CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100420001-1
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 89
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 29, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 82553
29 December. 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No.' 22,. 16, November 1982
IFBISI FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 22, 16 November 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Party Organization and Party Literature (pp 2-4)
(V. I. Lenin) ..................................... .............. 1
Why Is It Necessary To Modify the Chinese Version of 'Party
Organization and Party Literature'? (pp 5-8)
(Office for editing and translating Lenin's and Stalin's
works of the editorial and translation bureau of the CPC
Central Committee) ................................................. 6
Have Full Faith in Effecting a Fundamental Turn for the Better
in Party Style (pp 9-13)
(Commentator) ...................................................... 12
Party Consolidation Is a Matter of Prime Importance to Our
Party (pp 14-19)
(Duan Junyi) ....................................................... 20
Comments on Discussions Concerning Planned Economy and Market
Regulation Mechanism (pp 20-22)
(Jing Ping) ........................................................ 31
Safeguard the Socialist Public Ownership of Land (pp 23-26, 32)
(Yi Zhi) ....................................... ................ 36
Launch the Advanced Producers Movement on a Larger Scale
(pp 27-32)
(Yu Yanpan) ......................................................... 44
The Party's Cause, the Party's Work on Literature and Art and
Nonparty Literary and Art Workers (pp 33-36)
(Qi Fang) ............................. ......................... 54
- a [III - CC - 751
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Make Great Efforts To Fully Understand the Essence of the
Documents and Seek Ideological Unity (pp 37-38)
(Commentary) .................................................... 61
Is the Practice of Distribution According to Work Contradictory
to the Promotion of a Communist Work Attitude? (pp 38-40)
(Xue Yan) ....................................................... 64
Why Is It Necessary To Carry Out Communist Ideological
Education at the Socialist Stage? (pp 41-43)
(An Tung) ....................................................... 69
Why Must Plans of a Mandatory Nature Be Enforced With Regard
to Important Products and Key Enterprises? (pp 43-44)
(Zhao Mu) ....................................................... 73
How Do We Carry Out Theoretical Study and Examination?
(pp 45-46)
(Propaganda Department of the Jiangxi Provincial
CPC Committee)....... ......................................... 76
In Studying the 12th Party Congress We Must Get Firmly to
Grips With Its Basic Spirit (p 47)
(Li Ping) ......................................................... 81
Raise the Communist Spirit, Study Well the 12th Party
Congress Documents (pp 47-48)
(XIN CHANGZHENG commentator) .................................... 83
The Intellectuals Are a Force on Which the Modernization
Program Depends (p 48)
(Zhang De) ...................................................... 85
Random Talks on Professional Ethics (inside back cover)
(Lin Wenshan) ................................................... 87
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PARTY ORGANIZATION AND PARTY LITERATURE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 2-4
[Article by V. I. Lenin; passages within slantlines published in boldface]
[Text] The new conditions for social-democratic work in Russia which have
arisen since the October Revolution have brought the question of party
literature to the fore. The distinction between the illegal and the legal
press, that, melancholy heritage of the epoch of feudal, autocratic Russia,
is beginning to disappear. It is not yet dead, by a long way. The hypo-
critical government of our prime minister is still running amuck, so much
so that IZVESTIA SOVETA RABOCHIKH DEPUTATOV is printed "illegally"; but
apart from bringing disgrace on the government, apart from striking further
moral blows at it, nothing comes of the stupid attempts to "prohibit" that
which the government is powerless to thwart.
So long as there was a distinction between the illegal and the legal press,
the question of the party and nonparty press was decided extremely simply
and in an extremely false and abnormal way. The entire illegal press was a
party press, being published by organizations and run by groups which in
ono: way or another were linked with groups of practical party workers. The
entire legal press was nonparty--since parties were banned--but it "gravi-
tated" toward one party or another. Unnatural alliances, strange "bed-
fe._lows" and false cover-devices were inevitable. The forced reserve of
these who wished to express party views merged with the immature thinking
or mental cowardice of those who had not risen to these views and who were
not, in effect, party people.
An accursed period of Aesopian language, literary bondage, slavish speech,
and ideological serfdom! The proletariat has put an end to this foul
atmosphere which stifled everything living and fresh. in Russia. But so far
the proletariat has won only half freedom for Russia.
The revolution is not yet completed. While tsarism is /no longer/ strong
enough to defeat the revolution, the revolution is /not yet/ strong enough
to defeat tsarism. And we are living in times when everywhere and in
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everything there operates this unnatural combination of open, forthright,
direct and consistent party spirit with an underground, covert, "diplo-
matic" and dodgy "legality." This unnatural combination makes itself felt
even in our newspaper: for all Mr Guchkov's witticisms about social-
dembdratid tyranny forbidding the publication of moderate liberal-bourgeois
newspapers, the fact remains that PROLETARY, the central organ of the
Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party, still remains outside the locked
doors of /autocratic/, police-ridden Russia.
Be that as it may, the half-way revolution compels all of us to set to work
at once organizing the whole thing on new lines. Today literature, even
that published "legally," can be nine-tenths party literature. It must
become party literature. In contradistinction to bourgeois customs, to
the profit-making, commercialized bourgeois press, to bourgeois literary
careerism and individualism, "aristocratic anarchism" and drive for profit,
the socialist proletariat must put forward the principle of /party litera-
ture/, must develop this principle and put it into practice as fully and
completely as possible.
What is this principle of party literature? It is not simply that, for the
socialist proletariat, literature cannot be a means of enriching indi-
viduals or groups: it cannot, in fact, be an individual undertaking,
independent of the common cause of the proletariat. Down with non-
partisan writers! Down with literary supermen! Literature must become
/part/ of the common cause of the proletariat, "a cog and a screw" of one
single great social-democratic mechanism set in motion by the entire
politically conscious vanguard of the entire working class. Literature
must become a component of organized, planned and integrated Social-
Democratic Party work.
"All comparisons are lame," says a German proverb. So is my comparison of
literature with a cog, of a 'living movement with a mechanism. And I dare
say there will ever be hysterical intellectuals to raise a howl about such
a comparison, which degrades, deadens, "bureaucratizes" the free battle of
ideas, freedom of criticism, freedom of literary.. creation, etc., etc. Such
outcries, in point of fact, would be nothing more than an expression of
bourgeois-intellectual individualism. There is no question that litera-
ture is least of all subject, to mechanical adjustment or leveling, to the
rule of the majority over the minority., There is no question, either, that
in this field greater scope must undoubtedly be allowed for personal
initiative, individual inclination, thought and fantasy, form and content.
All this'is undeniable; but all this simply shows that the literary side
of the proletarian party cause cannot be mechanically identified with its
other sides. This, however, does not in the least refute the proposition,
alien and strange to the bourgeoisie and bourgeois democracy, that litera-
ture must by all means and necessarily become an element of Social-
Democratic Party work, inseparably bound up with the other elements.
Newspapers must become the organs of the various party organizations, and
their writers must by all means become members of these organizations.
Publishing and distributing centers, bookshops'and reading rooms, libraries
and similar establishments--must all be under party control. The organized
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socialist proletariat must keep an eye on all this work, supervise it, in
its entirety, and, from beginning to end, without any exception, infuse
into it the life-stream of the living proletarian cause, thereby cutting
the ground from under the old, semi-Oblomov, semi-shopkeeper Russian
principle: the writer does the writing, the reader does the reading.
We are not suggesting, of course, that this transformation of literary work,
which has been defiled by the Asiatic censorship and the European bour-
geoisie, can be accomplished all at once. Far be it from us to advocate
any kind of standardized system, or a solution by means of a few decrees.
Cut-and-dried schemes are least of all applicable here. What is needed
is that the whole of our party, and the entire politically conscious
social-democratic proletariat throughout Russia, should become aware of
this new problem, specify it clearly and everywhere set about solving it.
Emerging from the captivity of the feudal censorship, we have no desire to
become, and shall not become, prisoners of bourgeois-shopkeeper literary
relations. We want to establish, and we shall establish, a free press,
free not simply from the police, but also from capital, from careerism,
and what is more, free from bourgeois-anarchist individualism.
,These last words may sound paradoxical, or an affront to the reader. What!
some intellectual, an ardent champion of liberty, may shout. What, you
want to impose collective control on such a delicate, individual matter as
literary work! You want workmen to decide questions of science,
philosophy, or aesthetics by a majority of votes! You deny the absolute
freedom of absolutely individual ideological work!
Calm yourselves, gentlemen! First of all, we are discussing party litera-
ture and its subordination to party control. Everyone is free to write and
say whatever he likes, without any restrictions. But every voluntary
association (including a party) is also free to expel members who use the
name of the party to advocate antiparty views. Freedom of speech and the
press must be complete. But then freedom of association must be complete
too. I am bound to accord you, in the name of free speech, the full right
to shout, lie and write to your heart's content. But you are bound to
grant me, in the name of freedom of association, the right to enter into,
or withdraw from, association with people advocating this or that view.
The party is a voluntary association, which would inevitably break up,
first ideologically; and then physically, if it did not cleanse itself of
people advocating antiparty views. And to define the borderline between
party and antiparty there is the party program, the party's resolutions
on tactics and its rules and, lastly, the entire experience of international
social-democracy, the voluntary international associations of the prole-
tariat, which has constantly brought into its parties individual elements
and trends not fully consistent, not completely Marxist and not altogether
correct and which, on the other hand, has constantly conducted periodical
"cleansings" of its ranks. So it will be with us too, supporters of
bourgeois "freedom of criticism," /within/ the party. We are now becoming
a mass party all at once, changing abruptly to an open organization, and it
is inevitable that we shall be joined by many who are inconsistent (from
the Marxist standpoint), perhaps we shall be joined even by some
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Christian elements, and even by some mystics. We have sound stomachs and
we are rock-like Marxists. We shall digest these inconsistent elements.
Freedom of thought and freedom of criticism within the party will never
make us forget about the freedom of organizing people into those voluntary
associations known as parties.
Secondly, we must say to you bourgeois individualists that your talk about
absolute freedom is sheer hypocrisy. There can be no real and effective
"freedom" in a society based on the power of money, in a society in which
the masses of working people live in poverty and the handful of rich live
like parasites. Are you free in relation to your bourgeois publisher,
Mr. Writer, in relation to your bourgeois public, which demands that you
provide it with pornography in frames [novels] and paintings, and prostitu-
tion as a "supplement" to "sacred" scenic art? This absolute freedom is
a bourgeois or an anarchist phrase (since, as a world outlook, anarchism
is bourgeois philosophy turned inside out). One cannot live in society
and be free from society. The freedom of the bourgeois writer, artist or
actress is simply masked (or hypocritically masked) dependence on the
money-bag, on corruption, on prostitution.
And we socialists expose this hypocrisy and rip off the false labels, not
in order to arrive at a nonclass literature and art (that will be possible
only in a socialist extra-class society), but to contrast this hypocriti-
cally free literature, which is in reality linked to the bourgeoisie, with
a really free one that will be /openly/ linked to the proletariat.
It will be a free literature, because the idea of socialism and sympathy
with'the working people, and not greed or careerism, will bring ever new
forces to its ranks. It will be a free literature, because it will serve,
not some satiated heroine, not the bored "upper ten thousand" suffering
from fatty degeneration, but the millions and tens of millions of working
people--the flower of the country, its strength and its future. It will
be a free literature, enriching the last word in the revolutionary thought
of mankind with the experience and living work of the socialist proletariat,
bringing about permanent interaction between the experience of the past
(scientific socialism, the completion of the development of socialism from
its primitive, utopian forms) and the. experience of the present (the
present struggle of the worker comrades).
To work, then, comrades! We are faced with a new and difficult task. But
it is a noble and grateful one--to organize a broad, multiform and varied
literature inseparably linked with the social-democratic working-class
movement. All social-democratic literature must become party literature.'
Every newspaper, journal, publishing house, etc., must immediately set
about reorganizing its work,, leading up to a situation in which it will,
in one form or another, be integrated into one party organization or
another. Only then will "social-democratic" literature really become worthy
of that name, only then will it be able to fulfill its duty and, even within
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the framework of bourgeois society, break out of bourgeois slavery and
merge with the movement of the really advanced and thoroughly revolu-
tionary class.
NOVAYA ZHIZN, No 12, Published according to the text
13 November 1905 in NOVAYA ZHIZN
Signed: V. I. Lenin
CSO: 4004/14
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WHY IS IT NECESSARY TO MODIFY THE CHINESE VERSION OF 'PARTY ORGANIZATION
AND PARTY LITERATURE'?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 5-8
[Article by office for editing and translating Lenin's and Stalin's works
of the editorial and translation bureau of the CPC Central Committee]
[Text] There are not many words in the article written by Lenin more than
70 years ago but the influence of the article is very great. Starting
from the 1930's, there have been many translations of the article in China.
Some have even been included'in various versions of special collections
of articles on literature and art by the classical writers. However, there
are many inaccuracies in some of the crucial places in all the Chinese
translations, including the translation by our own bureau. Misunderstand-
ings have been caused. For example, the expression "partiinaya literatura"
(the second word comprises literature, documents and publications, but
what is meant here is newspapers, periodicals and books). This phrase is
translated as "party literature" in all the existing Chinese translations.
