and the tendency of regarding Mao Zedong Thought as some dogmas
gradually developed. These mistakes developed to the point of extreme
ridiculousness during the "Great Cultural Revolution" owing to the
malicious sabotage by Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their counterrevolutionary
cliques. It seemed that Comrade Mao Zedong was a divine person above
everything in the world and could only be worshipped. People treated Mao
Zedong Thought as religious doctrines and believed in it as such. This
gravely impaired our revolutionary leader's image and also distorted the
real nature of Mao Zedong Thought. During the 2 years between the smashing
of the counterrevolutionary clique headed by Jiang Qing and the convention
of the third plenary session, because the principal responsible comrade in
the CPC Central Committee raised the erroneous slogan of "two whatevers,"
people's minds were still fettered in many ways, so that no progress was
made in many items of work. Therefore, the question of correctly appraising
Comrade Mao Zedong and correctly viewing Mao Zedong Thought necessarily had
to be promptly resolved by our party.
This question was raised for the first time by Comrade Deng Xiaoping in his
letter to the CPC Central Committee, written in April 1977. He said: "We
and all future generations must correctly and comprehensively use Mao Zedong
Thought as the guiding principles for the whole party, the whole army and
the whole nation, and must thus successfully promote the development of the
cause of socialism and the cause of the international communist movement."
Later, in a speech delivered in July 1979, he explained why he had to raise
this question. He said: "Lin Biao was the first one to disrupt our
party's ideological line. He did not allow people to correctly and compre-
hensively study and apply Mao Zedong Thought in considering, raising and
resolving questions. Instead, he popularized that book of quotations, and
vulgarized and disintegrated Mao Zedong Thought. I do not agree with the
'two whatevers,' because this is not Marxism or Mao Zedong Thought. There-
fore, I proposed and also explained the meaning of the correct and compre-
hensive study and application of Mao Zedong Thought."
To correctly and comprehensively study and apply Mao Zedong Thought means
that we must learn the stand, viewpoints and methods embodied in it, and
not merely some quoted phrases. We must not change it into fossilized
dogmas. Comrade Deng Xiaoping said that to correctly and comprehensively
understand Mao Zedong Thought, we must be good at studying, mastering and
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applying it as an ideological system. We can thus use it to guide our work
in various fields. He also said that we must not interpret Mao Zedong
Thought by reference to isolated quotations, but must correctly understand
it in the perspective of the entire ideological system. This is because
Comrade Mao Zedong's expositions were written at specific times, in
specific places and under specific conditions, to deal with specific prob-
lems. Different expositions associated with different times, places and
conditions differ in depth of exposition, points stressed, or even the way
of putting things. Some of his expositions were correct at the time they
were made, but with changes in time, place and conditions, they could not
be mechanically applied to other cases. Therefore, we should only under-
stand the essential gist of Comrade Mao Zedong's expositions and must not
dogmatically and mechanically apply them without considering changes in
time, place and conditions. The "Resolutions on Certain Historical Ques-
tions on Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" incisively sums up the
substance of Mao Zedong Thought in the following two ways: First, the
document sums up the theoretical contribution of Mao Zedong Thought, that
is, its enrichment and development of Marxism-Leninism in the following six
areas: 1) New democratic revolution; 2) socialist revolution and construc-
tion; 3) building of a revolutionary army and military strategy; 4) policies
and tactics; 5) ideological, political and cultural work; and 6) building
of the party. Second, the document sums up the living spirit of Mao Zedong
Thought, that is, the stand, viewpoints and methods which run through the
above-mentioned parts of Mao Zedong Thought. This living spirit comprises
three basic elements, namely, seeking truth from facts, the mass line, and
independence and having the initiative in one's own hands. This summary
concisely outlines the basic content of Mao Zedong Thought and the living
internal links between its various component parts, and can help us to
correctly and comprehensively understand and master Mao Zedong Thought.
/When we study the second main point, we must understand the following two
things in greater depth: First, the fact that Comrade Mao Zedong's con-
tribution is of primary importance and his mistakes are of secondary
importance; second, a correct knowledge of the nature and causes of his
mistakes./
The 12th CPC Congress report says that one-sidedness in people's thinking
is liable to occur during times of great historical changes. While our
party is rooting out on an overall scale the "leftist" mistakes committed
during and before the "Great Cultural Revolution," some party members and
some members of society cannot completely free themselves from the influ-
ence of past "leftist" mistakes. They are afraid to say Comrade Mao
Zedong did commit mistakes. On the other hand, some other people try to
completely negate Comrade Mao Zedong on the grounds that he committed
grave mistakes in his later years. Some foreigners erroneously think that
our rooting out of past mistakes amounts to the so-called "de-Maoization."
Therefore, whether we can fairly, comprehensively and realistically
appraise Comrade Mao Zedong and whether we can establish his historical
position constitute the key factor affecting our ability to correctly
uphold Mao Zedong Thought.
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Right before the convening of the third plenary session, Comrade Deng
Xiaoping repeatedly talked about Comrade Mao Zedong's great historical
contribution when proposing a correct and comprehensive mastering of Mao
Zedong Thought. For example, on 13 December 1978, at the concluding meet-
ing of the CPC Central Committee work conference, he clearly stated in his
speech: "The great feats performed by Comrade Mao Zedong in the pro-
longed revolutionary struggle will remain indelible forever." On
29 September 1979, at the meeting celebrating the 30th anniversary of the
founding of the PRC, Comrade Ye Jianying also fully affirmed Comrade Mao
Zedong's great historical feats. He said Comrade Mao Zedong was a great
Marxist, revolutionary and strategist, and also the most outstanding
champion among the great CPC and the great Chinese people; the Chinese
people will forever remember his immortal contribution. What these com-
rades said is supported by the historical evidence of several decades of
socialist revolution and construction and cannot be denied by anyone.
