CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100430001-0
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 96
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 21, 1983
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 82699
21 January 1983
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 23, 1 December 1982
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REPORT DOCUMENTATION
1. RVORT NO.
2.
s. Raslaent s Aeeasslon No.
PAGE
JPRS 8 2 6 9 9
4. We and SubtW.
L Rsosrt Oat.
21 January 1983
1 December
23
N
1982
,
o.
CHINA REPORT: RED FLAG
L
L hrformin( Orpnizatich ASot. tie,
7. Author(s)
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As above
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15. Supasmentery Notes
Translation of HUNG CHI (RED FLAG), semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party, Beijing.
1$. Abstract (Um+t: 200 srsrda)
The report contains information on political, sociological and economic developments
in the People's Republic of China, focusing on
Mao Zedong Thought, and articles and
speeches by members of the Central Committee of the Chinese Communist Party.
17. Document Analysia a. Oeeertotors
PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
Political Sciences
Sociology
Economics
Culture (Social Sciences)
Central Committee Chinese Communist Party
Mao Zedong
Propaganda
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c. CoSATI 1s4d/0reuo 2, 5C, 5D, 5K
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21 January 1983
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 23, 1 December 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Be a Qualified Leader of the New Period (pp 2-6)
(Chen Yeping) ...................................................... 1
Be More Conscientiously and Resolutely Politically in Line With
.the CPC Central Committee (pp 7-9)
.(Liu Zhijian) ...................................................... 10
Practicing Family Planning Is One of the Basic State Policies
(pp 10-13, 29)
(Qian Xinzhong) .................................................... 15
This Is Where the Great Hopes of Our Country's Rural Areas Lie
(pp 14-16) 23
(Jing Ping) ........................................................
Development and Perfection of the Economic Responsibility System
in Industry (pp 17-20)
(Zhou Taihe) ....................................................... 29
Faced With a New Situation and New Problems, Light Industry Has
To Take on a New Look and Attain a Higher Level (pp 21-24)
(Yang Bo) .......................................................... 38
Strengthen the Party's Ties With the Broad Masses of Workers
(pp 25-29)
. (Yu Yannan) ........................................................ 45
Theoretical Workers Must Train Hard in Basic Skills (pp 30-31)
(Shi Youxin) ....................................................... 53
- a - (III - CC - 751
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How To Study the 'General Program' of the New Party
Constitution (pp 32-36)
(RED FLAG Theoretical Education Editorial Office) ............... 57
Why'Is the Policy of 'Unifying With, Educating and Reforming'
Intellectuals No Longer Implemented? (pp 37-38)
(Cheng Hong) .................................................... 66
Is There Class Character in Spiritual Civilization? (pp 38-39)
(Zhang Qihua) ................................................... 69
Why Do We Say That the 'Guiding Principles' Are an Important
Supplement to the Party Constitution? (p 39)
(Yong Keyang) .................................................. 71
How Should We Understand the Rise of the Third World Being a
Matter of Prime Importance of Our Times? (p 40)
.(Li Shuqiao) .................................................... .74
Jean-Paul Sartre and Existentialism (pp 41-48)
(Liu Fongtong) .................................................. 77
Well Done in Taking the Lead in This Respect! (inside back cover)
(Shi Zhonglai) .................................................. 89
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BE A QUALIFIED LEADER OF THE NEW PERIOD
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 2-6
[Article by Chen Yeping [7115 6851 5393]]
[Text] The new party constitution adopted by the 12th CPC Congress added
a new chapter on "party cadres" and stipulated in explicit terms the basic
requirements that leading cadres at various levels should meet. This is an
outstanding characteristic that the party never had in its previous con-
stitution. Why in addition to the requirements, duties and rights of party
members, must there be specific stipulations for leading cadres? This is a
problem we must properly ponder while we study the new party constitution.
Only by profoundly comprehending the essence and significance of these
stipulations can we further conscientiously study hard through practice in
accordance with the demands of the new party constitution, constantly raise
our quality and be a qualified leader of the new period.
It Is the Necessity of the New Period To Set Higher Demands on Leading
Cadres
Our country has effected another historical change and ushered in a new
developing period. To vigorously develop China and build a modernized
socialist country with a high level of civilization and democracy is the
common aspiration of the billion Chinese people and also a glorious task
given to Chinese communists by our great era. In order to accomplish the
most magnificent and creative project in human history, we must not only
further eliminate the numerous negative consequences left over by the
decade-long internal turmoil and strive to attain"a fundamental turn for
the better in the state financial situation, social mood and party style
within 5 years, but also blaze new trails in. the building of socialist
modernization with Chinese characteristic. We must not only create a new
situation with revolutionary courage, resourcefulness and leading capability,
and build material civilization for socialism, but also build spiritual
civilization for socialism with communist ideology as its guidance. We must
not only have a good grasp of Marxism. and Leninism, thoroughly understanding
the development and changes of domestic and international situation and
formulate a series of principles, policies and a strategic plan that con-
form to the objective reality, but also take forceful organizational measures
to ensure their implementation and execution and effectively prevent and
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overcome all kinds of interference. This is an extremely arduous and
complicated task that needs our utmost and unremitting efforts. In order
to attain the general task of the new period at present, the 12th CPC
Congress stipulated a clear strategic target, focus and measures, and
concerned principles, policies and elected a strong central leadership
core. The key for the future is to have large numbers of leading cadres
that conform to the needs and characteristics of the new period and
through their exemplary and backbone role lead the broad masses on various
fronts to carry on highly effective and creative activities in creating a
new situation in all fields of socialist modernization. Without this con-
dition, there will be no hope for our cause. Politically, professionally,
ideologically and in its style, the new party constitution has set further
higher demands on leading cadres. This has precisely reflected the objec-
tive demand and at the same time, it is an urgent need of enhancing the
self-building of the party and adhering to and perfecting the leadership
of the party during the new period.
Although our present ranks of leading cadres were seriously undermined in
the 10 years of internal turmoil, through-the work of the past few years,
they have been gradually readjusted, reorganized and strengthened. Viewed
from the situation of the whole, this rank is firm and has its fighting
capacity. Our veteran cadres in particular have experienced the struggle
and test of various historical periods, made great contributions to the
revolutionary cause and accumulated abundant experiences. Although a num-
ber of these comrades have become old and infirm and some are going to or
will withdraw to the second line, they have kept the lofty sentiments and
.aspirations of their youth. They are still working hard for the state,
sharing the burdens of the party, working for the interests of the people
and continuously bringing their role into play. Since the 3d Plenary
Session.of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the reason why the line, prin-
ciples and policies of the party have been carried out, why the work on
various fronts has achieved great victories obvious to all and why the
historical change could be successfully effected under very difficult con-
ditions, is that it is inseparable with the efforts of the leading cadres at
various levels. This fact itself has proved that our ranks of leading cadres
are worthy to be the backbone force of the party and state. It is wrong if
we are not aware of this point.
Certainly, to affirm the essential and main aspect of the ranks of our
leading cadres and their important role in developing socialist cause does
not mean that everything is perfect. In the past few years, the CPC Central
Committee has time and again reminded us that due to historical reasons,
not only is the problem of overage common in our leading bodies, but also
the theoretical and educational level of a substantial number of our com-
rades has been rather low. There has been a lack of professional knowledge,
particularly of modern scientific and technological knowledge and lack of
management and organizational leading capacity to meet the needs of the
four modernizations. For instance, some comrades lacked political fore-
sight, they could not correctly apply the stand, viewpoint and method of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought to observe the new conditions and prob-
lems occurring in the historical change, could not distinguish the erroneous
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trend and tendencies and even wavered right and left and got mixed up with
erroneous things; some comrades had no idea about the work they were respon-
sible for, could not understand the situation or grasp problems, could not
offer ideas or properly use cadres and at every turn lost track of the
sequ6nce of events; some comrades had scanty knowledge of new emerging
things, still kept to the conventional ways of doing things according to
their impression, pattern and model, doubted reform and dared not create
new things. Some other comrades were corroded by the ideas of the
exploiting class and influenced by unhealthy tendencies, they forgot the
great objective of communism, discarded the party's revolutionary tradition
and style and were full of selfish and distracting thoughts; some even
sought private gains by abusing their power, forgetting all moral principles
at the sight of profits and degenerated into vulgar egoists or criminals
that gravely sabotaged the socialist cause. All these practices show that
there existed among our leading cadres the problem of not adapting to the
rapidly advancing era and the new situation after the shift of focus in our
work. If we ignore these shortcomings and the gap by which we are lagging
behind and fall into blindness, we will be more weak and incompetent in the
great struggle to create a new situation in all fields of socialist moderni-
zation and fail to shoulder our leading responsibilities. The basic
requirements stipulated for leading cadres by the new party. constitution
have illuminated the correct orientation and way for us to constantly march
ahead. Every leading cadre in office and those comrades who are to take up
leading. posts, must soberly estimate the changing and developing situation,
practically realize our shortcomings and weak points, inspire our enthusiasm,
work hard and aim high, narrow the gap between ourselves and the needs of
building socialist modernization and be a leader with foresight and sagacity
and be capable of constantly creating new situations.
Principal Characteristics of the Basic Requirements for Leading Cadres in
the New Period
The six basic requirements stipulated by the new party constitution for
leading cadres not only summarized the historical experiences of the party
in building its cadre ranks, but also in the light of the characteristics
and needs of the new period, raised the requirements for leading cadres to
a new high level, which has the clear-cut character of the time. Each of
the six requirements has its specific substance and they are all inter-
related. They form an inseparable whole with each part complementing the
other, which manifests the organic unity of being Red and expert, and having
both ability and political integrity. We must master the essence and
characteristics of these six requirements as an essential whole, compre-
hensively understand its great significance in perfecting and adhering to
the party leadership, preserve the great significance of the building of
socialist modernization and conscientiously temper ourselves to be more
matured and be further adapted to the needs of the new period.
1. The basic requirements indicate the unity of the scientific nature of
revolutionary practice with steadfastness of political orientation of lead-
ing cadres in the new period.
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A firm and correct political orientation is the foundation for our com-
munists to properly do all work well. Without this foundation, our revo-
lutionary cause is bound to fail and suffer setbacks. The revolutioniza-
tiod of cadres, above all, requires this foundation, in which the most
important thing is to uphold the four basic principles with the party
leadership as its core. In the basic requirements, the first one indicates
that it is necessary for the leading cadres of the party to "have a fair
grasp of the theories of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and the poli-
cies based on this, and be able to adhere to the socialist road, fight
against the hostile forces disrupting socialism and combat all erroneous
tendencies inside and outside the party." That is to say, as a leading
cadre of the party, he must not only be a firm revolutionary, but also be a
sober-minded Marxist; in addition to being loyal to and fighting all his
life for the cause of socialism and communism, he must also genuinely master
the basic principles of Marxism and be good at applying the stand, viewpoint
and method of Marxism to correctly handle all sorts of practical problems.
If we are not qualified with this requirement and fail to differentiate real
from sham Marxism, true from false socialism and fail to distinguish and
resist the interference from "left" and right deviations, we will then not
be able to keep to the firm and correct political orientation. Why is that
among some of our leading cadres with good intentions, they have run their
work wrongly or foolishly and were even deceived? Why is that some people
who have not fully realized the correct line, principles and policies of
the party and were obviously wrong in not properly implementing them, and
have blamed the party's policies for being "changeable"? Why is that some
people were busy the whole year round, but still could not get to grips with
the essentials in their work and failed to create new situations? In addi-
tion to the respective and specific reasons, one of the important and com-
mon weak points is that they neglected the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong,Thought and did not know and were not good at applying the Marxist
stand, viewpoint and method to understand the new situation, realize new-
born things and study new problems and could not soberly and correctly
guide, their work, resulting in the confusion of right and wrong by taking
truth as falsehood and vice versa. If this work is not first solved, we
will get nowhere in all other work.
Leading cadres who are determined to carry out reforms and are keen to forge
ahead must have a firm and correct political orientation and also a practical
scientific attitude as well. With only the former and without the latter,
we are.bound to make mistakes or even go contrary to our wishes and do the
opposite of what we would wish. Due to the influence of dogmatism and
bookishness, some of our comrades have probably forgotten to "proceed in
everything from actual conditions"--the fundamental principle of Marxism.
They were used to mechanically copying and relaying the instructions of the
higher level and believed themselves to be running affairs according to the
principles and to be politically in unity with the CPC Central Committee.
It is quite obvious that this is a muddled idea. Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the CPC Central Committee, the line, principles and policies laid
down by the CPC Central Committee on the basis of setting things right were
itself an outcome of the combination of adhering to the scientific attitude
of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought with the specific practice of the
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great historic change. Without a scientific attitude of seeking truth from
facts, it would be impossible to correctly comprehend its spiritual
essence, still less to correctly and creatively carry it out. This is the
fUnd8?mental reason why those empty talkers who knew only how to shout slogans
and brag, and those boorish people who acted blindly and recklessly in spite
of subjective and objective conditions, were bound to change and distort the
line, principles and policies of the party. Therefore, leading cadres at
all levels must attach great importance to theoretical study, conscien-
tiously read books, be bold to practice and learn to apply Marxism-Leninism-
Mao Zedong Thought in guiding their work. At the same time, they must
frequently make investigations and study, know the situation well, firmly
grasp principal problems, make great efforts to master the objective law of
the building of socialist modernization, persist in seeking truth from facts
and correctly lead the masses. Only in this way can we rationally and
effectively organize the people's initiative and creativeness to become a
powerful strength in conscientiously promoting the building of the four
modernizations.
2. The basic requirements indicate the unity of strong revolutionary dedi-
cation with the political sense of responsibility and ability of being
competent at leading work of leading cadres at the new period.
The new party constitution has demanded that leading cadres at various
levels "be fervently dedicated to the revolutionary cause and be imbued
with a strong sense of political responsibility and be qualified for their
leading posts in organizational ability, general education and vocational
knowledge." It is quite necessary to put forward these demands on leading
cadres in the new period. Leading cadres at various levels are organizers
and leaders in creating a new situation in all fields of socialist mod-
ernization. Whether or not they have the great objective of communism in
mind and are highly responsible to the party and people by devoting them-
selves to the building of spiritual and material civilization, fear no
difficulties and are bold to do pioneering work has great importance to the
success or failure of the cause of socialism. It is quite impossible for
people who lack political foresight and have no revolutionary enthusiasm
and confidence in winning victory to shoulder such heavy responsibility,
but to build a socialist country with Chinese characteristics, we need to
combine the universal principle of Marxism with the development of concrete
practice of China's socialist construction and rely on our own practice in
exploring and advancing ahead. In order to meet this demand, we must not
only carry on our fine character and strong points but also have the new
quality and capability required by the new period and possess the relevant
educational level, professional knowledge and organizational ability.
Otherwise, our revolutionary cause and political sense of responsibility
cannot be properly implemented and our good wishes for creating a new
situation will also fail. We must assiduously learn cultural and scien-
tific knowledge, be proficient in our professional work, possess organiza-
tional capability and management experience for being competent at the
leadership job and genuinely achieve the unity of being Red and expert, and
having both ability and political integrity. Only in this way, can we
correctly, timely and specifically guide practical work and earnestly
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shoulder the heavy responsibility of leading the building of the four mod-
ernizations.
Due to a series of political movements and the influence of "left" devia-
tion in our guiding ideology, for years we neglected and even ceased to
conduct cultural education and professional training of cadres. What is
more, the problem of rational use of talents was not properly solved.
That is why in the leadership bodies at various levels, there were very few
university or college graduates or those equal to this level, who were
proficient in their work and familiar in management, which resulted in
many difficulties in our work. This contradiction became more acute after
the focus of our party work was changed. Leading comrades of the CPC
Central Committee time and again pointed out that the realization of the
four modernizations rested on whether or not we could make the ranks of
cadres more revolutionary, younger in average age, better educated and
professionally competent. We must fully realize the gravity and urgency
of this problem. History is developing and matters are changing all the
time. There are endless new conditions and problems that need to be
studied and solved. Many new tasks compel us to master more new knowledge
and skills that we never approached or were familiar with before. If people
always think of themselves as "O.K.," "not too bad" and do not have the
determination or resolution to conform to the criteria of cadres, then
certainly they forfeit the qualification to be a leader in the new period.
3. The basic requirements indicate the unity of the fine character of
wholeheartedly serving the people with the principle of party spirit of
being boundlessly loyal to the party's cause of leading cadres of the new
period.
The-new party constitution has demanded that leading cadres at various
levels "have a democratic work style, maintain close ties with the masses,
correctly implement the party's mass line, conscientiously accept criticism
and supervision by the party and the masses, and combat bureaucratism" and
exercise their functions and powers in the proper way, observe and uphold
the rules and regulations of the party and the state, and combat all acts
of abusing power and seeking personal gain." This requirement has great
significance to the building of cadre ranks and leading bodies at various
levels in the new period. Our party is the party in power and our country
is 'a socialist state led by the working class in which the entire laboring
people are masters of their own. Regardless of the level of their position
or limits of power, party cadres are public servants of the people. The
people entrust the power to us because they are confident that we can repre-
sent the interests of the people and loyally run affairs in the interests
of the people. Long ago Comrade Mao Zedong said: "The Communist Party is a
political party which works in the interest of the nation and people and
which has absolutely no private ends to pursue. It should be supervised by
the people and must never go against their will." ("Selected Works of Mao
Zedong," Vol 3, p 767) He also said: "Our duty is to hold ourselves respon-
sible to the people. Every word, every act and every policy must conform to
the people's interests, and if mistakes occur, they must be corrected--that
is what being responsible to the people means." ("Selected Works of Mao
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Zedong," Vol 4, p 1074) Here Comrade Mao Zedong not only clearly defined
that "all for the people" is the fundamental purpose of the party and the
starting point and end result of communists in running anything, but also
expounded the uniformity of wholeheartedly serving the people with being
loyal to the party's cause, and the activity of being responsible to the
people with being responsible to the leading organs of the party. To be
responsible to the interests of the people means being responsible to the
party. At present, the fundamental interest of the people of the whole
country is to unite the broad masses of people and strive to build China
into a modern socialist country. If we deviate from this fighting objec-
tive, it would mean to go against the purpose of the party to serve the
people and it would be out of the question to be responsible to the party
and the people. Any viewpoint and acts that separate or isolate the two
are wrong.
The prestige of our party and leading cadres is not established on the
power entrusted to us by the people but on what we have done for them.
Power has real strength and is effective.only when it is combined with the
will and interests of the people. Any power, departing from the interests
of the people and without the confidence and support from the people, is
bound to be weak and unreliable. Our party has always emphasized that
leading cadres of the party must genuinely and sincerely respect, have
faith in and rely on the people, persist in the mass line, consult with the
masses when matters arise, listen attentively to the voice of the masses at
all times, be concerned with the well-being of the masses, consider and be
eager to meet the needs of the people and resolutely oppose any acts that
are harmful to the interests of the people. Under the education of the
party over a long period of time, the majority of our leading cadres could
fulfill their duty, wholeheartedly serve the people and were worthy of the
name of being public servants of the people. But there are also a minority
o.f people who have become lords and officials, have forgotten the deserved
revolutionary character and lofty sentiments of communists and have aban-
doned the tradition and fine spirit of our party. They abused their power
at hand.and engaged in vulgar interests. and sought personal gains for them-
selves, relatives and friends; or practiced in one man has the final say,
standing high above the masses, riding roughshod over them, not listening
to the opinions of the masses and accepting supervision by the masses;' or
ignored the well-being of the masses and felt apathetic toward the urgent
and rational demands of the masses. These behaviors and bureaucratic airs
that harm the interests of the people have seriously impaired the prestige
of.the party and government, dampened the enthusiasm of the masses and are
very harmful to the building of the four modernizations. The stipulations
of the new party constitution in this respect will be conducive for party
organizations and the masses of the people to publicly and effectively
supervise leading cadres at various levels, so that they can be strict on
themselves, forever maintain the true qualities of being public servants of
the people and conscientiously perform the duties the party and people have
entrusted on them.
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Look Far Ahead, Aim High and Advance Despite Difficulties Are the Deserved
Characteristics of Leaders in the New Period
to the final analysis, the basic requirements for leading cadres is that they
must be firm, sober-minded and promising Marxists and leaders of the social-
ist cause. Confronted with this earnest problem, what should the leading
cadres at various levels do? There are but three kinds of attitudes: The
first attitude is they judge the hour and seize the situation, advance
despite difficulties and in accordance with the demands of the building of
socialist modernization, study hard through practice, raise their level,
improve their work style and strive to be qualified leaders; the second
attitude is that they are not willing to face the practically existing
contradiction, lack determination and boldness in marching forward, blame
everyone and everything except themselves, hesitate to press forward and
let things drift on and on; and the third attitude is that they have the
intention to forge ahead but are not willing to do practical work, talk too
much but do a little, are very lazy and have little drive, dare not take
big strides and are not capable of creating a new situation. It is obvious
that the first attitude is more practical and realistic. Only by unswerv-
ingly working can we make progress. We surely will not learn from the
latter two, which manifest a low spirit. Although it is an old saying that
"a boat sailing against the current must forge ahead or it will be driven
back," it is philosophical. If we do not study and make progress, we are
bound to lag behind the situation and be eliminated by the huge waves of
the times.
However, it is no easy job to fully acquire the demands of the basic
requirements. We must set strict demands on ourselves and make great
efforts. But since we are leading cadres of the new period, we must be
responsible to the great cause of socialism, the millions of people and
the coming generations. There is no other criteria than the above and we
.must never hesitate to set strict demands on ourselves. Are these require-
ments unattainable? Certainly not. In the ranks of our existing leading
cadres, whether they are cadres of higher or of grassroot levels, old or
young, have a solid or poor base, there are many comrades who conform or
basically conform to the six requirements, and none of them could reach
this level without hard work over a long period. "Where there is a will,
there is a way." The key is whether we have this "will" or not and whether
we are willing or not to put in a lot of effort in study. Here there is a
fundamental problem of communist consciousness, that is, the understanding
and attitude on the building of the four modernizations at the present
stage.' Provided we have a high sense of responsibility toward the party's
cause, know our own limitations, are genuinely aware of the hidden danger
of our insufficiency and the gap by which we lag behind, sincerely and not
perfunctorily come to realize from blind complacency and sticking to the
old ways, and are determined to rouse ourselves to catch up, no matter the
disparity of our gap and insufficiency, we are sure to catch up and keep
pace with the times. Modern science and technology is changing with each
passing day and the cycle for new knowledge is getting shorter and shorter,
particularly at a time when our country is confronted with a profound change
and, new problems and conditions are emerging one after another. Even to'
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those comrades who have a high level of education and profound experi-
ences, there is also a problem at present of studying and constantly study-
ing. If we are merely satisfied with our past knowledge and experience and
do.not make new explorations, it would also be impossible to meet the needs
of our'work and play the role of passing on experience, giving help and
setting examples in training new cadres. As for those young cadres who
have been elected to the leading posts at various levels, they should
further spur and measure themselves by the six requirements in all matters,
redouble their efforts and strive as early as possible to be competent in
the duties they undertake. Inspired and guided by the spirit of the 12th
CPC Congress and with the ardent expectations of the people of all
nationalities throughout the country, we are confident that the leading
cadres at various levels will profoundly realize the historical responsi-
bility they are shouldering, further set strict demands on themselves,
study and work hard, make themselves leaders qualified for the new period
at an earlier date and remarkably accomplish all the tasks the party and
people have entrusted us with.
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BE MORE CONSCIENTIOUSLY AND RESOLUTELY POLITICALLY IN LINE WITH THE CPC
CENTRAL COMMITTEE
.Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 7-9
[Article by Liu Zhijian [0491 1807 1017]]
[Text] It is a matter of prime importance for the whole party, the whole
army and the people of all nationalities throughout the country to study,
publicize and implement the documents of the 12th CPC National Congress.