Such a phrasing could easily give people the erroneous understanding that
the cultural and social phenomenon of literature is merely an accessory of
the party. Thus, we think it is necessary to check the translation again
and correct the mistranslations. In addition, we make a brief explanation
of the background against which the article was written, the central
features of the article and our translation.
Lenin's article "Party Organization and Party Literature" was written in
November 1905 at the climax.of the first Russian bourgeois democratic
revolution. The people's revolution which was started at the beginning of
1905 reached its climax in the autumn. The political strike throughout
Russia in October was an augury of the coming of the revolutionary storm,
the people's armed uprising was imminent. Scared by the surging tide of
revolution, the czarist government was forced to promulgate a "manifesto"
on 17 October. The people were promised certain civil rights and political
freedom and that the legislative Duma (parliament) would be called. While
the situation of the revolution was rapidly developing at a tremendous pace,
Lenin returned to St Petersburg from outside on 8 November to be in direct
charge of the work of the CPSU Central Committee. He directed the whole
party to comprehensively and profoundly arouse and organize the masses,
increasingly promote the consciousness of the democratic force which had
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the proletariat and the peasants as its mainstay and make preparations in
,various aspects for the armed uprising. Lenin held that: In order to
strengthen the party's leadership in the revolutionary movement, the party's
organization work, propaganda work and agitation work must be reorganized
to meet the demands of the new situation. No sooner had he returned to
Russia than he published the series of such articles as "Party Organization
and Party Literature," "The Proletariat and the Peasantry," "The Armed Forces
and the Revolution," "Learn From the Enemy," "Revolutionary Office Routine
and Revolutionary Action," "The Dying Autocracy and New Organs of Popular
Rule," "The Socialist Party and the Nonparty Revolutionism" and "Socialism
and Religion" and so on in NOVAYA ZHI2 , the first legal Bolshevik official
newspaper. "Party Organization and Party Literature" was one among these
articles written at that time. The content of these articles principally
analyzed the situation of revolution and the political tendency of the
various social forces, expounded the new task of struggle for the Russian
proletariat and proposed a new form of work for the Russian Social Demo-
cratic and Labor Party [RSDLP].
Before returning to his country, Lenin pointed out in his letter to the
RSDLP Central Committee that: Since the situation of revolution develops
rapidly, "the time is past for ideological leadership through 'whispering'
in secret meeting places and rendezvous with agents! Leadership should be
through political literature" (literatura, which here means publications).
("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 34, p 348) In the past, there was not
freedom of speech and freedom of the press in Russia. It was impossible
for the party to exercise its ideological leadership through the party's
publications. Now, there was this possibility. However, in order to make
the party's legal newspaper become the party's publication in reality as well
as in name and be able to shoulder the important task of ideological leader-
ship, it was necessary to carry out the necessary reforms in written propa-
ganda work. Lenin's "Party Organization and Party Literature" was written
to solve this problem.
vidualistic tendencies which attempted to shake off the party's leadership
and supervision under the disguise of "absolute freedom of thought and
creation."
and content." It is least of all subject to mechanical adjustment or
leveling, to the rule of the majority over the minority and formulism.
addition, he emphatically criticizes the bourgeois anarchic and indi-
In this article, Lenin analyzes the situation in the country and the situa-
tion of the party's propaganda through the newspapers and periodicals,
proposes the party's principle of publication, discusses the position that
the party's written propaganda occupies in the party's cause and the char-
acteristics by which it differs from other work of the party and makes it
clear that the relationship between the party and its propaganda organs
(the newspapers, periodicals, the publishing houses and the publication
departments and so on) is the relationship between the party, the sym-
pathizers of the party and the party members who contribute articles to
the party's publications. Lenin makes a penetrating analysis of the char-
acteristics of a writing career. He points out that: "There is no ques-
tion, either, that in this field greater scope must undoubtedly be allowed
for personal initiative, individual inclination, thought and fantasy, form
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Lenin repeatedly emphasized that the social democratic publications should
become the party's publications and elaborated on the party's principle of
publication. Lenin held that: The written propaganda work should become
a component of the party's cause; the party's newspapers, magazines and
other publications should propagate the party's views with a clear-cut
stand. The writers who contribute articles to the party's publications,
in particular the party member writers, should maintain unity with the
party's views. It is absolutely forbidden to discard the party's views.
In,order to ensure the enforcement of the above principles, Lenin demanded
that party member writers join one of the party organizations. Party
organizations were to adopt measures to handle party members who violated
this principle or propagated views against the party until they were
expelled from the party. Propaganda organs such as newspapers, magazines
and publishing houses were to be subject to the party's supervision, report
their work to the party and appeal to the workers, the party members and
the masses to pay close attention to and supervise this aspect of their
work. These views are the central theme and principal features of Lenin's
article.
Lenin emphasized the problem of the party character of the publications and
the party member writers. This was closely related to the historical stage
in which the Russian revolution was to be found at that time, the con-
temporary social environment and the struggle inside the Russian Social
Democratic Party. The 1905 Russian revolution was a bourgeois democratic
revolution. The revolution had an extensive social base. In addition to
a handful of royalists, there were all kinds of social forces which took
part in, supported or sympathized with the revolution. Thus, it seemed
that the revolution was a revolution "of the whole people." In order to
conceal its interests and purposes,'the bourgeoisie spared no effort to
disguise itself as the political representative "of the whole people."
In addition, the bourgeoisie propagated the supra-class and supra-party
"nonparty" ideology and advicated bourgeois anarchic and individualistic
ideas such as "absolute freedom of creation" and "freedom of criticism"
and so on.
The proletariat and its party took part in the revolution to achieve the
party's minimum program. This was of course to pave the way for the
development of capitalism, but this was not its purpose. The proletariat
took part in the bourgeois democratic revolution in order to thoroughly
overthrow the feudal autocratic system, eliminate the remnants of serfdom
and create conditions for overthrowing the bourgeoisie in the next step
and realizing the socialist revolution. Thus, the proletariat had to
maintain its political independence in the bourgeois democratic revolution,
the 'proletarian party had to adhere to a clear-cut party character, criti-
cize the "nonparty" ideology and resist the corrosion of anarchism and
individualism.
The above bourgeois ideology was influential inside the RSDLP. At that
time, the Mensheviks were a part of the party in form, though politically,
.they tagged behind the bourgeoisie. In the ideological aspect, they had
completely abandoned the struggle against the influence of the bourgeoisie
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and did not supervise their official publications and party member writers.
The "Organizational Program" passed by the 1905 Menshevik Congress did not
stipulate that the party member writers must have any relationship with the
official publications. Some Menshevik writers published their views, which
openly violated the party program, in the publications of the liberal clique,
Plekhanov placed himself above the party and published the "Journals of a
Social Democrat" by himself.. In this way, a situation in which "the publi-
cists are outside the party, above the party" and a situation of "the party
unto itself, and the publicists unto themselves" emerged. ("Collected Works
of Lenin," Vol 8, p 515) In the NOVAYA ZHIZN, the first legal Bolshevik
official newspaper, articles'with a mystic flavor and in conflict with the
party's world outlook had appeared. Lenin gave an angry reprimand: "Away
with writers without party characteristics! Away with superman writers!"
Lenin said this in view of the contemporary situation.
Lenin expected that the bourgeois intellectuals who advocated "absolute
freedom of creation" would certainly condemn the ideas which he expounded
concerning the party's publications. Thus, he devoted much space to criti-
cizing and refuting the arguments for "absolute freedom of creation."
1) Lenin proceeded from "freedom of association," the party's organizational
principle and organization discipline to criticize such arguments and
clearly pointed out that the party "is also free to expel members who use
the name-of the party to advocate antiparty views"; 2) Lenin proceeded from
the historical materialist principle that all ideologies in the confronta-
tion between the classes and society have class character. He had revealed
that?the so-called "absolute freedom of creation," which meant the freedom
that divorced itself from social class, could not exist in a class society.
"The arguments for absolute freedom are only hypocrisy." Precisely in this
place, Lenin directly touched upon the problem of the class character of
literature and art as a component of ideology. He pointed out that the
freedom the bourgeois writers, painters and actresses enjoyed was the
dependence on'the bourgeoisie in disguise and that nonparty literature and
art could only exist in a classless society.
Thus, we can see that Lenin's article does in fact discuss the question of
literature and art. In the article, the discussion on writings and the
career of writing includes literature ana can be applied to literature.
This is Lenin's important contribution to the Marxist theory of literature
and art. However, when we consider the background in which the article was
written when reading through it all, we still cannot say that the question
of literature is the article's central feature.
Finally, we would like to say something about the question of translation.
The word "literatura" runs through the entire article. The origin of this
word is the Latin word "litteratura." It'is commonly used in many Western
languages. It is a word with more than one meaning. Its important meanings
include: 1) It refers to anything put into words in ageneral sense, meaning
written works; 2) it refers to all forms of literary works which means
"literature" in a specific sense as said in modern Chinese. In order to
distinguish it from other writing, in Russian, the restrictive attribute is
sometimes added and the word is written as "khudozhestvennaya literatura"
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(artistics works, sometimes rendered as artistic literature); 3) it is the
collective term for publications in a certain aspect or sphere of knowledge.
"Literator" may have the combined meaning of man of letters, writer and
author. In modern Chinese, there is no readymade word directly correspond-
ing to these two words. In translating these two words, we can only depend
on the different meanings which the two words have in different linguistic
contexts to render "literatura" as "documents," "writings," "literature,"
"publications," "books and periodicals" and "readers" while "literator" is
rendered as "writer," "author," "man of letters" and "literary figure" and
so on. The expression "partiinaya literatura" appears many times in Lenin's
works. What is the meaning of it? When we speak of its form, it means the
newspapers, magazines, pamphlets and leaflets published by the party; when
we talk about its nature, it means the publications which are subject to the
political, ideological and organizational leadership and supervision of the
party and which maintain unity with the party's views, meaning that they
follow the party's program and constitution and implement the party's
policies, strategy and line. As early as in the party building period,
Lenin had begun to use this expression. He held that in order to overcome
the "handicraft form" in which the small groups conducted their scattered.
activities and build a unified party, it was necessary to establish a com-
mon literature (literatura). In his "A Draft, Program of Our Party" written
in 1899, he said: "The need for unity, for the establishment of common
literature (literatura), for the appearance of a Russian worers' newspaper
arises out of the real situation." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 4, .
p 201) In 1900, in his "Draft of a Declaration of the Editorial Board of'
Iskra and Azrya" and "Declaration of the Editorial Board of Iskra," Lenin
further explained why "it is necessary to develop a common party literature
(partiinaya literatura)," "a common literature, consistent in principle and
capable of ideologically uniting revolutionary social democracy." ("Collected
Works of Lenin," Vol 4, pp 286, 316) In 1903, Lenin wrote the "Draft Resolu-
tion on Party Literature (Partiinaya Literatura)" for the second congress of
the RSDLP. In the article, he mentions that there was "the absolute and
urgent necessity for a wide production of popular social democratic litera-
ture for all sections of the, population and for the working class masses in
particular." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 6, p 427) The resolution
"On Party Literature (0 Partinoi Literature)" passed by this congress
pointed out that: With the comprehensive development of the labor movement,
we should correspondingly make the masses of workers understand the recent
target and ultimate goal of the Social Democratic Party as clearly as
possible. The resolutions demanded: 1) Run the party's "central official
newspaper" well; 2) turn the'"Azrya" into the "party's official publication";
3) "edit and write separate editions of reading materials which are rich in
content." ("Collected Resolutions of the CPSU," Book 1, p 57) In June 1905,
in his "Preface to the Pamphlet 'Workers on the Split in the Party,"' Lenin
pointed out that one of the organizational foundations for the combination
of Bolsheviks and Mensheviks was that: "All party publications (partiinaya
literatura), both local and central, must be completely subordinate to both
the party congress and the relevant central or local organization of the
party. The existence of party publications (partiinaya literatura)..uncon-
nected with.the party is not allowed." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 9,
pp 152-153) There are many occasions when Lenin used'the expression party
publications. However, no more examples will be cited here.
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In all the volumes of the Chinese translation of the "Collected Works of
Lenin," there are many translations for the expression "partiinaya
literatura," which are, in most cases, quite accurate. It is translated
as "party books and publications," "party newspapers and publications" and
"party publications" and so on. However, in this article, the translation
in the past has been inherited, it is translated as "party literature." In
classical Chinese, the term "literature" may mean the written philosophical,
historical and literary works in a general sense. However, in modern
Chinese, the term has a fixed meaning. It refers to the art of language.
Thus, it is inappropriate to render the expression as "party literature."
Since Chinese and Russian are, two different languages, it is difficult to
find words in the two languages which correspond completely with each
other. How to translate the word "literatura" is really a difficult prob-
lem. Having asked the opinions of many people and made studies on the
problem, "literatura" is translated as "publications" and writing" in
different contexts in the new translation. In the case in which literature
is discussed, the word is still translated as "literature"; "literator" is
translated as "author." In this way, theoretical and political writings,
political comments and literary creations can be included. This may be
closer to the meaning of the word.