To deny Comrade Mao Zedong's great contribution and to deny the grave mis-
takes committed in his later years are both wrong. However, an appraisal
of Comrade Mao Zedong's merits and faults should be realistic and appro-
priate. We must not, as some people do, let our sight of the Taishan
Mountain be blocked by a leaf; we must not completely negate his historical
feats just because he committed mistakes. Comrade Deng Xiaoping and other
leading comrades of the CPC Central Committee have repeatedly stressed this
point. Later, the "resolutions" adopted at the 6th Plenary Session of the
CPC Central Committee also clearly stated: "Although he committed grave
mistakes during the 'Great Cultural Revolution,' his contribution to
China's revolution greatly surpasses his faults, judging from what he did in
his life. His contribution is of primary importance and his mistakes are of
secondary importance." This fair and scientific appraisal of Comrade Mao
Zedong in the "resolutions" has been enthusiastically endorsed by all com-
rades in our party and the people of various nationalities in our country.
This appraisal both sums up experience and plays the important role of
helping us to unify our thinking, get united and look forward.
We must also correctly understand the nature and causes of Comrade Mao
Zedong's mistakes. We must distinguish the nature of his mistakes from
the nature of the problem of Lin Biao and the "gang of four." We know
that Comrade Mao Zedong was the principal figure responsible for the grave
"leftist" mistake of the prolonged "Great Cultural Revolution" which
affected the overall situation. However, after all, he committed these
mistakes as a great proletarian revolutionary. As to the numerous criminal
activities of Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their counterrevolutionary clique,
who took advantage of Comrade Mao Zedong's mistakes to carry out these
activities, the question is one of a different nature. We must perform a
comprehensive analysis of the causes of Comrade Mao Zedong's mistakes in
his later years. We should note that in building socialism in a country
like ours, with a large population and a backward economy and culture, we
do not have readily available experience for our reference. In our experi-
mentation to gain experience, the commission of mistakes is unavoidable.
Of course, it is true that in his later years, Comrade Mao Zedong gradually
became conceited, was divorced from reality and from the masses, and was to
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an increasingly serious extent given to subjectivism and personal dictator-
ship, so that the principle of collective leadership and the system of
democratic centralism, which govern our party and our state, continued to
lose effectiveness and were even completely violated. This was an impor-
tant cause of his mistakes. However, as explained in the "resolutions":
"This phenomenon arose gradually and the CPC Central Committee should also
be to a certain extent responsible for it. According to the Marxist view-
point, this complicated phenomenon was the outcome of certain historical
conditions. If it is only attributed to a particular person or some
persons, the whole party cannot learn a 'profound lesson and find out
realistic and effective steps of reform."
Lenin said: "To openly admit its own mistakes, to analyze the circum-
stances that give rise to mistakes, and to carefully discuss methods of
correcting mistakes--these are signs of a serious and conscientious party."
("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 31, p 39) The analysis and discussion of
Comrade Mao Zedong's merits and faults in the "resolutions" show that our
party is a serious Marxist party which seeks truth from facts and is good
at summing up and learning lessons from historical experience.
/When we study the third main point, we can pay special attention to under-
standing: First, what is the scientific meaning of Mao Zedong Thought;
second, the differentiation between Mao Zedong Thought and the mistakes
committed by Comrade Mao Zedong in his later years; third, the necessity
of upholding and developing Mao Zedong Thought and the dialectical rela-
tions involved; fourth, promotion of the advance of Mao Zedong Thought in
our practice./
While once again presenting Mao Zedong Thought in its true colors, our
party has reiterated the necessity of promoting the advance of Mao Zedong
Thought under current historical conditions. To achieve this, we must
first correctly understand the meaning of Mao Zedong Thought. The "reso-
lutions" drawn up at the Sixth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Com-
mittee clearly states: "According to basic Marxist-Leninist principles,
the Chinese communists, with Comrade Mao Zedong as their principal repre-
sentative, have made a theoretical generalization of a series of original
and unique experiences gained in China's prolonged revolutionary practice,
and have arrived at a scientific guiding ideology appropriate to China's
conditions. This is Mao Zedong Thought, the fruits of integration of
universal Marxist-Leninist principles with China's specific revolutionary
practice." "Mao Zedong Thought represents the application and development
of Marxism-Leninism in China, the correct theoretical principles for and
correct generalization of the experience of China's revolution, as veri-
fied in practice, as well as the crystallized collective wisdom of the CPC.
Many outstanding leaders of our party have significantly contributed to
its formation and development. It is epitomized in Comrade Mao Zedong's
scientific works." We can see two special points in these passages.
First, Mao Zedong Thought represents both the application and a development
of Marxism-Leninism in China. Second, in discussing the formation and
development of Mao Zedong Thought, the "resolutions" not only explain
Comrade Mao Zedong's individual role, but also emphasize the fact that they
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represent the crystallization of the collective wisdom of the CPC. Thus,
the content of Mao Zedong Thought is further clarified and the meaning of
Mao Zedong Thought is made perfect, so that all comrades in our party and
the whole nation can have a unified understanding of Mao Zedong Thought.
Moreover, our party also clearly distinguishes Mao Zedong Thought from
Comrade Mao Zedong's mistakes in his later years. Why does it do so? It
is because if we uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought, we will encounter
a question, that is, whether his mistakes are included in Mao Zedong
Thought. If this question is not resolved, the whole party and the whole
nation cannot arrive at a unified understanding. Some people are skeptical
about or even object to upholding Mao Zedong Thought, saying that they
endorse only "the correct part of Mao Zedong Thought," but not "the errone-
ous part of Mao Zedong Thought." This argument is based on Comrade Mao
Zedong's mistakes. To clarify this confused idea, Comrade Deng Xiaoping
said: "What we must uphold and adopt as the guide for our action is the
basic principles of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, or, the
scientific system comprising these basic principles. As to the forming of
individual judgments, Marx, Lenin and Comrade Mao Zedong, with no exception,
were bound to make mistakes of one kind or another. However, these mis-
takes do not belong to the scientific system comprising the basic prin-
ciples of Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought." The "resolutions"
drawn up at the Sixth Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee also
states that it is quite necessary to distinguish Mao Zedong Thought, a
scientific theoretical system formed in the course of prolonged trials of
history, from Comrade Mao Zedong's mistakes in his later years. Because
the CPC Central Committee has thus made a rigorous distinction and cor-
rected people's erroneous understanding on this question, a scientific
basis for upholding and developing Mao Zedong Thought has been formed.