At present, the vast number of commanders and soldiers in our army are con-
scientiously studying these documents. They are making efforts to unify
understanding and action in the light of the. program, policies and prin-
ciples put.forward by the 12th party congress, and are striving to fulfill
the glorious tasks the party and the people have entrusted to them and to
make more contributions in safeguarding and building our socialist mother=
land. We have much work to do. But to the people's army, which is under
the leadership of the party, the most important thing to do is to keep
political unanimity with the CPC Central Committee. This is a principle of
party spirit, which all Communist Party members and party organizations at
all levels must adhere to. It is also a political principle and an organi-
zational principle that all cadres and fighters must abide by. Consciously
keeping political unanimity with the party Central Committee is an important
sign of whether we are conscientiously studying and implementing the docu-
ments of the 12th party congress and an important guarantee for creating a
new situation in modernizing and regularizing our revolutionary army under
the leadership.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, in
accordance with the directives of the CPC Central Committee and the Central
Military Commission, the CPC committee of our PLA units has repeatedly
emphasized that keeping political unanimity with the CPC Central Committee
is a matter of fundamental importance that must be firmly grasped in doing
party committee work and political work. It has also put forward concrete
demands and measures on this fundamental problem and has done much work.
Judging from the overall situation, since this problem has been grasped
firmly and consistently, most cadres and soldiers are able to conscientiously
implement the party's line, policies and principles in the process of shift-
ing the focal point of our party's work, and marked progress has been
achieved in various aspects of our work. However, we must not be satisfied
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with these achievements. Instead, we must realize that the 12th party
congress has set a higher demand for us on the question of keeping polit-
ical unanimity with the CPC Central Committee. We must further do a good
job in this respect.
In order to create a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization,
the CPC Central Committee pointed out that it is necessary to strengthen
party building and enhance the fighting strength of the party to suit the
needs and characteristics of the new historical period. Ours is a party of
militancy. In order to make it a strong core of leadership in socialist
modernization construction, it is necessary to preserve a high degree of
centralism and unity in our party. This is a matter of great importance.
We must practice democracy within the party, but we must also have a high
degree of centralism on the basis of a high degree of democracy. Only thus
can the whole party take concerted action in fighting for the common goal,
and only this type of party is really militant.
The fighting strength of the party is chiefly displayed through the role
played by the core of the party leadership. But how does the core of party
leadership display its role? First it must work out and implement a cor-
rect line and correct policies and principles, and must do a good job in
organizational work as well as in propaganda and education. Second, it must
give play to the exemplary role of all party members in various jobs and in
social life. A Marxist political party attaches great importance to the
formulation of a correct program, for it is a banner from which the masses
of.people can recognize the party and decide whether they support it.
Simultaneously, a Marxist political party also attaches great importance to
concrete action. It holds that, in a sense, concrete action is more impor-
tant, for only when the whole party takes concerted action infighting for
the realization of the party's program can it rally its determination and
win real support and the faith of the broad masses of people. For this
reason,.all party members must take the requirements of making concerted
efforts in the whole party as a fundamental principle in dealing with
relations between the individuals and the party organization. They must
firmly and consciously keep political unanimity with the party Central Com-
mittee. If this principle is sabotaged by unorganizationed and indisci-
plined action, the unity and fighting strength of the party will be under-
mined and the fundamental interests of the people will be damaged.
Political unanimity must be achieved on the solid basis of ideological
unanimity with the party Central Committee. The organizational principle
of our party has always been: The individual is subordinate to the organi-
zation, the minority is subordinate to the majority, the organizations, at
lower levels are subordinate to those at higher levels, and various organi-
zations of the whole party and all party members are subordinate to the
party's national congress and the Central Committee. This principle and
discipline of democratic centralism was established on the ideological basis
of a high degree of consciousness. The line, policies and principles of our
party are formulated by integrating Marxist-Leninist principles with the
concrete conditions of our country. They were from, and are adhered to by,
the masses of people. Therefore, without the masses' deep understanding and
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conscientious support, the party's program and its policies and principles
cannot be well implemented merely by means of administrative orders and
organizational measures. Thus, when we emphasize the importance of keeping
political unanimity with the party Central Committee, it is first necessary
to require that all party members have a profound understanding of the
party's line, policies and principles both in theory and in practice so
that their consciousness can be enhanced in implementation. In other words,
we must not only organizationally obey the spirit of the central authori-
ties and make a statement to show our resolute support of it, we must also
change our past attitude of knowing only the how without knowing the wlzy and
change the status of having only half of the knowledge. Only when political
unanimity with the party Central Committee is achieved on the basis of
unified understanding and a high level.of political consciousness can it be
firm and reliable and be able to withstand the test of tortuosity and
complications in the process of practice. Now, the 12th CPC National Con-
gress has already put forth fighting programs and tasks for the new
historical period and has formulated a series of policies, principles and
measures. We must first endeavor to get a deep understanding of the
essence of these programs, policies and principles, and grasp their spirit
so that-we can solve various problems in our recognition by linking them
with.practice and unifying our understanding in light of these policies and
principles.
There is another question that needs to be clarified. When we emphasize
the basis of ideological unanimity, we do not mean that if we do not
understand the party's policies and principles, we can disregard them and
do whatever we like. On the contrary, it means a higher.demand for keeping
unanimity with the party Central Committee in action. Being Communist Party
members, both our words and actions must always be in keeping with the party
Central Committee and the Central Military Commission. We must not say or
do anything that is not in keeping with, or is even against, the central
authorities. This is the political discipline which we must abide by.
We must take concrete action to keep political unanimity with the party
Central Committee. Keeping unanimity with the party Central Committee is
not an empty slogan, but a principle of concrete action. A fine tradition
of our party is that when we say it, we must do it. The proletarian polit-
ical party and the people's army always act on what they have said. This
shows that they are highly responsible for the people. We must resolutely
carry out the fighting program of the 12th CPC National Congress and adhere
in a down-to-earth manner to the party's line, policies and principles,
display the spirit of fearing neither hardship nor death, and do our bit
for the rejuvenation of the country and the people's happiness. When we
say or do anything, we must take the spirit of the 12th CPC National Con-,
gress as our guide, take the documents and directives of the party Central
Committee as our standard, and obey the unified leadership of the party
Central Committee. All party members must unexceptionally and resolutely
carry out the principle of democratic centralism which the new party con-
stitution has reiterated, that is, "various organizations. of the whole party
and all party members are subordinate to the party's national congress and
the Central Committee." We will not allow such practices as saying yes but
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meaning no, complying in public but opposing in private, overtly agreeing
but covertly opposing, feign compliance and implementing. this principle
according to one's likes and dislikes. We will not allow any factional
dctibh. We will not allow any pragmatic attitude toward the directives
of the central authorities, that is, implementing only that part of the
central directives that conforms to the partial interests of some people
or their units. We resolutely oppose the trend of ultra-democracy and
the decadent behavior of liberalism.
We must actively and creatively implement in our practical work the spirit
of the directives of the central authorities. Keeping unanimity with the
party Central Committee does not mean to blindly and mechanically carry
out the directives of the Central Committee. Instead, it means to imple-
ment them in the light of the concrete conditions in our localities and
units. We must carry out the directives of the Central Committee in a
correct way rather than copy them mechanically in a simplified way. Only
thus can we create a lively new situation in our practical work. The CPC
Central Committee ardently expects that the PLA will continue to be a great
wall. of steel guarding our socialist motherland in the great struggle of
creating a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization and be an
important force in the building of socialist material and spiritual civili-
zation. We must, in light of the actual conditions of the army, make con-
crete efforts to score new achievements in various aspects, such as in
strengthening military and political training and enhancing the fighting
strength of the army, in carrying out a long-term activity of learning from
the advanced units and individuals in building socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion, in training a generation of new people who have ideals, morality,
cultural knowledge and sense of discipline, in speeding up construction of
the frontier defense and in fulfilling the arduous tasks of guarding the'
frontier and guarding the four modernizations construction. We must make
new contributions through our actions for the realization of the party's
program and tasks.
In order to keep political unanimity with the party Central Committee, it is
necessary to overcome all obstructions of the "leftist" and right erroneous
tendencies.
As to various wrong words and deeds, we must carry out education or criti-
cism, sometimes even necessary struggles against them, according to the
seriousness of the errors. The present political situation of stability
and unity is one of the best in our country since it was established.
Permanent stability is an inevitable trend. However, since the pernicious
influence of the "Great Cultural Revolution" has not yet been completely
eliminated, and due to the corrosive influence of bourgeois ideas and the
remnants of feudal ideas, various erroneous ideological trends still exist
to different extents within our party, our revolutionary ranks and society.
Some people who have been more seriously influenced by "leftist" ideology
or bourgeois liberalism do not quite understand the party's line, policies
and principles mapped out since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee. Proceeding from "leftist" or right ideologies, they
have misinterpreted, doubted and even resisted the party's policies. A small
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number of people with ulterior motives have adopted an antagonistic atti-
tude toward the party's present policies. Some of them are trying to pre-
serve the erroneous practices of the "Great Cultural Revolution," and some
are furidantentally opposing the four basic principles. There are actually
a small number of the remnants of the Lin Biao clique and the "gang of
four" who are still occupying some leading posts, waiting for an oppor-
tunity to make trouble and opposing the correct line of the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. We must keep a clear head toward
all this. We must make a concrete analysis of these problems with the
scientific methods of Marxism and treat different problems in different ways.
Problems of recognition must be solved through persuasion and education;
but obstructions from either "left" or right must be resolutely removed,
or struggled against if necessary.
Emphasizing political unanimity with the party Central Committee is the
need of safeguarding the fundamental interests of the party and the people,
and the need of implementing the spirit of the 12th CPC National Congress
and creating a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization. It
is also a common desire of the broad masses of cadres and soldiers. The
unity between the people of all nationalities throughout the country
achieved on the basis of the whole party keeping political unanimity with
the party Central Committee is a fundamental guarantee of the victory of
our socialist modernization drive. We must fully understand this and
take effective action.
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PRACTICING FAMILY PLANNING IS ONE OF THE BASIC STATE POLICIES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 10-13, 29
[Article by Qian Xinzhong [6929 0165 1813))
[Text] In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed
out: "Population has always been an extremely important issue in China's
economic and social development. Family planning is a basic policy of our
state. We must do our utmost to keep our population within 1.2 billion
people by the end of this century. The total number of births is now at
its peak. Excessive population growth will not only adversely affect the
increase of per-capita income but also cause serious difficulties in food
supply, housing, education and employment, and it may even disrupt stabil-
ity. Consequently, we must never slacken our efforts in family planning,
especially in the rural areas. We must conduct intensive and meticulous
ideological education among the peasants. Provided that we do our work
well, we can succeed in bringing our population under control." This
exposition further expounds the great strategic significance and practical
urgency of bringing our population under, control in our country and con-
cretely points out the objective, key points and orientation of family
planning work. It is the fundamental basis and guarantee for us to make a
good job in the promotion of family planning.
,The population policy of controlling population growth and raising the
quality of the population constitutes an important component part of the
political and economic policies of Chinese society. As with other poli-
cies, China's population policy is also formulated in accordance with
Marxist-Leninist theories and with our basic national condition. There-
fore, it has a solid scientific foundation and completely corresponds to
China's objective reality.
Marxism holds that in the process of the development of human society
there consistently exist two kinds of production: "On the one hand, there
is the production of the means of subsistence, namely food, clothing and
housing and the production of tools needed for this purpose, and on the
other hand, there is the production of human beings themselves, that is,
the multiplication of species." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels,"
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Vol 21, pp 29-30) These two productions are inseparable and interrelated.
The material production constitutes the foundation of the existence and
development of society and also the foundation of the production of human
beings themselves. Without it, human beings will be unable to exist, still
less to have any descendants. The production of human beings themselves is-
a prerequisite for carrying out material production. Without a certain
quantity set as a minimum population, there could not possibly be any
social material production. Under any social system, there exist some
proportional relations between the two kinds of production. If the pro-
duction of man and that of material are mutually coordinated, economic and
social development will be promoted. Conversely, if the two productions do
not for a long time fit in with each other, economic and social development
will be delayed. Under different modes of social production, the con-
sistency between the production of man and that of material has a different
nature, characteristics and consequences. In a society where everything is
based on the private ownership system, where the material production or the
production of population is carried out in a spontaneous and unplanned way,
the balance between the two is achieved as it suffers constant destruction.
Under the capitalist system, owing to the development of educational and
cultural undertakings, family planning can possibly be carried out at the
family level. However, taking society as a whole, the production of man is
still spontaneous, just as production in specific enterprises is organized,
while the production of a whole society is still anarchic. Only under the
socialist system, that is, only when the public ownership system of the
means of production has been realized and the socialist basic economic laws
and the law governing the planned and proportional development of the
national economy have come into play and the people have become the masters
of society and even the masters of childbirth, can it be possible to put
material production and population production under planning within the
scope of the whole society, to have the two productions suit each other and
to push forward the socialist society. Just as predicted by Engels as early
as 100 years ago: "If we say that the communist society will have, in a
certain, period of time in the future, to carry out readjustment as it has
done in the case of material production, and at the same time, it has to
readjust the production of man, then it is precisely that society, and that
society alone that can do this without the slightest difficulty."
("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 35, p 145)
Ours is a socialist developing country with relatively backward economic
development and insufficiently developed science and education, a country'
of limited cultivated land. On the other hand, it has a huge population
totaling 1 billion people of which 800 million are peasants, a big cardinal
number of population, a composition of young people and a rapid rate of
population growth. Therefore, how to harmonize the population growth with
the increase of the national economy has become a major problem which our
state has to solve. In a fairly long period in the past, owing to the lack
of experience, we had a one-sided understanding of the population issue and
stressed the argument that the more people we have, the easier it will be to
accomplish things. This practice ran counter to the objective demands of
the socioeconomic development of population growth and resulted in an
excessively rapid growth in our population, in a disproportion between our
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population growth and production development and resulted in serious conse-
quences.
Historical experience and lessons have shown that to carry out the social-
ist modernization program in a country like ours, while developing material
production in a planned way, we must practice family planning and strictly
control population growth so that our population will conform with the
various plans of economic and social development.
First, bringing our population under control will be conducive to
alleviating the contradiction of production of the means of production
lagging far behind the excessive population growth and conducive to solving
step by step the problem of employment. At present China has abundant
resources in labor power. Being restricted by such conditions as funds,
the scope of our production and construction cannot be expanded boundlessly.
In order to solve the employment of surplus labor power, many enterprises
and operating units had to excessively arrange the people waiting fol jobs.
This was detrimental to raising economic results and labor productivity.
Furthermore, the superfluous staff and workers and the increased total
amount of wages will mean adding more weight to financial difficulties and
bring fairly great pressure to bear on the state. When the PRC was
founded, in rural areas the average per-capita cultivated land was around,
3 mu but at present it is only about 1.5 mu, constituting a 50 percent
reduction. After the introduction of the production responsibility system,
labor productivity increased substantially. In many places, about one-
third of labor power was saved and as a result the contradiction between a
huge population and an insufficiency of arable land become more pronounced.
Therefore, from a long-term point of view, strictly controlling our popula-
tion will gradually lighten the pressure on employment, gradually
rationalize and balance the proportion between the working population and
the. means of production and proceed to contribute to raising the results of
industrial and agricultural production and solving the problem of employ-
ment.
Second, bringing our population under control will be conducive to solving
the contradiction of the production of the means of subsistence lagging far
behind the excessive population growth and conducive to steadily improving
the standards of living of the people. Since more than 30 years have
passed since the founding of the PRC, great advances have been scored in
China's national economy and a relatively big absolute number in the
increases in the output and output value of industrial and agricultural
production has been recorded. However, what everyone got is still limited
because our population grows too rapidly. Most of the newly added means of
subsistence are consumed by the newly grown population with the result that
no proper improvements have been achieved in the people's standard of liv-
ing and there is still a strain in food supply, clothing, housing, transport,
education, public health work and other fields. Strictly controlling our
population growth will alleviate the contradictions in these fields, improve
the level of the people's material and cultural life and promote the reali-
zation of the objective of the Chinese people becoming comparatively well-
off by the end of this century.
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Third, bringing our population under control will be conducive to solving
the contradiction between excessive population growth and the raising of
the quality of the population and conducive to fostering talented people
who develop in an all-round way--morally, intellectually and physically.
The modernization of science and technology is the key link in the four
modernizations program, and it therefore requires developing China's
education, science and technology, public health work and various other
undertakings. However, unplanned population growth is bound to seize
China's limited investments in education and health protection and to
interfere with the exploitation of intellectual resources and the raising
of the quality of the population. Therefore, in order to raise the
quality of the population in a planned way and bring up talented people of
high quality so as to meet the needs of the four modernizations program,
it is also necessary to bring our population under strict control.
Fourth, bringing our population under control will be conducive to solving
the contradiction between accumulation and consumption and conducive to
comparatively increasing construction funds. The 12th party congress has
announced the grand goal of China's endeavors to modernize its economic
construction by the end of this century, striving to quadruple the gross
annual value of industrial and agricultural production. In order to
achieve this goal, it is necessary to amass a large amount of funds for
construction. Excessive population growth will inevitably increase the
part of accumulation funds in the national income and interfere with the
level of accumulation needed in accomplishing the objective of economic
construction. Therefore, strictly controlling our population is also
an important factor for stabilizing the accumulation rate and ensuring the
availability of the funds needed for the four modernizations program.
It can thus be seen that practicing family planning and controlling popula-
tion'growth is an important matter which concerns the success and failure
of China's socialist modernization program. We must never slacken our
efforts in this respect. Any slackening and wavering in our efforts in
this respect will cause population expansion and will surely affect the
realization of the objective of the four modernizations program and inter-
fere with the happy future of the coming generations of the Chinese nation.
This, is where the strategic significance of practicing family planning
becoming our basic national policy lies.
Since 32 years have passed since the founding of the PRC, with the deepen-
ing of our understanding of the population issue, China's population policy
has constantly been developing. In the early 1950's, we never controlled
our population and for a time even encouraged growth in our population; in
the late 1950's, we began to pay attention to the matter of the relation-
ship between population growth and economic development. However, our
population continued to expand as a result of one-sidedly stressing that
having more people was a good thing and erroneously criticized some
scholars who engaged in population theory work. In 1962, the CPC Central
Committee and the State Council issued a "Directive Concerning
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Conscientiously Encouraging Family Planning" and explicitly pointed out:
"It is the established policy in our socialist construction to encourage
family planning in the cities and densely populated rural areas and to
appropridtely control the natural rate of increase so as to ensure that
the matter of giving birth to children will be put under a state of planning
rather than not being planned at all." By the 1970's the party and govern-
ment had further deepened their understanding of the population issue and
set the "late, sparse and few" requirements (that is, late marriage and
giving birth to children late; the space between the first and second child
should be longer than 4-5 years and each couple should have no more than 2
children). After. the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
our party made a further scientific analysis of the country's population .
issue and formulated the policy to fundamentally put an end to the excessive
population growth in our country. In September 1980, the CPC Central Com-
mittee issued an "open letter to CPC and CYL members concerning the question
of bringing population growth under control." In February this year, the
party Central Committee and the State Council issued a "Directive Coi:'_,erning
Continuing To Do a Good Job in Family Planning Work" and explicitly expounded
to state cadres and staff and workers, as well as residents in towns and the
country, except those who had exceptional cases and had received formal
approval, the necessity of carrying out family planning and put forth the
clear demand calling on each couple to have only one child. In rural areas,
the practice of one couple, one child is universally encouraged. Those
people who have practical difficulties and wish to have two children
should arrange to do so in a planned way after being examined and approved.
In any case, the practice of having three children should not be allowed.
As for the minority nationalities, family planning among them should also
be encouraged but the terms should be appropriately softened. In his
government work report delivered at the Fourth Session-of the Fifth NPC,
Comrade Zhou Ziyang pointed out: "It is our policy to control population
growth while raising the quality of the population." In his political
report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang clearly pointed outs'
"Family, planning is a basic policy of our nation" and thus raised to a new
level our understanding of the family planning issue.
The population policy of any country should serve the politics and economy
of the country. China's present family planning policy should serve the
strategic objective of the economic construction charted by the 12th party
congress. At present China already has a population of more than 1 billion
people' -and is faced with about a 15-year-long peak in the total number of
births. During this period, on the basis of existing work, if on a nation-
wide scale we increase the rate of having a single child, control the prac-
tice of having two children and strictly put a stop to the practice of hav-
ing, three children, it will be possible for us to keep our population within
1.2 billion people by the end of this century. If every couple throughout
the nation has, on the average, two children, the country's population will
exceed 1.3 billion people by the end of this century. The excessive'popu-
lation will bring about diverse pressure on socioeconomic construction. We
must have a sober understanding of this matter and make an earnest effort
to implement the childbirth policy formulated by the party and government.
While paying special attention to economic construction, we must
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simultaneously strictly control population growth and manage to grasp the
"two kinds of production."
Another important content of our population policy is to raise the quality
of the population including a series of work, such as. eugenic births and
child-rearing. In the past we paid insufficient attention to this. From
now on, great efforts should be made to publicize and encourage eugenic
births. Health departments should gradually open up outpatient advisory
services on eugenics and strive to reduce the birth of invalid children
who suffer from congenital diseases and other hereditary diseases. Along
with this, we must still pay attention to eugenic rearing, universalize
scientific knowledge of giving birth to children, strengthen maternity and
child-care work and intensify preschool education so as to allow the next
generations to receive as good an education as possible and to grow
healthily. While developing the economy, we must still pay attention to
adopting various measures to solve the problem of providing for the aged.
Provided that we correctly understand our policies, we can correctly carry
them out and proceed to give full play to the might of our policies and
achieve the expected results. At the beginning of this year, after the
transmission of the "Directive of the CPC Central Committee and the State
Council Concerning Continuing To Do a Good Job in Family Planning Work,"
the cadres and masses of many places had a deeper understanding of the
concrete policies stipulated by the document and implemented them quite
satisfactorily and thus vigorously propelled the promotion of family plan-
ning. But there are still some problems in some places in understanding
the document and grasping the policies which demand earnest solutions.
Some comrades hold that childbirth policies stipulated in the "directive"
of the party Central Committee are more "relaxed" than those in the "open
letter" and for this reason, more relaxed practices were adopted in the
practical work, resulting in an increase in the rate of having two children.
There are also some comrades who, deem that the stipulations in the "direc-
tive" are "stricter" than those in the "open letter" and, as a result, they
were on the tight and strict side while implementing the stipulations. In
fact,. these two understandings are not comprehensive. It must be noted
that the CPC Central Committee's "directive" and its "open letter" are
identical in spirit. The "directive" further expounded the policies in
accordance with the principles of policy of the "open letter" after 1 year
and more. of practice and work of the various places, and respectively set
different concrete demands on the state cadres, staff and workers, resi-
dents in the towns and country, in the rural areas and among national
minorities with regard to family planning. In order to really persist in
our family planning policy, it is necessary to lay a feasible foundation
and ensure that the majority of the people will support it through our work.
This is an important matter which has a bearing on whether or not our family
planning work can regain the initiative. Only when we strive to seek truth
from facts, suit measures to local conditions and particular people, deal
with each case on its merits and offer classified guidance and not indulge
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in "finding a single solution to diverse problems" can we achieve effective
results.
As for the stipulations of policy on having one or two or three children,
there is also a problem of how to correctly understand them and how to
correctly implement them. Our country has a vast territory; the politics,
economy, culture and the conditions of various social institutions of the
various localities are vastly different and the distribution of population
is quite uneven, so while bringing the practice of having two children
under control, we must proceed from reality, set different requirements
under different conditions and not indiscriminately impose uniformity.
At present, in arranging those who wish to have two children, quite a few
localities have formulated some stipulations which are geared to actual
circumstances and have produced satisfactory results. It is reported that
those who are allowed to have two children are relieved; those who are not
allowed to have two children can give up the idea altogether and those
cadres who engage in family planning work can heighten their confidence in
their work. A serious problem at present confronting the country is that
in some provinces and localities, the ratio of the practice of having three
or more children is still relatively high. We must be resolute in solving
this problem and reduce the rate of having more children as quickly as
possible.
The fundamental question of family planning is to legislate. Without
legislation, family planning work will not last long; with legislation,
family planning work will gradually embark on the right course. Within 2
years, in accordance with the principle of integrating the higher and lower
levels and combining the leadership of the specialists and the masses,
the. leadership at various levels must conduct investigation and study,
explore the laws governing this work and strive to study and enact the law
of family planning which will be effective in controlling population growth
and which is geared to actual conditions.