Of course, if we examine the question from the angle of translation, there
are still shortcomings: 1) Unanimity in translation has not been achieved.
There are three translations for the word "literatura" in the same article.
2) In the original, the word has many meanings including the meaning
"literature," however, in the Chinese translation, it is rendered as "pub-
lications." In this way, it is not obvious that it has the meaning of
literature, or it is hard to see that it has such a meaning. In the origi-
nal, literally, the expression "printsip partinoi literatury" is related
to "the party character principle of literature." However, we cannot see
the relation from the expression "the party's principle of publications" in
the Chinese translation. There are doubtless limitations in translation
caused by the differences between the two languages. However, after weigh-
ing up the advantages and disadvantages, we should first of all be faithful
to the spiritual substance of Leninism. As for the difference in linguistic
form, under the condition that the difference cannot be settled by trans-
lation, this should be subordinate to the content.
The checking this time has principally corrected the translation of the
above key words. In addition, some other inaccuracies in the translation
have been corrected. Due to our limited level, it is possible that there
are still mistakes. Readers, please criticize them and point them out.
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HAVE FULL FAITH IN EFFECTING A FUNDAMENTAL TURN FOR THE BETTER IN PARTY
STYLE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 9-13
[Article by commentator]
[Text] The 12th CPC Congress has affirmed the general task of the party in
the new historical period and raised the inspiring call of creating a new
situation in all fields of socialist modernization. Based on the demands
of the general task of the new period in the 5 years from this congress to
the next congress, our whole work in broad outline is to energetically
push forward the building of socialist material civilization as well as
spiritual civilization, unremittingly strengthen socialist democracy and
the legal system, conscientiously rectify party style and organization and
strive for a fundamental turn for the better in the condition of state
finance and economy, a fundamental turn for the better in social conven-
tion and a fundamental turn for the better in party style. The three
fundamental turns for the better can be described as the only road in
proceeding from present reality toward our magnificent goal. Among them,
the one with crucial significance is the fundamental turn for the better in
party style.
Precisely because our party is armed with Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought, it is a mature and serious party which has been repeatedly tested
by setbacks and successes. Therefore, we have not and will not be intoxi-
cated by the successes already achieved or remain stationary in the face of
such successes. We hold that there are still many shortcomings, still many
difficulties and still all sorts of things which are not as good as expected
in our work. Our party is soberly aware of the gap which actually exists
between its own position and its object of struggle, and is making great
efforts to find practical and effective measures for solving various real
problems. In its field of activities, one of the greatest advantages of the
political strategy of our party is its skill in grasping the most vital
trend and in finding out and firmly holding the basic link which is of
decisive significance to the overall situation. Lenin pointed out: "Polit-
ical events are very confused and complicated. They can be compared with a
chain. To hold the whole chain, you must grasp the main link." ("Collected
Works of Lenin," Vol 33, p 267) Accordipg to him, grasping this kind of
link could be described as the "complete art of the politician." To achieve
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a fundamental turn for the better in the whole work of our party and state
at present is one of the basic or vital links described by Lenin.
The report to the 12th party congress reiterated an important thesis put
forwatd by Comrade Chen Yun long ago: The style of a party in power deter-
mines its very survival. At the same time, this also has a bearing on the
rise and fall of our whole country and nation and on the success or failure
of the socialist cause. Our party is the leader of economic construction,
the leader of political power and the leader of all aspects of national life
and all aspects of socialist-undertakings. The line, policies and prin-
ciples of the party must pass through party members at various levels and
through the work and exemplary role of party members found everywhere all
over the country before they can be understood and accepted by the broad
masses of people and become their immense strength for transforming the
world. Therefore, a fundamental turn for the better in the condition of our
state finance and economy as well as social convention, even down to the
progress and development in various fields of socialist undertakings, cannot
be separated from the fundamental turn for the better in party style. This
condition also applies to a district, a department or a unit. If the party
organization there is strong and united and can implement the line, policies
and principles of the party in the light of its own specific conditions and
if the party members and especially the party cadres holding leading posts
can modestly listen to the voices of the people, serve the people whole-
heartedly, put others before themselves, show integrity and public spirit
and work diligently and conscientiously with a spirit of dedication, then
their work will certainly be very outstanding. Conversely, in places where
little or no success has bee achieved in work and in places where issues
are tangled up and mistakes.are often made, some of the reasons for this
kind of situation can always be traced to the conditions of party style
there. Party leadership is not just issuing instructions and giving orders.
It can never be separated from the exemplary vanguard role of the party mem-
bers and the leading party cadres in particular. If the party members
themselves are unwilling to do good work, then it is very difficult to
arouse the masses to do so.~ If-the party members themselves are unwilling
to correct mistakes, then it is very difficult to help others correct mis-
takes. This exemplary vanguard role of party members is an unshirkable duty
in party leadership and it is an inseparable as well as extremely important
part of adhering to and improving party leadership. "To correct others one
must first correct oneself." This old maxim expressed by our people is a
popular as well as profound truth. In a big country with 1 billion people,
as long as the 40 million party members who form the vanguard of the working
class and above all the comrades holding leading posts among them are
worthy of the historical responsibility entrusted them by the people and
if they really can become the quintessence and mainstay of socialist mod-
ernization and show a high degree of political consciousness, lofty com-
munist ethics, strict discipline and an-ability to cope with work in
various fields, then a good work style of everybody united as one from top
to bottom and working with one heart and one mind will appear. The broad
masses of people will certainly closely finite round the party and will join
us in overcoming various difficulties and obstacles on the path of advance,
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triumphing over all sorts of enemies and making a success of socialist
modernization.
The task of effecting a fundamental turn for the better in party style
solemnly affirmed by our party at its 12th congress has explained that not
just a handful of comrades, but those from the highest leading body to the
broad masses of party members have already fully understood its important
significance. The party has noticed that inside the Communist Party, an
extremely small section of the members, the absolute number of whom is not
small, have demonstrated by their own deeds and words that they do not
deserve the glorious title of Communist Party members. At present, it is
true'that inside the Communist Party, there is the problem of ideological
and organizational impurity and impure work style. Facts have illustrated
that not all veteran party members can in the same way withstand the tests
of.defeat and success or of bayonets and flattery. Under peaceful circum-
stances, along with the change of the party's position in the entire
national life, certain people with evil designs have used joining the party
as the ladder to acquiring personal gains, gratifying their lust for power
and enjoying material comforts. Some people with selfish motives and even
speculators and careerists, have quite easily wormed their way into the
party and quite easily concealed their identity. The effect of the serious
damage caused ideologically, politically and organizationally to the party
during the 10 years of the "Great Cultural Revolution" can never be elimi-
nated within a short time. A handful of remnant elements are even now
unjustly occupying certain leading posts and waiting for an opportunity to
make trouble. To those people in the party whose will is not strong, the
policy of promoting economic exchanges with foreign countries and livening
up the economy at home in recent years has provided them with objective
conditions for becoming corrupt. Some party organizations have become weak
and lax, and some basic level organizations are paralyzed. A handful of
cadres have gone in for bilreaucratism, privileged style and factional
activities. Some have practiced corruption and graft, engaged in malprac-
tice for selfish ends and committed serious economic crimes. All these
have caused great resentment among the broad masses of party members and
people, greatly hindered the healthy development of modernization and
damaged the image of the party. If such conditions are allowed to exist
and spread unchecked, the destiny of the socialist cause would be dreadful
to contemplate. This cannot be tolerated by the party and the people of
various nationalities.
We should also see that the new historical conditions and task not only
require us to clean ourselves and show not the slightest mercy to various
unhealthy tendencies, but they also require us to make new discoveries and
breakthroughs in the series of work. The party must become the leader of
socialist modernization and every party member must advance along the foot-
prints of time. In restoring, upholding and developing the various fine
traditions, we must keep on heightening our communist consciousness, open up
new fields of knowledge, create new work methods and cultivate a new style.
In short, the accumulated problems left behind over the years have yet to be
solved and the gap between the higher demands put to us by the historical
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tasks and-the existing conditions must be filled. This means that we can-
not but give the highest priority to carrying out party consolidation step
by step in a planned manner. The 12th party congress has decided that
beginning from the second half of next year, 3 years will be spent in
carrying out a' comprehensive rectification of party work style and party
organization by stages and in groups. In the party consolidation, we must
of course strive to eliminate the dark side, but at the same time, we must
also strive to consolidate, develop and keep on opening up the bright side.
This decision of the 12th party congress not only has the support of the
comrades of the whole party, but it has also further strengthened the
confidence of people of various nationalities throughout the country in
the party.
Some comrades do not have enough confidence that the party style will make
a fundamental turn for the better. They hold that the Central Committee has
made repeated injunctions in recent years and even after the "guiding prin-
ciples for internal party political life" has been transmitted and the
"Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the
Founding of the PRC" has been adopted by the 6th Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, some people still pay no heed to the instruc-
tions of the Central Committee and still stick to the old way of doing
things and there is still not much change in the unhealthy tendency of
using one's power to seek personal gain among the cadres, including the
leading party cadres. In a certain sense, these comrades are soberly
aware of the present condition in party style and have an urgent desire to
effect a turn for the better in party style as quickly as possible. This
is a good point. Compared with the Yanan period and the early period of the
founding of the People's Republic, there is obviously still quite a gap in
the condition of the present party style in many respects. However, there
is definitely an improvement in the present party style compared with the
"Great Cultural Revolution" and the 2 years immediately after the "Great
Cultural Revolution." It has neither gone backward nor regained its
original tempo. The reason why party style has so far not made a funda-
mental turn for the better only explains the seriousness of the longstand-
ing malpractice and explains the need to make greater efforts because of
'this, but it cannot illustrate that it is impossible to effect a fundamental
turn for the better in party style. All Communist Party members and espe-
cially party members holding leading posts, should not only use practical
actions to overcome their own unhealthy tendencies, but they also have no
right whatsoever to adopt an attitude of cool detachment toward the
unhealthy tendencies of other people, or', apart from expressing appropriate
indignation, only moan and sigh without doing anything. The important
matter is not only in understanding the world but also in transforming the
world. Transforming old work style and habits detrimental to the healthy
development of the cause of the people, including the phenomenon of improper
party style, is the sacred duty as well as responsibility of communists. We
believe that even among comrades without sufficient confidence that the party
style will make a fundamental turn for the better, most of them still support
the line, policies and principles of the party, observe discipline and law
and work conscientiously for the people. If these comrades will truly set a
strict demand on themselves, uphold principles and wage an effective struggle
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together with the broad masses of party members and people against the
phenomenon of improper party style, the power to carry forward healthy
tendencies will be greatly enhanced.
This effecting a fundamental turn for the better in party style in the 5
years from this party congress to the next party congress is not just an
inspiring slogan, but is also a solemn fighting task that should and must
be .fulfilled. This is not something prompted by a sudden impulse or
thought up on the spur of the moment, but it is a goal determined by the
CPC Central Committee as a result of making careful considerations,
centralizing the common aspirations of the comrades of the whole party as
well as the people of various nationalities and scientifically analyzing
various subjective and objective factors. We can study the possibility and
inevitability of this goal from many directions. What this article refers
to are only its main points.
1. The leadership of the CPC Central Committee is correct, firm and united.
In addition, a Marxist line and a series of policies and principles have
been formulated. In the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of
Our Party Since the Foundingtof the PRC," our party has affirmed the
criteria for determining important historical rights and wrongs of the
last 30 years and in the report of the 12th party congress, further summed
up the work carried out since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee and set our various grand tasks in line with objective
foundations. After several years of effort, the leading bodies of the
state at various levels have been readjusted, restructured and improved.
Generally speaking, the power of leadership of organizations at various
levels has already been basically placed in the hands of cadres loyal to
the party and the people.
2. The masses of Communist Party members, regardless of whether prole-
tarian revolutionaries of the older generation or comrades who joined the
party at different periods after the founding of the People's Republic,
including most of the comrades who joined the party during the "Great
Cultural Revolution," have all stood severe positive and negative tests
and they have learned much from history and actual practice. The party is
making progress, and'the party members are also making progress. Since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the masses of party
members have resolutely implemented the line, policies and principles of
the party, worked together with the masses in labor, work and battle posts
and played the hardcore role and exemplary role in the building of socialist
material civilization as well as spiritual civilization and in the struggle
against unhealthy tendencies and criminal activities. This is the main
aspect of the ranks of our party.
3. The state is beginning to take the road to a truly healthy socialist
system. Various laws, decrees and regulations for promoting orderly pro-
duction, work and study as well as normalization of all aspects of social
life,have been promulgated or are being formulated and have been made more
and more complete. We have already the first set of criminal law as well
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as law of criminal procedure since the founding of the People's Republic,
and the fifth session of the Fifth National People's Congress will also
approve the new party constitution. We should say that how to become a
qualified citizen, a qualified party. member and a qualified party cadre
is no longer restricted to a general appeal, but we have a series of
clearly defined provisions imbued with the binding force of law and party
regulation which can be followed. The party upholds the principle that
party members and nonparty members are all equal before the state law and
all party members are equal before the party constitution. On the basis of
carrying out full investigation and study and respecting facts, we have
adhered to the chosen course of safeguarding the interests of the people
as well as the political dignity of the party and seriously dealt with many
cases of violation of law and discipline.