To promote the advance of Mao Zedong Thought, we must clarify the relation-
ship between upholding and developing. We must both uphold and develop Mao
Zedong Thought. Upholding and developing are complementary; neither of
these two things can exist without the other. Mao Zedong Thought is a form
of Marxism peculiar to China. Its basic principles reflect the general
laws governing revolution and construction in China. It is a set of
scientific truths verified through practice. Not only did it educate an
entire generation of people in the past, but in the future, it will con-
tinue to be the guide for our work and the most valuable spiritual wealth
of the whole party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities in
our country. We should highly value it, uphold it and develop it under new
historical conditions. To uphold Mao Zedong Thought means to uphold the
basic principles proved to be correct in practice, and not to obstinately
stick to a few words or sentences of Comrade Mao Zedong, treating them as
dogmas, as exemplified by the "two whatevers." To develop Mao Zedong
Thought means to enrich and supplement it on the basis of upholding and
with the development of practice, and not to unrealistically exaggerate
or artificially boost it.
To uphold and develop Mao Zedong Thought, the key measure is to closely
integrate the universal truths of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought with
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the magnificent practice of the four modernizations, and to test and
develop truths through practice. Thus, the "resolutions" state: "We must
continue to uphold Mao Zedong Thought and conscientiously study and apply
its stand, viewpoints and methods, so that we can study new circumstances
arising in our practice and solve new problems"; and, "we must use new
principles and new conclusions which are compatible with reality to enrich
and develop our party's theoretical system, to ensure that our cause con-
tinues to advance along the scientific path of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought."
Our party stresses promoting the advance of Mao Zedong Thought through
practice because practice is the only source and motive force of develop-
ment of theory. If theory is divorced from practice, it will lose vitality
as water without a source or a trunk without roots. Only by proceeding
from reality and conducting in-depth investigation and study can we formu-
late realistic guiding principles and policies, derive correct new conclu-
sions and principles, and thus add new substance and brilliance to Mao
Zedong Thought. We have been precisely doing this since the Third Plenary
Session of the CPC Central Committee. When Comrade Deng Xiaoping talked
about the significance of discussing the thesis of practice being the
criterion for testing truth, he said: "Scientific socialism and Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought develop amid actual struggles. Of course, we
will not retrogress from scientific socialism to utopian socialism, or let
Marxism stay at the level of the specific arguments prevailing several
decades or more than a century ago. Therefore we have repeatedly said
that to free ourselves from old ideas, we must use the basic principles of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought to study current conditions and solve
new problems." He continued: "What are the most important current condi-
tions and the most important current problem in our country today? The
answer is of course the four modernizations, or, as I mentioned above,
the achievement of Chinese-style modernization. We have said that to study
in depth the new circumstances and new problems encountered in China's four
modernizations, and to provide answers of great value to guiding work, will
amount to a great contribution to Marxism by our theoretical workers and a
real extolling of Mao Zedong Thought."
Since the Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee, our party
has not only once again presented Mao Zedong Thought in its true colors
and upheld the basic principles of Mao Zedong Thought in formulating a
series of guiding principles and policies, but has also done things which
were proposed by Comrade Mao Zedong but,were not done, corrected his mis-
takes in opposing certain things, and more satisfactorily done things
which he did not satisfactorily accomplish. Although we cannot
simplistically say that each of the important documents issued since the
Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee has enriched and
developed Mao Zedong Thought, however, judging from the overall content of
these documents, we can see that our party has effectively promoted the
advance of Mao Zedong Thought. For example, it has to various extents
tackled certain questions which were not tackled or satisfactorily resolved
before, such as: The ideology of breaking through set models and taking a
path of socialist construction with Chinese characteristics (including
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integration of agricultural collective ownership with responsibility
systems in production, opening our country to foreign trade and enlivening
our domestic economy, reform of our economic systems, and so on); the
ideology of the correct evaluation and handling of class struggle in social-
ist society; the ideology of building socialist spiritual civilization; the
ideology of the strategic position of science and education in socialist
construction and the importance of the intellectuals' role; the ideology
of extending socialist democracy, perfecting the socialist legal system,
and safeguarding democracy by means of laws and a democratic system; the
ideology of reforming our party and state leadership system as well as
promoting cooperation between old cadres and new ones and replacing the
former with the latter; the ideology of curbing personality cult and
strengthening democratic centralism; the principle that our party adheres
to independence and the right to act on our own, while respecting other
revolutionary parties' independence and their right to act on their own;
and so on. In dealing with these questions, our party has vigorously
applied Marxism to resolve them, has enriched and developed Mao Zedong
Thought, and is ready to face further tests of practice and sum up prac-
tical experience, so that Mao Zedong Thought will be further enriched and
developed. The important documents issued since the Third Plenary Session
of jthe CPC Central Committee record our party's achievement in upholding
and developing Mao Zedong Thought in its recent practice, and serve as
brilliant examples of promoting the advance of Mao Zedong Thought. We
should conscientiously study them and understand them.
III. Uphold the Four Basic Principles and Correctly Unfold Ideological
Struggle on Two Fronts
To uphold the four basic principles and to opportunely and correctly launch
ideological struggle to oppose "leftist" and rightist tendencies help bring
about desired great historical changes, as basic experience tells us, and
constitute an important guarantee of a smooth progress of socialist mod-
ernization construction. To study this special topic, we can pay special
attention to Comrade Deng Xiaoping's articles: "Uphold the Four Basic
Principles," "The Current Situation and Our Current Tasks" and "A Talk on
Questions Concerning the Ideological Front"; Comrade Hu Yaobang's article:
"Speech at the Forum on the Ideological Front"; and Comrade Hu Qiaomu's
article: "Certain Current Questions of the Ideological Front"; and so on.