In practicing family planning, we must persist in giving priority to
ideological education, to contraception and to the day-to-day work so that
our work can become a regular and systematic practice. This is also a
problem which warrants our attention in our work. While practicing family
planning, we must break with the old traditional concepts, such as regard-
ingnmen as superior to women and continuing the family line by producing a
male heir. This is an important matter of changing social customs and
traditions and of building socialist spiritual civilization. We must do a
good job in ideological education work. Provided that the people's think-
ing is straightened out, this work will play a role for a long time, but
provided that the people's thinking is not straightened out, relapses will
still emerge even if we have made some achievements over a period of time.
To give priority to contraception, we must adopt safe and effective
measures for contraception and birth control, protect the health of women
and enthusiastically carry out family planning work in a manner suitable to
particular people. Giving prominence to the day-to-day work should also be
stressed. Family planning is a long-term strategic task. We must work out
the plans for our work in accordance with this understanding and, through
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our unremitting efforts, infuse the party's policies into the minds of the
vast numbers of cadres and the masses of the people so they will become
conscious actions.
Of course, over a, period of time, it is necessary for some localities to
carry out some crash propaganda and educational activities. However,
crash activities should be based on the day-to-day work. In light of
actual conditions, the various localities and units should strengthen
ideological and organizational work and the work to supply contraceptives
and contraceptive instruments. Ideological work must be painstaking and
meticulous, and measures must be efficient and practical. Crudely done
work should be avoided. Many cases have shown that in the localities and
units where family planning is carried out well the day-to-day work is all
done satisfactorily.
Family planning involves every family and household and is the mass work in
the broadest sense. We must have faith in the policies of the CPC Central
Committee and in the consciousness of the masses and believe that through
our work; the masses can conscientiously accept and support the party's
policies. These two ideas should be firmly implanted in the minds of the
cadres who engage in family planning. In our work, we must pay attention
to summing up and spreading advanced experience so that the advanced
localities, units and individuals can constantly grow in number, their
results can be continuously consolidated and expanded, and they can influ-
ence and bring along the intermediate so as to advance together. At the
same time, we must pay special attention to the less advanced localities,
units and individuals and help them to catch up with the advanced. Family
planning is an important matter of the whole party and of the people
throughout the nation and is therefore a glorious and arduous task. To
fulfill this task, the workers of family planning and medical and health
workers must, under the leadership of the party committees at various
levels, do their own work in the communist revolutionary spirit and at the
same time, must rely on the cooperation in unity of the fraternal units and
departments and on the support and backing of the broad masses. Under the
guidance of the program of the 12th party congress, let us struggle hard
with one heart and one mind, continue to exert ourselves indomitably and
strive to create a new situation in the field of family planning.
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THIS IS WHERE THE GREAT HOPES OF OUR COUNTRY'S RURAL AREAS LIE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 14-16
[Article by Jing Ping [2529 1627]]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
enormous changes have taken place in the rural situation of our country.
The agriculture which had come to a stalemate for a long time has begun to
thrive, and a new situation of sustained and steady development has emerged
in agriculture. Despite repeated floods and drought which have hit us
since 1979, the total output value of agriculture increased at an average
annual rate of 5.6 percent. This year an overall bumper harvest was again
reaped in agricultural production. It is estimated that the total output
of grain will be over-200 billion jin more than last year's figure and that
of cotton will increase by more than 600 million dan and the other various
industrial crops will almost set a record. Along with the development of
production, the farm produce and sideline products as well as raw material
,for industry which agriculture supplies to the state are increasing in
quantity day by day and their income is also steadily increasing, and
remarkable improvements have been achieved in their standards of living.
Of the poor and backward regions throughout the country, there are 10
regions which have the greatest difficulties, totaling 231 counties. At
present, except for a small number of regions which still have great diffi-
culties in the northwest and southwest, most of the remaining regions have
solved or basically solved the question of having enough to eat and wear.
Of these, there are 23 counties whose average per-capita income increased
from about 50 yuan to more than 150 yuan last year. Economically speaking,
many famous poor counties and regions have come into their own within the
last 1 or 2 years. They not only no longer ask for subsidies of relief and
grain resold to them by the state but have paid off their debts and further-
more have even sold their farm produce and sideline products to the state
instead. Such changes have seldom been seen since the founding of the PRC
and also are contrary to our expectations.
Why are the changes in the countryside so fast and great? The answer is
becoming clearer and clearer and also increasingly widespread. This is
because since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the
party has adopted a series of correct rural economic policies, that is, what
counts is the implementation of the system of contracted responsibilities
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with payment linked to output which has brought the enthusiasm of hundreds
and millions of peasants into play.
The difference between the agricultural production responsibility system
which has been introduced in rural areas in recent years and the other
responsibility system, such as the short-term work contracts and management
with fixed output quotas which were practiced during the period of coopera-
tion,'.lies mainly in the method of contracted responsibilities with payment
linked to output. The turn from not linking payment to output to linking
payment to output has not only added a new form to the production responsi-
bility system in our rural areas but has also brought about a qualitative
change in the responsibility system itself. With the development and
improvement of the responsibility system, a historic change has begun in
China's agricultural production and rural economy..
The system of contracted responsibilities with payment linked to output is
characterized by the fact that the collectively owned land is respectively
contracted out to commune members for farming with payment made according to
output. The heart of this matter is the word "contract." Contracting
responsibilities with payment linked to output links up the labor of the
working people closely with their production results, combines responsi-
bility, authority and benefit and proceeds to effectively overcome the
drawbacks of egalitarianism and the practices of doing things in a massive
and unplanned way while working and issuing harmful and arbitrary directives;
it enables the peasants to have decisionmaking power, to become both pro-
ducers and managers and the real masters of the cooperative economy and to
give full play to their initiative and creativity. Contracting responsi-
bilities and linking payment to output is the combination of the unified
and separate management and has universal adaptability and a diversity of
forms.' Not sticking to one pattern, this method can suit local circum-
stances, under which whether the production targets are to be carried out
in a centralized or decentralized way hinges on the situation. In this way,
it can correspond to the intricate situation of China's vast countryside
which varies from place to place and enables the relations of production
and the productive forces in rural areas to fit in with each other. It is
precisely for this reason that the system of contracted responsibilities
with payment linked to output is warmly welcomed by hundreds of millions of
peasants and is continuously developing in the course of practice, accom-
panied with the emergence of such different forms as assigning responsibili-
ties to each group and linking payment to output, assigning responsibilities
to each labor and linking payment to output, fixing output quotas for
individual households and assigning the households full responsibility for
task completion. The CPC Central Committee has always respected the crea-
tive initiative of the masses, upheld that practice is the only criterion
for testing truth, earnestly summed up the new experience and new creativ-
ity of the masses with the development of practice and constantly substan-
tiated, revised and perfected the policies concerning the agricultural
responsibility system. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History
of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" pointed out: "There is no rigid
pattern for the development of the socialist relations of production. At
.every stage our task is to create those specific forms of the relations of
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production that correspond to the needs of the growing productive forces
and facilitate their continued advance." The system of contracted respon-
sibilities with payment linked to output is a new form of the socialist
cooperative economy with Chinese characteristics. It is the creation of
hundreds and millions of peasants who, under the direction of the spirit of
the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, have emancipated
their minds, practiced in a bold manner and explored step by step. It is
the result of correcting the "leftist" mistakes and of bringing order out
of chaos and the product of earnestly summing up our historical experi-
ence, both positive and negative. The practice of the system of contracted
responsibilities with payment linked to output is a great pioneering under-
taking of the Chinese people. It has a bright future which should not be
underestimated.
The people have a quick or slow as well as a deep or superficial understand-
ing of the far-reaching significance and great role of the system of :on-
tracted responsibilities with payment linked to output. This is completely
understandable. Under the influence of "leftist" ideology, in the past we
blindly pursued the form of "large in size and collective in nature" and
mistook that while engaging in the socialist collective rural economy, we
had to adopt the form of doing labor in a concentrated way and of distribu-
tion according to work. As time passed, this form became a "set pattern"
which shackled the people's minds and no one dared to overstep the mine-
field even one step further. Those who aired divergent opinions and tried
some different things in light of actual conditions would be criticized as
committing "errors in the political orientation and line." In the past we
criticized the "three freedoms [private plots, a free market and responsi-
bility for one's profit or loss] and one contract" and "fixing output quotas
for individual households," and we did so for so many years that people were
scared at the sight of the words of "contract" and "household" which almost
became a "conditioned reflex." The people would be scared by the mention of
fixing output quotas for each group; they would be more scared by the men-
tion of fixing output quotas for individual households; and they would be
most scared by the mention of assigning the households full responsibility
for task completion. Therefore, the fact that the majority of comrades
remained unconvinced of the application of the system of contracted respon-
sibilities with payment linked to output, were irresolute in action and
even resisted it was a matter of understanding. In the last few years,
much controversy has emerged on the issue of the responsibility system but
the CPC. Central Committee has always earnestly heeded different opinions,
constantly conducted investigations and study and never compelled and
criticized any people. On the contrary, it has all along put stress on
suiting measures to local conditions and on the. coexistence of diverse
forms and allowing the masses to make their own choice in a democratic way
and paid attention to preventing the practices of acting on impulse and of
having a single solution to diverse problems. Practice is a classroom in
which people can receive the best education. Through many years of prac-
tice, the majority of comrades have realized from objective facts that the
policies of the party Central Committee are correct, and they have increas-
ingly identical views on this issue. At present a small number of people
have still not understood the system of contracted responsibilities with
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payment linked to output. We hope that they will go deep into the reali-
ties of life, conduct investigations and study, heed the opinions of the
masses and have a look at the fine situation of the countryside, and we are
sure that this will educate them and bring about a change in them and that
they will deepen their own understanding. The introduction of the system
of contracted responsibilities with payment linked to output is the demand
of hundreds and millions of peasants and the trend of historical develop-
ment. In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
pointed out: "The production responsibility system set in various forms
in the countryside in recent years has further emancipated the productive
forces and it must be adhered to for a long time to come. The thing for
us to do is to gradually perfect it on the basis of. summing up the practical
experience of the masses. In no case must we make rash changes against the
will of the masses, still less must we backtrack."
The widespread implementation of the system of contracted responsibilities
with payment linked to output has put an end to the situation in which agri-
culture has been at a standstill for a long time. A series of new things
with internal relations have emerged in an endless stream over time, and
the rural economy has entered a. new stage of flourishing and vigorous
development.
The rapid growth of agricultural production and the improvement of labor
productivity in agriculture has saved much surplus manpower, promoted
diversified undertakings, raised the commodity rate of farm produce and
sideline, products, and as a result, the demands of the peasants for market
supplies have also increased. Developing a diversified economy is of great
significance in changing the features of China's agricultural production.
China has a vast territory with insufficient arable land but with very
.abundant usable agricultural resources. While ensuring that grain crops
should be planted in the cultivated land suitable for growing grain crops
and ensuring a steady increase in grain production, we must go all out to
operate the diversified undertakings in a big way. This will not only
contribute to the full utilization of the surplus manpower and natural
resources but will also help promote the further development of grain pro-
duction and will thus turn the human talents and land and other material
resources to good account.
With the development of the diversified undertakings and commodity produc-
tion,, there have emerged in recent years batches of specialized households
and households doing specialized jobs with special technical skills and
management ability, some of which are developed on the basis of household
sideline production; others contract some production tasks of the collec-
tively run diversified economy; and still others form new combinations
according to the principles of voluntary participation and mutual benefit.
These specialized households or specialized groups are relatively small
in scope of operation and production and. have therefore some strong points:
1) Being convenient for tapping the potentials of manpower and of the means
of production, absorbing more manpower and auxiliary labor in particular and
putting the simply constructed construction projects and facilities to
maximum use; 2) corresponding to the existing technical ability, experience
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and managerial techniques of the producers and providing ample scope for
the broad masses of peasants to display their intelligence and wisdom; and
3) easily economizing on funds, reducing energy consumption and promoting
environmental protection and the ecological balance. In sum, they are
characterized by the fact that they are small in scope and require less
investment but promise quicker and bigger results with a high commodity
rate. They are in keeping with the economic and cultural level of the
Chinese countryside at the present stage and are a good form for developing
a diversified economy and commodity production. The combination of the
form of specialized household or specialized group with the great mass
fervor for studying and applying science which is in the making universally
among the peasants will push agricultural production and the whole rural
economy forward to further prosperity.
With the growth of the production of specialized households and specialized
groups and the improvement of their operational techniques, the realization
of specialization and socialization of some links of the process of produc-
tion will surely become a necessity. Every step forward in the specializa-
tion and socialization of production should be followed and even antici-
pated by communications and transport, commerce and other service trades,
otherwise it will lag far behind the demands of the development of the
situation. The application of the system of contract responsibilities with
payment linked to output in rural areas has. solved the question of produc-
tion and. distribution but has not yet solved the question of circulation.
At present, the enthusiasm of the peasants for developing commodity produc-
tion has been aroused but the work of the various departments concerned
still lags far behind and the most conspicuous one is that the circulation
link is poor. The failure to transport and market farm produce and side-
line and native products caused overstocking of products in producing areas
and a shortage in goods supply in marketing areas, made batches of fresh and
live products go moldy and rotten while the industrial products needed by
the peasants were hard to buy. This contradiction is becoming more and more
.acute. Any undesired solutions to this issue will bring about renewed set-
backs to the enthusiasm of the peasants, which has until now run high. We
must attach great importance to this matter and solve it in real earnest.
At present, the system of contracted responsibilities with payment linked to
output has been widely implemented in rural areas. The work in the future
is mainly to preserve the relative stability of the production responsibil-
ity system and to perfect and improve it in an orderly manner. However, we
must not shut our eyes to the fact that at present a trend has gradually
manifested itself, that is, the system of contracted responsibilities with
payment linked to output is expanding from the poor and backward regions to
other regions and even to economically developed regions, from planting
industry to forestry, animal husbandry, sideline occupations and fishery,
from agriculture to the various sectors of the rural economy and further
expanding from the rural areas to small cities and towns and to commerce,
service trades, the industry run by the communes and their subdivisions and
to scientific units. Furthermore, proceeding from the objective demands of
the development of production and with the advance of the rural economy
toward the direction of specialization and socialization, the demands for
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establishing various combinations set in different forms are bound to arise,
such as the combination of specialized production, that of supply and
marketing, that of production, supply and marketing and that of technical
services, and some combinations even may break through the limits of the
exis'ting'communes and their subdivisions. Just as Comrade Hu Yaobang
predicted in his report to the 12th party congress: "In the not too
distant future, there will emerge in our rural areas an improved coopera-
tive economy, with a diversity of form, which will be able to make full use
of the advantages in light of the local conditions and facilitate the large-
scale adoption of advanced production measures." Moreover, the first start-
ing point of all this is the system of contracted responsibilities with
payment linked to output. Being full of vitality and in the ascendant,
the system of contracted responsibilities with payment linked to output
has Chinese characteristics and is thus where our great hopes lie.
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DEVELOPMENT AND PERFECTION OF THE ECONOMIC RESPONSIBILITY SYSTEM IN
INDUSTRY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 17-20
[Article by Zhou Taihe [0719 1132 0735]]
[Text] The economic responsibility system in industry is developed on the
basis of the experiments of the expansion of the decisionmaking power of
enterprises, which were carried out in selected enterprises after the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. It is an administrative
system in production and operation which closely combines responsibility,
authority and benefit with raising economic results of the whole society
as its objective under the guidance of state planning. At present the
enterprises which are carrying out the economic responsibility system con-
stitute more than 80 percent of the industrial enterprises throughout the
nation. After 1 year and more of exploration and practice, the vast
numbers of cadres and staff and workers of the various localities, depart-
ments and on the industrial front have a clearer understanding of the
economic responsibility system in their guiding thinking and the contents
and forms of the responsibility system have also developed. In particular
there have emerged such advanced models as the Shoudu Iron and Steel Com-
pany, which set an example for us all. Over 1 year and more, the economic
.responsibility system has developed in the following ways:
1. Persisted in closely combining responsibility, authority and benefit
and given first priority to the responsibilities for which the enterprises
are responsible to the state. The economic responsibility system started
with the implementation of the financial tasks and for this reason it is
called the "contract system plus rewards." Later such units as the Shoudu
Iron and Steel Company advanced the guiding thinking for correctly carrying
out the economic responsibility system, that is, we must put stress not
only on the limits of authority and interests of enterprises but above all
also on the responsibilities for which the enterprises are responsible.
They put the overall fulfillment of state plans in first priority and
looked upon the practice in which the state should receive the largest
share in distributing surplus revenue as the most important responsibility
of enterprises. Many enterprises support the formulation of the Shoudu
Iron and Steel Company: the economic responsibility system should take
responsibility as its core, set the limits of authority and the size of
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benefits according to responsibility and closely combine responsibility,
authority and benefit; one should be granted authority the same size as
the responsibility which he bears and he is allowed to share interests the
same size as the responsibility which he discharges. As a result of giving
prominence to the economic responsibility for which the enterprises are
responsible to the state regarding the fulfillment of state plans as the
basis for the enterprises to retain the share from profit sharing and
stressing that the partial and local interests should be subordinated to
the overall interests, the sense of responsibility of the enterprises and
the staff and workers is heightened and the enterprises are urged to tap
the potential in their internal departments and to devote a lot of energy
and efforts to boosting production and increasing revenue.
2. Implemented the economic responsibility system down to each level of the
internal departments of enterprises in an overall manner so that the eco-
nomic responsibility system would develop constantly and intensively. Many
enterprises have formulated the general objectives including the various
economic and technical targets in reliance on the masses of staff and
workers and in accordance with the economic responsibility for which they
are responsible to the state, transposed them one by one and then imple-
mented them at each level of the internal departments of enterprises and
to every workshop, administrative office, production team and group and
individual. Some enterprises are developing in the direction of making
responsibility a target and of making examination and assessment enter the
stage of data. The Shoudu Iron and Steel Company not only transposes the
targets and implements the whole professional work and the enforcement of
the rules and regulations down to each individual but also implements the
practice of each level contracting for state assignments and ensuring their
fulfillment between different units and different posts down to each
individual and links strict examination and assessment with rewards. The
responsible departments and financial departments of enterprises of some
places are cooperating closely and have put a stop to the practice of
singly examining the profit targets of enterprises and instead are carry
ing out an overall check-up of output, quality, profits, consumption and
costs. All these have played a promoting role in improving the managerial
techniques of enterprises.
3. The forms of profit sharing should be suited to local conditions and
be flexible and diverse and no uniformity should be imposed in this respect.
The enterprises which were involved in the experimental work of expanding
the decisionmaking power in 1979 basically practiced a circulatory propor-
tion method of base plus increase. Last year a State Council document
stipulated seven different methods. The comrades of the various provinces
and municipalities paid attention to constantly exploring and summing up
the practical experience and persisted in proceeding from reality and seek-
ing the forms of profit sharing for different trades and enterprises so as
to better mobilize the enthusiasm of the enterprises of various types and
correctly handle. the relationship between the state and the enterprises.
Financially speaking, some places adopt the method of retaining total
revenue among the responsible bureaus and the latter again practice a form
of the profit contract system among enterprises. This method can integrate
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the two forms and make up for each other's deficiencies, and the gains are
satisfactory. Some places define different forms of profit distribution
in light of market conditions, the importance of the tasks of technical
ttan9for tion and the changes in the production conditions.
4. The scope of the introduction of the economic responsibility system was
continuously expanding. The economic responsibility was not only imple-
mented down to the workers on the front line in production but the prac-
tices of assessment and of rewards and penalties were also carried out
among leading cadres, technical and professional personnel and auxiliary
workers on the basis of clear and definite economic responsibility. In
some places the economic responsibility system was set up in the responsible
industrial bureaus and even in the units at the municipal level. Weifang in
Shandong Province has established the economic responsibility system
throughout the municipality, ranging from the leading departments and lead-
ing cadres to the enterprises and their staff and workers.
5. The link of distribution was turned into that of production and the
enthusiasm of the enterprises and of their staff and workers has gradually
led to strengthening operations and production, to carrying out technical
innovation and technical transformation and to tapping potential in the
internal departments of enterprises. The enterprises attach importance not
only to production but also to management and technical advances and shift
the focus of work from undertaking new construction projects and expanding
existing projects to expanded reproduction which gives prominence to inten-
sion. This benign cycle from distribution--tapping potential--increasing
revenue to redistribution--retapping potential and again increasing revenue
impels the enterprises to continuously raise their economic results and is
therefore an important result of the development of the economic responsi-
bility system.
In sum, through 1 year and more of practice, the economic responsibility
system has begun to embark on the road of healthy development. At the forum
on the industrial economic responsibility system of the five provinces and
municipalities convened by the Office for Structural Reform under the State
Council and the State Economic Commission, six standards for examining the
results of the economic responsibility system were formulated: 1) Whether
or not Ithe various targets passed down in state plans are fulfilled in an
overall manner (quality and costs in particular); 2) whether or not the
economic effect is improved remarkably; 3) whether or not the interests of
the state, the enterprises and the individual are taken into account while
ensuring that the state should receive the largest share in distribution of
surplus revenue; 4) whether or not the principle of from each according to
his ability, to each according to his work is implemented among the staff
and workers; 5) whether or not the various rules and regulations and the
basic work are established and perfected; and 6) whether or not the various
policies and stipulations of the state are observed. Some enterprises which
are run'well have achieved tangible results in this respect.
However, there are still some problems in our work because it is not too
long a time since the responsibility system was introduced, and its
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development is still not even. The problems are manifested mainly by the
fact that the people still have an insufficient understanding of the
essence and great significance of the economic responsibility system:
that the, economic responsibility system has not yet really been set up
in the internal departments of most of the enterprises; that the decision-
making power of enterprises in operations and management has not yet been
completely implemented; that the enthusiasm for technical innovation and
technical transformation has not yet been extensively aroused; that
egalitarianism in distribution issue is still serious; that with regard
to the relationship between the state and the enterprises, the policy of
rewarding those who are diligent and penalizing those who are lazy has not
yet truly been embodied, and so on. In order to further strengthen and
perfect the economic responsibility system, we hold that the following
problems need solutions:
1. We must further deepen our understanding of the economic responsibility
system.
The aim for industrial enterprises to carry out the economic responsibility
system is to suit the demands of socialized mass production, to further
emancipate the productive forces and to carry out partial readjustment of
the relations of production. In regard to the relationship between the
state and the enterprises, it has put an end to the situation in which in
the past, excessive and overrigid control was imposed on the enterprises;
all revenue and expenditure were handled by the state in a unified way
and everybody was eating "from the same big pot." In the internal depart-
ments of enterprises, the previous drawbacks of egalitarianism which were
characterized by the fact that no distribution was ever made between those
who did a good job and those who did a poor one were overcome and the
situation was halted in which particular attention was paid to production
at the neglect of operations and management and output and output value
were exclusively grasped at the expense of technical advances and economic
results. Therefore, for industrial enterprises to carry out the economic
responsibility system is an important component part of the reform of
China's economic system and will expedite the reform of the administrative
system of all enterprises and of the production, circulation and distribu-
tion systems. In his report to the 12th party congress, while fully affirm-
ing the. economic responsibility system, Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out:
"To bring the initiative of enterprises and of the working people into play,
we must earnestly implement a responsibility system in the operation and
management of both state and collective enterprises." "Although industry
and commerce are vastly different from agriculture, the application of the
economic responsibility system (including the system of responsibility for
profit or loss in some state enterprises) similarly helps to implement the
Marxist principle of material benefit, to heighten the workers' sense of
responsibility as the masters of the country and to promote production."
Comrade Chen Yun also said that the transformation carried out in the 1950's
allowed to exploitation, that is, the capitalists were not allowed to
exploit the workers. In the present reform the people are no longer allowed
to eat "from the same big pot" and the reform is aimed at breaking this
sort of old conventions, such as the "same big pot" and "iron rice bowls"
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and at practicing the principle of more pay for more work, less pay for
less work and no pay for no work. The significance of this reform is not
inferior to that of the transformation of privately owned industrial and
commercial enterprises. These important expositions raise the signifi-
cance"of the economic responsibility system to the higher plane of theory
and are of important and guiding significance in deepening our understand-
ing of this issue and in expediting the intensive development of struc-
tural reform.