4. As our party is in the position of leading the political power as well
as all aspects of work of the whole country, the question of party style
is particularly important for it has a bearing on the party and the masses.
Under the difficult circumstances of the revolutionary war and peaceful
construction in the 60 years since its founding, our party has developed a
profound feeling for the people of various nationalities in China. The
people warmly love, respect and trust the party and they place great hopes
on the party. If we apply to China the words which Lenin used in appraising
the Bolshevik Party, then we can say that the great CPC has indeed become
the wisdom, honor and conscience of our era. The line, policies and prin-
ciples of the party in recent years have greatly heightened the socialist
enthusiasm as well as initiative of the masses. These lines, policies and
principles have been formulated by our party by respecting the creative
spirit of the people, summing up the experiences of creative labor carried
out by the people and complying with the demands of the people and the
trend of historical development. Their implementation has consequently
produced outstanding results, and they have not only restored but also
enhanced the prestige of the party. More and more workers, peasants and
intellectuals are supporting the party and more and more people have linked
their destiny with the party. Their political consciousness, creative
spirit and historical responsibility are increasingly promoted. In this
way, in promoting party work and supervising every party member, they play
an increasingly important role. This has become a tremendous force for
effecting a fundamental turn for the better in party style.
5. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the CPC Central Committee, the focal
point of our work has been shifted to the track of building socialist
modernization. Just as Marx said: "The coincidence of the changing of
circumstances and of human activity can only be conceived and rationally
understood as revolutionary practice." ("Selected Works of Marx and
Engels," Vol 1, p 17) He also strongly criticized the idealist concept of
splitting individual transformation from social development and blindly
seeking historical dynamics in spiritual and moral self-perfection.
According to the founder of Marxism, only by changing circumstances could
the proletariat no longer be "old people" and "in the revolutionary
activity of changing circumstances, they will at the same time also trans-
form themselves." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 3, p 234) The
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great significance of this strategic policy-decision of shifting the focus
of work will not only enable all our work to be henceforth placed on the
correct track, but it will also inevitably lead to a profound change in
the mode of activity and mode of thinking of the whole society including
everyone. This inexorable trend of historical development cannot but
demand a fundamental turn for the better in party style and also cannot
but promote a fundamental turn for the better in party style.
6. The CPC Central Committee not only has resolute determination and care-
ful policies, but also effective measures and clear steps for effecting a
fundamental turn for the better in party style. This will be mainly
achieved through party consolidation. The report of the 12th party con-
gress pointed out: The overall rectification of party style and consolida-
tion of party organizations can only be achieved on the basis of thorough-
going ideological education. The consolidation will start with the leading
organs and cadres. We must follow the principles of "learning from past
mistakes to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient"
and "clarity in ideology and unity among comrades," conscientiously develop
criticism and self-criticism and take appropriate measures to solicitate
opinions from the masses. In the final stage there will be a reregistration
of all party members. We must take necessary organization measures to expel
from the party those who still fail to meet the requirements for membership
after education. At the same time, we must work out concrete methods to
strengthen and improve party leadership so as to effect an improvement in
the work of party organizations at all levels. These policies and measures
summed up from the experiences of both the positive as well as negative
aspects in our party history will certainly produce the desired result in
practice.
People are learning from history and from the practice of the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. We can gladly say that the
serious damage to the prestige of socialism and Marxism has to a great
extent been reversed. The so-called question of "confidence crisis,"
which created a racket for some time, has not been able to stop the
progress of our cause. Apart from a handful of people who stand against
the cause of the people, more and more of those among our comrades who lack
sufficient confidence of effecting a fundamental turn for the better in
party style, will doubtless, after patient and fully convincing ideological
education, gradually change in the face of reality. A true communist does
not require cheap confidence. He needs actual confidence. The most con-
vincing education is the conscientious implementation of the guidelines of
the 12th party congress and the action of the party members and party
cadres themselves. On the other hand, we should admit that there has been
a dark side in the past in the work of our party and government, there is a
dark side at present and there will also be a dark side in the future. How-
ever,;in the history of the 60 years and more since the founding of the
party, the history of the 30 years and more since the founding of the
People's Republic and the history of the 4 years since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the history has always been that
of the bright side triumphing over the dark side and the bright side con-
stantly expanding. This is the history of the glorious chapter written by
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tens of thousands of party members in their selfless struggle for the lib-
eration cause of the nation and people. The entire history of the past has
proved that our people are undefeatable. Precisely the opposite, all
enemies and difficulties will suffer defeat before our party and people.
During the 10 years of the "Great Cultural Revolution," the Lin Biao-Jiang
Qing counterrevolutionary cliques usurped an important part of party and
state power and their influence spread all over the country. However,
final victory did not belong to them but to our party and people. Judging
from the angle of party style alone, no problem has been more serious than
that decade in the 30 years and more since the founding of the People's
Republic. The situation at present is entirely different from the past.
The unfavorable factors are being overcome by us one by one, and more and
more favorable factors have appeared. Under this kind of situation, there
is no basis whatsoever for losing confidence in the party style making
a fundamental turn for the better. We not only must accurately recognize
the existing state of affairs, but we must also accurately see the
inexorable trend of its development. If we ignore and cannot fully
appraise the bright side of our work, or if we are not adept at observing
the process of the bright side triumphing-over the dark side in life, this
at least is a reflection of one-sidedness in understanding. From the 3d
Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee to the 12th party con-
gress.and since the 12th party congress, the unremitting progress in all our
work is actually playing an increasingly important role in effecting a
fundamental turn for the better in party style. This is our reality and
this is where our hopes lie.
Effecting a fundamental turn for the better in party style within 5 years
is the prerequisite as well as basis for the flourishing development of our
socialist cause in the next decade and more. Without, the success of these
5 years, we cannot talk about future successes. We should and must, during
the fundamental turn for the better in party style, create a new situation
in the building of socialist modernization. We profoundly believe that
under the guidance of the 12th party congress, the broad masses of party
members will struggle resolutely and persistently together with the broad
masses of people and make proper contributions in way of changing the
ideological and organizational impurity and impure work style in the party
at present, and in way of bringing the cadre ranks more in line with the
demands of socialist modernization.
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PARTY CONSOLIDATION IS A MATTER OF PRIME IMPORTANCE TO OUR PARTY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 14-19
[Article by Duan Junyi [3008 0689 3015]]
[Text] While setting forth the fighting program for the new historical
period to the whole party and the people of all nationalities throughout
the country, it was solemnly declared at the 12th CPC Congress that: "To
achieve a fundamental turn for the better in our party style, the CPC
Central Committee has decided-on an overall rectification of party style
and consolidation of party organizations, which will proceed by stages and
by groups over a period of 3 years beginning from the latter half of 1983."
This is a matter of prime importance to our party and a pressing strategic
task entrusted to it by history since the development of the communist
movement. The 1942 Yanan rectification movement was carried out after the
historic change of our party during the democratic revolution period, and
resulted in greatly raising the Marxist-Leninist level of the whole party
and promoting unprecedented unity throughout the whole party. It enabled
our party to grow to maturity and thus win victory in the war of resistance
against Japan and the liberation war, and establish a new China. The
present party rectification is to be carried out after another historic
change of our party in the socialist period, and at a time when the party
has gained a more mature understanding of the cause of socialist revolution
and construction. We are sure that this rectification will heal the deep
wounds inflicted on our party by the decade of internal disorder and bring
about the fundamental turn for the better in our party style, so that our
party will be more vigorous and, in the new historical period, hold high
the banner of communism and lead the people of all nationalities throughout
the country to achieve a triumphant victory in creating a new situation in
all fields of socialist modernization.
In his report to the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang's exposition on
party rectification and his analysis on the situation'within the party was
absolutely correct. In the light of my own understanding, linked with the
conditions of Beijing municipality, there follow some of my opinions on the
work of party consolidation.
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The Necessity and Great Significance of Party Consolidation
Our party is the vanguard of the working class, armed with Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. In the struggle to lead the Chinese people
in their fight to realize the communist ideal, and through repeated temper"
ing and all kinds of severe tests, our party has gained the mettle and
capability to bring about a radical change in the situation. Since the
smashing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique in 1976, and par-
ticularly since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
our party has accomplished in a few years: the arduous task of bringing
order out of chaos in its guiding ideology, achieved major victories in
setting things right in its practical work on various fronts and effected
a historic change. History has once again proved that the CPC is worthy
of its role as a solid core leading the people of all nationalities of
China, and is sure to lead this huge vessel of China's socialism to sur-
mount numerous difficulties under all kinds of complicated situations,
and brave wind and waves to advance toward the brilliant future of com-
munism.
Why then has the party solemnly set forth the task of party consolidation
again, after it has led the people of the whole country in effecting this
historic change? What is it's necessity, and its great significance?
First, the key to fulfilling the fighting program put forward by the 12th
CPC Congress in the new historical period is to consolidate the party well.
Historical experience teaches us that whenever the communist movement has
developed to a new historical stage, particularly after effecting a historic
change, there is bound to emerge a new period of vigorous development.
Under these circumstances, for the sake Of creating a new situation able to
meet the needs of the new development of-history, it is imperative to con-
centratedly and universally conduct education in Marxism throughout the
party, rectify its ideology and style and consolidate its organization,
solve all the contradictions that do not comply with the new historic
development, arm the whole party with the line, principles and policies of
the new period, deepen our understanding, unify our thinking, enhance our
fighting capacity and lead the broad masses of people in their struggle to
attain the magnificent new task.
The consolidation of the party we are faced with at present has the sole
purpose, of further eliminating the negative consequences left over by the
10 years of internal disorder, creating ,a new situation in all fields of
socialist modernization and attaining the fighting program put forward by
the 12th CPC Congress. In order to attain the three fundamental turns
for the better in the state's financial situation, social mood and party
style, we must first of all strive to attain the fundamental turn for the
better in p rty style. Because only through consolidating the party and
attaining the fundamental turn for the better in party style can we lead
the fundamental turn for the better in social mood, which is also conducive
to promoting the fundamental betterment'6f the state's financial situation.
In order to create a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization
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and do a good job in the building of socialist economy, politics and
spiritual civilization with communist ideology as its core, it is necessary
hbove all to build well the CPC, which is the core leading our cause,
through rectifying party style and consolidating party organization. Under
the leadership of the party, only by carrying forward the spirit of crea-
tiveness, innovation and forging ahead proper for a party member, setting an
example and leading the broad masses of people in fighting with one heart
and mind and exerting themselves in the struggle, can we attain the new,
great task put forward by the 12th CPC Congress. In,~working for the four
political guarantees of socialist modernization, the fundamental guarantee
is to consolidate the party.
Second, in view of the problems existing within the party and the historical
conditions facing us, it is imperative to consolidate the party.
Due to the decade of internal disorder caused by the "Great Cultural Revolu-
tion," the ideological and organizational building of the party were seri-
ously sabotaged. The party organization of Beijing municipality suffered
serious destruction. Through the restoration and consolidation carried out
in the past few years, particularly the readjustment carried out at all
levels of leadership bodies, the situation has greatly improved. Most of
the party organizations and leadership bodies are good, and better than
they were. They have resolutely supported and implemented the party's line,
principles and policies since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee and made tremendous efforts in the arduous struggle to
set things right. They have achieved marked results and played the role of
proletarian vanguards. The party organizations of the Shoudu Iron and
Steel Company, Beijing coking plant, Beijing optical instrument factory,
Beijing machinery factory, Beijing second cotton mill and other units are
the outstanding representatives among them. But there still exist a lot of
problems of ideology, organization and style in some of the party organiza-
tions and leadership bodies. According to an investigation and analysis
made on 3,658 party branches in Beijing municipality, less than one-third of
advanced party branches were correct in their line, united in their leading
bodies and able to play the role of a fighting force. Around 60 percent of
the branches were in a mediocre condition, 10 percent were backward, and
among them, some branches were in a state of paralysis or semiparalysis.
The main problems existing in the backward branches were: 1) Leading
members were not united, each had cliques of their own engaged in factional-
ism, and tried to seize power and blame others; 2) their ideological lines
were not correct. They had a cynical and resistant attitude toward party
policies, were despondent and did not properly do their work; 3) they made
use of their authority to seek private gains and privileges and even formed
cliques to pursue selfish interests. They practiced dishonest methods and
violated the law and discipline; and 4) they practiced decentralism with
regard to the higher levels by doing things in their own way and practiced
"what. I say goes" toward lower levels. Similar states of affairs also
existed to a certain extent in the party organizations of a number of units,
and particularly the problems of leading bodies being weak, slack and low
in revolutionary enthusiasm were quite serious. It will be impossible to
fundamentally restore and enhance the fighting capacity of the party
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organizations if we do not find a remedy to these cases and treat all of
them by consolidating the party.