When we study this special topic, we may try to master the following three
main points:
First, to uphold the four basic principles is a requirement for implementing
the guiding principles laid down at the'Third Plenary Session of the CPC
Central Committee;
Second, we must opportunely and correctly oppose erroneous "leftist" and
rightist tendencies;
Third, to launch ideological. struggle on two fronts, we must have correct
guiding principles and methods.
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/When we study the first main point, we must pay attention to an under-
standing of the following: First,,why our party reaffirms upholding the
four basic principles; second, upholding party leadership being the core
of upholding the four basic principles; and third, upholding the four
basic principles being consistent with freeing ourselves from old ideas./
Early in 1979, at the conference on ideological guidelines for theoretical
work, Comrade Deng Xiaoping delivered an important speech entitled "Uphold
the Four Basic Principles." He said that to achieve the four moderniza-
tions in China, we must uphold four basic ideological and political prin-
ciples, namely: to adhere to the road of socialism, to uphold dictator-
ship of the proletariat, to uphold leadership by the Communist Party, and
to uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. This important speech by
Comrade Deng Xiaoping has played a very important role in our correct
implementation of the guiding principles laid down at the Third Plenary
Session of the CPC Central Committee, in our achievement of stability and
unity, and in the shift of the focal point of our work.
The question of upholding the four basic principles is not a new one. Its
importance has long been acknowledged by the whole party and the whole
nation, thanks to the practice of prolonged revolutionary struggle and
socialist construction. From their own personal experience, people have
come to the understanding that to uphold the four basic principles is
tantamount to upholding the basic interests of the people of various
nationalities in our country. All words or deeds going against the four
basic principles will inevitably undermine the people's basic interests.
If so, why did our party reaffirm the necessity of upholding the four basic
principles after the Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee?
This is a measure distinctly directed against certain problems. First, at
that time, there existed two trends of thought in society which violated
the four basic principles and which interfered with and disrupted the
implementation of the guiding principles laid down at the Third Plenary
Session of the CPC Central Committee. One trend of thought was the errone-
ous "leftist" trend of thought cherished by some comrades in our party who
were gravely poisoned by Lin Biao and the "gang of four." A very small
number of people even spread rumors to attack the series of guiding prin-
ciples and policies which were implemented by the CPC Central Committee
after the smashing of the "gang of four," in particular, since the third
plenary session. The other trend of thought was reflected in the spreading
of certain opinions in society by a very small minority of people who were
skeptical about or even objected to the four basic principles. Some indi-
vidual comrades in our party not only failed to acknowledge the danger of
this rightist trend of thought, but even showed a certain degree of support.
Both trends of thought violate Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and
hamper the progress of our cause of socialist modernization construction.
Therefore, while we continue to criticize the extreme leftist trend of
thought propagated by Lin Biao and the "gang of four," we must also criti-
cize the rightist trend of thought which expresses skepticism about or even
objection to the four basic principles. Second, at that time, a very small
number of counterrevolutionaries and bad elements, whose greatest desire
was to see disorder in our country, gravely disrupted the order of work and
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production and social order. They also put forth slogans such as "oppose
hunger" and "we want human rights" to instigate some people to make
trouble. They openly opposed the people's democratic dictatorship and
leadership by the Communist Party. They maligned Comrade Mao Zedong. Some
of them even colluded with hostile forces at home and abroad. Therefore,
we had to use the power of the people's government to struggle against the
counterrevolutionaries and bad elements and to seriously deal with them.
Moreover, we had to criticize the erroneous views of some people who propa-
gated bourgeois democracy and extreme individualism, which are against the
four basic principles. Only by criticizing these erroneous views could we
clarify the ideological confusion among a minority of the masses, in par-
ticular a minority of the young people. Third, the problem of corrupt
social values caused by the pernicious influence of Lin Biao and the."gang
of four" was very serious. After the implementation of the policy of open-
ing our country to foreign trade, the corrosive influence of decadent
bourgeois ideology and lifestyle intensified. Unhealthy tendencies in our
party also weakened our party's leadership role and fighting capacity.
Under the above-mentioned conditions, to reaffirm the upholding of the four
basic principles with a clear-cut stand, to criticize the "leftist" and the
rightist social trends of thought, to curb the sabotage by a very small
number of counterrevolutionaries and bad elements, and to change the
general mood of society and our party, constitute an important guarantee of
the thorough implementation of various guiding principles and policies laid
down at the Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee.
Party leadership is'the most important of the four basic principles. Com-
rade Deng Xiaoping said: "Upholding party leadership is the core of the
four upholdings." In the past, our party had committed "leftist" mistakes
in guiding ideology and our socialist cause encountered setbacks. In par-
ticular, the decade of chaos gravely undermined our party's prestige.
Consequently, some members of society became skeptical of party leadership
and lacked confidence in our party's ability to exercise leadership over
our modernization construction. Some people even demanded abolition of
party leadership. In view of this condition, Comrade Deng Xiaoping repeat-
edly stressed the paramount importance of party leadership. He said: "Our
party is based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It is the core of
leadership over our socialist cause and proletarian dictatorship. It is an
advanced proletarian contingent with socialist and communist consciousness
and with revolutionary discipline. Our party's relationship with the broad
masses of the people and our leadership over China's cause of socialism
have been formed in our 60-year history of struggle. Our party and the
people cannot be divorced from each other. This relationship cannot be
altered by any forces." Although our party did commit mistakes in the
past, this definitely cannot become a reason for weakening or abolishing
party leadership. Our party has gone through many mistakes, but in each
case we corrected our mistakes by relying on the party and not by departing
from it. Facts have proved that, educated and tempered by mistakes and
setbacks, our party has become stronger and more mature. After the smash-
ing of the counterrevolutionary clique headed by Jiang Qing, our party
faced a situation of numerous problems, with many neglected tasks waiting
to be undertaken. However, within a short span of several years, our party
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has reestablished the ideological line of seeking truth from facts, put an
end to prolonged social disorder, and brought about a political situation
of stability,'unity and vitality. It is currently eliminating the "leftist"
mistakes in economic work and implementing the correct guiding principle of
readjustment, reform, rectification and improvement. Our country's economy
has thus passed through the period of greatest difficulty and embarked on a
healthy path of steady development. A new atmosphere has appeared in the
arena of education, science and cultural work. Military work has also been
improved. These facts demonstrate that our party is one which has stood
many tests over many years and is capable of leading the people to overcome
all kinds of difficulties to accomplish socialist modernization construction.