The agricultural production responsibility system has achieved noticeable
results. After the economic responsibility system has been carried out
really well, it will also have boundless prospects. It must be noticed
that the economic responsibility system and the agricultural production
responsibility system have something in common. This all started with
restructuring the administrative system, readjusting the relations of
production, breaking the practice of eating "from the same big pot,"
overcoming egalitarianism, implementing the principle of distributio..
according. to work done and finding solutions to the issue of the inner
dynamic force for developing production. However, it must be also noticed
that industry and agriculture are vastly different. First, they are
different in the system and ownership and second, the socialization of
industrial production is high in degree, different enterprises are closely
related, and the development of production are restricted by many external
conditions. Therefore, compared with the agricultural production respon-
sibility system, the economic responsibility system in industry is much
more complicated. How to do a good job in the economic responsibility
system in industry in light of this characteristic has become an important
issue which demands greater efforts, earnest.study and thorough explora-
tion from us all.
2. We must correctly implement the principle of the leading role of the
planned economy and the supplementary role. of regulation by market mechan-
ism.
In China's economy, priority is given to. the planned economy. As the basic
unit of economic activities, an enterprise must comprehensively fulfill state
,plans and do a better job in the economic activities of the enterprise in
accordance with the requirements of state planning. To carry out the
economic responsibility system, it is necessary to closely integrate it
with state plans and to take the overall fulfillment-of state plans as
the most important economic responsibility of enterprises. We must not
belittle planning just because we stress enlivening the economy and we must
also not put enterprises under excessively rigid control just because we
stress planning. The responsible departments at various levels must regard
the overall fulfillment of state plans as a prerequisite for the enter-
prises to retain profits from profit sharing and strictly examine the
quality of the fulfillment of state plans by the enterprises. At the same
time, it is also necessary to implement the limits of authority of enter-
prises in planning. We must go deep into the realities of production,
study new conditions and seek solutions to new problems, study the size of
authority in planning which should be given to the enterprises of different
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types and study how to bring the initiative of the enterprises into full
play under the guidance of the state plans and how to combine the economic
responsibility system with planning so that the plans can be substantiated
and perfected as required in the course of their implementation.
Being economically responsible, the enterprises must have various degrees
of authority in planning on the one hand and must also have a certain
share of the power to market their products through their own channels.
Under the guidance of planning and the condition that the supplementary
role of regulation by market mechanism is given full play, the power to
market the products through one's own channels functions in two aspects.
The first role is to enable the enterprises, through the activities to
market their products through their own channels, to keep abreast of the
market trends in good time, to ensure direct contact between production
and marketing and the integration of production and marketing, to foster a
good operational style of thinking about the interests of the users and
being responsible for the consumers, to enthusiastically develop new
products and to better meet market demands, and the second role is to
enable the enterprises, by marketing part of their products through their
own channels, to conduct cooperation and to make up for the deficiencies
in the planned material supply so as to ensure the normal operation of pro-
duction.. For this purpose, except those products which are not allowed to
be marketed through the channels of the enterprises by state stipulations,
including the products which'are put under state unified purchase and sale
and the products which are strained in supply and short in demand, the
enterprises should be granted a certain portion of the power to market
their products through their own channels. We must, through practice, sum
up a set of methods which will both persist in the leading role of the
planned economy and fully arouse the enthusiasm of the enterprises and
of the staff and workers and raise economic results.
3. We must put the focus of work on the implementation of the economic
responsibility system down to each level in the internal departments of
enterprises.
Implementing the economic responsibility system down to the internal
departments of enterprises should be regarded as the key link of the
present overall reorganization of enterprises. In the course of reorgani-
zation,, it is necessary to transpose one by one the economic responsibil-
ities for which the enterprises are responsible for to the state and
implement them down to every workshop, production team, group and indi-
vidual and set up a set of economic responsibility systems which form a
complete set vertically and horizontally and integrate both the higher and
lower levels in accordance with the principle of combining responsibility,
authority and benefit; it is necessary to strengthen the basic work, estab-
lish and perfect the various administration, examination and assessment
systems as well as the rewards and penalties. In regard to issuing
bonuses, we must not try to top the ceiling of norms and try not to
indulge in egalitarianism among units and ensure that there will be
increases and decreases in bonuses with regard to individuals. Democratic
management must be strengthened and the vast numbers of staff and workers
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must be aroused to discuss the major decisions on the production and opera-
tions of enterprises, the distribution and utilization of the funds at the
disposal of enterprises and the reform of the administrative system and
rules and regulations, and then this should be submitted to the staff and
workers congresses for examination and approval, and their implementation
should be put under the supervision of the staff and workers congresses.
It is essential to combine the stringent economic responsibility system
with the sense of political responsibility of a high level through pains-
taking and meticulous ideological and political work. At the same time,
it is necessary to readjust the leading bodies well in accordance with the
requirements of cadres becoming more revolutionary, younger in age, more
knowledgeable and specialized.
4. We must correctly handle the interest-distributing relationship between
the enterprises and the state.
The application of the economic responsibility system has put an end o the
financial system under which all revenue and expenditure are handled by the
state in a unified way, readjusted the relationship among the three-the
state, the enterprises and the individual, mobilized the initiative of the
enterprises and of the staff and workers and raised economic results.
However, owing to diverse reasons, at present the profits which the enter-
prises ought to hand over to the state have decreased somewhat and there
has been a shortage of funds for the key development projects which the
state must urgently carry out. In order to attain the strategic objective
by the end of this century and ensure the key development projects which
have a bearing on the overall situation, in a period of time to come we
must appropriately concentrate our financial resources. To do this, the
enterprises are urged to further implant the idea of "coordinating all the
activities of the nation like moves on a chessboard," uphold the principle
that the state should receive the largest share in the distribution of
.benefits between the state and the enterprises, earnestly arrange well the
,proportion of profit sharing for the enterprise and perfect the methods for
distributing revenue.
We must stabilize and implement our economic policies on the basis of summing
up.experience. With regard to the seven methods of profit sharing formu-
lated. by the State Council, the various localities and departments must
proceed from reality and adopt different forms of distributing interests
among different types of trades and enterprises in light of. local condi-
tions and not find a single solution to diverse problems. Seen from the
initial practice of the various localities, the implementation of profit
sharing by whole trades will be conducive to making clear the responsibil-
ities of the responsible departments of enterprises, to readjusting the
unfairness in the distribution and allocation of profits between different
enterprises and to promoting the technical transformation of the internal
departments of enterprises. The counties which have abolished the indus-
trial bureaus in the course of the organizational reform may also practice
the method of unified profit sharing or profit contracting with the county
economic commission as the unit. This will contribute to simplifying the
administrative structure and redistributing the amount of profits between
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different enterprises. After being approved by the State Economic Com-
mission and the financial departments, large-sized enterprises with strong
leading bodies and sound basic work, the tasks of hard technical transfor-
thation which accord with the demands of the development of the state are
also allowed to practice the contract system of handing over profits to the
state progressively on a trial basis and it should not change for some years
while it is fixed. A section of small-sized enterprises may introduce the
form of handing over income tax to the state and assuming sole responsibil-
ity for their own profit or loss. But no matter what form is practiced, a
unit can adopt only one method.
While defining the proportion of profit sharing, we must implement the
principle of rewarding those who are diligent and penalizing those who are
lazy. As for those enterprises which are poorly operated and produce low
economic results due to subjective reasons, their proportion of profit
sharing should be appropriately reduced; with regard to the enterprises
with strong leading bodies, satisfactory operations and high economic
results, their proportion of profit sharing should be appropriately
increased. At present the practices of violating financial and economic
discipline, illegally retaining profits,. indiscriminately apportioning costs,
repeatedly drawing money and taking a double share of money should be
resolutely corrected.
5. We must integrate the perfection of the economic responsibility system
with the technical transformation of enterprises.
Doing a good job in the technical transformation of enterprises and pro-
moting technical advances is the key link in steadily raising economic
results and ensuring the smooth development of the national economy. At
present, the technology and equipment of many enterprises are quite back-
ward, their energy consumption is high, product quality is poor and
economic results are low. The introduction of the economic responsibility
system demands a year-by-year increase in the profits which the enter-
prises ought to turn over to the state and an increase in the funds
retained by enterprises. This will urge the enterprises to do a good job
in'technical transformation. At the same time, the funds retained by
enterprises will create conditions for and provide possibilities for the
enterprises to carry out technical transformation. In order to better lead
the enterprises in accelerating the pace of their technical transformation,
it is necessary, on the basis of deepening their understanding, to help the
enterprises to genuinely use their depreciation funds and funds for produc-
tion development in the technical transformation and upgrading of equipment
of enterprises. At present, some enterprises use the funds for production
development and even their depreciation and overhaul funds in building
dormitories for the staff and workers and in repaying private debts owed
by the staff and workers. Their funds for technical transformation are
solved by relying mainly on bank loans. This practice is understandable
for a short time but we must not do this for a long time. Otherwise, it
will produce a harmful impact on production. We must redistribute and
utilize in a good manner the funds for production development and the
innovation and transformation funds which are scattered among the various
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enterprises. At the same time, a better job should be done in the programs
for the technical transformation of the trade, and the technical transfor-
mation of the trade and enterprises should be carried out. in a planned and
gobd way in key units by stages and in groups. We must carry out the prac-
tice of good quality, high prices. step by step and encourage the enter-
prises to continuously improve product quality and to enthusiastically
develop new products.
For industrial enterprises to carry out the economic responsibility system
is anew task. To steadily develop and perfect it, it is necessary to
offer more effective leadership. The various localities and departments
must pay close attention to the promotion of the economic responsibility
system in industry, put it under overall planning and offer classified
guidance to it as we have done in regard to the production responsibility
system in agriculture. At present, we must above all do a good job in the
perfection of the economic responsibility system of the medium and large-
size enterprises. At the same time, we must earnestly grasp typical cases
and sum up and spread our experience. We must further consolidate and
develop-the various ongoing reforms, actively create the needed external
conditions for the enterprises and push forward the healthy development of
the economic responsibility system.
CSO: 4004/15
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FACED WITH A NEW SITUATION AND NEW PROBLEMS, LIGHT INDUSTRY HAS TO TAKE ON
A NEW LOOK AND ATTAIN A HIGHER LEVEL'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 21-24
[Article by Yang Bo [2799 3134]]
[Text] Since 1979, in the light of the policy issued by the CPC Central
Committee on vigorously developing consumer goods production, light
industry development has been accelerated. The gross light industry output
value has increased by 10 percent annually over the past 3 years. The
quality of products has improved and we have more varied goods. There was
a commodity shortage in the market for a long time in the past. This
situation has been basically changed. Formerly, people rushed to purchase
goods, but now they are keeping their money and buying selectively.
This is the result of the implementation of the line, principles and poli-
cies put forward by the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee
and the national economic readjustment, restructuring, reorganization and
upgrading. It is also an important sign that the national economic situa-
tion is getting ever better.
Under this excellent situation, new problems have appeared in light industry
production; principally, some light industrial products are overstocked and
unmarketable. How can we deal with this problem? Some comrades think that
this is the result of a surplus of products manufactured by light industry
and that we should cut production. I do not think we should speak in such
general terms. At present, there is a small number of products in exces-
sive supply, because these products, such as cigarettes and wine, are
manufactured by small factories, not in a planned way. We should cut their
production. Generally speaking, we cannot consider that there is over-
production and that light industry has been fully developed. Our light
industry has yet to be further developed. Social purchasing power in the
last 3 years has increased by an average of 14.7 percent annually, which is
higher than the average annual increase of 14 percent of light industry
production, and much higher than the 10 percent output increase in fac-
tories under the administration of the Ministry of Light Industry. The
production of consumer goods falls far short of the requirements of the
people, who have more money saved up at home. According to rough calcula-
tions, the total yearly output value of factories under the Ministry of
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Light Industry is only about 60 billion yuan (including a proportion of
means of production and not including textile and other consumer goods),
which is about 60 yuan for each person in the country. But the nation's
bark .aavings reached 62 billion yuan by the end of August this year, not
counting a prodigious sum of cash kept in people's homes. We should manur.
facture.more products to meet their demands.
But why are some products overstocked and unmarketable? I think that it is
mainly because the quality and variety of the goods are poor and cannot
satisfy market demand. One reason why commodities are overstocked in some
places and out of stock in others, or overstocked in urban areas and out of
stock in rural areas, is blocked circulation channels and bad marketing.
There was a commodity shortage for a long time in the past. People had
little choice when shopping. But now the situation has changed. Produc-
tion has increased, there are more goods in the shops and people have more
money. The "seller's market" has started to change into a "buyer's market."
So customers have become more choosy. Formerly, people rushed to buy
things the year round. But now they are making seasonal choices. These
new problems have surfaced in light industrial production. As customers
put it: "I don't want what you offer, but you don't have what I want."
How can we run light industry in the face of this new situation and the
problems which have appeared? We should earnestly do a good job in chang-
ing this situation and improving product quality, and strive to create a new
situation in light industrial production in accordance with the instructions
issued by the 12th party congress and with the real situation.
First, to change the situation it is necessary to change the spiritual
phenomena of staff and workers, and in particular leading cadres at all
levels, and to arouse their enthusiasm in line with the development of the
new situation. Second, it is necessary to improve the quality and variety
of light industrial products. To raise their standard means upgrading
.technical and management standards.
Specifically, we should do a good job in the following points:
'1.' Change the Guiding Ideology in Line With the New Situation
At present, the main changes in guiding ideology should be: 1) We should
change the way of stressing production speed and taking economic results
highly by combining production speed with economic results. We cannot
ignore production speed, but we should stress economic returns and maximize
economic results by reducing consumption of labor and materials to.the
minimum. To attain economic results, we should stress not only the state's
interests and the constant increase in accumulated funds for the state; we
should also manufacture products which are marketable, with good quality
and lower prices, and take care of customers' interests. As Comrade Zhao
Ziyang said, we should blaze a new trail of more practical speed, better
economic returns, and more benefit to the people. 2) The viewpoint of
stressing output value and quantity of products and taking their quality
and variety lightly should be changed by seeing their quality as of primary
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importance and creating new varieties. 3) The viewpoint of laying stress
on production and not paying sufficient attention to management must be
changed by doing a good job in production and management, and strengthening
.mdrketittg, service and market forecasting. 4) The viewpoint of laying
stress on urban areas and paying insufficient attention to rural areas must
be changed by taking account of the demand of both urban population and even
more of the 800 million peasants. All products are to be geared to the needs
of the peasants. Comrade Mao Zedong said that the extensive rural areas
constitute our principal market. With the development of agricultural pro-
duction and the increase of peasants' earnings, the market demand in the
rural areas will increase constantly. We should be more clear on this
point. 5) We should change our viewpoint of laying stress on expanding
construction and paying insufficient attention to technical transformation
by relying on scientific technology to progress and by stressing the expan-
sion of the existing reproduction, concentrating principally on the techni-
cal transformation of present enterprises and tapping the existing produc-
tion potential in enterprises. 6) We should change our viewpoint from
emphasizing present interests and forgetting future ones to tightly grasp-
ing the present production and drawing up a long-term plan for development.
We should map out a plan for light industrial production, set specific
targets and adopt practical measures in line with the instructions issued
by,the'l2th party congress for attaining the goal for quadrupling the total
annual output value of industrial and agricultural production by the end of
this century, and lay a solid foundation in the first decade in order to
.accumulate forces and create conditions for reviving the economy in the
second decade.
To realize the above six changes, it is highly important for us to con-
scientiously change our guiding ideology to one of sincerely serving the
consumers. While carrying out socialist production, our task is to serve
consumers wholeheartedly. These objects of our servicsmmay be summarized
by.the figures "8, 2, 5, 3, and 6." "Eight" stands for the 800 million
peasants who make up the majority of the population. We should constantly
take their requirements into consideration by manufacturing products to
meet their demands. "Two" stands for the 200 million-strong urban popula-
tion. Previously, we took this aspect more into account, but not enough.
"Five" represents the 500 million women. Why do we talk about the women
separately? To speak in general terms, women require a better assortment
and style of goods than men. Furthermore, women always take care of or
arrange all sorts of things related to the household. So we give priority
to the demands of the 500 million women. The figure "3" represents the 300
,million children who are our successors and flowers of the motherland. At
present while we are encouraging family planning, most of the purchasing
power of parents is devoted to their only son or daughter. We should take
their all-round demands into account. There are bright prospects for toy
manufacturing only. "Six" can be interpreted as the 60 million people from
national minorities. There is a great variety of consumer goods they
require. Therefore, we should strive to do a good job in production in
order to meet their demands. In brief, we are sure that light industry
production will further develop if we wholeheartedly serve consumers by
adopting all possible measures and blazing a new trail.
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2. Do a Good Job in Improving Quality and Variety
We have been stressing quality first in production for years. However,
this problem has not yet been solved in practice. In the future, we should
stress quality and variety in production. This is the key to ensure a neW
level for light industry production. While talking about the speed and
quantity, we should not forget the quality and assortment, and we should
not reduce output value and quantity of products alone. What most of our
comrades say is true: "Quality is a vital force and assortment will bring
a bright prospect." Whether a factory is well.run or not and whether or
not it will enjoy great prestige among the customers, depends on whether
product quality meets market demand. Even an enterprise will experience
the same thing. Therefore, we should strive to manufacture high quality,
new products of famous brands.
We should map out a plan for creating famous brand, high quality and new
products.. We should analyze the present status of products manufactured
by various trades, arrange the problems in order to importance and urgency
and set specific goals for production. All localities should manufacture
more famous brand products by enhancing their superior role. We should
formulate specific stipulations and adopt specific measures in order to
carry out the completed plan within a limited time and to come up to
standard. Shanghai and Jiangsu have formulated the "four generations"
production, reserves, research and planning which are worth being
encouraged.
The quality of products and assortment of goods should meet the demands of
the two markets, namely, the domestic market, which is the principal
.market, and the international. market. The demands of these two markets are
different. Domestically, the rural and urban markets are also different.
So we should discriminate between them. What comrades in Shanghai say is
true: The quality of products and variety of goods for export should be in
line with international standards, while those for the domestic market
should meet the consumers' requirements. We should take the international
standard and market demand into account if we intend to break into the
international market with our products, and make them more competitive.
Domestically, the standard of all products must also be raised in line with
the actual requirements and purchasing power of the consumers.
In order to improve quality of products and increase the variety of goods,
it is imperative to grasp technical transformation in existing enterprises.
The quality of products can only be improved by advanced equipment.
Previously there was a slogan: Manufacture products of the 1970's with
equipment manufactured in the 1940's or 1950's. The spirit is good but it
is unworkable as a whole. As materialists, we should stress material con-
ditions. To improve the quality of products and increase the variety of
goods, we should carry out technical transformation in enterprises, replace
old equipment with new, and introduce new means of production, new technical
equipment and new technological processes. If we fail to rely on the
advanced scientific technology or to grasp technical transformation in
existing enterprises, and if we still preserve the old equipment, techniques,
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technology and products, then the efforts we made for laying a solid base,
accumulating forces, creating conditions for the 1980's and reviving the
economy in the 1990's, will all come to nothing.
To'carry out technical transformation in enterprises, we should stick to
the policy of self-reliance, by depending mainly on our own strength and
introducing advanced technology and equipment from abroad. As there are
a large number of small and medium-sized enterprises in light industry,
which need less investment and produce quick economic results, it is
necessary and possible to use a bit more foreign investment for introducing
advanced technology and equipment. We should do well in working out a plan
and carry it out by stages and in groups devoting efforts to key projects.
We should do practical research properly and should not do it on too large
a scale or overextend the battle line, and should avoid acting blindly.
To grasp scientific research, we should train scientific and technical
personnel and employ them properly. The number of scientific and technical
personnel in light industry departments is small compared with other depart-
ments. This does not suit the needs of the transformation or the raising of
standards. According to statistics, scientific technical personnel under
the Ministry of Light Industry of the country make up 1.06 percent of the
total number of staff and workers; among these, the technical forces in the
Second Light Industry Ministry are even weaker. We should make up our mind
to gradually change this situation. First, each enterprise should train
technical personnel in a planned way. Second, more scientific and techni-
cal personnel should be demanded from the department responsible for the
work. Thirdly, help should be sought from fraternal departments. Fourth,
talented people who have studied by themselves should be promoted from among
staff and workers. Fifth, existing scientific technical personnel should
be properly employed and given refresher courses in order to raise their
level. We should also earnestly grasp the training of staff members and
workers in order to improve their political and technical quality. Now,
there are more personnel in various enterprises than required. We should
make a point of arranging training courses for them in a planned way. At
the same time, we should run more technical schools devoted to raising their
technical levels.
We should adjust product mix and resolutely limit and cut the production of
commodities which are in excessive demand. Factories like small cigarette
factories and breweries must be closed down. We should adopt both the
administrative and the economic measures, but, first of all, we should
,solve ideological problems.
To grasp product structure adjustment, it is imperative to make specific
analyses of supply and demand of all kinds of products. Among plans for
goods in excessive supply there are goods in short supply and among plans
for goods in short supply there are goods in excessive supply. So we
organize priorities according to specific conditions. The method of
arranging the problems in order of importance and urgency means making
comparisons. When Comrade Chen Yun was in charge of economic work, he
repeatedly explained this method and pointed out that it is necessary to
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make personal investigation, to arrange problems in order of priority, to
manufacture products which are in short supply, to cut production of goods
which are in excessive demand, to seek truth from facts, to have a good idea
of how things stand, to work methodically and to advance steadily. We
should earnestly learn from this way of thinking and Marxist work style.
As regards existing goods whose supply and demand roughly balance, the
product mix should also be adjusted regarding model, specification, quality,
variety and type. They should not always remain the same and they should
be constantly replenished by other new products. We should adjust product
mix because social demand will change frequently. In order to carry out
the restructuring of product mix, and to meet the market's various demands,
it is necessary to carry out readjustment in some enterprises and their
production scale by manufacturing products in small quantity but with
different varieties.
While adjusting product mix, upgrading the quality of goods and increasing
production of famous brand, high quality products, we should not abandon
the production of popular goods of dependable quality and other small com-
modities. Particularly, we must under no circumstances give up the produc-
tion of small commodities which are manufactured by the second light industry
and are indispensable to the people's livelihood, although they are sold at
little or no profit and may even lose money. We should adopt measures and
policies to overcome the difficulty in production. We should readjust
product mix in line with the national conditions and take the level of
purchasing power and the different requirements of our customers into
consideration. We should not attend to one thing and lose sight of another.
3. Do a Good Job in Enterprise Readjustment, Strive To Improve Management
Apart from a small number of enterprises,.the majority of the enterprises
in, various localities have not been run properly, and economic results are
bad because they'fail to establish an essential and strict scientific
administrative system. Furthermore, the management in a small number of
enterprises is confused which has caused great waste because they do not
have regulations. It is impossible to change this phenomenon and to upgrade
product quality if this situation goes on. Therefore, we should earnestly
and really do a good job in straightening out enterprises and raising
,administrative standards in light of the instructions issued by the Central
Committee. At present, we should tightly grasp work in three aspects:
First, we should devote a lot of time and energy to straightening out lead-
ing groups in enterprises. The key which decides the fate of an enterprise
lies in the leading group. We should promote persons who have both ability
and political integrity, do solid work and are in the prime of their life,
to the leading group. In short, we should encourage sensible people to run
enterprises. Second, we should establish and improve the economic respon-
sibility system and popularize the experiences of the Shoudu Iron and Steel
Company in a planned way in line with the specific conditions of light
industry. Third, we should grasp the basic work of an enterprise. There
are no means of calculation and measurement, original records or consump-
tion quotas in various enterprises. This has caused great waste of raw
material and fuel and naturally fails to bring any good economic results.
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While straightening out enterprises, it is imperative to grasp capital con-
struction of enterprises, to establish and to improve regulations which are"
to be strictly observed. If we fail to do so, the economic responsibility
system,and the improvement of management will come to nothing.
The restructure of enterprise should be linked with the reorganization of
trade and the readjustment of enterprise. All trades should carry out
readjustment and reorganization of enterprises in a planned way and by
stages in light of professional cooperation and rational economic stipula-
tions in order to make the product mix and the organizational structure of
enterprise more rational. Factories producing complete sets of machines
or parts, specialized factories, cooperative factories and factories within
or outside one complex in the same area or outside an area should be
organized in a unified way according to trades and services in order to
carry out division of labor, to improve quality, and to increase variety.