In view of the conditions of the broad masses of party members, among the
650,000 party members in Beijing municipality, 310,000 joined the party
before the "Great Cultural Revolution," 250,000 joined the party during the
"Great Cultural Revolution" and 90,000 were admitted to the party after the
downfall of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique. The majority of
the party members are good and relatively good. Many of our outstanding
party members have, played an exemplary vanguard role on various fronts,
united the masses in working hard for the socialist cause and firmly stood
in the forefront of setting things right. Among them there were people
praised by the masses, such as the advanced activist who "worked ahead of
time," the "iron man" who continuously worked in the first line down a mine,
although he suffered from cancer and was injured while on duty, the salesman
who worked for more than 20 years in supply and marketing but remained honest
and upright, the forest guard who protected trees for his collective, the
fine cadre who wholeheartedly served the'people and so on. In 1981, of the
1,027 model workers of the municipality, 818 were party members, 79.6 per-
cent of the total. As Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out: "All the splendid
successes of the party and the people have been achieved precisely through
the inspiring example given by such fine core members of the party." This
is the main trend among the broad masses of party members. Meanwhile, we
must be clear about the fact that due to the remaining consequences of the:
sabotage caused by the decade of internal disorder and the increasing
invasion of bourgeois ideology under the new conditions, there still exist
the problems'of impure ideology and style among some of our party members;
there also exists the phenomenon of decadence, which we must be fully alert
to. Some party members resist the line, principles and policies formulated
by the party since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee,
are doubtful and hesitant about communism; even up to now, some still stick
to the ideological system of Lin Biao and the "gang of four" and resent the
party; some party members are imbued with bureaucratism and irresponsible
in their work or seek for personal privileges by making use of their
authority to pursue private interests; some party members practice anarchism
and ultra-individualism, and impair the party's organizational discipline,
some have carried the decadent and vulgar stuff of the bourgeoisie into the
party, as if nothing can be done without inviting people for dinner. They
pursue a bourgeois lifestyle and some even engage in smuggling, offering and
accepting bribes and engaging in corruption. Although these people were
only a few in number, they have seriously corroded the body of the party,
impaired the prestige of the party among the masses of people and to an
extent affected the people's confidence in the cause of socialism. We must
also be aware that nearly 40 percent of the party members of the whole
municipality were admitted to the party, during the "Great Cultural Revolu-
tion."- Among them, many still lack training in the party's program and the
basic knowledge of the party. They do not understand, or do not fully
understand, how to be a qualified Communist Party member. Some party mem-
bers even say: "Why is it that we party members and not the masses must
take the lead in our work?" Some were even admitted to or drafted into the
party at the "battlefront" of rebellion and up to the present still fail to
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conform to the requirements of a party member. There also exist various
problems among veteran party members. So, without consolidating the party,
it will be impossible to fundamentally change the above state of affairs.
We must be aware that due to a variety of domestic and international con-
ditions, the struggle between capitalist corrosion and socialist anti-
corrosion will exist for a long time in our country and sometimes even be
acute. At present, we have already exposed many shocking facts. Some
party members who were not firm enough have been attacked by and succumbed
to the material or spiritual "sugar-coated bullets" of capitalism; some
others have to a certain extent been corroded by bourgeois ideas and
invaded by the trend of bourgeois liberalism. Although we have achieved
good results in carrying out education against this corrosion combined with
combating serious criminal activities in the economic field, we have still
not fundamentally solved the problem. Only through consolidating the party
and building a steel wall with communist ideology and strict discipline
resistant to the corrosive influence of capitalist ideology, can the vast
number of our party organizations become a powerful fighting force and the
broad masses of party members become firm, sober-minded and worthy vanguard
fighters of the proletariat. Under the conditions of the new historical
period, this is a fundamental measure for maintaining the purity and fight-
ing effectiveness of the Communist Party, so that it can maintain an
invincible position.
Third, it is imperative to consolidate the party well if the Communist Party
in power intends to always keep its revolutionary spirit young.
The position of a proletarian revolutionary political party after seizing
political power is quite different from before.. This change of position
will inevitably bring about a series of new problems in building the party.
From the development of the communist movement up to the present, one of
the major theoretical and practical problems that must be properly solved
is how to always keep the revolutionary spirit of the Communist Party in
power and its party members young, how to strive forever for the realiza
tion of communist ideals, forever keep in close connection with the masses
of the people and forever work for their well-being. At present, the
majority of our party members were admitted to the party after it seized
power. They have joined the party in a peaceful environment and it is
easy for them to be cadres after they have joined the party. After they
become cadres, they have power and authority. If they do not work for com-
munism and the well-being of the people but become individualist, then they
are bound to make use of their authority to gain advantages from the state,
collective and masses, or even form a clique to pursue selfish interests,
undermine the foundations of socialism, and turn from being the people's
servant to being a lord over them. In the light of the experiences of our
party, in solving this problem, we must carefully admit party members
strictly according to.the stipulations of the party constitution, strengthen
education and supervision over them, constantly carry on criticism and self-
criticism, strictly observe party discipline, work out all kinds of neces-
sary rules and regulations; we must also conduct large-scale party rectifi-
cation over a certain period, universally, systematically and profoundly
carry out education in Marxism, consolidate our organization and, rectify
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our ideology and style, raise the quality and level of all party members and
expel from the party those members who have morally degenerated and who are
still not qualified after education, or persuade them to withdraw from the
party. This is an important strategic measure for'the construction of the
Communist Party in power. Today, at a time when the whole party and the
people of all nationalities of our country are working for the great task
put forward by the 12th CPC Congress, we have lost no'-time in conducting
party consolidation. This will inevitably have far-reaching historical
significance in creating a new situation in all fields of socialist
modernization and in the vigorous development of the communist movement
in the days to come.
Conditions Are Ripe for Consolidating the Party
After the smashing of the Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique, consoli-
dating the party became a historical mission confronting us due to the
serious damage to our party caused by the 10 years of domestic turmoil.
Without consolidating the party, the situation in which the party's style
of work is impure cannot fundamentally change. However, there had to be a
process between the needs arising from the development of history and the
actual implementation of party consolidation. In the wake of the 12th
party congress, the conditions for consolidating the party became completely
ripe.
1. We have successfully fulfilled the historical mission of setting the
party's guiding ideology to rights. The party's line, principles and poli-
cies followed since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee
have been proved correct by practice. The thinking of the whole party has
been unified on the basis of the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC." The 12th party con-
gress' report and the new party constitution have further explicitly laid
down the programs for China's socialist modernization construction and for
the building of the party and have stipulated more strict requirements for
party members and the basic guiding principles to be followed by the coming
movement of consolidating the party. All this has laid a solid ideological
foundation for the coming movement.
2. Now we have the firm and unified leadership of the party Central Com-
mittee. The leadership of party organizations at all levels is now mainly
controlled by people who support the party's line, principles and policies
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. So long as
we make.careful and meticulous preparations and conduct proper guidance and
organization, the consolidation of the party is guaranteed to develop
steadily and healthily along a correct course.
3. The broad masses of party members have a strong desire to consolidate
the party, and the masses of. the people also cherish great expectations of
the coming consolidation.
4. We have been making preparations for consolidating the party in many
fields for a long time. Since the implementation of the "principles on
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inner party political life," some activities with the purpose of consoli-
dating the party have been carried out step by step to a profound degree in
connection with major political study, the implementation of the principles
and policies laid down by the central authorities and the reorganization of
softie leading groups. Taking the work in Beijing as an example, over the
past year, the Beijing municipal authorities have conducted discussions on
the. topic of "serving the people and bearing responsibility to the people"
in connection with the study and implementation of the "principles on inner
party political life"; they have checked unhealthy tendencies such as
spending public money on extravagant eating and drinking, and forming
special ties between units so as to facilitate the private giving and
accepting of gifts; have inspected education among cadre's children; have
required leading groups at all levels to review their work of the last year,
and have universally carried out democratic elections in grassroots party
branches. Recently, Beijing also carried out activities opposing the cor-
ruption of capitalist ideology and strengthening education in communist
ideology. All this embodies the spirit of rectifying the work style of the
party. The education in consolidating the party has been consciously car-
ried out in all these activities. In fact, they were all preparatory
measures for consolidating the party. Especially in the recent education
on the subject of opposing corruption, all party members in Beijing have
received training in rotation. Among the party cadres at county, district
and bureau levels, 569 people have given party lectures, accounting for
over 40 percent of the total number of cadres at this level. Besides this,
more than 5,000 leaders of grassroots party committees have given party
lectures. A good start has been made on the whole party concentrating on
party building throughout Beijing. Though these education activities
differed in scale and depth, they all provided important ideological,
organizational experience and public opinion preparations for consolidating
the party. On the basis. of studying the 12th party congress documents and
through experiments in some units and the summing. up of experience, these
activities will be developed into the official consolidation of the party
in a methodical way.
We Must Fulfill the Task of Consolidating the Party With High Standards and
High Quality
How shall we do a good job in consolidating the party, in accordance with
the stipulation of the new party constitution and the requirements on con-
solidating the party set forth in the congress report and in connection with
the conditions in Beijing?
First, we must clearly realize the objective and requirements of this move-
ment of consolidating the party.
The'new party constitution has set forth more stringent demands on party
members and has laid down explicit stipulations on enhancing the fighting
power of party organizations, upholding and improving the party's leader-
ship. This should be taken,as a yardstick in consolidating the party. In
line with this yardstick, we will carry out an overall rectification of the
work style and organizations of the party and turn party members into ones
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who are qualified and conform to the requirements of the new party consti-
tution. At the same time, we will effectively improve the state of affairs
in party organizations at all levels so as to turn grassroots party organi-
zations into staunch fighting bastions which conform to the requirements of
maintaining good relations with the masses laid down in the new party
constitution and turn leading groups at all levels into cores of leader-
ship in conformity with the requirements of the new party constitution.
Since the coming consolidation of the party will be an overall rectifica-
tion, according to the stipulations of the new party constitution, its main
specific requirements in all aspects should be as follows: In the field of
ideology, party members and cadres should be required to bear in mind that
the objective of struggle is communism and that the principle is to serve
the people wholeheartedly. They will be required to eliminate the bureau-
cratic style of work and mentality of enjoying privileges which can easily
appear among party members and particularly party cadres. The shameful
conduct of abusing powers to seek private interests and encroaching upon
the interests of the state, the collectives and the masses for private
benefits as well as the unhealthy tendencies of violating the people's
interests and divorcing oneself from the masses should all be criticized
and overcome. Party members and cadres will be required to form a com-
munist. attitude toward work, a revolutionary spirit of selflessness and
to carry forward the revolutionary spirit of being ambitious and willing
to do pioneering work, making innovation, and being dedicated. They should
be willing to sacrifice all their personal benefits and struggle for com-
munism all their lives. In the field of politics, party members and cadres
are required to maintain a political stand in line with that of the party
central leadership, to uphold the four basic principles, to correctly
implement the party's line, principles and policies since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and to struggle for the great
tasks set forth by the 12th party congress. The problem that some party
members and organizations refuse to implement instructions issued by the
central authorities and take a dissenting attitude toward the party for
feigning compliance while acting in opposition should be solved. In the
field of organization, party organizations at all levels will be consoli-
dated and perfected. Party members and cadres will be required to uphold
the principle of democratic centralism. The party's collective leadership
will be strengthened. The practice that one person decides everything, and
that of decentralism, will be opposed. The spirit of uniting people from
all corners of the country will be carried forward so as to strengthen
party'unity and oppose the sectarianism within the party. Party discipline
must be strictly enforced by strengthening the attitude of bearing in mind
the party's interests. Extreme individualism, anarchism and all kinds of
illegal behavior will be criticized and eliminated. It is absolutely
impermissible to maintain the following people in the leading posts: those
who gained their powers through rebellion; those who harbor a seriously
sectarian attitude; those who have participated in beating, smashing and
looting; those who oppose the line taken by the party central leadership
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee; and those
who have committed various serious criminal activities. These people will
be dealt with one after another once they. are discovered still to occupy
27
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leading posts. In the field of work style, party members and cadres will be
required-to restore and carry forward the party's good tradition and the
three major styles of work namely, combining theory with practice, maintain-
ing close ties with the masses and carrying out criticism and self-criticism.
the dirt of subjectivism and bureaucratism as well as the bad style of
casting aside principles, concealing faults and glossing over wrongs,
boasting and toadying and fearing to offend other people should all be
eliminated. At the end of this movement, when party members are asked to
register, we, must strictly follow the new party constitution's stipulations
and expel those members who fail to meet the requirements even after educa-
tion, or persuade them to withdraw from the party.
Second, the work of consolidating the party must constantly uphold the
correct guiding principles.