Any tendencies to attempt to weaken, break away from, abolish or oppose
party leadership are erroneous and against the people's common aspiration.
Some people set the upholding of the four basic principles against emanci-
pation of the mind. For example, they think that to uphold the four basic
principles hinders emancipation of the mind, that the emergence of the
tendency to strive for bourgeois freedom is attributable to emancipation of
the mind, that to reaffirm upholding the four basic principles can be viewed
as "correcting" the "deviation" of the third plenary session, and so on.
These views are basically not compatible with facts. The guiding principle
laid down at the third plenary session, namely to emancipate the mind, to
use our brains, to seek truth from facts and to get united and look forward
has played a decisive role in bringing order out of chaos. What is called
emancipation of the mind principally and in the first place means that our
cadres must be freed from the fetters of "leftist" mistakes and the "two
whatevers" so that they can return to the scientific path of seeking truth
from facts and can thus understand current conditions and solve current
problems. Emancipation of the mind in this way does not in the slightest
degree imply the possibility of departing from the four basic principles.
Actually, since the putting forth of emancipation of the mind, all the
guiding principles and policies implemented by the CPC Central Committee
are marked by adherence to the four basic principles. This is mainly
reflected in the following facts: Criticism of the bogus socialism of the
"gang of four," adherence to socialist public ownership and the principle
of distribution according to work done, adherence to the guiding principle
of relying mainly on ourselves with efforts to seek foreign aid as a sub-
sidiary measure, and adherence to working according to objective economic
laws--the above facts amounting to adherence to scientific socialism; smash-
ing of the feudal fascism of the "gang of four," resolving a series of
questions left over by history, consolidating the people's democratic dic-
tatorship and reviving and developing democratic centralism; restoring the
three major work styles of our party, perfecting inner-party democratic
centralism, strengthening unity within and outside our party, and strength-
ening party leadership; upholding a correct and comprehensive mastering of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, presenting Mao Zedong Thought in its
true colors again, and safeguarding Comrade Mao Zedong's historical posi-
tion. These facts tell us that it is groundless to confuse emancipation
of the mind with erroneous rightist tendencies, or to set the upholding of
the four basic principles against the guiding principles laid down at the
third plenary session. The aim of upholding the four basic principles is
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precisely to bring about a better implementation of the guiding principles
of the third plenary session. These two things are consistent.
/When we study the second main point, we must pay attention to a clear
understanding of the following: First, since the Third Plenary Session
of the CPC Central Committee, our party has always adhered to the launching
of ideological struggle on two fronts; and second, overall, our focal point
has been the rooting out of "leftist" mistakes, but when attention is paid
to one erroneous tendency, another erroneous tendency is not overlooked./
Since the third plenary session, our party has stressed correcting past
"leftist" mistakes in guiding ideology and rooting out "leftist" errors.
The formulation of the "Resolutions on Certain Historical Questions on our
Party Since the Founding of the PRC" at the Sixth Plenary Session of the
CPC Central Committee indicates that our party has accomplished the
historical task of bringing order out of chaos in the arena of guiding
ideology. However, judging from the performance of various specific
categories of work in various localities, many tasks in correcting "leftist"
mistakes have not been accomplished. Actually, because of the profound
influence of old ideas and habits, some comrades have not yet freed them-
selves from old "leftist" mistakes and they either consciously or uncon-
sciously want to revert to the beaten track of "having class struggle as
the key link." Therefore, we must continue to criticize, correct and guard
against "leftist" mistakes. This is still an important task we are under-
taking in which we must not slacken our efforts. At the same time, since
the third plenary session, our party has also been resolutely struggling
against erroneous rightist mistakes. Some comrades cannot correctly sum
up historical experience. They misunderstand what is emancipation of the
mind. Deviating from the path of Marxism, they are skeptical about or even
negate party leadership and the socialist road. Some responsible comrades
in our party turn a blind eye to this rightist ideological trend of
striving for bourgeois freedom. Their attitude is one of slackness and
weakness. A very small minority of people even try various means to cover
up this mistake. Therefore, in a certain period of time, it is quite
necessary to stress the criticism and correction of erroneous rightist
tendencies. Considering the economic arena, since the third plenary
session, our party has stressed correcting past "leftist" guiding ideology
and has resolutely implemented the policy of opening our country to foreign
trade and enlivening our domestic economy. However, when serious criminal
activities occur, our party does not hesitate to lead the people to wage
struggles to curb these activities, and it promptly corrects erroneous ideas
about this question. These facts demonstrate that since the third plenary
session, our party has taken a firm stand on major questions of principles.
In dealing with the overall situation and guiding ideology, it has stressed
rooting out "leftist" mistakes. In addition, in the light of actual condi-
tions associated with different periods and different realms, it has opposed
both "leftist" and rightist mistakes as warranted by the type of mistake in
each case. It has consistently adhered to overall consideration and avoided
one-sidedness. It is not compatible with facts to set the correction of
"leftist" mistakes in guiding ideology against the opposition of the
rightist ideological trend of striving for bourgeois freedom, to set the
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implementation of the policy of opening our country to foreign trade and
enlivening our domestic economy against curbing serious criminal activities
in the economic realm, or to use the expression "wavering of guiding prin-
ciples" to describe "leftist" or rightist tendencies in practical work and
our party's struggle against these tendencies, and so on.