In this way, we can accelerate speed. We should push forward, promote and
develop cooperation and do well in this respect according to unified plan
and the principle of division of labor and cooperation, equality and mutual
interest of each having a role to play.
In the past few years, light industry production has greatly developed and
made initial steps. But we should never be satisfied with the existing
state of affairs and should not relax our efforts or slow down our speed.
We should arouse our enthusiasm, do hard work, study new situations, solve
new problems and work conscientiously for our work in line with the
instructions issued by the 12th party congress. We should make more con-
tributions to satisfying the increasing material and cultural needs of the
entire people and to creating a new situation in all fields of socialist
construction for modernization.
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STRENGTHEN THE PARTY'S TIES WITH THE BROAD MASSES OF WORKERS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 25-29
[Article by Yu Yannan [2456 3601 0589]]
[Text] The CPC is the vanguard of the Chinese working class and a product
of combining Marxism-Leninism with the Chinese workers' movement. The
working class is the class foundation of our party. Whether the party is
able to maintain close and inseparable ties with the masses of its own
class is a question of vital importance which concerns its destiny and
the future of its cause.
Our party has a glorious tradition of maintaining close ties with the work-
ing class. It was under the influence of the Russian October Revolution
and our own "May 4th" movement and from the rising workers' movement that
the earliest communist groups emerged before the party was founded. Many
outstanding leaders of our party were long engaged in the workers' move-
ments. .They were the leaders of these movements and had flesh-and-blood
ties with the broad masses of workers. A number of outstanding elements
-of worker origin were trained in the struggles and became the backbone and
leaders of our party. During the period from the birth of our party to the
failure of the great revolution, it was with the participation and support
of the broad masses of workers and with the coordination of the developing
workers' movements that our party developed and became stronger and various
fighting.tasks of our party were undertaken and completed. Without the
support of the masses of workers, the party would not have existed and
developed. However, since the new democratic revolution in our country
must rely on peasants' armed struggles and must follow the road of encircling
the cities from the rural areas, from 1927 to 1949, the focus of our party's
work was shifted to the countryside. During this period, although the
party made great efforts to maintain its ties with the masses of workers,
due to the restriction of conditions at that time, the relations between the
party and the masses of workers were also restricted in various aspects.
After the victory of the people's liberation war, the party's focus of work
was again shifted to the cities. This provided better conditions for our
party to establish close ties with all the masses of workers throughout the
country. However, quite a few comrades were not fully prepared in ideology
for such an important change. To counter some confused ideas at that time,
Comrade Mao Zedong, in his report at the Second Plenary Session of the
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Seventh CPC Central Committee, raised the question of whom we should rely
on in the struggles in the cities. He pointed out that in the cities, we
must "wholeheartedly rely on the working class." Under the guidance of the
Correct line, policies and principles, our party greatly strengthened its,
work among the workers and its ties with the masses of workers. Since our
party wholeheartedly relied on the working class in industrial production
and in work in the cities, great achievements were scored in rehabilitating
the country's economy, in socialist transformation of capitalist industry
and commerce and in undertaking planned socialist construction as well as
in the reconstruction of the cities. During this period, the party also
paid special attention to building the party among the industrial workers.
A large number of workers were absorbed into the party, which provided
good conditions for the party to establish direct ties with its own class.
Relations between the party and the working class were seriously damaged
during the "Great Cultural Revolution." Since the rectification and con-
solidation over the past several years, the status of the-party has been
greatly improved, the party's prestige is increasing and certain aspects
of the ties between the party and the masses of workers have been resumed
and strengthened. This is the main aspect of the status of our party.
Judging from the situation of some large-scale leading enterprises which
were investigated recently, most cadres and party member workers are good
and comparatively good. They are able to be politically in keeping with,
the party Central Committee and are working hard and conscientiously. Most
comrades have played an exemplary role in politics and in production and
have maintained an honest and impartial work style. Quite a few of them
have been elected model laborers and advanced workers by the masses of
people. Many comrades enjoy high prestige among the masses of workers.
They have strengthened the party ties with the masses of workers with their
exemplary actions. However, owing to various reasons, there are still some
cadres and party members, judging from the overall situation of the whole
country, who have more or less divorced themselves from the masses. Some
of them have gone too far in this respect.
1. Some party member cadres have taken. advantage of their power and posi-
tion.to seek privileges and personal gains. As a result, the party's
prestige among the masses of workers has been seriously damaged and the
leadership of the party has been weakened.
.Through investigation, we find that many workers and staff members are
resentful of such phenomena as "unhealthy work style of the party," the
"privileges of cadres" and "accomplishing nothing without asking others
for help." They have made very sharp criticism against them. This shows
that these negative phenomena, which exist in some party organizations and
among some party members, are intolerable, and that the rectification of
the party's work style and organization, especially the rectification of
party organizations and leading bodies in the enterprises, has become an
important task for the whole party.
The masses of workers strongly oppose the unhealthy work style of some
cadres. One of the most common problems is the privileges of some cadres
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in arranging work and allotting houses for their children and relatives.
Some cadres have, through various channels, arranged work for their
children and relatives or transferred them from posts which require much
labor tb.those which have better working conditions. Some cadres have
taken advantage of their power and position to arrange houses for their
children or allot more and better houses to them, regardless of the diffi-
culties of the broad masses in this respect. They have thus created a very
bad impression among the masses of workers on these problems concerning
the immediate and vital interests of the masses. At present, in some
enterprises, some workers are not enthusiastic in the forefront of produc-
tion, especially in those posts which require hard labor. This has much
to do with the above-mentioned mistakes of being divorced from the masses
committed by some party member cadres. Since some party member cadres have
tried to seek more private interests from the masses, the close relation-
ship between the party and the masses of workers has been seriously damaged.
Some old workers said: "In the past, the cadres always did as they said,
but now, some cadres do not care for the masses. They stretch out their
arms to wherever there is profits. How could people listen to them?"
There are also some party member cadres who do not practice democracy in
their work. They are used to using oversimplified methods, such as
deducting bonuses, rebuking people and giving compulsory orders. They do
not value the right of workers as masters of the country and have thus
seriously damaged the relations between the party and the masses of
workers.
2. Some party. members do not play an exemplary role and the fighting
strength of the party organizations has been weakened.
Some party members, lacking a high sense of the party organization, have
mixed themselves up with the ordinary people, or even with those who lack
political consciousness. They often pick easy jobs and shirk hard ones
while working, but strive to be the first and fear to lag behind in seeking
personal gains. They do not keep their minds on the work assigned to them
and are often the first to complain. Some party members do not care for
the masses around them, saying that "it would be good if I could take good
care of myself." They are, in fact, not ready to play the due role of
party members. Thus, they have not only created a bad impression among
the. ordinary masses, but have also affected the activists. Some active
workers who once applied for admission to the party said: "Seeing that
some party members are behaving even worse than ordinary masses, our
enthusiasm for joining the party has also been dampened." Some young work-
,ers'said: "If people like him can be admitted into the party, I will not
then join the party." From this we can see that when a party member does
not play an exemplary role, he has not only failed to do his duty, but has
also seriously damaged the party's prestige among the masses.
3. Very few party members are working in the forefront of production. This
has directly affected the contacts between the party and the masses of work-
ers and weakened the party's fighting strength.
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Over the past few years, since large numbers of veteran party member workers
have retired and very few young workers have been absorbed into the party,
in addition, party members have constantly been transferred from the front
line of production to administrative departments, there are very few party
members on the front line of production now. This is an abnormal phenomenon.
For example, in Shanghai's No 17 Cotton Mill, of the 8,371 productive work-
ers, there are only 397 party members, which accounts for 4.7 percent of
the productive workers. Of the 595 productive groups, 307 have not one
party member, which makes up 51.6 percent of these groups. Zhengzhou's
north railway station, which is under the Zhengzhou Railway Bureau, has
109 productive groups. But 44 of them have no party members, accounting
for 40 percent of the productive groups. There are only 20 party member
group leaders in these productive groups. In Beijing's No 3 Construction
Company, there are 427 productive groups, but only 15 percent of them have
set up party groups and 46.1 percent of the productive groups have no party
members. There are very few party members, especially young party member
workers, working in the forefront of production. In Nanjing Radio Factory,
of the 10,023 productive workers who came to work in this factory after
the smashing of the "gang of four," there are only 9 young party members,
.accounting for 0.87 percent of the young workers who came to the factory
in the same period. Besides, four of them were admitted into the party
during their service in the army. This shows that very few young workers
who are working in the forefront of production have been admitted into the
party in the past 6 years.
Since there are very few party members in the forefront of production,
many problems have emerged and the direct contacts between the party and
the industrial workers have been seriously affected. In the past, there
were usually more than 3 party members in a productive group consisting of
some 20 or 30 workers. A party group was set up to serve as the core of
leadership in doing political and ideological work. Now since there are
very few party members, the core of leadership cannot be shaped. Thus,
the party has lost an important channel in doing ideological work, and
.the fighting strength of the party has been weakened.
Since there are very few party members in the forefront of production and
they have continuously been transferred to the administrative departments,
an abnormal phenomena has emerged: More and more party members have been
gathered in the administrative departments while there are fewer and fewer
,party members on the front line of production. As a result, the more
arduous'the work posts, the fewer the party members are. This must be
promptly changed, because this is not merely a question of the distribution
of party members, but a question of great importance concerning the class
nature and mass foundation of our party. Our party is a political party
of the` working class. If the party's strength is weak among the productive
workers, who are the main characters in social economic life, the party's
advanced role can hardly be displayed.
In light of the above-mentioned problems, we hold that at present, it is
especially necessary to rectify the party's work style and organization
while the enterprises are being consolidated, so that the party's work can
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be strengthened in the enterprises and that the phenomenon of being
divorced from the masses, which exist, in varying degrees, among some
cadres and party members, can be overcome and the ties between the party
and-the masses of workers be strengthened.
1. It is necessary to strengthen the education of party nature and mass
viewpoint among the cadres and party members in the enterprises. Every
cadre and party member must understand that our party is a political and
vanguard party of the working class. Besides the interests of the working
class and the broadest masses of people, it does not have any special
interests. Our party is a party which serves the people heart and soul.
In the process of leading the masses to realize their immediate and long-
term interests, the party must always share the comforts and hardships of
the people and maintain the closest of ties with them. No party members
are allowed to break away from the masses and place themselves above them.
It is necessary to let all party members understand that although our party
has become a big party in power, with more than 39 million members, he
number of party members among the masses is still very few. The party's
tasks can only be fulfilled through the joint efforts of the broad masses
of people.
Since many comrades do not possess the mass viewpoint, it is necessary to
carry out an education of "winning over the masses" among the vast number
of cadres and party members, especially among large numbers of comrades
who were admitted into the party after liberation. Since its founding, our
party has paid close attention to.strengthening its ties with the masses of
workers. "Winning over the masses" has always been a most. important job
for our party and every party member, which must be done most frequently
and.conscientiously. It is the foundation for our party's work in all
other fields. Having close ties with the masses is one of the hallmarks
distinguishing our party from all other political parties. It has always
been, an important policy of our party in the long-term revolutionary
struggles and wars to make the greatest possible efforts to win over the
masses, to win over the middle elements and to win over all people who can
be won over from the antagonistic camps. History shows that this is a
correct policy. It has ensured the victory of revolution from one aspect
and is still necessary today, for it still has great vitality. At all times,
we needto win over more masses and nonparty personages and make them rally
around the party and under the party's leadership. However, since our party
came to power, quite a few comrades have wrongly held that it is no longer
necessary for us to win over the masses, for they have fundamentally changed
their position and become masters of the country. Facts have proved this
understanding to be wrong. Under the present conditions, we still need to
win over and rely on the masses. If we do not win over the masses, or even
break away from them and lose their support, we will accomplish nothing at
all. At present, since some party members have been seriously divorced from
the masses, it is all the more necessary to stress again the importance of
winning over the masses. Being Communist Party members, we must never
forget that we are servants of the people and must serve the people heart
and soul. In a sense, to win over the masses is also serving the people.
A Communist Party member can achieve successes in winning over the masses
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only when he displays the exemplary role of the vanguard. One can hardly,
or,can never, win over the masses if one does not overcome one's own short-
comings and mistakes. Winning over the masses and maintaining the party's
close ties with the masses are sacred duties for all party members. If we
firmly carry out these duties, we will never be defeated.
2. It is necessary to improve the political quality of the party members
and give play to their exemplary role. The "Guiding Principles for Inner-
Party Political Life" and other relevant documents of the party are impor-
tant documents for carrying out education of how to be qualified party
members among the broad masses of cadres and party members. It is necessary
to make all party members and cadres understand-that all Communist Party
members have only the duty to diligently and conscientiously serve the
people. They have no right to take advantage of their position and power
to infringe upon the interests of the people and to seek privileges. At
present, unhealthy tendencies widely exist among the cadres in arranging
work and allotting houses for their children and relatives. The masses of
workers have a strong aversion to this. In view of this,..,and in considera-
tion of the continuation of employment and housing problems in the next 5 or
10 years, we suggest that during this movement to consolidate the enter-
prises and rectify the party, education and examination be carried out among
the broad masses of party members, especially party member cadres, to solve
these problems in light of the actual conditions in various units. In the
future, no party member cadres, especially leading cadres, should be allowed
to have a hand in arranging work for their children, which should be
rationally arranged by the organization. On the allotment of new houses
for workers and staff, the number of houses built, the regulations of
allotting houses and the final decisions should be made known to the public.
Leading cadres at various levels should not meddle in this matter. Coal mine
cadres in various parts of the country have urged their children to return to
the pits. This has been effective in encouraging the large numbers of miners
to work enthusiastically in the pits. In the future, newspapers, broadcast-
ing services and television must carry on active propaganda of such
advanced deeds as well as of the cadres', children working contentedly on
the posts of hard labor and advanced deeds of leading cadres in sharing the
,comforts and hardships of the masses.
It is necessary to carry out education among the broad masses of party mem-
bers in the industrial and mining enterprises so that they can understand
that the masses of workers recognize the party and decide what attitude
they will take toward the party and toward labor chiefly through the actual
practice of the party members who are working and living with them. In
order to correct others' mistakes, one should first be correct oneself.
Example is better than precept. We communists must first set good examples
in order to influence and educate the masses, to do a good job in mass work
and'to lead the masses forward. We, must set good examples in production,
work and study as well as in abiding by discipline and law, in building
socialist spiritual civilization and fostering good social atmosphere and
in other fields. One can be regarded as a qualified Communist Party member
only when one acts in this way, especially when one continues to act in this
way in times of difficulty and danger. In order to overcome such phenomena
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as the low political consciousness and inactivity of some party members and
the weakness and laxity of some party organizations, it is imperative to
rectify the work style and organization of grassroots party organizations
in the industrial and mining enterprises. During the rectification, those
party members who continue to be unqualified after education should be
cleared out of the party. Only when the rectification is carried out in
such a strict way can the political quality of the ranks of party members
be improved, the fighting strength of the grassroots party organizations be
enhanced and the flesh-and-blood ties between the party and the masses of
workers be really established.
Finally, it is necessary to absorb outstanding young workers into the party
in an active and prudent manner. In order to solve the problem of there
being very few party members in the forefront of production, resulting from
the retirement of large numbers of veteran party member workers, much
attention should be paid to the absorption of party members from among
outstanding young workers. The future belongs to the youths. Our party
is a communist political party facing the future. It always attaches
importance to absorbing young party members. Now, young workers have
become the main productive force. If we fail to timely absorb the advanced
youths who have communist consciousness into the party and make them the key
force of-the party in uniting and educating the broad masses of youths, the
party's work will not be able to take root among the youths and the party
will not be able to lead the youths successfully forward. At present, the
question of how to actively and prudently absorb large numbers of produc-
tive workers, especially young workers, who are up to the requirements for
party members, into the party in light of the actual conditions of various
specific units, must be placed on the agenda (of course, the work to absorb
party members from engineers and technicians must continue to be grasped
firmly). However, during the investigation, party organizations in many
enterprises reported that many activists who have gone through various
trials over the past several years, who have been active since the 3d
.Plenary Session of the 11th CPC'Central Committee, who enjoy high prestige
among the masses and who are up to the requirements for party members, have
still not been admitted into the party due to the rigid restrictions on the
number of new members. This has, to a certain extent, dampened the enthusi-
.asm.of the people, especially young people, who have asked to join the
party. We hold that before the completion of the wideranging party rectifi-
cation,' the policy of appropriately absorbing new party members in accordance
with the requirements for party members is correct. However, it is neces_;
sary to make stipulations of the number of new party members in light of'
the concrete conditions in various specific enterprises and units. In those
units which have good party work style and discipline and which have done
well in political, ideological and management work, the productive workers who
are up to the requirements for party members must be promptly absorbed into
the party.
What needs to be specially pointed out is that the party organizations and
party members in many factories, mines and enterprises do not have a good
understanding of the characteristics, history and present conditions of
this generation of youths, including the broad masses of CYL members, and
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are not good at doing work among them. This must be changed. The CPC and
CYL organizations at various levels and the vast numbers of party members
must more frequently contact young people, be their intimate friends and
really care for and help them in the political and ideological fields as
well as in study and daily life, so as to discover and train the advanced
youths who are qualified to be party members and actively absorb them into
the party. Thus, our party will be injected with fresh blood. Our party
is now in an-important period of cooperation between old and new cadres and
succession from the old to the new. We need to discover, train and promote
a large number of young and middle-aged cadres. However, we must also
notice that before they are promoted, they must usually be trained and
absorbed into the party and become qualified party members. At present,
due to the retirement of large numbers of outstanding veteran worker party,
members, the number of party members working in the forefront of production
has been rapidly reduced in factories, mines and enterprises. Thus, to
absorb young workers into the party to fill the vacancies has become more
imperative. We must regard this work, which has an important bearing on
the-great cause of the working class throughout the ages, as a strategic
task and make conscientious study and arrangements.
The situation of the party organizations is closely bound up with that of
the working class. When a large quantity of fresh blood is injected into
the body of our party, the party's ranks will surely thrive, the ties
between the party and its own class will surely be more close and, at the
same time, the ranks of the entire working class will also take on an
entirely new look.
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THEORETICAL WORKERS MUST TRAIN HARD IN BASIC SKILLS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 30-31
[Article by Shi Youxin [2457 0645 2946]]
[Text] In order to create a new situation in our modernization program in
an all-round way, we need a relevant contingent of Marxist theoretical
study and propaganda work. Some party and state departments, colleges of
liberal arts and social science research organizations have adopted effec-
tive measures to strengthen and enrich this contingent. To our delight,
many young comrades have joined the rank of theoretical workers in the
past few years and we would like to have a chat with them.
When the players of our women's volleyball team were competing for the world
championship, hundreds of millions of people were watching the match on
television and they were moved by the indomitable spirit of these players.
When the masses thought deeply, they could not refrain from asking: What
have, the players depended on to win the championship on two occasions in
the past few years? From our point of view, they have depended first of
all on their correct ideology and second on their good basic skills. We
cannot but be moved by their strenuous training in grasping basic skills
under the guidance and planning of their coaches who trained them highly
and strictly. We theoretical workers must also have such a dogged spirit
in our training. The great poet of the Tang dynasty Bai Juyi said the
following words when he was recalling his career: "Over the past 20 years,
I have been busy in collecting taxes in daytime and in reading in the
evening and in addition, I have also given courses on poems and consequently
I .have no time for sleeping and rest. Therefore my tongue and lips become
sore,and there is a callus on my elbow and although I am still young, my
skin,and teeth have degenerated." In order to keep his eyes lifelike and
vivid, Mei Lanfang released a dove every day and his eyes followed the
movement of the dove while Gai Jiaotian fought barehanded with an eagle
every day and his eyes were almost pecked out by the bird of prey so as to
enable his stage performance of fighting against eagles to be remarkably
true to life. They were able to skillfully grasp artistic attainments
thanks to their hard training. The young people who have just begun their
career as theoretical workers must guard against a showy work style and
having grandiose aims but puny abilities and they must in no way be satis-
fied with a smattering of a subject. Those with these shortcomings are in
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general transient figures although they have some talents; only a few of
them are successful. Therefore the first task for young people beginning
their careers is to work hard in grasping basic skills. This is a simple
truth that has been derived from the experiences and lessons accumulated
by'many people over a long period.
What basic skills should theoretical workers have?
They must read books systematically and in a planned way. Reading is
needed to do other work and this is particularly so in doing theoretical
work. Without reading we can in no way carry out theoretical work. In
order to accumulate experiences and understand the experience of our
predecessors, it is necessary to read books conscientiously. As there are
numerous books, it is also necessary to work out a plan to decide which
are to be read first and which later. First it is imperative to read
Marxist-Leninist books and those written by Mao Zedong. Marxism is a branch
of science and all parts of this science have their own interrelationship
and. a process of their historical development. We will not be able to
really grasp the Marxist scientific system unless we carry out study
historically and in an overall way. In our study, we must in no way adopt
a piecemeal approach or rely on others in a bid to save effort because in
this way we will not be able to make big achievements. We must read
extensively, including books about social sciences, natural sciences and
some literary and art works. Marx was particularly interested in reading
books by Shakespeare and Balzac. "Read extensively and you will be good
at writing" refers to the relation between reading and writing. It is
beneficial to read more books as long as the method is correct.
Of course, it is not enough just to rely on reading; we must also pro-
foundly understand history and reality through investigations. The
history of socialism in our country is not long and yet it has developed
tortuously. The current policies of our party have been defined on the
basis of summing up the past negative and positive experiences. If we
fail to understand the past, we can in no way profoundly understand today,
while to carry out meticulous investigations in a systematic way is the
basic method for understanding history and current situations. If we do
not understand reality and instead confine ourselves to books, it will be
difficult for us to create even though we have read more books. "Investi-
gations" must not be limited to just collecting second-hand materials while
"study" does not mean merely ruminating achievements of others; in addition,
we must follow the examples of writers to go deep among the masses so that
there will be a profound change in our ideology and feelings and conse-
quently we will be able to gain true knowledge and have specific views.
We must accumulate materials and be diligent in our writing. Reference
materials are the foundation of theoretical workers and without such a
foundation it will be impossible for them to make progress. We must try to
gain materials by ourselves and not just rely on "ready meal." No matter
how good materials are, they will not become ours without our efforts in
digesting them. Theoretical workers must spare no effort in thinking and
in writing. Diligence in writing will help to constantly improve
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theoretical thinking and the ability to express ourselves so that we will
be able to constantly open up and consolidate our spheres of knowledge.
Therefbrd we must keep on studying unflaggingly and not sporadically. We
must have the will to make progress and persist in placing strict demands
on ourselves. We cannot resort to trickery, instead, we must study hard.
It is not easy to read Marxist books in a systematic way while numerous,
arduous and meticulous works are needed in carrying out study and investi-
gations. Marx wrote the book "Situations of the British Working Class"
after he carried out meticulous investigations in the filthy workers'
district in Manchester. Si Maqian traversed mountains and rivers across a
prefecture in ancient times to seek the cultural heritages and anecdotes
of his predecessors and consequently he "was able to do desultory reading,
run through classic works and his influence has been able to play an out-
standing role in the literary world for thousands of years." It was really
difficult to do so under such difficult traveling conditions at that time.
Tolstoy said: "One can begin to write only when each time he dips in ink
he leaves his blood in the bottle of ink." Those who are determined to
become theoretical workers will not be able to grasp basic skills unless
he has this spirit of fearing no sacrifice and the spirit to "fight"
against difficulties.
To grasp basic skills is a slow process and therefore it must be carried
out scrupulously and in an orderly way and step by step. Like learning
the basic skills of writing, theoretical workers must also learn basic
skills by starting from writing "regular characters" and then proceeding
to "running hand" and "maturing as caligraphers" and consequently they
become lively and vigorous flourishes in calligraphy and they are in a
position to freely wield their writing brushes. In this aspect, slowness
is for the sake of rapidness. If we are impatient for success before we
have, acquired the necessary foundation, we will only make waste. We must
be content with quietness and daring to "hold a title without any obliga-
tion." Our motto should be: "No difficult things in the world and when
there is a will there is a way; no easy things in the world and those who
are persistent will get them."
We. theoretical workers are serving the people and the cause of socialist
construction and therefore we must get rid of the shackle of fame and gain
and cherish lofty ideology. Marx constantly improved his theory because
he considered it was a crime not to provide the best things to workers.