In the history of our party, there exist rich experiences in both positive
and negative aspects. We should carry forward the spirit of the Yanan
rectification movement and adhere to the principles of "learning from past
mistakes,to avoid future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient"
and "achieving the two-fold objective of clarity in ideology and unity
among comrades." When approaching party members who have committed errors,
we should, starting from the desire for unity, through serious criticism
and self-criticism and by adopting suitable ways to listen to the opinions
of the masses outside the party, help them genuinely realize and correct
their mistakes so as to achieve unity on a new basis. We must prevent and
oppose the erroneous principle and method of "cruel struggle and merciless
blows" which have in the past been used by the party. Furthermore, we must
prevent evil persons from taking advantage of this opportunity to frame up
and attack good comrades. At the same time, we should also prevent per-
functory attitudes which makes the movement a sham.
Third, the work of consolidating the party must be brought under the leader-
ship of the party central authorities, must be treated very prudently, be
prepared in a very meticulous way and be carried out in a planned and
methodical manner.
According to conditions in Beijing city, our initial plan is first to
organize party members and cadres to seriously study the 12th party con-
gress report and the new party constitution and then go in for consolida-
tion in the fields of ideology and organization on the basis of general
education. We will start work in some selected units to gain experience
this winter and next spring. The overall movement will start in the second
half of next year by stages and groups in a planned and methodical manner
under leadership from top to bottom. The consolidation of the party will
be linked with the administrative structural reform and reorganization of
enterprises and institutions.
Carrying out ideological education for party members in a universal,
systematical and thorough way is the essential measure for doing a good job
of consolidating the party. When studying the 12th congress report and
the new party constitution, we should simultaneously study the "Resolution
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on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the
PRC" and the "principles on inner party political life." We must particu-
larly emphasize education in communist ideology for party members and
basic' theoretical education in Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. We
should educate them in communist ideals and in the party's line, principles
and policies. We should also educate them in the basic knowledge of the
party, in the requirements for party members, party spirit, style of work
and discipline. We should place stress on making all party members clearly
realize the party's character, position and function and be aware that only
the people who are willing to struggle for communism throughout their lives
and to sacrifice their all for the revolution can be qualified members of
the CPC so that they can consciously compare themselves to the requirements
of the new party constitution for party members and find out their defi-
ciencies. At the same time, we should be good at educating party members
with both positive and negative lessons so as to arouse their revolutionary
enthusiasm and make them profoundly realize the necessity of consolidating
the party, and determine to dedicate their all to the party, the people and
the communist cause. This method has been adopted in some Beijing units
when carrying out the recent education in opposing corruption. This lively
and concrete method has achieved marked results and should be carried
forward on a larger scale. Historical experience shows that only by hold-
ing up a clear-cut communist banner and unswervingly implementing the
party's current policies in a down-to-earth manner, can we gather the vast
number of'party members and progressives outside the party to carry out
arduous struggles under the communist banner and to unite the whole nation
to win victories in revolution and construction. When smelting steel we
need to keep the furnace burning, and only when the communist enthusiasm
of the vast number of party members is fully aroused can all kinds of non-
proletarian ideological dregs be washed out of the minds of party members.'
Only thus can we achieve success in consolidating the party.
The experimental work of consolidating the party in a few selected units is
a preparatory step for smoothly carrying out the movement in an all-round
way. Though we have accumulated rich experiences in carrying out the
movement of consolidating the party, the current conditions are very dif-
ferent from those in the past and the situation inside the party has also
changed. Apart from this, many party members and cadres at middle and
grassroots levels do not have practical experience in this field due to
the fact that we have not consolidated the party.for many years. There-
fore, the experimental work in selected units is very important. We can
gain experience there and use it to guide general work. This winter and
next spring the Beijing municipal authorities will select a number of units
in organs subordinate to the municipal party committee, industrial, capital
construction and financial departments and in both rural and urban areas as
the experiment points for consolidating the party. The relevant depart-
ments of the municipal party committee and party committees (or party
groups) at district, county and bureau levels will send leading cadres to
take part in the experimental work and will pay attention to study the
experience and problems in consolidating the party so as to make prepara-
tions for the work of all-round consolidation.
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Carrying out the work of consolidating the party by stages and in groups in
a planned and methodical way under a unified leadership is an important
guarantee for the healthy development of the work of consolidating the party.
This work should be started in the municipal party committee and then
gradually develop to leading groups at district, county and bureau level.
After this, the consolidation of grassroots party organizations can be
carried out by stages and in groups. In this way, the movement will develop
from top to bottom at one level after another under the leadership of the
upper party organizations. As for those party organizations which have
been paralyzed or corrupted,, their senior organizations should send work
teams there to bring the party work directly under control.
Furthermore, the work of consolidating the party should be linked with
administrative structural reform and the reorganization of enterprises and
institutions. A unified arrangement should be worked out. In the course
of consolidating the party, it is necessary to continue to strengthen the
building of leading groups at all levels. It is necessary, by upholding
the principle of appointing people on their merits and giving priority to
their political integrity, to promote those young and middle-aged cadres,
who have'comparatively high education level, strong professional ability
and organization and leadership capabilities and who can open up new
prospects in work, to leading positions in place of those incompetent
cadres who cannot do so. Reformative measures should be taken as the work
of consolidating the party is carried on. Concrete measures for strength-
ening and improving the party leadership should be worked out so as to
consolidate and develop the achievements of the movement. It is necessary
to lead the revolutionary enthusiasm of party members emerging after the
work of consolidating the party into their professional work and production
so as to promote work and production and to create a new situation in which
the'work in all fields is going full steam ahead.
Our era has sounded the clarion call to create a new situation in all fields
of socialist modernization. We must, in the course of studying, publicizing
and implementing the 12th party congress' documents, do a good job of con-
solidating the party and build all party organizations in Beijing city into
vigorous fighting command posts able to create new situations, which will
unite and lead the people throughout the city, under the leadership of the
party Central Committee and in accordance with the four-point instructions
on the building of the capital issued by the party Central Secretariat, to
build Beijing into a modern capital of our socialist country with a high
degree of civilization and democracy, and to continuously advance our work
in all fields in concentrated, enthusiastic and orderly manner.
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COMMENTS ON DISCUSSIONS CONCERNING PLANNED ECONOMY AND MARKET REGULATION
MECHANISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 20-22
[Article by Jing Ping [2529 1627]; preface by the editor of the RED FLAG
Publishing House to the book "Collections of Theoretical Essays on Planned
Economy and the Market Regulation Mechanism"; which collects articles on
this topic published in major newspapers and magazines from the publication
of the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since
the Founding of the PRC" to June 1982]
[Text] The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party
Since the Founding of the PRC" adopted by the 6th Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee points out: ."It is necessary to practice plan-
ned economy on the basis of public ownership and at the same time, give
play to the supplementary role of regulation by market mechanism." Both
the historical experience and current situation of China's socialist
economic construction have shown us the fact that whether the national
economy can healthily develop and whether the socialist economic system
can be further consolidated depend on whether this basic principle is put
into effect in an all-round way.
Since the publication of the resolution, theoretical and actual workers in
the economic field have widely discussed the problem concerning planned
economy and the market regulation mechanism and have published many articles
on this topic. Over the past year, the people's understanding of this prob-
lem has.been raised to a new level and the discussions have achieved useful
results.
As we know, when discussing the reform of China's economic institutions a
few years ago, people generally felt that there existed many maladies in
our economic institutions, such as the overcentralization of power, rigidly
planned management which covered too wide a range and'exerted too.rigid a
control, the lack of decisionmaking powers in enterprises and the neglect
of the function of the market mechanism.. Undoubtedly, it is correct to
point out these maladies and seek ways to solve these problems and this has
played an active role in promoting the reform of our economic institutions.
At the same time, there being no need for reticence, some improper and even
erroneous viewpoints have also come up in the discussions. For a certain
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period, many comrades did not take seriously the state of affairs. In the
wake of the publication of the resolution, Comrade Chen Yun repeatedly
emphasized that it is necessary to adhere to the principle of "giving the
leading role to planned economy and the supplementary role to the market
regulation mechanism." Since then, a new situation has been brought about.
In the articles published in the past year, many comrades on the one hand
fully.affirmed the great achievements of the theoretical discussions con-
cerning the reform of our economic institutions and on the other hand,
seriously analyzed the problems existing in the discussions a few years
ago. Apart from inappropriate wording and inaccurate propositions, which
were problems that were hard to avoid and should not be taken seriously,
they mainly pointed out the following erroneous viewpoints: Considering
that the law of planned development of the national economy does not exist
under the socialist system; considering that our country at present is not
provided with the material conditions for practicing. a planned economy;
considering that inefficient management and poor economic results are
inevitable outcomes of the planned economy; considering that mandatory
plans should be abolished and that state plans should only be treated as
references and should not have a binding force; considering that planning
regulation mechanism is only suited to the management of macroeconomy while
microeconomy, that is, the activities of enterprises, should be subject to
the market regulation mechanism; considering that all enterprises, includ.-
-ing those owned by all the people, should be economic entities which are
completely independent and are provided with all the characteristics and
rights of commodity producers and should thus have the power to inde-
pendently'handle production, exchange and other economic activities; con-
sidering that only by relying on the law of value, can production and
other economic activities be properly regulated; and considering that
market economy is much superior to planned economy. Among these view-
points, some were only the ideas of a few individuals, but others were
supported by a number of comrades. Seriously and objectively pointing out
these' viewpoints which negate and are detrimental or may at least lead to
the weakening of our socialist planned economy and then analyzing and
criticizing them, rather than remaining indifferent toward them, represents
an earnest and scientific attitude. This shows that our economic theoreti-
cal workers have made progress and improvement in their understanding. This
is a good thing. Launching discussions around these substantial issues of
principle will never hinder the scientific study of theories but instead,
it will only promote this study. This will not impede the reform of the
economic institutions, rather, it will benefit the healthy development of
this reform.
In the articles published in the past year, many comrades started from the
actual conditions of our country, applied the basic principles of Marxism
to the socialist economy to sum up positive and negative experiences in
China's economic construction. They made some concrete expositions on the
important issue of "giving the leading role to planned economy and the
supplementary role to market regulation mechanism" and further explicitly
affirmed the following viewpoints: .
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1. The national economy developing in a planned way is a basic charac-
teristic of the socialist economy. Only by practicing planned economy
on the basis of public ownership, can we guarantee the proportionate and
coordinated development of various branches of the national economy and
Various links of social reproduction and guarantee the growth of production
in conformity with the interests of the whole society. In this way, the
practicing of planned economy embodies the requirement of the socialist
basic economic law. Abandoning planned economy will inevitably lead to
anarchy in social production and to the destruction of the socialist public
ownership system.
2. Our country has been provided with the conditions for practicing plan-
ned economy. The superiority of planned economy has been proved in the
past 30 years' practice of economic construction. It is true that maladies
existed in the specific systems of planned management in China and many
major mistakes did occur in our planning work, but all this can be improved
and corrected. We should never suspect and negate the basic system of
planned economy for these reasons.
3. Practicing mandatory plans is a basic sign of the socialist planned
economy and is also an important embodiment of China's socialist system of
ownership by all the people. If mandatory plans, the state's direct
management of the production and distribution of the means of production
and consumption with a bearing on the national economy and the people's
livelihood and the state's direct command over backbone enterprises were to
be completely abolished, our plans would, like plans in capitalist coun-
tries, only play a coordinating role in the enterprises' productive and
economic activities. In this case, it would be hard for the state to
control necessary economic strength to guarantee the national economy
developing in accordance with the interests and demands of the entire
society. This would inevitably lead to confusion in the social economic
life and would not guarantee. the advance of our economy as a whole along
the socialist course.
4. As for the forms of planned management, apart from direct plans, or
mandatory plans, many products and enterprises may and should be subject
to indirect plans, or guidance plans, which mainly rely on prices, taxes,
credits and other economic levers to guide enterprises to the fulfillment
of state plans. The attempt- to exclusively practice mandatory plans with-
out regard to actual conditions and necessity is also unfavorable to the
proportionate development of the economy. and unfavorable to the improvement
of economic results.
5. Under the conditions of the planned economy playing a dominant role,
it is also necessary to define a certain scope in accordance with the
specific situation of various periods and allow enterprises to conduct free
production and exchange within this scope, that is, to allow the production
and exchange of a section of products to be regulated spontaneously accord-
ing to the law of value. In this way, this market regulation mechanism is
subordinate to the planned economy and just plays a secondary role, but it
is essential and serves as a useful supplement to the planned economy. When
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emphasizing the importance of the planned economy, we should not neglect the
supplementary role of market regulation mechanism.
6. In order to properly organize the socialist economy, it is necessary to
thake.all efforts to follow objective economic laws and first of all, the
specific laws of the socialist economy, such as the socialist basic
economic law and the law of proportionate development. At the same time,
it is necessary to follow the basic law governing commodity production,
that is, the law of value. When practicing both mandatory plans and
guidance plans, we must take into account the situation of market supply
and demand and the requirements of the law of value. It is wrong to deny
that the socialist basic economic law and the law of planned development
are the principal regulators in social production and to exaggerate the
regulatory role of the law of value. It is also wrong to deny the regula-
tory role of the law of value and to think that emphasizing the planned
economy means negating the necessity of developing commodity production and
exchange.