Historical experience has proved that erroneous "leftist" and rightist
trends are interrelated. The existence of a "leftist" trend is a condi-
tion for the emergence of a rightist trend, and vice versa. When we oppose
"leftist" mistakes, we must guard against rightist mistakes, and vice
versa. Very often, the two categories of mistakes take advantage of each
other, the existence of one category being a pretext for the commission of
the other. Thus, in Comrade Hu Qiaomu's article: "Certain Current Ques-
tions of the Ideological Front," he said: "The two kinds of struggle on
these two fronts are complementary. If we do not oppose the ideological
trend of striving for bourgeois freedom, we are in effect providing ammuni-
tion to those who obstinately stick to 'leftist' guiding ideology." "On
the other hand, if we do not continue to correct 'leftist' guiding ideology,
there will be a pretext for reviving the ideological trend of striving for
bourgeois freedom." "Leftist" mistakes and rightist mistakes are two
extremes. Both categories violate the Marxist criteria of overall consid-
eration and necessity to be scientific. Therefore, it is impossible to use
"leftist" ideology to correctly criticize or refute rightist mistakes, or,
conversely, to use rightist viewpoints to oppose or eliminate "leftist"
mistakes. Only by adhering to the Marxist spirit of being scientific
considering all viewpoints, and by opportunely launching ideological strug-
gle on two fronts in the light of various conditions, can we genuinely
uphold the four basic principles and ensure the thorough implementation of
our party's guiding principles and policies.
/When we study the third main point, we must pay attention to understanding:
First, a correct summing up and cherishing of the lessons of historical
experience; and second, some basic principles concerning launching ideologi-
cal struggle on two fronts./
Concerning the question of ideological struggle, we should very conscien-
tiously sum up and remember the lessons of historical experience, so that
we may take these lessons for reference in our future work. In his "Speech
at the Forum on the Ideological Front," Comrade Hu Yaobang said that we
have two categories of historical experience in ideological criticism and
struggle. One category is correct criticism and struggle. Specifically,
this is the establishing and upholding of the three major fine work styles
by our party during the period from the time of the Zunyi meeting to the
Yanan rectification movement and then to the Seventh CPC Congress. These
three styles are: integration of theory with practice, establishing close
links with the masses, and criticism and self-criticism. By upholding the
three major work styles, our party has been able to continuously grow and
flourish. Since the Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee,'
our party has restored and developed this fine tradition, has launched
criticism, self-criticism and the necessary struggles, and has thus
achieved success in bringing order out of chaos. The other category of
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historical experience is erroneous criticism and struggle. The best example
is the cruel struggles and relentless attacks during the "Great Cultural
Revolution," incorporating frantic criticism, struggles and attacks and also
great exaggeration in criticism, resulting in a situation more dreadful
than in the period of the Wang Ming line. These wrongdoings must not be
repeated. Some comrades cannot correctly sum up lessons from experience.
On hearing that it is necessary to launch ideological struggle, with criti-
cism and self-criticism, they feel disgusted and begin to boycott or even
oppose it. Some comrades worry about the possibility that to launch
criticism, self-criticism and ideological struggle will hamper socialist
democracy and adversely affect the political situation of stability, unity
and vigor prevailing since the third plenary session. These comrades
remember only historical experience of mistakes and forget that we also
have historical experience of correct practice. Since the third plenary
session, facts have proved that to correctly launch criticism, self-
criticism and the necessary ideological struggle will not hamper the
development of socialist democracy or adversely affect the new political
situation prevailing since the third plenary session, but conversely, this
amounts to a condition and reflection of development toward a high degree
of democracy as well as an important guarantee of the consolidation and
development of the current political situation.
Since the Third Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee, our party has
successfully launched ideological struggle on two fronts against "leftist"
and rightist mistakes, basing itself on a correct summing up of historical
experience. The success of this struggle cannot be divorced from the up-
holding of the following several basic principles:
First, in launching ideological struggle, we must proceed from real condi-
tions, be realistic and suit the remedy to the case. That is, whatever
mistakes exist, whether "leftist" or rightist, we must struggle against
them. We must criticize whatever category of erroneous tendency that can
be discovered. Thus, a CPC Central Committee document issued in June 1980
stresses: "In the future, if any major ideological tendency or social
trend of thought emerges in any specific period, the whole party must carry
out in-depth investigation and study, calmly and carefully analyze it,
detect its causes and development, and make a judgment that is compatible
with objective reality. If the problem is limited to a certain scope or
realm, we should solve it within the limits of this scope or realm. We
must not arbitrarily magnify its scope or even make a sweeping categoriza-
tion of things and launch a political movement on an overall scale."
Second, we must correctly differentiate and handle two essentially different
categories of contradictions and implement the guiding principle of
enlightenment with regard to ideological problems. In his speech entitled
"Uphold the Four Basic Principles," Comrade Deng Xiaoping rigorously
differentiates the erroneous ideological trends among the cadres and the,
masses from the hostile elements' sabotage. He says that we must seriously,
deal with counterrevolutionaries and bad elements according to the law, and
must also criticize the erroneous ideological trends among cadres and the
masses to enable those who commit mistakes to become conscious of their
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errors. Subsequent CPC Central Committee documents and speeches of leading
comrades in the CPC Central Committee have on many occasions pointed out
the necessity of implementing the guiding principle of enlightenment with
regard to the ideological problems of the cadres and the masses. We must
adhere to the method of presenting facts, explaining truths, making rea-
soned and sensible arguments, and convincing people by reasoning. We must
not be simplistic, rude, brutal or repressive. If a certain ideological
trend has grown into an organized sabotaging force which is persistently
hostile to socialism and party leadership, we must suppress it according
to the law and no one is allowed to provide any form of support. If the
nature of a contradiction is not yet clearly understood, we must first
treat it and tackle it as a contradiction among the people, and must defi-
nitely not casually treat people who make mistakes of one kind or another
as hostile elements, regarding the contradiction as one between ourselves
and the enemy. Thus, we will not let social ideological trends, which are
harmful to socialism, run wild, or commit the mistake of aggravating prob-
lems. This is the meaning of deciding on different methods of handling
different contradictions in light of differences in their nature.