We must also consider working hard in grasping basic skills as part of the
practice of communism and do this work with concentrated effort.
Basically it depends on individual effort to grasp basic skills. But the
high standard and strict requirements of the leadership and help from vet-
eran comrades are also very important. Many facts proved that whether
combat capability of a contingent of theoretical workers is strong or not
and whether young theoretical workers can be brought up and to produce
talents are inseparable from the leadership roles. It is a general truth
of various trades that "strict masters bring about skillful apprentices."
Strictness represents really good care of all comrades and particularly
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young ones. It is irresponsible to see our comrades taking a crooked path
and yet we do not mend them. Therefore it is imperative to grasp well the
work of training young comrades in basic skills. For these comrades, it
is tnecessary to stress the importance of study, help them work out plan-
ning, pay attention to checking and testing their study and to commend and.
encourage their achievements and progress. It is also necessary to
organize and encourage veteran comrades to help young comrades. In this
way, we will be able to constantly train new backbones of theoretical
workers and rapidly improve the nature and level of the contingent of
theoretical workers.
CSO: 4004/15
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HOW TO STUDY THE 'GENERAL PROGRAM' OF THE NEW PARTY CONSTITUTION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 32-36
[Article by RED FLAG Theoretical Education Editorial Office]
[Text] The new party constitution passed by the 12th party congress has
systematically summed up the historical experiences in the building of the
party and reflected the demand of the party in our life. It is an impor-
tant guarantee for making the party even stronger under the new historical
period. The new constitution has a "general program" with relatively rich
contents. In fact, this program is the basic program of our party and
the criterion for measuring all party activities. Therefore, before study-
ing the new constitution, it is necessary to study well the program.
The "general program" is written concisely and yet is rich in content. In
studying this program, we can divide it into four main points.
First, the nature and guiding ideology of the party.
Second, the scientific socialist theory and the goals of the struggles of
the party.
Third, the general tasks and basic policies of the party at the present
stage.
Fourth, the three basic requirements in party building and the basic prin-
ciple of the leading roles of the party.
In studying the "general program" we must first understand why it is neces-
sary for the constitution to have a "general program" and also understand
the significance of this program in terms of the unity of the party.
A proletarian political party must have a program that is based on the
science of Marxism to openly declare its nature, goals of struggles and
basic viewpoints and its own duties and principles of action. Engels said
that the program of a party "is a flag that is openly hoisted and the out-
side world judges this party according to this flag." ("Selected Works of
Marx and Engels," Vol 3, p 31) The "Communist Party Manifesto" is the
program written by Marx and Engels for the "Communists Alliance." It has
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openly declared the flag of communism throughout the world. It declared
that the capitalist system will eventually be eliminated and the communist
system will eventually win throughout the world. The "Communist Party
Manifesto" remains the basic theoretical foundation for us communists.
To review the "Manifesto" in our study of the "general program" will help
us understand even deeper the significance of this program and make us even
more confident in our struggles for the realization of communism.
Ours is a proletarian political party that is built under the theoretical
guidance of Marxism. Since its foundation, the party has had its own
program that clearly defined its goals of struggles and its organizational
principles. All the constitutions of the party since the seventh party
congress has had a "general program." The "general program" of the new
party constitution is formed on the basis of summing up in a systematic way
the rich experiences of our party in the practice of socialism, including
the serious lessons of the "Great Cultural Revolution." It has generalized
the nature and guiding ideology of the party in a more complete and scien-
tific way, the long-term and intermediate goals of the party, basic demands
on party members and organizations by the party and the basic principles by
which the party has correctly displayed its guiding roles. It is the basic
program for the unity of the party under the new historical period and for
the party to march along the socialist road and struggle for communism.
Lenin said that the program of a party "is of great significance for unit-
ing the members of this political party and for its consistent activities."
("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 4, p 201) The purpose of a party consti-
tution in demanding each of its members to acknowledge the program and
regulations of this party is to guarantee the unity of the whole party and
to make party members persist in accomplishing the historical tasks of this
party. That is why it is imperative for each party member and all comrades
that have applied to join the party to conscientiously study the "general
program so as to understand the basic principles of scientific socialism
and the practical experiences of our party, improve the level of their
ideology and understanding and raise their consciousness of struggling for
the cause of the party throughout their life.
In studying the first point, it is necessary to correctly understand the
nature and roles of the party and the vanguard roles of the working class.'
It is also necessary to profoundly understand the importance of guiding
ideology in party activities while the whole party must conscientiously
study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.
The "general program" scientifically and completely expounded the nature of
the party: "The CPC is the vanguard of the working class in China, the
loyal representative of the interests of the people of various nationalities
in the country and the leading core of the socialist cause."
Marxism holds that any political party has its own class nature. The Com-
munist Party is the political party of the working class but it is only a
part of this class and this is the advanced part. It is for this reason
that the previous constitutions of our party explicitly pointed out: The
CPC is the vanguard (or advanced army) of the Chinese working class.
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Because of the social and historical conditions in which our party exists,
the proportion of workers among our party members has always been low but
this situation in no way affects the position of our party as the political,
party,.of the working class. It is because, generally speaking, the nature
of the party is decided by the party guiding ideology, political line and
organizational principles that are defined by the "general program" which
have guaranteed that our party will maintain the advanced nature of the
working class. Despite the fact that various forms of nonproletarian
thinking will be eventually and constantly reflected within the party,
this reflection is illegal and it has to be constantly overcome.
The advanced nature of our party is mainly manifested in the fact that the
party has gathered together the conscious fine elements of the Chinese
working class and of the masses of Chinese people. Our party has armed
itself with a scientific world outlook. It is representing the whole
interest of the working class and the whole nation and it has always played
the roles of the leading core in various stages of the development of revo-
lution. Now the key task of the party is carrying out the socialist mod-
ernization program. That is to say, the vanguard roles of the party today
are mainly shown in leading the people in building socialism with high
material and spiritual civilization and high democracy. Consequently, the
"general program" has abolished the concept that the party "is the vigorous
and vanguard organization that is leading the proletariat and the revolu-
tionary masses in fighting against the class enemy" which was defined in
the party constitution of the 11th party congress. This move is in line
with the current political and economic situations of our country and with
the demand of the general tasks of the party at the present stage.
In expounding the nature of the party, the "general program" also contained
the sentence that is basically the same as the one used in the party con-
stitution of the seventh congress. This sentence is that the CPC "is the
loyal. representative of the interests of the people of various nationali-
ties in China." The only purpose of our party is to wholeheartedly serve
the people and this purpose is the particular symbol of the political party
of the proletariat. The activities of our party in the past 60 years and'
more never departed from this purpose. The leading position of our party
as the ruling political party makes it easy for party members and particu-
larly party cadres to divorce themselves from the masses. The above-
mentioned stipulation on the nature of the party in the "general program"
is aimed at maintaining the party's political color of wholeheartedly
serving the people and of preventing any trend of divorcing themselves from
the masses and violating party rules and regulations in seeking personal
interest and privileges.
The "general program" stipulated: "The CPC has taken Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought as the guidance of its actions." This is the most basic
condition for seeing that our party displays its vanguard roles of the
proletariat. Lenin said: "It is only the party that has taken advanced
theory as its guide that will be in a position to display the roles of
advanced fighters." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 1, p 242)
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We, have won great victories both in revolution and construction under the
guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. In our Long March in the
future, we will win still greater victories as long as we rely on the
guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It is true that some
Marxist-Leninist conclusions are no longer applicable today, but the basic
principles of Marxism-Leninism and its stand, viewpoints and methods still
remain the most powerful spiritual weapon for us in undertaking and trans-
forming the world. Mao Zedong Thought is the product of the combination
of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the reality of the Chinese
revolution, and is the valuable spiritual wealth of the party. We can in
no way deny the scientific value of Mao Zedong Thought. and its guiding
roles in the revolution and construction of our country just because
Comrade Mao Zedong made mistakes in his advanced years.
Since Marxism-Leninism is the guiding ideology of our party, it is only
natural that the party has put forth study tasks for its members. With
regard to the obligation of party members, the party constitution stipu-
lated: ''Conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought," and
the basic tasks of party organizations at grassroots levels are to
"organize party members in conscientiously studying Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought" while, with regard to basic conditions for party cadres,
the constitution stipulated that it is necessary to "have theoretical
and policy level of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought." But some party
members no longer bear in mind that it is their obligation to study the
guiding ideology of the party and consequently they considered that it
makes'no difference whether they study or not. It is right to work hard
to improve one's professional skills, in particular to acquire the
specialized knowledge that is required in the modernization program. But
communists must be armed with theory because it is not only needed in
keeping correct political orientation but is also in the interest of doing
a good job professionally.
In studying the second main point, it is necessary to understand: First,
it is an objective law of social development to realize socialism and com-
munism; second, the socialist system has the advantages that are beyond the
reach of the capitalist system and it is not a "distant and indistinct
illusion" to realize communism.
The "general program" stipulated: '"The final goal of the party is to
realize the social system of communism."
The "general program" expounded the theory and practice of scientific
socialism in a big paragraph. Scientific socialism is part of Marxism-
Leninism as well as the basic theoretical foundation for our party in
defining its goals of struggles. This theory tells us that to realize
socialism and communism is a natural trend in the development of world
history. The capitalist society is the last social system with exploita-
tion of men by men. The basic contradiction of a capitalist society is
the contradiction between socialized mass production and private ownership
of the means of production. This contradiction is beyond the reach of the
capitalist system itself to resolve and it determines that capitalism will
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eventually be replaced by socialism. The proletariat is the most advanced
and revolutionary class and it has shouldered the great historical task of
burying capitalism and realizing socialism and communism. Our party has
taken the realization of the communist social system as its final goal and
its party members have sworn to struggle for the realization of communism
throughout their life and all these are based on the above-mentioned
scientific theory.
The scientific socialist theory formed by Marx and Engels has been tested
and proven by the long period of practice in international communist move-
ments and has been further developed in practice. Basing himself on the
historical conditions for the era of imperialism, Lenin pointed out more
than half a century ago: "Unbalanced economic and political development
is an absolute law of capitalism. Therefore the conclusion is: It is
possible for socialism to win victory in a few or even a single capitalist
country." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 2, p 709) This prediction of
Lenin's was fully proven by the victory of the October Socialist Rev-lution
in Russia. The victories of the Chinese revolution and construction have
also been won under the guidance of scientific socialist theory which has
in the process also been enriched and developed. The development of world
history and particularly the establishment and development of the socialist
system in some countries have served to prove that the victories won
through the proletarian revolution, the replacement of the capitalist dic-
tatorship by the dictatorship of the proletariat and the replacement of the
capitalist system by the socialist system represent universal law of the
development of society. Various countries have followed this law and taken
various forms of revolutionary struggles and socialist construction with
their own features.
The "general program" has concisely pointed out the superiority of the
socialist system that is beyond the match of capitalist system. Having
experienced the situation in which the economy and scientific technology
of our country are relatively backward and the standard of living is com-
paratively low, some people consequently denied the superiority of the
;socialist system and lost confidence in,the future of socialism and com-
munism. This view is based on an objective factor of the damages caused
during, the 10 turbulent years that have made people passive ideologically,
but what is more important is that it is because of ideological understand-
ing. Our country was formerly semicolonialist and semifeudalist, coupled
with a backward economy and culture. We began to carry out socialist con-
struction on this basis not long ago and therefore it is impossible to
develop the economy and scientific technology considerably in such a short
period. It is not scientific simply to compare our country with the
advanced capitalist countries that have hundreds of years of history behind
them and to do so without making analyses. Furthermore, any development of
capitalism is based on the exploitation of the people of the related coun-
tries and the plunder of their colonies and although advanced capitalist
countries have very high national revenues, most of these revenues fall
into the hands of a few capitalists. On the other hand, the greatest
advantage of the socialist system is the abolishment of the exploitation
system. Under such a social system, people have become true masters of
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their own countries and with the passing of the days, they have gradually
formed a common ideal, morality and discipline; they have realized the
public ownership of the means of production and the system of from each
according to his ability and to each according to his work and consequently
they are able to develop social productivity in a planned way, propor-
tionately and in high speed, and meet the increasing needs of people's
material and cultural life. Following the development of socialist con-
struction and the perfection of various systems, this superiority will be
displayed even more fully. It will be contradictory to reality if we fail
to see all this, consider that socialist system has no superior and con-
sequently lose confidence in the future of socialism.
Socialism is the preliminary stage.of communism. As pointed out by the
"general program," the change of socialism to communism must be realized
through tremendous development of productivity and tremendous progress in
ideology, politics and culture. Such a change is a long process that
requires persistent and unremitting efforts for generations to come. But
it is natural that socialism will develop. into communism and therefore the
final party goal of realizing communism is in no way a "distant and indis-
tinct illusion." No matter when and where, we communists must be confident
that communism will triumph and we must also believe that-socialism and
communism will eventually and gradually win victories throughout the world
through'the ways that are voluntarily taken by the people of various coun-
tries according to their specific conditions.
In studying the third main point, we must first correctly understand the
important significance of social principal contradictions in defining the
general. tasks of the party from the point of historical experiences;
second, we must correctly understand the relationship between economic
construction and the building of spiritual civilization and the development
.of socialist democracy and understand the party's basic domestic policies
and. international policies.
The party's general tasks are defined under the premise of correct under-
standing of social principal contradictions. On the basis of summing up
historical experiences, the "general program" clearly put forth the main
contradictions of our society in the new historical period and it is on
this foundation that the party's general tasks are defined. We have
experienced a tortuous path in history and profound lessons in understand-
ing social principal contradictions. Following great victories in socialist
transformation, our party convened the eighth congress in 1956. This con-
gress made correct analyses on the social class situation and economic and
political situations of our country at that time. It explicitly pointed
out that the principal contradiction at home was no longer the contradiction
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie but the contradiction between
.economic and cultural development and people's increasing needs. It also
pointed out that the main task of the whole nation was no longer carrying
out class struggle but to concentrate strength in developing social produc-
tivity, realizing the industrialization of the country and gradually meeting
the increasing material and cultural needs of the people. But because our
party did not have enough ideological preparation for overall socialist
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construction not all the comrades within the party profoundly accepted the
congress' meaning about social principal contradictions and many other
correct views and therefore they failed to persist and develop all these in'
practice. Following the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee, our party resolutely abolished the slogan of "having class struggl&.,
as the key," and with firm determination, it shifted key works to carrying
out the socialist modernization program and economic construction. Such a
move was a strategic policy that was based on past historical experiences
and on scientifically reanalyzing the social principal contradiction in our
country. This point was included in the "resolution" of the sixth party
congress as well as the "general program." Such a measure is of profound
significance in unifying the ideology of the party and in concentrating our
efforts in carrying out the socialist modernization program.
On the basis of analyzing the social main contradictions in our country,
our party has defined the general tasks of the present stage: Unite the
people of various nationalities across the country, self-reliance and hard-
working, gradually modernize industry, agriculture, national defense and
scientific technology and build our country into a socialist country with
a high degree of civilization and democracy. The main contents of the
general tasks are closely related and they promote each other. Our key
tasks are carrying out socialist modernization program and economic con-
struction and they are the foundation for solving internal and inter-
national problems. The building of material civilization and socialist
spiritual civilization condition and determine one another, and we cannot
emphasize one aspect at the expense of another; in order to guarantee and
promote the building of the two civilizations it is also imperative to
spare no effort to develop socialist democracy, perfect the socialist legal
system and consolidate and strengthen the people's democratic dictatorship.
According to the requirements of the general tasks, the "general program"
has defined the basic party policies on the relations of nationality and
the patriotic united front; it has also defined the basic stand of the
party in international affairs, the relations of our country with other
countries in the world and the basic principles of relations of our party
with the communist parties in other countries and political parties of other
working classes. In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu
Yaobang expounded in an overall way the general tasks and various basic
policies of the party and, therefore, in studying this.main point of the
"general program" we must also study the relevant part of his report.
In studying the fourth main point, we must understand: First, the contents
and significance of the requirements of the three basic principles; and
second, how to realize the leadership of the party.
The'"general program" stipulated that in order to lead the people of various
nationalities across the country in realizing the great goal of the socialist
modernization program and strengthen the building of the party, it is impera-
tive for the party to become highly unified in ideology and politics, to
wholeheartedly serve the people and to persist in democracy, and we must
uphold these three basic requirements. During our study, we must also grasp
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the main points of these requirements. The main points of the first basic
requirement include: First, to guarantee the unified political basis of
the whole party; and second, to guarantee the unified ideological line of
the whole party. The second basic requirement includes: First, the basic
interest of.the party is none other than the interest of the working class
and the broad masses of the people; second, the party shares weal and woe
with the masses and keeps close contact with them; and third, persist in
the mass line. The third basic requirement mainly includes: First, carry
out high centralization and step up organization discipline on the basis
of fully displaying democracy; second, launch criticism and self-criticism
in a correct way, uphold truth and correct mistakes; third, implement the
principle of equality in party discipline.
These three basic requirements are determined by the nature of the party as
the vanguard of the working class. Our party is a united and unified
combat collective and therefore it will be able to guarantee its unity in
the struggle for its common goal with one heart and one mind only when it
is able to keep highly unified in ideology and politics. The only purpose
of our party is to wholeheartedly serve the people and the basic way for
realizing this purpose is to keep close contact with the masses and persist
in the mass line. Democratic centralism is the organizational principle of
the party and is an important guarantee for displaying the initiative and
militancy of the whole party fail to persist in high unification in ideology
and politics and factional activities and strife are allowed, should the
party fail in wholeheartedly serving the people and turn to seeking the
private interest of individuals or small cliques and should it fail to per-
sist in democratic centralism and turn to allow arbitrary decisionmaking by
individuals, it will naturally fail to maintain the color of a political
party of the working class and eventually it will become degenerate.
The three basic requirements have concentratedly manifested the fine tradi-
tion of our party and were also included in the party constitutions of the
seventh and eighth party congresses. The "general program" of the new party
constitution has inherited and developed the advantages of the "general
programs" of the constitutions of the seventh and eighth congresses with
more explicit definitions and therefore this "general program" will play an
active role in party building.
These three basic requirements are also based on the summing up of experi-
ences and lessons of the "Great Cultural Revolution." In their effort to
undermine our party, Lin Biao and the "gang of four" first undermined the
unity and democratic centralism of the party in their bid to change the
party into their tools for the seizure of party and political power. The
serious effects of these activities have constituted a reason for the
unhealthy work style in our party. Seen from negative and positive histori-
cal experiences, it is imperative to strengthen the building of the party by
strictly following the three basic requirements so as to turn our party into
a powerful core in leading the socialist modernization program. It is
necessary in our study to find our shortcomings by comparing them with the
three basic requirements so that we will become the communists that are up
to standard and will strive to basically change the style of our party for
the better.
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The "general program" finally expounded how to realize the leadership of the
party and defined the basic principles for party leadership. It stipulated:
"Party leadership mainly refers to political, ideological and organizational
leadership." There are three main points for realizing party leadership:
First, defining and implementing correct line, principles and policies;
second, doing a good job of party organizational work and propaganda and
education work and third, display the vanguard and exemplary roles of all
party members in all works and social activities. These definitions have
pointed out the orientation for doing a good job of the party and strength-
ening and improving party leadership.
Our party has played leading roles in state works and various aspects of
social activities and therefore party organizations at various levels have
complicated and arduous works. Because of a long period of historical
reasons, the party leading system has yet to be perfected. It is often
that "leadership of party committees and party secretaries in command"
are emphasized in any work and consequently party organizations have found
themselves involved in administrative works, and have even replaced admin
istration and take care of everything. As time passed, this practice
consequently became regarded as normal and many comrades have considered
this practice as strengthening party leadership. In fact, such practice
has resulted in a situation in which the party does not care for its work,
the building of the party has been spoiled and party leadership has been
weakened. The above-mentioned definition about party leadership in the
"general program" is aimed at overcoming the shortcomings of mixing party
works with administration and of the party monopolizing everything so that
to strengthen the party's political, ideological and organizational leader-
ship,, strengthen party building and at the same time guarantee that govern-
ment departments and enterprises will be able to carry out their works
independently and effectively.
The,"general program" also stipulated that the "party must carry out its
.activities within the spheres of the state constitution and legal system"
and that it must strengthen leadership over various.mass organizations
so as to fully display their roles and strengthen its close cooperation
with the masses outside the party. All these have been put forth on the'
basis of summing up the past experiences and are very important in helping
the party correctly display its roles.
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WHY IS THE POLICY OF 'UNIFYING WITH, EDUCATING AND REFORMING' INTELLECTUALS
NO LONGER IMPLEMENTED?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 37-38
["Answering Questions" article by Cheng Hong [2052 3163]]
[Text] Workers, peasants and intellectuals are the three basic social
forces in our country. In carrying out our policy toward intellectuals, we
must regard them in the same light as workers and peasants, as forces to be
relied upon in the construction of socialism, and give full play to their
role. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
there has been no further mention in Central Committee documents or in the
speeches of central leaders, of "uniting with, educating and reforming" the
intellectuals. This constitutes an important readjustment in the party's
policy toward intellectuals.
The kind of policy the party adopts toward intellectuals is decided by the
party's tasks and the state of the intellectual contingent during different
historical periods. In the early years of the PRC, with regard to the
intellectuals left over from the old society, the party continued to conduct
the policy of "unity, education and reform" laid down during the revolu-
tionary'war years. This was because at that time, since the party's his-
torical task was to thoroughly complete the democratic revolution and carry
out socialist transformation, it could rely only on the workers and on the
poor and lower-middle peasants, while intellectuals formed a reliable allied
army.to be united with. At the same time, there was the problem of adapting
the intellectuals politically and ideologically to the needs of the new
society and transforming their world outlook so that they would turn from
serving the old society to serving the new one. Therefore the implementa-
tion of this policy was appropriate at the time. By 1956, the socialist
transformation had achieved decisive victory, and the CPC Central Committee
convened a meeting on the issue of intellectuals, so that the policy on
intellectuals would be readjusted in good time. They pointed out that the
vast majority of intellectuals now constituted a part of the working class,
and decided on the correct principles and policies. But due to the develop-
ment of "leftist" guiding ideology which followed, this policy readjustment
was not upheld. Our country has now entered a new period of historical
development; the exploiting classes have been eliminated, and the party's
general task now consists of carrying out the gradual modernization of
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industry, agriculture, national defense and science and technology, build-
ing our country into a highly civilized, highly democratic socialist state.
Under these new historical conditions, it is even more necessary to rely on
the intellectuals. At the same time, the ranks of intellectuals them-
seives have undergone great changes. The vast majority of the present
intellectual ranks consist of those brought up after the founding of the
PRC. They have received the education of the party and the socialist state,
they are engaged in socialist labor, and the great majority of them were
born into the families of the laboring masses. The proportion of intellec-
tuals left over from the old society is very small, and these people have
worked earnestly for socialism for over 30 years; they have undergone the
same experiences and hardship as the party and the people, and have made
great political and ideological progress. Therefore, relying as much on
intellectuals as on workers and peasants to build socialism is the inevi-
table result of the development of history. The attitude that the more
knowledge someone has the less reliable or even the more reactionary he is,
is an ultraleft fallacy created by Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their ilk. We
should no longer be influenced by it.
"An intellectuals' work is light and comfortable and cannot be compared
with that of workers and peasants who work so hard and sweat so much."
"Workers and peasants are the creators of a society's wealth, while intel-
lectuals are supported by them; they cannot be on an equal footing." That
certain comrades think like this is due mainly to their lack of understand-
ing of the characteristics and function of mental labor. Mental labor is
an arduous kind of creative labor. Such phrases as "racking one's brains,"
and "shedding one's heart's blood" could be said to be appropriate meta-
phors to describe mental labor. How can it be denied that mental labor is
an equally arduous and hard form of labor? As to the role of mental labor
in the progress of society, the 12th party congress has clearly indicated
that science and technology are the key to the implementation of the four
modernizations and education its basis. For instance, the advance of
science and technology brings about a massive growth in industrial and
agricultural production; and the improvement of economic management results
in marked increase in economic benefits. There are thousands of other such
examples. The results which intellectuals' mental labor creates are not
only able to form or be turned into material wealth, but the role they play
in the increasing of that material wealth is often incomparable to simple
physical labor. If we break down the narrow-mindedness of the small pro-
ducer, we will come to realize that intellectuals, who engage in mental
labor along with workers and peasants who do physical labor, are all
laborers indispensable to the construction of socialism, and should all
be forces our party can rely upon.