7. We must reform China's economic planning institutions. The basic prin-
ciple and orientation of this reform must be: 1) socialist in character;
and 2) Chinese in style. The result of the reform must be to strengthen
and consolidate rather than destroy the socialist economy. Measures
adopted in some capitalist countries, including some effective measures in
those. countries, are not certainly applicable in our country. We should
not mechanically copy even the measures of other socialist countries
because our conditions are different from theirs. We must seriously sum
up our own experience and only take foreign experience and ideas as ref-
erences, rather than foundations.
8. The central problem of institutional economic reform is the imple-
menting of the principle of giving the leading role to the planned economy
and the supplementary role to the market regulation mechanism. It is
necessary to correctly define the scope and limits of mandatory plans,
guidance plans and market regulation mechanism. Different degrees of
decisionmaking power should be vested in different types of enterprises
so that their business results can be linked with their material benefits,
and responsibility, power and interests can be combined together. Both
administrative means,and economic levers should be put into practice. This
reform involves a wide range and should not be treated as some nonessential
amelioration. Many problems in this reform need to be solved and we must
not take this as an easy ;thing. We must take an active attitude, work out
feasible programs and put the reform measures into effect step by step.
9. We must improve our planning work and place our plans on a better
scientific base. We should always maintain our guiding ideology and prin-
ciples in the economic field in conformity with objective reality and try
our best to maintain the overall balance in the national economy. We should
properly arrange various major ratios in the economy and take into account
the interests of the three aspects, namely, the state, the collective and
the individual. We need to draw up a plan system which combines long-term
plans with short-term plans and to set up a rational system of indicators.
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It is necessary to strengthen economic forecast and statistical work and
adopt a scientific method for planning. The application of prices, taxes,
credits and other economic levers should be included in state plans and
taken as an important component of the plans. Only by continuously
improving the level of our planning work and making our plans more scien-
tific, can we firmly consolidate the authoritativeness of our plans.
10. We must protect the solemnity of the state unified plans and oppose
various behaviors of weakening and shaking off the state planned management.
Localities, departments and enterprises should have the notion of taking
the interests of the whole nation into account. Selfish departmentalism,
decentralism and the liberalist tendency must not be allowed to go unchecked.
The state should use both administrative and economic means and perfect
economic legislation and carry out inspection and supervision so as to
guarantee economic activities being handled in accordance with state plans.
Over the past year, the discussions concerning planned economy and market
regulation mechanism have achieved useful results. Of course, not all
questions have received unanimous replies. On the implications of some
concepts, on the expression and exposition of some viewpoints and even on
some essential problems, writers still have different opinions. These
differences of opinion remain to be solved in the future discussions. As
for how to turn the principle of giving the leading role to the planned
economy and the supplementary role to market regulation mechanism into
concrete measures and how to set up a concrete system in accordance with
this principle, it requires us to make a great deal of investigation and
study of China's reality and carry out thorough theoretical discussion.
In order to facilitate economic theoretical and practical workers and other
cadres and masses to acquainting themselves with and studying the issue of
planned economy and market mechanism, we compile this collection of
theoretical essays. This book collects some articles published in major
newspapers and magazines during the year from the publication of the
resolution on the party's historical questions to June 1982. These
articles are arranged in the sequence of their publishing time. In addi-
tion, the book also includes a few articles which have not been published
before. The editor has revised the topic.of a few articles. An index of
the articles on planned economy and market regulation mechanism is attached
at the back of this book. This is the first collection. A follow-up will
be compiled and published according to the progress of the discussions. We
hope writers and readers will offer help to our editorial work.
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SAFEGUARD THE SOCIALIST PUBLIC OWNERSHIP OF LAND
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 23-26, 32
[Article by Yi Zhi [2496 0037]]
[Text] On the ownership of land in China, the draft of the revised con-
stitution of the PRC clearly defined: "Land in the cities is the property
of the state." "Land in villages, towns and the suburban areas is the
property of the collectives, except for the portion which belongs to the
state according to provisions of the law; house sites and private plots of
cropland and hilly land are also owned by collectives." "The state may
in the public interest take over land for its use in accordance with the
law." "No organization or individual may appropriate, buy, sell or lease
land, or unlawfully transfer land in other ways." This has affirmed that
the present stage of China accords with the public ownership of the means
of production and there exist two kinds of socialist ownership of land;
further, it has confirmed the principle that the land owned by the state
and the collective is inviolable and cannot be regarded as a commodity to
be sold, bought or leased. These principles affirmed by the fundamental
law of the state which has supreme legal effect have great immediate
significance in safeguarding the socialist economic basis of our country
and promoting the management of land.
Land is the basic means of production for industrial and agricultural pro-
duction, and cannot be substituted. It is closely linked with the people's
life and the existence and reproduction of mankind. Socialism is incom-
patible with the private ownership of land. In their:"Manifesto of the
Communist Party," Marx and Engels pointed out: "Wielding its political
domination, the proletariat" "expropriates landed property and provides
land rent to the state for its expenditures." ("Collected Works of Marx
and Engels," Vol 4, pp 489, 490) In "places where there are large number
of peasants who own the land," Marx proposed to "promote the transition
from private ownership to collective ownership of land." ("Collected Works
of Marx and Engels," Vol 18, pp 694, 695) After the victory of the demo-
cratic revolution, China abolished the feudal ownership of land in rural
areas and carried out the principle that those who till own their land.
The collective ownership of land in rural areas was gradually established
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during the cooperative transformation of agriculture and finally realized
with the establishment of the advanced agricultural producers' cooperative;
whereas the state ownership of land was gradually set up and strengthened
through expropriation, confiscation, taking over (of unowned land in town
and country), redemption (of capitalist estates), requisition and other
methods. The establishment of the two kinds of public ownership of land
eliminated an important source of exploitation and oppression that the
Chinese people had suffered from, cleared away the obstacles and paved the
way for China to become a prosperous, strong and modernized country. These
are the great achievements gained by the Chinese people in the struggle to
solve the land problem in the past decades under the leadership of the CPC.
The establishment of the two kinds of socialist public ownership of land
was widely supported and respected by various organs, organizations, state-
owned enterprises and institutions, collective economic organizations and
the vast numbers of civilians in cities and villages. On the whole, it
was relatively stable. But in recent years this system has been encroached
upon to varying degrees. In rural areas, it has been mainly a case of some
cadres and commune members building their own houses and willfully occupy-
ing cultivated land belonging to the collective; in city suburbs, it has
mainly been some production teams, organs and enterprises illegally buying,
selling or leasing land; and in cities,.-there have also been serious cases
of illegal land grabbing. The practices of violating rules and occupying
land are also rather serious. Some units and individuals try every possible
way to occupy open spaces, green plots, parks, public roads and residential
courtyards. Land under construction is also forcibly occupied. What
merits special attention is that when some units owned by the whole people
apply for land for the purpose of construction, they budget liberally but
spend sparingly. After they have got the land which the state paid a high
price for in taking over, if they do not or cannot use it, they exchange it
for houses or materials, or sell, lease or transfer it at a high price. If
we allow all the above practices of violating state or collective ownership
of land to spread unchecked, the socialist economic basis of our country
will be seriously impaired and a great deal of valuable land will continue
to be ruined and wasted; this will lead to consequences dreadful to con-
template.
Although land is a means of production, it is somewhat different from that
of machinery equipment, factory buildings, raw materials, fuel and other
means of production. It cannot be reproduced. One mu occupied will be
1 mu less. Moreover, its position is fixed and cannot be moved. China has
a large population with limited land and the distribution of our population
is seriously uneven. At present, in many cities and rural areas, there
have been a shortage in usable land. Along with the increase of population
and the' development of the construction cause, this situation of shortage
will be more and more intensified. Therefore, to cherish every inch of
land is our existing national policy and- also the bounden responsibility
of all organs, organizations, enterprises and institutions, economic organi-
zations of the collectives and the residents of cities and villages. It is
stipulated in the draft of the revised constitution of the PRC that "social-
ist public property is sacred and inviolable." The land owned by the state
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and the collective is sacred and inviolable. The establishment of socialist
public ownership of land offered the possibility for the rational exploita-
tion and utilization of land in a planned way. But by applying this possi-
bility to reality, we still need to rely on the people of the whole country
and particularly all cadres to safeguard the socialist public ownership of
land. Recently, the Secretariat of the CPC Central Committee and the State
Council emphasized: In the past few years, the situation in rural areas of
occupation of cultivated land and building of houses was quite serious, and
in addition, more land is found to be occupied by the state every year for
its construction. This further accelerates the contradiction of the large
population and limited land of our country becoming more striking. If we
do not attach great importance to this situation and take drastic measures
to stop it, it is bound to have serious consequences. Therefore, it is
demanded to strictly control the occupation of land and building of houses,
and resolutely check the trend of cadres taking the lead in grabbing land
and building houses. This instruction is very important.
In order to safeguard the socialist public ownership of land, we must
further perfect the land legislation, study and improve the system of land
management and make clear the problem of ideological understanding con-
cerning the public ownership of land.
One of the important reasons why our socialist public land has frequently
been violated in the past was that our country's land laws were not com-
plete and there were no legal guidelines when problems concerning land
management occurred. For instance, since the cooperative transformation
of agriculture, although the-party and government time and again reaffirmed
in its policy documents that buying, selling and leasing of land were for-
bidden, people nevertheless bought, sold and leased the land, and there
were no clear-cut laws statipg what responsibility the culprits should bear.
Consequently, even if the cases of selling, buying and leasing of land were
investigated, those guilty were not duly punished. A culprit who offended
the law "made self-criticism for a short spell but got benefits throughout
his life." This then created a precedent for future illegal activities.
Here is another example: We criticized the rural grassroot level cadres
for arbitrarily distributing house sites. But for a long time we did not
suggest any way to properly distribute the house sites, with the result that
each locality chose their own way. Some even competed with others, keeping
pace with a "high standard."
Socialist land law is a powerful weapon for us to protect the socialist
public ownership of land. It is inconceivable for such a big country as
ours with a large population and limited land not to have complete land
laws.
It is gratifying that in the past 12 months or so, the State Council has
successively promulgated several important land decrees. A number of
provinces, municipalities and autonomous regions have'also formulated their
own local land regulations. There has been great progress in the land
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legislation work of our country. But we still do not have our own land law.
There are some details of the newly promulgated land decree that need to be
formulated and put in force. We must continue to firmly grasp the work in
land legislation. The clear and perfect stipulation laid down in the new
constitution for the ownership of land for our country at the present stage
will establish a prerequisite for the land law of China.
To make a law is not easy but, in a certain sense, to carry it out is even
more difficult. A special feature of many cases of illegal land dealings
is that both parties received benefits at the expense of the state. There-
fore, these cases are not easily discovered in advance. When it is investi-
gated, it has already become a fact. There are also great obstacles and
difficulties in dealing with these cases. Moreover, there are the phenomena
of too many opinions and, ambiguous responsibility in land management at
present which meant that land appeared to be managed but in fact was not;
this seriously hindered the development of land management work. Urban land
should of course be managed by the real estate departments. But too many
heads involved in the management cause it to be in a confused state.
Therefore, after we have laid down a series of land decrees, it is neces-
sary to further perfect the administrative organs of land management and
earnestly grasp the work of enforcing the law. It is imperative to have
a full understanding of the difficulty of enforcing the law. We must
educate the comrades of judicial and land-management departments to bear
the spirit of responsibility to the state and our later generations, act
according to the law and enforce it strictly.
One of the main defects in the economic management system of our country is
the idea of eating out of the "big communal pot." This is also true in our
land management system, and in the management system in the state-owned
land in particular.
At present, when land is needed by enterprises and institution units owned
by the whole people, provided that the construction or extension project
is approved, the construction unit can in the name of a state representa-
tive take over land for its use, no matter how high the expenses, because
they are allocated, paid and reimbursed by the state. After the land is
taken over, it is owned by the state and used by the construction unit.
Prior to the "Great Cultural' Revolution," the units owned by the whole
people had to pay to the state a small fee for the use of land. During
the "Cultural Revolution," this symbolic payment was also revoked. Now,
the units of the ownership of the whole people gratuitously use state land.
Although this kind of system conforms with the simplified tax system, it
has also brought a lot of problems. Among them the most typical one is
gratuitous use of land. Everybody rushes in sharing from the "big pot" of
state land, thus causing a shocking waste in the use of land. In requisi-
tioning land, we often find cases of requisitioning more land than needed,
or requisitioning it much earlier than it is used, or even not using it at
all. The crux of the matter is that land owned by the state is free. At
present, the reason why the capitalists of foreign countries rush day and
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night and seize every minute to build factories is that every inch of land
is extremely expensive there. The capitalists wish to finish it as quick
as possible in order to recover the cost of purchasing the land at an
early date. But in our metropolis, when houses are demolished, it is
usually the case that after several years they are still in ruins. There
is no choice but to erect an advertisement board to cover up the sight.