Third, we must vigorously criticize and struggle against erroneous ideo-
logical trends, but our judgment of the nature of any mistakes must be
accurate and scientific. We must not rashly draw political conclusions.
In view of our historical experience, to be realistic and to correctly
handle the two categories of contradictions, our party must on the one hand
consistently uphold its principles and resolutely criticize and struggle
against erroneous ideological trends in our party and in society, but must
on the other hand pay great attention to whether its criticism is scien-
tific and must not wrongly put labels on or take measures against anyone.
We should as far as possible avoid incorrect ways of putting things such as
"mistake in the line" or "struggle between two lines." There is also a
correct definition of the move toward bourgeois freedom, which is dis-
tinguished from common ideological problems. Moreover, the complexity of
the relationship between motive and effect is stressed, so that a simplis-
tic and mechanical attitude to this question can be avoided. When Comrade
Deng Xiaoping discussed criticism of the move toward bourgeois freedom, he
said: "We must pay attention to individual differences between those who
commit mistakes, and must appropriately handle each individual case accord-
ing to an appropriate knowledge of the nature and extent of each person's
mistakes. We must pay attention to the method of criticism and appro-
priateness of judgment. We must not organize massive attacks on people or
launch movements."
The putting forth and implementation of these basic principles ensures our
party's ability to opportunely and correctly launch ideological struggle on
two fronts. The four basic principles can be upheld, and unity in our party
and among the people can be strengthened. Our work can thus be more satis-
factorily accomplished.
CSO: 4004/24
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IS PUBLICIZING COMMUNIST IDEOLOGY CONTRADICTORY TO THE PRINCIPLE OF SOCIAL
EXISTENCE DETERMINING SOCIAL CONSCIOUSNESS?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 p 48
[Article by Chao Yong [2513 8673]]
[Text] Historical materialism states that social existence determines
social consciousness. If this is the case, then can the propagation of
communist ideology during the period before the realization of the com-
munist system be seen as in keeping with the belief that social conscious-
ness determines social ideology?
In actual fact these two concepts are in harmony since communist ideology
is also a product of social existence. Obviously, communist ideology did
not fall from the sky nor is it something inherent in the minds of men.
Rather, it is a reflection of objective reality in man's mind. In a capit-
talist society there is a formal contradiction between the existence of
socialized large-scale production and the capitalist ownership of the means
of production. A conflict such as this between the productive forces and
the production relations must objectively exist. Communist ideology is the
reflection of this objective existence in man's mind and it is primarily
reflected in the minds of the working class who suffer most directly under
capitalism. Initially, this kind of reflection is merely a kind of spon-
taneous communist consciousness, manifested as the beautiful expectation of
the future ideal society. Later on, after scientific work with Marxism-
Leninism it develops into a scientific system of communist ideology to
guide the working class movement. Since human beings are able to foresee
the future developmental trends and situations of things on the basis of
their understanding of the developmental laws of things, thus human beings
are fully able to foresee the inevitable destruction of the capitalist
society, based on the objective laws produced and developed from within
the capitalist society, as well as the inevitable emergence and rise of the
communist society. This kind of thinking is not subjective supposition but
is a reflection of the objectively existing truth.
China entered the initial stage of the communist society a long time ago,
namely socialist society. Socialism and communism are two stages of one
form of society and between them there exist both differences and simi-
larities. The realization of communism requires highly developed productive
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forces and a high level of communist consciousness in the entire adult
population of the society. This cannot be attained in a short period of
time, but requires several generations of hard work. However, the embryo
or bud of a highly developed communist society already exists within the
initial stage. After the October Revolution, Lenin listed in detail the
buds of communism that already existed in the Soviet socialist society.
The situation in China is the same, if not more so. Let us look for exam-
ple at the present system of public ownership of the means of production.
Although the system of ownership in a communist society is different, in
terms of its essential nature, the system of public ownership already has
the elementary form of the system of ownership in the communist society.
As far as interhuman relations and spiritual civilization are concerned,
China has already produced such communist fighters as Zhang Side, Liu
Hulan, Luo Shengjiao and Lei Feng while today many more are appearing such
as Zhao Chune, Jiang Zhuying, Luo Jianfu and Zhang Hua, all of whom are
developed-people with a communist spirit and ethical sentiments. Regard-
less of the work they do, they are not doing it for the money but in order
to contribute personally to the revolutionary cause and for the great ideal
of realizing communism. Thus they give their all, including that which is
most precious to them--their lives. Within them we see total embodiment
of the new form of human relations characterized by unity, mutual help and
self-sacrifice for others. The 12th party congress report stated that
"Communist ideology and communist practice appeared in our everyday life
a long time ago." On the basis of the above-outlined objective existence
how can one possibly say that the propagation of communist ideology is
contradictory to the basic principle that social existence determines social
consciousness?
The reflection in man's mind of objective existence is not by any means as
simple and mechanical as the reflection one witnesses in a mirror. It is
more similar to the mathematician who produces new theorems on the basis
of the mathematical axioms of which he is already aware. Thus the ideologi-
cal consciousness of a human being can, by means of the existing situation
of past and present matter, recognize its developmental laws and thus fore-
see its future developmental changes, trends and situations. It can predict
the inevitable development into commonly existing things of individual,
newly formed things. Within capitalist society it can recognize the
inevitable realization of communism. And it is exactly this which embodies
the dynamic role of ideological consciousness. And it is that to which we
refer when we talk of "standing high and seeing far." Some comrades fail
to see and appreciate this dynamic role of ideological consciousness,
wrongly thinking that whatever objectively exists will simply be reflected
in man's mind as in a mirror, and it is this that is the cause for such a
one-sided and mechanical understanding of the principle of social existence
determining social consciousness. The correct viewpoint should be both
materialist and dialectic. We must gather experience about and develop
communist ideology on the basis of the communist practice that already
exists in China's day-to-day reality and furthermore we should guide our
behavior on the basis of this communist ideology. A scientific system of
communist ideology must rely on the proletarian political party to.con-
sciously imbue the masses before the system may expand and be fully
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propagated. Our party's constant efforts to propagate communist ideology
have always been with the aim of overcoming spontaneity, increasing self-
awareness and ensuring that the proletariat unites with coordination and
one heart with the masses to steadfastly and courageously struggle for the
realization of the glorious aims of communism. Thus this kind of propaga-
tion is entirely in keeping with the basic principle of social existence
determining social consciousness.