"Does this really mean that intellectuals no longer have to reform?" This
is another piece of reasoning used by those comrades who are unwilling to
abandon the slogan "unity, education, reform." The 12th party congress
report stated clearly that we must "improve their ideological and political
education in accordance with their special characteristics." So we can see
that the party has by no means said that we need not educate or reform
intellectuals. At present, the lingering poison of the exploiting classes
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has not yet been and cannot possibly be eliminated, and foreign capitalism
might still influence and corrupt us; so the transformation of world out-
look, in its general sense, is the duty of every member of society, and of
Course of all intellectuals. Since intellectuals bear an important respon-
sibility toward the building of socialist spiritual civilization, they must
pay even greater attention to their own ideological building; they must
earnestly study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, identify with the
workers and peasants, and become both Red and expert. However, this is a
completely different thing from carrying out reform on intellectuals as if
they were capitalist intellectuals, as in the past.
Comrade Mao Zedong said: "Without the participation of the intellectuals,
the victory of the revolution will be impossible." In the same way, without
the participation of the intellectuals, the victory of the construction of
socialist modernization will be impossible. To bring peace of mind to the
intellectuals and brace their spirits, so that they may contribute all
their wit and wisdom, we must rely on the correct and thorough implementa-
tion of the party's policy. Because in the past "leftist" mistakes arose
in our guiding ideology, intellectuals were labeled capitalist intellectuals,
"unity, education and reform" continued to be stressed, and eventually, with
the 10 years of disorder, came the serious consequences of the exclusion,
attack and persecution of intellectuals, and the devastation of education,
science and culture. This lesson of history must not be forgotten. Over.
the past few years, as the CPC Central Committee has worked persistently at
bringing order out of chaos, it has readjusted the policy toward intellec-
tuals, bringing it back onto the right path. The pressing task now is for
the whole party to firmly grasp the work of implementing this policy, and
create a new situation in work concerning intellectuals. The breaking of
the bonds of "leftist" thinking and the small-producer mentality, the
elimination of the erroneous influence of discrimination against intellec-
tuals, and the abandonment of the outdated policy of "unity, education,
.reform" should be seen as the key to this.
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IS THERE CLASS CHARACTER IN SPIRITUAL CIVILIZATION?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 pp 38-39
[Article by Zhang Qihua [1723 0796 5478]]
[Text] Is there class character in spiritual civilization? A simple
answer of "yes" or "no" to this question is not appropriate. Only
through concrete analysis, can we understand correctly.
The spiritual civilization which we are talking about is socialist spiritual
civilization, which, as indicated by itself, is different from capitalist
and feudal ones. It is, therefore, not appropriate to talk about spiritual
civilization without discrimination. The 12th CPC Congress report clearly
pointed out that socialist spiritual civilization constitutes an important
characteristic of the socialist system and takes communist ideology as its
core. Cultural construction must also be carried out under the guidance of
communist ideology and ideological construction determines the socialist
character of our spiritual civilization. All this clearly shows that
socialist spiritual civilization is absolutely different from all spiritual
civilization under the exploiting system with regard to general nature.
However, it cannot be said indiscriminately that there is class character
in the content of every.item of spiritual civilization. Because spiritual
civilization consists of many items, which vary in their specific content.
There is class character in some content or some fields of the content but
there is no class character in others. Therefore, we must make a concrete
analysis of the content of spiritual civilization.
As far as cultural construction is concerned, there is class character in
such basic problems as guiding thought and on whose behalf, whether for
developing education, science, literature and art, journalism, broadcasting
and other cultural causes or upgrading the cultural level of the masses and
carrying out cultural activities. Socialist cultural construction must
serve socialism, take communist ideology as its guide and march along the
direction of communism. For example, the development of educational cause
in socialist countries and that in capitalist countries are essentially
different whether in educational policies or in direction of development.
Such a difference is the difference of class character. It is all the same
in literature and art. As social ideology, literature and art is the
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product of the reflection of certain social life in the minds of people.
In a class society, writers and artists understand, reflect and evaluate
life from the viewpoint of a particular class. Therefore, the ideological
coittentmf literature and art cannot but bear the hallmark of a particular
class. However, this does not mean that there is class character in every
field of it. For example, as regards many specific contents of education,
the general knowledge of mathematics, physics, chemistry, languages and
logic are the achievements made by mankind in understanding of the world
over several thousand years, which should be mastered by people under
various different social systems. There is of course no class character
to this part of the contents of culture and education. In addition to
their general social character, literature and art have their own specific
laws. Excellent literary and art works of each age can all pointedly
reflect some contradictions of the social life at the time by using vivid
and typical images and significantly express some progressive ideas and
feelings with skillful techniques and in perfect forms. Such literary and
art works can make people of later ages realize the life at the time,
understand the progressive ideological content and use the techniques and
forms for reference. Such an excellent literary and art heritage also
bears the hallmark of a class, but is liked by the broad masses and is the
common cultural treasure of mankind. Undoubtedly, to critically inherit
this literary and art heritage is indispensable to the development of the
socialist cultural cause. As for natural science, it reflects the law of
development in nature and has no class character; it can, therefore, be
discovered, mastered and utilized by people of different classes. Of
course, the purpose of utilization and service of natural science is
determined by the class which masters it. This is yet another problem.
On the whole, the contents involved in ideological construction possess
conspicuous class character. An ideal is meant for people's expectation
and pursuance of the future and has conspicuous social and class character.
Different classes in different societies have different ideals. The same
may apply to moral integrity. In a class society, all classes extend to
their own moral concepts from their specific class status and interest.
The basic principle of capitalist morality is bourgeois individualism; but
the basic principle of communist morality is proletarian collectivism.
Disciplines are also different in different societies. Proletarian dis-
cipline is a conscious one and reflects the serious organizational charac-
ter of the proletariat. This is essentially different from the compulsory
discipline established on the basis of the exploiting system. Therefore,
there.is, on the whole, class character in the content of ideological con-
struction. However, this does not mean that there is class character in
all contents of it, because it involves some codes of morality and conduct
which all societies must possess in order to maintain normal life. For
example, there is no difference between the proletariat and bourgeoisie
when'it comes to the issues of paying attention to decorum, observing
traffic rules and maintaining public order.
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WHY DO WE SAY THAT THE 'GUIDING PRINCIPLES' ARE AN IMPORTANT SUPPLEMENT TO
THE PARTY CONSTITUTION?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 p 39
[Article by Yong Keyang [7167 0668 7122]]
[Text] The "Certain Guiding Principles on Inner-Party Political Life,"
passed by the 5th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, are
the party's rules and regulations laid down on the basis of summing up our
party's positive and negative experiences regarding its handling of rela-
tions within the party, relying on the party building theory of Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. The party constitution is the party's basic
law; of course, this constitution contains stipulations on certain impor-
tant questions of principle concerning inner-party political life, never-
theless, it is impossible to state all the specific parts of each principle
one by one, so the "Guiding Principles" therefore constitute an important
supplement to the party constitution.
The "Guiding Principles" provide a theoretical and practical solution to
all the important problems concerning inner-party political life in
accordance with the new tasks and situation facing our party. Regarding
the party's fine traditions and style, all the divisions between right and
wrong in inner-party political life and especially the morals and style
essential to a member of a ruling party, the "Guiding Principles" have
raised these to the status of party rules and regulations and fixed them
there. Moreover, they have systematized and standardized the many suc-
cesses our party has experienced in solving problems within the party
and provided all levels of the party organization and every party member
with a clear-cut norm for behavior. Now that we have both the new party
constitution and the "Guiding Principles," party organizations at all
levels and all party members are even more clear about what they should
support and oppose and under various conditions, what they should do,
what they are not permitted to do and how they should act. If we earnestly
carry out the new party constitution and the "Guiding Principles," we will
be able to handle correctly the relations between democracy and centralism,
freedom and discipline, and unity and struggle within our party; the rela-
tions between the organization and the individual, the upper and lower
levels, the leadership and the masses, between the members of party com-
mittees and between party members; and all the contradictions within the
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party. In this way, we will turn the party into a strong militant collec-
tive united as one. The "Guiding Principles" crystallize the whole
party's experience and wisdom and as a series of important principles to
abide by when dealing with inner-party relations, they constitute an impor-
tant-supplement to the party constitution.
Certain specific rules contained in the "Guiding Principles," from the point
of view of the corresponding parts of the new party constitution, are also
important supplements. The general program of the new party constitution
states: In order to lead the whole country and the people of all
nationalities to realize the magnificent goal of socialist modernization,
the CPC must strengthen party building, foster the party's fine tradition,
and enhance its fighting strength; to this end it must fulfill three basic
demands, the first of which is "a high degree of ideological and political
unity." The first article of the "Guiding Principles" clearly states that
"the upholding of the party's political and ideological line is the most
fundamental of the guiding principles for inner-party political life." It
also states that all party comrades must determinedly and thoroughly imple-
ment the party's Marxist-Leninist political line. Furthermore, the
"Guiding Principles" also states that "all CPC organizations, departments
and members must consciously and resolutely carry out the party's political
and ideological line. The duplicitous attitude of open, passive or covert
resistance to the party line or its leadership will not be tolerated by
party discipline." Some other important stipulations contained in the new
party constitution, concerning such things as the system of democratic
centralism, party discipline and demands on party members and cadres, are
also given more concrete explanations and provisions in the "Guiding
Principles." That the "Guiding Principles" have provided specific stipu-
lations on important principles concerning party building means that our
party's rules and regulations are even more complete, substantial, and
helpful to the struggle against unhealthy tendencies within the party and
to the enhancement of the party's fighting strength.
The "Guiding Principles" constitute an important set of laws and regula-
tions and a powerful weapon for correcting party style. They were drawn up
mainly in response to the irregularity of inner-party political life, the
incorrectness of party style, the damage caused to the party's prestige,
and other conditions brought about by the "Cultural Revolution." Moreover,
their formulation represents an important measure adopted by the central
authorities to rectify the party. Through the hard work of the whole
party, it has undergone a marked turn for the better over the last few
years and where the "Guiding Principles" have been implemented relatively
well, political life within the party has gradually returned to normal.
The "Guiding Principles" now form a mirror by which to examine party style
and discipline, a criterion for assessing truth and falsehood and a weapon
to use in the struggle against unhealthy tendencies. At present our party's
style has not as yet undergone a fundamental turn for the better and the
problems of impure ideology, work style and organizations still exist; all
of this causes serious harm to the party's prestige. Our experience of
fighting all kinds of unhealthy tendencies in the party tells us that
'Wherever the "Guiding Principles" are implemented thoroughly and earnestly,
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unhealthy tendencies lose their market and the party organizations enjoy
high prestige among the masses; in areas where this is not the case,
unhealthy tendencies are rampant, the party organizations lose the faith
of the masses and all work is difficult to launch. Therefore, from the
aspect of rectifying unhealthy tendencies within the party, the "Guiding
Principles" again constitute an important supplement to the party consti-
tution. From now on, the "Guiding Principles" will certainly continue to
play a positive and effective role in the rectification of party organiza-
tions and party work, and the strengthening and improvement of its leader-
ship.
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HOW SHOULD WE UNDERSTAND THE RISE OF THE THIRD WORLD BEING A MATTER OF
PRIME IMPORTANCE OF OUR TIMES?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 p 40
[Article by Li Shuqiao [2621 2885 2890]]
[Text] Since the end of World War II in the vast areas of Asia, Africa and
Latin America, nearly 100 former colonial and semicolonial countries one
by one have broken from the colonialist fetters of the imperialists and
gained political independence. Together with countries that already had
won their independence before and a number of other developing countries,
these countries have formed a Third World. In the past these countries
served as the "rear area" for the imperialists, but now they have become
the principal force in fighting against imperialism, hegemonism and
colonialism and are playing an increasingly great role in international
affairs. This has greatly changed the features of the whole world.
The.rise of the Third World has changed the balance of political forces in
the world and ended world domination by imperialists and superpowers.
Ever since the emergence of colonialism and imperialism in the world, the
resistance struggle of oppressed nations and people have never ceased.
However, for quite a long time in the past, this resistance was carried out
in an isolated and dispersed way. After World War I and the Russian
October Revolution there was a new upsurge in the struggle of colonial and
dependent countries' people for national independence. The victory of the
antifascist force during World War II speeded up the revolutionization
process in the world.
Through.prolonged revolutionary struggle China, a country with about a
quarter of the world's population, broke away from the world capitalist
system and began to embark on a socialist route. This tremendously
encouraged the liberation struggle of oppressed people and nations. A
large number of Asian, African and Latin American countries won their
independence during the high tide of the national liberation movement and
the old colonialist system of the imperialists collapsed. This dealt a
heavy blow to the rule of imperialism over the world and weakened its
strength.
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After gaining independence, Third World countries can exercise their state
power and strengthen their unity and cooperation in fighting against
imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism and, thus command more power to
wage their struggles. Since World War IT the imperialists have launched
many localized aggressive wars, but they have suffered heavy losses in
these wars in the face of joint resistance by the countries attacked and
other Third World countries. This shows that the Third World countries
already have become the main force in countering aggressive wars and safe-
guarding world peace.
For a long time the United Nations was manipulated by the major powers and
did not reflect the interests of many medium and small countries. This
began to change after large numbers of Third World countries became members.
China's legitimate seat in the United Nations was restored in 1971 by an
overwhelming majority vote. In 1974 the 6th special session was called by
the General Assembly to discuss the problem of imperialist exploitation and
plunder and ways to reform international economic relations. At the end of
1981 a man from the Third World was chosen secretary general of the United
Nations. Imperialism, hegemony and expansionism have been condemned
.repeatedly in many UN meetings. All this shows that the role played by
Third World countries in international affairs is increasing steadily.
Since its birth, the Nonaligned Movement that has been joined by most Third
World countries already has become an important force in world political
life. These countries adhere to the principle of opposing imperialism,
colonialism and hegemonism and of opposing imperialists--especially the
superpowers--for the power politics of using their great strength to bully
the weak, wantonly interfere in other countries' internal affairs and
encroach on the interest of people of other countries. They adhere to the
basic principles of independence and nonalliance and have played a positive
role in international struggle. Many facts prove that since the achieve-
ment of independence by a series of former colonial and semicolonial coun-
tries and the rise of the Third World the era when imperialism, especially,
the superpowers, could dominate the world is gone forever.
Economically, the rise of the Third World has weakened imperialist control
over world economy to a certain extent.
Since Third World countries gained political independence their national
liberation struggle has developed further and delved deeply into the
economic spheres. In order to fight against the exploitation, plunder and
control of imperialists and the superpowers, break away from the fetters
of old unequal and unreasonable international economic relations, develop
their national economy and consolidate their political independence with
economic independence, large numbers of Third World countries have taken an
active part in the struggle to build a new international economic system.
Latin American countries took the lead in opposing the superpowers' mari-
time hegemony and already have won the support of most countries in the
world.
Facing long-term control and plunder of their primary resources by the
imperialist powers, the Third World's oil-exporting and raw material
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producing countries have fought to exercise their rights over their own
natural resources and the right to exercise their internal sovereignty.
As a result they have safeguarded their national rights and interests and
weakened the imperialists' world monopoly over raw materials. The daily
incteasing surplus funds of oil-exporting countries already have become a
financial power in the world. This has weakened the imperialists' control
of the international financial market. Some manufactured goods of Third
World countries are breaking through layers of barricades and penetrating
into international markets and presenting a challenge to the developed
countries' prolonged monopoly over the world manufactured goods market.
From the above we can see that the rise of the Third World in the world
arena is of great and far-reaching significance in both international poli-
tics and economy. We must recognize fully and evaluate this major event
of international importance and stand firmly on the Third World's side in
opposing imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism and in protecting world
peace and promoting human progress.
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JEAN-PAUL SARTRE AND EXISTENTIALISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1. Dec 82 pp 41-48
[Article by Liu Fongtong [0491 2397 2717]]
[Text] Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980), French existentialist philosopher,
writer and social activist, was one of the most noted personages among
contemporary Western thinkers. The influence of his thinking exceeded the
confines of the French nation and spread to the entire Western world. Our
country has also been affected to a certain extent. What kind of a man
was this Sartre? And what kind of philosophy is his existentialism? How
should we treat Sartre and his existentialism? This article proposes to
offer some crude views on these problems.
Sartre was born of a family of the intelligentsia. In his middle school
days, he intended to study literature but also began to show an interest
in philosophy. The writings of contemporary Western noted philosophers in
humanism, a school of antirationalism, such as Schopenhauer, Nietzsche, and
Bergson, were the first to attract him into the realm of philosophy and had
lasting effects on him. In 1924, Sartre entered the famous Ecole Normale
Superieure of Paris and formally took up the study of philosophy. In 1929,
he received the academic title of middle school teacher of philosophy. In
1933-1934 he took up further studies in philosophy in Berlin's Francis
Academy. where he did research work under Edmund Husserl, founder of
phenomenology, a school of contemporary Western philosophy. He studied
the writings of Soren Kierkegard, the vanguard of existentialism, and also
the writings of the founders of existentialism in Germany, Martin Heidegger
and Karl Jaspers. It was at that time that he was formally initiated into
existentialism. In the book "Surmounting Oneself--A Basic Thought in
Husserl's Phenomenology--Intentionism" which he wrote at that time he
expostulated his basic thought on his existentialism. After the outbreak
of World War II, he was conscripted into the armed forces. In 1940, he was
captured by the German forces and was put in a concentration camp. In
1941, he was released and continued his teaching profession. For a time,
he and his associates formed an antifascist organization, known as "Social-
ism and Freedom." In 1943, he published his book "Being and Nothingness."
This book. may be said to have laid the foundation for him to become the most
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prestigious representative of existentialism. Beginning in 1944, he
resigned from the teaching profession and devoted his time solely to
writing books. In 1946, he published the book "Existentialism Is a School
of Humanitarianism." In 1960, he published his long treatise, "Critique of
Hialectical Reason (Vol 1)." In addition, he turned out many influential
literary articles such as the drama scripts "Flies" and "Intermission" and
the fictions, "Wicked Heart," "Roads to Freedom," and so on. In these
publications, he expressed in literary form the gloomy and difficult
ideological contents of his philosophical writings. In this way, he linked
together existential philosophy and literature and further expanded his
ideological influence. Sartre's ideological viewpoints differed from each
other at different periods. In his book "Critique of Dialectical Reason,"
he went so far as to advocate the "acceptance" of Marxism. He wanted to
"replenish" and "renovate" Marxism with existentialism. In reality, he
attempted to existentialize Marxism. In 1975, he published "Self Portrait
at Seventy" which appeared in the form of a dialogue with a correspondent.
In this book he reviewed and summed up his life experiences and his
philosophical and literary thought, in which he made the admission that he
was still a firm supporter of existentialism.
Among, the contemporary thinkers, Sartre was a comparatively progressive
element in the field of politics. He made some revelations concerning the
capitalist system and leveled certain criticisms at it. He believed that
"this society was immoral, and that it was set up not for the sake of man-
:kind but for the sake of profits." He demanded that this irrational system
be reformed. During World War II, he took part in the antifascist struggles
and made use of his writings to encourage people also to take part. In
the 1950's-1960's, he strongly protested against the invasion of Korea and
Indochina by the United States and also the French war on Algeria. He
vigorously condemned hegemonism. He expressed his sympathy and support for
the Chinese people's revolutionary cause. Throughout his life, he did much
work for world peace and mankind's progressive enterprises. He was unlike
other Western thinkers who were only after fame and money. He was rela-
tively straightforward. Nevertheless, Sartre was not a thinker of the
,proletariat, but an anarchist. After the May riots in France in 1968, he
said to people: "If people will only read my whole writings, they will
understand that deep in myself I have not changed and that from beginning
to end I am an anarchist." ("Self Portrait at Seventy")
Sartre's existentialism reflects on one side the spiritual condition of the
vast petty bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia in contemporary Western
society. In the years of his activities, Western capitalist society was
full of contradictions with dangers lurking everywhere. The two world wars
which broke out in succession in the first half of the 20th century caused
unprecedented havoc to the material civilization and spiritual civilization
of many countries in Europe. They brought innumerable disasters to the
vast masses of people (not only the proletariat but also the vast petty
bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia and even a portion of the capitalist
middle class) and seriously threatened their liberty, democracy and even
their right of existence. This state of affairs was especially marked in
France. During World War II, France was under the domination of German
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fascism. All that had been taken as sacred tokens such as "freedom,
equality. and universal love" and all the traditional views on morality
became. the objects of French mockery. After the war, as in other Western
countries, social production in France gradually recovered and developed,
great''progress was made in science and technology, and the standard of
living of the people was also improved. Nevertheless, the various kinds
of inherent contradictions and dangers of capitalism were not removed.
Besides the proletariat, the vast masses of the petty bourgeoisie and the
intelligentsia themselves were hard pressed both materially and spiritually.
They had the feeling that the world they lived in was a hostile, gloomy,
turbulent and crazy world. They felt that they had nothing to depend upon
and that other people and society seemed to be against them. Consequently,
they felt depressed, lonely and even hopeless. They felt dissatisfied with
reality, sought to resist, and hoped to regain man's freedom and dignity,
but they were unable to find a way out. This type of ideology and feelings
of the petty bourgeoisie and the intelligentsia in contemporary Western
societies formed the basic contents of what Sartre discussed and described
in his philosophical writings and literary creations. They were also the
basic facts of society which he mentioned in his writings. Precisely
because of this, Sartre's ideology elicited from among these circles a
strong feeling of sympathetic response.
Like other existentialists, Sartre attempted in man's name to oppose all
kinds of philosophy which were in search of the world's basis and nature.
In his view, these philosophies (be they materialist or idealist) had a
common defect in that even before they had acquired a clear understanding
of man's existence and nature they proceeded to probe into the world's
existence and nature. Materialism chose the outside material world as the
starting point whereas idealism used the spiritual nature of certain
abstraction as the starting point. In their interpretation, man became
,some kind of an accessory or appendage; man's special features were
ignored, his status was downgraded, and his existence was forgotten. In
Sartre's opinion, this kind of philosophy should be abandoned and replaced
by a new philosophy, that is to say, existentialism. He announced that
existentialism recalled the forgotten man and considered that man's
existence should be regarded as the most basic existence and man should be
interpreted with man's own existence as the starting point, thus to reveal
to the whole world. As he saw it, the problem of man constituted the basic
problem of philosophy and philosophy was the "study of man." Sartre said:
"Existentialism is a doctrine which aims at making mankind's living a
possibility." He was of the opinion that "each truth and each action must
embrace therein mankind's background and mankind's subjectiveness."
Existentialism "is the only kind of theory which provides man with dignity."
("Existentialism Is a School of Humanitarianism")
Since Sartre considered the problem of man as the basic problem of the
philosophy of existentialism, it may be asked how he understood or inter-
preted man. He and the other existentialists summed up the real existence
of man as the existence of the solitary man. He believed that each and
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every person had a unique and special feature that was different from
others. This special feature formed man's individuality and nature and
formed man's real existence. The real existence of this category of
people could only be exhibited when the individual person was separated
from other people and from society, that is to say, when he was a solitary,
being.. Naturally, Sartre did not refute man's existence in society.
Rather, he admitted that each individual must live in a definite "environ-
ment" and must enter into various kinds of relationships with other persons
and society. But he believed that when people entered into relationship
with other people and society their existence was objective and they were
at the mercy of other people and society. They would lose their inde-
pendent character, unable to keep the initiative in their own hands. In
this way, man would be degraded to the lowly status of mere articles or
things. This was not man's real existence. To study man with this type
of existence as the starting point would not be able to reveal man's
individuality and nature. And Sartre took the existence of this type of
absolutely solitary individual as precisely the starting point for his
entire structure of philosophy. In reality, man at any time cannot be
segregated from society and exist solitarily. Man's individuality and
nature are closely related to man's social associations of various sorts
and are formed in certain definite social associations. Marx pointed out
that man's nature is the "sum total of all social relations." ("Selected
Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 1, p 18) Only through studying man's
social relations can we really understand man's individuality and nature
and understand man's true and real existence. In taking the existence of
the solitary individual as the starting point of his "study of man," Sartre,
from.the very beginning, isolated himself from reality and from truth.