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MAKE PROMPT DECISIONS WHENEVER NECESSARY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 4, 16 Feb 83 inside back cover
[Article by Wang Zhengwen [3769 2973 2429]]
[Text] "Make prompt decisions whenever necessary, or face the conse-
quences." This is a saying that originates from ancient China. It
frequently recurs in the recently unearthed Ma Wang silk books. It is also
used in the "Shi Ji" [Records of History]. In modern times too it is
often heard on people's lips. The long history of this phrase and its
relevance even today is due to the fact that it illustrates an important
principle from a negative viewpoint, namely that one cannot be irresolute
and hesitant when doing things, but one should be prompt and decisive
in decisionmaking.
Whenever one does anything, it is always a question of circumstances. It
is always important to grab every opportunity and make a prompt decision
and in this way, whatever it is that one is doing will smoothly take its
course. If one is overcautious and indecisive and allows good opportuni-
ties to pass then one will never be able to complete what one is doing or
it will not be carried out very smoothly; one might even find oneself
facing disastrous aftereffects as a result of such indecision. In the
Beijing opera "Kong Cheng Ji," Sima Ji, after his reconnaissance mission,
establishes that "the western city is still an empty city." As the city
was approached, Zhu Geliang was sighted, not in the least bit alarmed, and
thus the former immediately grew alarmed and nervous. The result was that
when Zhao Yun arrived, he retreated in haste. This story is only fiction,
but nevertheless, there is some benefit to be gained from studying it. And,
in fact, it illustrates in a very dramatic way the wisdom of "making prompt
decisions whenever necessary, or face the consequences."
We should also remember to make prompt decisions when constructing socialism
otherwise things might go wrong; we will get only half the results with
twice the effort or even work to no avail whatsoever, then have to "face
the consequences." We can only win time by making prompt decisions when-
ever necessary and only in this way can we achieve the most in a limited
period of time. In the few short years since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee there have been great changes in the political
and economic situation in China; is this not the result of the CPC Central
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Committee working on the basis of China's present situation and drawing up
timely and decisive policies of great importance?
The key to the phrase "making prompt decisions whenever necessary" lies in
the word "whenever." For it is only through timing that things may be
decided promptly and accurately. It is incorrect to consider "making prompt
decisions whenever necessary" as blindly doing things fast, just as one
wants. If you cannot see something accurately, then you cannot make a
swift decision. In 1958 during the period of the "Great Leap Forward"
many things could be classified as "great determination with little clarity
of the situation and a multitude of plans of action." The "determination"
and "plans of action" were in fact very presumptuous and as a result every-
one suffered a great deal. Simply by getting to grips with the word "when-
ever" will not provide a magic cure-all--there is a need for overall inves-
tigation and research. Comrade Chen Yun has already spoken of the impor-
tance of investigation and research in judging a problem, "more than 90
percent of one's time should be spent on investigation and research while
discussion and decisionmaking can be done within the last 10 percent of
one's time."
Of course, when we talk of complete digestion of a situation and complete,
accurate perception of a situation, we are talking in very overall terms.
Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that "In general, whether one is changing
the course of nature or society, those of one's original ideas, principles,
plans and so on which emerge in realization without any change. whatsoever
are very few. Because there are often things which partially change one's
ideas, principles, plans and so on in the unfinished situations prior to
actual practice, there are also some things which totally change one's
ideas and so on." This means that whatever we are doing, we must make
efforts toward accuracy before actually doing it, although there is always
some risk of something going wrong. As long as one carries out thorough
investigation and research before doing something and as long as one takes
care to expand one's original understanding during the process of practice,
readjusting and perfecting one's original plans as soon as possible, on the
basis of the objective situation, then one will be able to achieve great
things in one's work. Even though the limitations of understanding and
various other complex factors can create mistakes, this should not be con-
fused with rashness and neglect of duty. If one insists on waiting until
one has absolute and perfect understanding of a situation before making a
decision, then nothing will get done. For, that period of time never comes
that metaphysical theories of knowledge look forward to.
Those who do things in fear of the responsibility they hold cannot "make
prompt decisions whenever necessary." Whenever they are faced with a job
they continually put it off and delay so.that many important tasks which
needed to be changed and undertaken have lain waiting in their hands. How
mediocre and paltry these people appear in comparison to those vanguard
fighters for the four modernizations. As far as those people who lack the
fervor to undertake anything are concerned, it seems that the first thing
they should do is to walk out of their office, open their eyes wide and
look around at the masses surrounding them and what they are thinking,
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doing and eagerly undertaking, so that these individuals can change their
ways and adapt themselves to the rhythm of modern life before they can even
consider decisiveness in their work.
Making prompt decisions whenever necessary also demands that we organize
well the system of democratic centralism. As far as those things which
are still under consideration are concerned, everyone should involve them-
selves in investigation and research, expressing their own views and
opinions, for we must encourage everyone to voice their ideas and, differing
opinions. But, as soon as we have put together the correct opinions and
views of everyone and formed a decision, we must implement it, for we
cannot all act as a "permanent member of a council" with everyone having
the power of veto. For if that were the case then all jobs to be tackled
would be constantly discussed and never decided, or constantly decided and
never implemented.
The targets to which we should struggle in the next 20 years have been very
clearly outlined by the CPC Central Committee. Twenty years is not a short
period of time, but on the other hand it is not a very long period of time
and if we don't adopt the revolutionary spirit of seizing every minute, the
years will slip by in the twinkling of an eye. In order to open up a new
vista in socialist modernized construction, and in order to add luster to
the party's causes in this new year we must, while carrying out our ardent
investigative and research work, advocate the working attitude of making
prompt decisions whenever necessary.
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