Just what kind of existence is this existence of the solitary individual
which Sartre took as the starting point in his "study of man"? To put it
in simple terms, this kind of existence is the individual's consciousness,
that is to say, the individual's pure and absolute subjectivity. Sartre
did not refute man's material existence, but he believed that this type of
existence was not man's real existence and also not the basis of man's
consciousness. Hence, he thought it could not be taken as the starting
point for philosophy nor could it be included inside the scope of studies
in philosophy. The individual's existence which philosophy should study
and take as the starting point was only the individual's consciousness and
subjectivity.
Not only that! Consciousness which Sartre took as the real existence of
the individual not only is not the cognition of what materialism calls as
material things and their reflection but also not what idealism calls as
spiritual substance of derivative materials. In his conception, what
materialism and idealism term as consciousness belonged to the realm of the
theory of knowledge and had as their logical premise the distinction between
the subject and object of knowledge, and may be called dualism. But the
consciousness which he took as the starting point of philosophy was prior
to the knowledge activities, had no logical premise, and did not include the
distinction between subject and object, that is to say, this type of con-
sciousness itself had no content of existence, being only pure conscious
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activity, or, pure subjectivity. What is this pure conscious activity, or
pure subjectivity? According to Sartre, it is directionalism, or inten-
tionalism, of consciousness. When consciousness surpasses itself to reach
the object, it directly "reveals" or "shows" the object, without the aid of
any medium. Sartre believed that what he said as this pure conscious
activity or-pure subjectivity was an extremely outstanding discovery, that
it directly merged together subject and object, and that it banished not
only materialism but also idealism and had them unified. However, people
can readily see that Sartre's pure consciousness or pure subjectivity
actually banished only materialism and not idealism and that what he stood
for and propagated was intuitionism of a kind of nonrationalism.
After "discovering" this starting point of pure subjectivity or pure con-
scious activity, Sartre proceeded to base on it to introduce two radically
different areas of existence. He termed one "existence-in-itself" or
"self-being," and the other "self-made, or self-doing, existence."
The so-called "existence-in-itself" refers to the outside world. Outwardly,
Sartre did not negate the existence of the outside world, but rather admit-
ted that the outside world, even before its discovery by people, had already
existed "in itself." He even criticized the views of Barclay and others
which summed up the outside world as man's sense of feeling. But what
Sartre called the outside world was entirely different from what proponents
of materialism called the outside world. Sartre believed that the outside
world existed in a pure and absolute manner and itself carried no signifi-
cance, that it was devoid of causality and inevitability, that it lacked
initiative, that it was in a confused, accidental and fantastic state, that
it has no progress, forever being "oneself equivalent to oneself," that it
was opaque, dark and gloomy and that people were unable to understand it
either through feeling or rational thinking. In short, as Sartre saw it,
it was a world that defied description. However, Sartre felt that when the
direction of man's activity of pure consciousness was set toward the outside
world,,the outside world would become the outside object of the target of
consciousness and would be at once imbued with nature and significance. In
other words, the outside world could, insofar as man is concerned, possess
essence and significance when illuminated by pure consciousness. The
essence and significance of things were not their inherent qualities. On
the contrary, they were endowed by man and were not objective but subjec-
tive.,
The,so-called "self-made existence" denotes man's self-existence. In
Sartre's view, when man's activity of pure consciousness is directed at man
himself, man's self-existence is discovered and from this is generated self-
conscious activity. He called this self-conscious activity "self-made
.existence." Different from "in-itself," "self-made" itself has an initia-
tive and active nature. It continuously negates itself and creates itself.
"'Self-made' is always what it is not today, and is not what it is today."
("Being and Nothingness")
Sartre' believed that although "self-being" and "self-made" basically dif-
fered from each other, they could and must be linked together. Without
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"self-being," "self-doing" or "self-made" becomes something abstract and
cannot exist just as color without coloring and music without high or low
tones cannot exist. And "self-being" is revealed and imbued with signifi-,
cance_'br meaning by the consciousness of the "self-made" man. Without
"seif=made," "self-being" becomes something without any significance. The
two are unified by means of the power of the "self-made." Sartre wrote:
'I?Self-made' and 'self-being' are linked together by a common medium. The
medium is none other than 'self-made' itself." ("Being and Nothingness")
Thus, it can be seen that in reality Sartre wanted to take "self-made,"
that is, consciousness, as the basis or foundation of the whole world and
also the determinant. Although Sartre intended to draw a line of demarca-
tion between himself and the glaringly objective idealists, his viewpoint
of unifying the world with man's conscious activities as the basis and the
center precisely coincided with the viewpoint of subjective idealism.
Sartre took the discovery of the real existence of man himself as the pri-
mary task of philosophy. Just as stated before, he believed that his task
was not what man's knowledge could cope with and that resort must be taken
to activities of pure consciousness. These activities of pure consciousness
were, in reality, psychological experiences of a nonrational nature--in fact,
dark and gloomy psychological experiences of a nonrational nature. In this
connection, his viewpoint followed the same line as that of Martin Heidegger
and other early proponents of existentialism. At one time, Heidegger openly
expressed the view that mankind could truly discover their own existence
only in.such mental circumstances as depression, alarm, or when facing
death. Although Sartre appeared to have tried to do away with such dark
and gloomy coloring and occasionally had gone so far as to make others
think that he was advocating optimism, yet he did not go out of the bounds
of the pessimistic and depressed basic ideology of Heidegger and other early
proponents of existentialism. He likewise believed that mankind could dis-
cover their own true existence only in what he termed as "unfortunate con-
sciousness" such as depression, solitude and despair. He said: "Existence
will reveal itself to us through a kind of direct contact such as tiredness,
lack of interest, and so forth." ("Being and Nothingness") Sartre took
depression, solitude, and despair as man's inheritance and man's basic
sentiments. Hence, as he saw it, life is forever in a state of perplexity,
confusion and alarm. Given such sentiments to start with, he frequently
could see only the world's ugly things and could not see anything good or
beautiful. He could see only darkness and not light. Up to a time shortly-
before his death, Sartre was still saying: "At any rate, the world, as we
see it, is wicked and hopeless." ("Hope, Now....")
Summing up the above, the basis and logical premise of Sartre's existential
philosophy as well as the starting point for his solution of all problems
in philosophy were as follows: That the basic problem of philosophy was
man's problem; that man's existence was the existence of the solitary
individual; and that the existence of this type of individual was the non-
rational activity of pure consciousness, in fact, it was the dark and gloomy
nonrational activity of pure consciousness. The subjective idealism and
antirationalism of this type of philosophy are especially conspicuous.
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Although Sartre repeatedly declared his opposition to idealism, yet, as a
matter of fact, he never ventured out of the realm of idealism. At the
same time, his philosophy was basically different from what he had
dnndunbed, that it would help mankind to find a correct road to the
restoration of man's freedom and dignity. On the contrary, it could only
make man lose his reason and his confidence and entrap him in a mess of
confusion and despair. After a big social disturbance and uproar, this
type of philosophy can frequently bring satisfaction to a certain degree
to people without any ideology and in a state of mental disillusionment.
Hence, to a certain degree, Sartre's existentialism is a kind of troubled
and hopeless philosophy and at the same time a philosophy which distorts
man's nature and lowers man's dignity.
The most important constituent parts of the existentialism which Sartre
built, with man's subjective character, that is to say, activity of pure
consciousness, as the starting point, are his theory on man's self-
accomplishments and freedom.
In.Sartre's opinion, in the very beginning man existed in a purely subjec-
tive character, with nothingness. The various concrete, special and
regulated features were what man himself subsequently created in accordance
with his own wishes. "First, man came into being, revealed himself,
appeared on the scene and only subsequently introduced himself.... In the
beginning, man had nothingness; only subsequently man wanted to become a
certain thing and made himself in accordance with his own wishes."
("Existentialism Is a School of Humanitarianism") Sartre thus summed up
this kind of thought as "existence precedes essence." "Existence" here
.meant that man, in a purely subjective character, "revealed himself" and
"appeared on the scene." The so-called "essence" referred to man's con-
crete special qualities, of a regulated nature.
;Sartre believed that different from things in general man was a continu-
ously self-planning, self-scheming, self-selecting and self-making being
in existence. The principal criterion of whether a man truly existed or
not. was not whether or not he was still living but whether or not he was in
the process of continuously planning, scheming, selecting and creating for
himself. "After all, man is only something of his own creation. This is
the first doctrine of existentialism." ("Existentialism Is a School of
Humanitarianism") According to this viewpoint, aside of himself man has
nothing else to rely upon; aside of believing in his own planning,
scheming and selection, he has nothing else to believe in; and aside of his
own decisions, he does not need to obey any other legislation. In other
words, what kind of man he becomes is not determined by natural physical
endowment, nor by any other outside power, but is entirely the result of
his own making and of his own planning and choice. "A coward is of his own
making; while a hero is likewise of his own making." ("Existentialism Is a
School of Humanitarianism") In short, man is of his own regulation and of
his own making.
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Sartre termed as freedom these actions of planning, scheming and choosing
according to one's own wishes. He called this freedom man's essence and
the standard of man's thinking and conduct. He said: "If existence
actually, precedes essence, then there is no way of using a fixed and
tr'eady-made' human nature to explain man's actions. In other words, there
is no?determinism. Man is free and man is freedom." ("Existentialism Is a
School of Humanitarianism") He believed that man's real existence was his
freedom and that freedom was not man's ordinary attribute but rather the
attribute of his essence. "Man forever is completely free, otherwise he
does not exist." ("Being and Nothingness")
Sartre believed that freedom was entirely out of the control of objective
things and of other power exterior to man himself and that it would not
change in accordance with the failure or success of man's actions. The
deeper man fell into the chasm of adverse circumstances and the greater
his worries, solitude and despair, the greater would be his freedom. This
was because under such circumstances man would realize all the more his
true existence and an even greater need to do his own choosing. In 1944,
Sartre contributed an article to the LITERARY BULLETIN OF FRANCE in which
he wrote: "To be in a state of complete solitude and to bear full respon-
sibility by oneself--does this not reveal the nature of our freedom?"
Naturally, he could not refute that exterior conditions might curb this or
that concrete type of mankind's freedom, but he believed that freedom
itself could not be restricted. In other words, Sartre believed that
while exterior conditions could restrict freedom of the individual's body
they could not restrict the freedom of the individual's thought. Man's
freedom of thought was absolute. Whatever conditions might prevail, man
could entirely of himself make his choice. A serf was devoid of his
master's status and could not act freely like his master, but he could
freely choose a method of running away in defiance of his master. Even
though he did not choose to run away, he still had the freedom of choice,
that is to say, he chose not to make any choice. "Freedom is the freedom
of choice, and not the freedom of not making any choice. In fact, not
choosing is a choice of choosing not to make any choice." ("Being and
Nothingness") It can thus be seen that what Sartre advocated as the free-
dom of the individual was supernatural., superhistorical and surpassing all
realistic conditions, and entirely something of a kind of subjective
imagination.
Sartre said that this type of freedom banished the biased ideas of mechanism,
fatalism, and other kinds of arbitrarism. Since freedom was acknowledged as
the attribute of man's essence, then man should be free from the control'of
God or any other absolute authority outside himself, and be in a position to
entirely reject and resist the oppression by outside forces on himself. He
can think and act in accordance with only his own wishes and plan and deter-
mine his own future. "Once freedom explodes its power in man's soul, even
God is helpless before it." ("Flies") At the time of the occupation of
France by the German fascists, Sartre, in his philosophical and literary
writings, actually utilized this viewpoint to encourage the French people
not to fear violence or danger but to break through fascist domination and
fight for their own liberty. At that time, this did produce a certain actual
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effect. Indeed, under the conditions of the freedom. of the masses of people
being suppressed by reactionary force, this kind of theorizing of Sartre's
may perform a certain role of making the masses of people plunge into
resistance for the sake of their freedom. However, if under certain
special historical conditions, this role is unduly exaggerated (and Sartre,
himself did unlimitedly exaggerate this role), then it may lead to blunders.
On the whole, it may be said that Sartre's view of freedom was a kind of
theory of idealism and its role was pessimistic and dangerous.
1. Sartre's view of freedom exaggerated the relative freedom chosen by
mankind under certain conditions into unconditional and absolute freedom.
It negated fatalism and rejected inevitability. In his view, admission of
inevitability and knowledge of inevitability carried the implication of man
becoming the slave of inevitability and the curbing of his freedom. In
reality, refutation of inevitability cannot obtain real freedom. As Engels
pointed out: "Freedom does not mean being independent by shaking off in
imagination natural laws. Rather, it means knowing these laws and follow-
ing up with making, in a planned manner, natural laws serve a definite
purpose.... Hence, the freedom of will is only that kind of power which
can make use of the knowledge of things to formulate decisions."
("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 3, pp 153-154) Isolated from the
knowledge of objective inevitability, man's actions will invariably be of a
blind nature and, under certain conditions, cause man to lose his confi
dence, become pessimistic and despondent, or, under certain other condi-
tions, to risk all and make a reckless move. Under neither of the above
conditions can there be man's freedom.
2. Sartre's view of freedom is a theory of extreme individualism. As men-
tioned above, he believed that man's real existence could only be his soli-
tary individual existence when segregated from other people and from
society. In the same manner, man's liberty could be realized only under
conditions of his segregation from other people and society. Other people
and society forever imposed certain restrictions on the individual's freedom.
Maintaining an individual's freedom would inevitably exclude other people's
freedom and even their existence. He said: "Each person has absolute
freedom only when opposing other people." ("Being and Nothingness") In
many of his literary articles, Sartre described man-to-man relations as
hostile relations between them. In his celebrated drama script "No Exit"
he even came to the conclusion that "other people represented hell." This
.kind of description of Sartre's, objectively reflected the actual relations
of fighting with each other and deceiving each other amongst people of a
capitalist society. While Sartre frequently treated and exposed with
disdain relations of this kind, in the last analysis his view of the abso-
lute freedom of the individual performed the role of expounding and proving
as well as maintaining this kind of relations. According to this view of
freedom of Sartre's, outside the individual's freedom of choice, there does
not exist any standard of right or wrong, good or bad. Hence, the capitalist
class doing to the proletariat acts of exploitation and oppression and all
other fantastic and reactionary acts, may be said to be of free choice and
therefore rational. Presumably, this could not have been Sartre's original
meaning, but there is little doubt that this is a logical conclusion derived
from his viewpoint.
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What must be especially pointed out is that this view of Sartre's on abso-
lute freedom which gives a lofty position to the self and places the self
in the center provides a theoretical background for extreme individualism
and.atiarchism. This kind of viewpoint, even under capitalist conditions,
has a-serious passive role and may weaken the struggles for liberation of
the proletariat and the working people under a unified revolutionary pro-
gram and organization discipline. Under socialist conditions, this kind of
viewpoint is a corrosive which erodes people's acceptance of correct
ideological guidance and impedes mankind's efforts to foster the communist
spirit of individual interest obeying collective interest and individual
freedom being subservient to the needs of the collective and the people.
As for Sartre's views on freedom, we must seriously and realistically
analyze and criticize them, so as to banish their evil effects. If not,
and if it is allowed to spread freely, then the socialist cause will be
endangered.
For a long period of time, in foreign countries, certain scholars' evalua-
tions of Sartre and his existentialism differed greatly one from another.
This situation is likewise reflected in our own country. Under the influ-
-ence of "leftist" thought, in the past our country's theorists frequently
made a low evaluation of Western theorists like Sartre and his like. They
even went so far as to negate them altogether. In more recent years, cer-
tain comrades went to the other extreme and gave Sartre too high an evalua-
tion. Sartre's theory concerning man's self-planning, self-making and
freedom of choice has been mentioned with relish by people and even
approbated as the road to the growth of talented people or the guidance
of life. This obviously does not conform with the principles. and standard
.of Marxism. In order to make a correct evaluation of Sartre and his
existentialism, the following points are worthy of our attention:
1. We must insist on the use of the viewpoints of historical materialism
toI analyze the class attributes of Sartre's existentialism and to expose
its fundamental difference from the world outlook of the proletariat.
,As a philosophical trend of thought, what existentialism reflects is the
spiritual condition of people who are perplexed and alarmed because of
being surrounded by the various kinds of contradictions and dangers of
modern capitalism, unable to find a way out. At the various levels of the
capitalist class, representatives of existentialism may be found, but
between them vast differences exist. Compared with the existentialism of
Heidegger, founder of existentialism in Germany, Sartre''s existentialism
does represent the trend of thought of the comparatively lower levels of :the
capitalist society. Of this we should certainly take note. But we must
also note that after all, Sartre's existentialism belongs to the ideological
system of the capitalist class and that its basic theory and viewpoints are
more or less similar to those of Heidegger and his like. Sartre claimed to
have belonged to the petit bourgeoisie and this was probably true. However,
we must not forget that the consciousness and pattern of the petit bour-
geoisie in a capitalist society frequently suffer from the influences of the
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capitalist class who are in the ruling position. Hence, we must, from the
point of class attribute, draw a demarcation line between Marxism and
Sartre's existentialism. We cannot take Sartre's existentialism as a
progressive type of consciousness and pattern; nor can we take it as
belonging to the proletariat.
2. We must correctly note the difference and liaison between Sartre's
political attitude and his philosophical stand.
Sartre's philosophical viewpoints and his political attitude were closely
related. In the last analysis, they were determined and controlled by his
class position. Indeed, we must not overlook this point. However, we
should also note that between Sartre's viewpoints in philosophy and his
attitude in politics there was a little contradiction. His existentialism
was a kind of idealism in philosophy and we must realistically give it a
scientific assessment and evaluation. In the field of politics, we find
many progressive expressions, and this we must also confirm. If based on
the hard fact that his philosophy of existentialism was a sort of philosophy
of idealism we deduce that he was a reactionary theorist and a speaker for
capitalism, this would not be correct. Nevertheless, if we fail to note
the immense effect his thought in philosophy had on his political attitude,
if we. overestimate his progressive role, or if we even use it to prove the
rationality of his philosophy, then we would be committing an even greater
mistake.
Sartre was a person active in vastly different fields such as philosophy,
literature, social sciences and politics. His thinking was rather complex
and even contradictory. In his writings., many of his discussions and con-
cepts were confusing and not at all clear. Indeed, at different times his
viewpoints suffered frequent changes. However, subjective idealism repre-
sented the basic viewpoint of his existentialism. This is a point which
we must bear in mind if we want to make a correct evaluation of Sartre and
his.existentialism. If we just look at Sartre at only a certain period,
or take note of what he superficially said of certain things but neglect
the essence of his thought, or take his words too literally and then come
to a conclusion from them, then we shall be far from the truth. Some
people made too high an assessment of Sartre's philosophy and even propa-
gated it. This was frequently due to their having a one-sided and super-
ficial understanding of Sartre's philosophy. For example, Sartre's view
that.existence precedes essence has a materialist element, but some people
place it on a par with materialism propounding that matter comes first.
In so doing, these people are fundamentally contradicting Sartre's original
meaning. What Sartre meant by existence referred to the individual's
subjectivity and had an entirely opposite meaning to existence in
materialism.
In a word, concerning the category of such Western thinkers as Sartre and
the school of the Western philosophy of existentialism, we cannot adopt a
simple negative attitude or one of blind worship. Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought are sharp tools for the analysis and study of all problems.
Hence, in studying and assessing Sartre and his existentialism, we must
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take Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought as guidance. Only in so doing
can we make a correct evaluation of existentialism and other Western
schools of thought and can we effectively resist their passive and corro-
sive effects on mankind's thought. At the same time, only in this way
can'we'adVantageously insist on and develop Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought. On such a problem, we should never be ambiguous or uncertain
in our stand.
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WELL DONE IN TAKING THE LEAD IN THIS RESPECT!
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 23, 1 Dec 82 inside back cover
[Article by Shi Zhonglai 10670 0022 0171]]
[Text] In the first half of last year, the attendance rate of coal miners
throughout the country was low, their work discipline was lax and produc-
tion plans were not fulfilled as expected. This problem occurs in the
workers' contingent. But the fundamental reason was that some cadres
failed to exert themselves and failed to correct their unhealthy party
spirit. After becoming familiar with the crux of the problem, in the
second half of last year, the Ministry of Coal Industry began to rectify
the party style and paid attention to cadres going deep among the basic
units and working in workshops for a specified period of time. The min-
istry also persuaded the excavation workers who had come up from the mines
because they did not like the work in the mines to return to their position
in the mines. By such means their work discipline was strengthened, and
.remarkable results were achieved.
,One of the reasons why production in coal mines under unified distribution
could not increase was that a. large number of excavation workers had come
up from the mines and were not willing to go back into the mines. Those
who should not come up from the mines had come up. Why was it so diffi-
cult to persuade them to go back to their position in the mines? The
situation had much to do with some cadres whose sons and daughters were
excavation workers. In persuading the excavation workers who had come up
from the mines to go back to their position in the mines, these cadres
were the first to be affected. The crux for solving this problem lay in
whether those cadres should let their own sons and daughters and relatives
work in the mines or whether they should persuade their own sons and
daughters and relatives to take the lead in going down into the mines.
Under such circumstances, the majority of leading cadres could withstand
the test. By overcoming all kinds of pressures, they resolutely persuaded
their.sons and daughters and relatives to go back to work in the mines,
regardless of the resulting rows with their spouse, sons or daughters-in-
law or relatives. By the end of June, 994 sons and daughters of leading
cadres at headquarter and section levels of coal mines under unified
distribution had come back to work in the mines. The exemplary act of these
leading cadres was praised by the staff and workers. It brought forward
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the development of work in this respect. Some people who had thought of
keeping away until the event was over said: "It seems we must really
act." With these words, they went back to work in the mines. This shows
that doing ideological work well, correcting the party style and the
exemplary role of leading cadres have important bearings on a truth of
universal significance.
Our party is a ruling party. The party's leading cadres at all levels
represent the interests of the party and people and the work on various
fronts. The ideology, work style and work attitude of leading cadres at
all levels are not merely personal matters. They represent the image of
the party and have important bearings on the party's work in various fields,
on the relationship between the party and the masses and on bringing into
play the masses' initiative for building socialism. Comrade Deng Xiaoping
said: "The party is the example of the whole society, and the party's
leading comrades at all levels are the examples of the whole party." The
role of examples is a silent order. It can become a great material power.
If leading cadres at all levels can have strong party spirit and excellent
work style; if they can take the lead in doing the things they advocate;
if they can absolutely not associate with what they require others not to
do; if they can strictly adhere to discipline and be as good as their words,
the people will be sincerely convinced. If their work style is bad and
their: deeds do not match their words, the people will not have ease of
mind. As a result, their initiative will not be brought into play, the
party's principles and policies will not be implemented and it will be
difficult to do our work well.
In our socialist enterprises, to bring into play the initiative of the
workers and to change the situation in which discipline is lax, besides
establishing a perfect production responsibility system, correctly imple-
menting the principle of to each according to one's work and strengthening
management and the sense of organization and discipline, it is important to
constantly readjust and improve the relationship between men in light of the
actual conditions of enterprises. This is a most important content of
ideological and political work. Without man, production cannot be carried
out, and men have to make constant contact with each other in production.
Here the relationship between men will inevitably emerge. In socialist
enterprises, the relationship between men should be a new relationship of
the socialist and comradely type. The relationship between leaders and
those being led, between workers and management personnel and technicians
and between workers themselves is an equal relationship between comrades.
They should care for each other, love each other, respect each other and
discuss problems with each other. Only in this way can they do their work
well. There is only the division of work between them. There is no dis-
tinction between the elite and the lowly. If there is any distinction, it
should be that Communist Party members and leading cadres at all levels
should set examples for others, lead the masses in all kinds of work, care
for.the masses' sufferings and, under possible conditions, do their best to
help solve the masses' difficulties. They should not in the least have any
special privilege. So long as the party's leading cadres at all levels can
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act according to the requirements of the party constitution, be strict
on.themselves, play an exemplary leading role in work and strengthen
ideological and political work, the socialist consciousness of the masses
can be constantly raised. In this way, the masses can have ease of mind
and-96 ail out for the four modernizations.
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