If land is not used gratuitously, but must be paid for, and if whoever
takes. over the land and does.not use it, will be levied heavy taxes by the
state, or the land be taken back in due time, then the situation may be far
better than the present.
In socialist society there still exists differential land rent. The land
rent of construction sites is mainly determined by the position of the land.
Whether or not the enterprises are situated near the sources of raw mate-
rials, markets and water and electric supply centers, and whether or not
the communication and transportation and coordinative conditions are con-
venient, have great influence on the operation of their businesses. It is
not because of good operation of business or large amount of labor put in
that some of the enterprises'make a good income, but mainly because they
benefit by the position of the factory (or shop; the mines benefit from rich
resources). At present, wherever the land used by the state-owned enter-
prises is situated, it is free; therefore, the differential land rent is
then distributed to enterprises that are situated in a good location. This
not only causes uneven income, advantages and hardships, it also encourages
people to crowd into the metropolis and particularly to seize the land in
the center of the city and the vegetable plots in the suburbs.
In the past, when the management system of the entire planning, finance,
supply and marketing and others were all sharing from the "communal pot,"
the above defects of free use of land did not arouse the attention of the
people. Now, the initiative power of enterprises have been extended and we
have instituted the economic responsibility system. When the other fields
began to actively solve the problem of "communal pot," the problem of
"communal pot" in the state-owned land became more conspicuous and its
defects exposed more clearly. This is an important problem that calls for
a solution in reforming the land management system.
In order to make the construction units use land more economically and change
the free occupation of state-owned land to a paid one, it is absolutely
necessary for the state to levy land-use tax on private house sites and
land used by units for construction purpose, according to the quality and
quantity of land. The state must pay relevant fees for requisitioning,
exploiting and managing land. At present, the expenses in requisitioning
land constitute a large amount of every capital construction investment
allocated by the state. This sum of money is not part of the social
reproduction process and does not form fixed assets. It cannot be grad-
ually withdrawn, depreciated or recouped, and is not included in the rent;
therefore the state is not reasonably compensated. It is necessary to levy
a certain amount of tax on the units that use land to'compensate the expenses
used in requisitioning, exploiting and managing land.
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It seems that the state charging the state-run enterprises for using land
is like collecting a sum of money from one side but reducing the profits
that should be turned over on the other; the wool comes from the sheep's
back. In fact, collecting and not collecting are quite different, and the
results of the wool coming from this or that sheep's back are also quite
different. Collecting is advantageous for maintaining the state ownership
of land and prevents the reduction of state ownership of land to unit
ownership. Under the condition of extending the initiative power of enter-
prises and the enterprises having relatively independent economic rights
and interests, it is a very beneficial thing for the state to levy tax on
using land and levying a higher tax on the well located land and suburban
vegetable plots according to the principle of differential land rent. This
reflects a series of policies of the party and government in valuing land,
readjusting the income of enterprises, controlling the population increase
in cities, protecting the environment and so on.
In order to do a good job in land management in rural areas and city
suburbs and safeguard the socialist collective ownership of land, at
present, it is necessary to clarify some ideological understanding on the
problems concerning the collective ownership of land.
The first problem is forbidding the buying and selling of land. The con-
stitution and law of China has a stipulation forbidding the buying and
selling of land. It not only forbids the units owned by the whole people
to sell state-owned land, but also forbids the units owned by the collective
to sell collectively owned. This is not a willful stipulation, but a
scientific one. Some comrades hold that since land belongs to the collec-
tive, they have the right to sell. They do not understand the reasoning
behind this stipulation.
The buying and selling of land is an outcome of private ownership of land
and it is an important reason why in history, land has been monopolized and
annexed by a handful of people. In the old society, the rich had fields
from north to south, but the poor did not even possess a speck of land.
In addition to the rulers plundering land from the laboring people by means
of political and military power, this was also caused by the rich buying
land from the impoverished peasants. Through the democratic and socialist
revolutions, China abolished the private ownership of land and nobody was
allowed to use land to exploit others. We had the objective conditions for
forbidding the buying and selling of land. In order to protect the social-
ist public ownership of land, the law of our country has a stipulation for-
bidding the buying and selling of land. The state recognizes the proprietary
rights of the collective units over the land and legally protects collec-
tively owned land from being encroached upon. Collective units are by no
means allowed to sell land at will. If the collective units are allowed to
sell land at will, it will inevitably mean giving the green light to a few
people to engage in speculation, and conversely, all bad deeds will come
one after another. This is not safeguarding but sabotaging the collective
ownership of land.
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In socialist society, there exist the production and exchange of commodi-
ties, but land is not a commodity. Further, viewed from the development
of the causes of production and construction, it is not necessary to carry
out a policy of free buying and selling of land. If the state needs land
for capital construction, it can requisition land from the production teams
through legal procedures after approval by the land management organs. The
state does not have to purchase it. If the commune enterprises need land
for construction, they can also requisition land from the production teams
through legal procedures after approval by the state; they do not have to
purchase it either. At present, those who intend to purchase land are
mainly units who want to extend their capital construction which is not
under the planning of, or approved by, the higher levels. If the free
buying and selling of land is allowed, it will be impossible to control the
planning of cities, capital construction and land utilization.
The second is the problem of bounds between the public ownership of land
and the system of production-responsibility, that is, the bounds between
proprietary rights and utilization rights of land.
After land reform was carried out in China, the proprietary rights and
utilization rights of land were always connected together. After land
reform,. land was returned to the individual peasants. The individual
peasants were the owners and users of land. After a considerable time
after the setting up of advanced agricultural producers' cooperatives in
rural areas, the land was cultivated by the collective and therefore, the
collective was the owner and user of land. Because the "two rights" were
combined together for a long period, this caused some of the peasants and
cadres to be mixed up about the bounds. After the implementation of the
responsibility system of fixing output quotas for individual households
and assigning land to each household in exchange for fixed levies,
proprietary rights and utilization rights were separated or partly sepa-
rated. Therefore, some people misunderstood it as "dividing the fields
among' individual households" and "land has returned back to its original
owner." In the past few years, some.people have built houses and grave-
yards and used the soil to bake bricks on contract land, private plots and
fodder fields. This is related to the mixing up of the bounds between
proprietary rights and utilization rights of land. What we have to do is
to'do more propagation and explanation work, and lead the peasants and
cadres to draw a clear line of demarcation on this issue. We must realize
that in our socialist society, it is normal to separate the proprietary
right and utilization right of land. We must help the cadres and commune
members to draw a clear line of demarcation between proprietary right and'
utilization right, so that they can understand that they have the right to
use contract land, private plots, hilly land and fodder fields to a certain
limited extent, and that they do not have the proprietary right over this
land. This is advantageous for maintaining the collective ownership of
land and also for perfecting the system of production responsibility in
rural areas.
Marx predicted 110 years ago that "the ownership of land is the primitive
source of all wealth. Now it has become a big problem. The future of the
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working class depends on how this problem is properly solved." t"Collected
Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 18, p 64) This big problem has basically
been solved in our country. The problem we face today is to consolidate
our achievements and perfect our public ownership of land. With the
efforts of all of us, we believe that our socialist public ownership of
land will constantly be perfect and further definitely manifest its
superiority.
CSO: 4004/14
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LAUNCH THE ADVANCED PRODUCERS MOVEMENT ON A LARGER SCALE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 27-32
[Article by Yu Yannan [2456 3601 0589]]
[Text] The advanced producers movement is a mighty endeavor undertaken by
the working class and other working people of our country in their estab-
lishment of socialism and march forward toward the gigantic objective of
the realization of communism. This movement is entirely different. from
past political movements, particularly those so-called "political move-
ments" during the 10 years of civil disorder. We use the word "movement"
here to indicate that it is a popular campaign which is organized, pur-
poseful and rather prestigious. And the advanced producers movement is a
popular production emulation movement which is led by the party and the
government, lies within the jurisdiction of the law and statutes, possesses
the definite objectives of establishing material civilization and socialist
spiritual civilization, both of a high degree of development, and is con-
scientiously and voluntarily participated in by the working class and other
laboring people.
The advanced producers movement is a major part of the workers' movement
of a new historical era in the establishment of socialism in our country.
A working class still exists in a socialist era. Since there is a working
class in existence, naturally there is a workers' movement. Following the
seizure of political power by the working class, it may be said that the
first step has been taken insofar as the realization of its ultimate
objective, namely, communism, is concerned. Hence, the workers' movement
has not, and cannot, come to a standstill. But since the tasks and the
pivotal points of work taken on by the working class before their seizure
of political power were different from those shouldered by them after the
seizure, the workers' movement necessarily has suffered vast changes in
content and form. Before the birth of new China, the central tasks of our
working class were, under the leadership of the Chinese Communist Party,
to form a close alliance with the peasant class and other laboring people,
to overthrow the rule of imperialism, the landlord class and the bureau-
cratic. capitalist class, and to liberate the social productive force.
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Hence, during the revolutionary period of new democratism, the basic con-
tent of our workers' movement was to engage in class struggles to destroy
corrupt production relations and their upper structures which had impeded
the development of the social productive force. In this context, during
this petiod, the workers' movement resorted to such measures as strikes,
parades and demonstrations and even engaged in more violent and hostile
action such as armed struggles. Following the birth of new China, the
political ar%d economic status of,the working class suffered a basic change.
They have become the leadership class of new China and the masters of the
new society. Particularly after the basic completion of the socialist
transformation of the ownership system of the means of production and the
elimination of the class status of the exploiting class, the central task
and the pivotal points of work of the working class, generally speaking,
were to devote their utmost efforts to socialist construction concur-
rently with raising the social productive force, to reform certain portions
and links of the production relations and their upper structures which were
not in conformity with the development of the productive force, in order to
enable the socialist system to gradually become perfect. During this new
historical period, the basic content of the workers' movement was to
establish a modern, powerful socialist nation which was highly civilized
and highly democratic. In other words, the content of the workers' move-
ment shifted from the past liberation of the social productive force to the
proper protection and development of the social productive force. Hence,
under the new historical conditions, the workers' movement has taken the
form of being democratic and emulative and not brutal and hostile.
Some comrades have frequently entertained too narrow a concept of the
workers' movement. They seem to believe that the workers' movement
existed only before the seizure of political power by the working class
and that the workers' movement could exist only when the workers were
engaged in struggles with the capitalist class, with or without, the
shedding of blood. Such a concept is one-sided, and does not realize that
the workers' movement necessarily possesses a different content and a dif-
ferent form in different historical periods. For the same reason, it does
not conform to objective reality if we confine the workers' movement merely
to political struggles and do not take it as embodying the important con-
tents of the actual practices in production and in the study and renovation
of science and technology engaged in by the working class during the
socialist period. In reality, certain noted political activists of the
proletarian class long ago took socialist labor emulation in the male and
female workers' movement as one of the most glorious chapters in the
history of socialist construction.
A large-scale development of the advanced producers movement carries an
enormous significance and role in promoting the establishment of a material
civilization and socialist spiritual civilization in our country.
The history of mankind's production development tells us that at any period
in history and in any production department there existed a small number of
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relatively advanced producers who adopted relatively advanced production
techniques and created relatively advanced production norms. Subsequently,
an increasing number of producers have learned their techniques and measured
up to their norms until finally what had been originally the production
level of-the ,small number of advanced producers became the production level
of'society at large and, as a result, production of the entire society
increased. By that time, producers of an even more advanced level began to
appear. They adopted techniques of an even more advanced level and created
norms of an even more advanced character. They influenced and led many more
producers to join the ranks of the advanced. In this way, the snow-balling
effect gathered momentum. In general, this may be said to be a picture of
the development of socialist social production and demonstrates the general
law governing the development of socialist social production. In the
interval, if any big and important invention in production technique is
made, then it will lead to an important reform in production technique and
promote a big increase in production. One of the chief superior points of
socialism is that it provides various advantageous conditions and opens up
unlimited extensive prospects for the growth of millions of advanced pro-
ducers, for the full display of their subjective initiative in production,
and for the utilization and propagation of their advanced experiences and,
their various kinds of inventions and creations. No other social system
can provide such advantageous conditions.
As early as at the end of 1955, Comrade Mao Zedong had brought forth a
proposal to start a socialist emulation campaign in our country. On the
basis of this proposal, in March next year the CPC Central Committee issued
a 'circular entitled: "Notice Concerning Active Leadership Over the Advanced
Producers Movement." Thus,. 17 years before the "Great Cultural Revolution,"
our country had already started the advanced producers movement. Although
in the interval there were certain setbacks Sand errors, generally speaking,
it had played an important role particularly during the period of the
recovery of the national economy and the period of the completion of the
First Five-Year Plan. After the smashing of the "gang of four," especially
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, popular
activities striving to become various kinds of advanced producers were
again rampant. This was a result of the implementation of the policy
eulogizing advanced people on various frontlines, development of labor
campaigns in various forms, an upsurge of such activities as technical
renovation and making rational suggestions, and the "learn from, and
surpass, the advanced" campaign which had for a time been interrupted dur-
ing the 10 years of internal disturbance. According to statistics compiled
by relevant departments in an investigation of 11 large-size backbone
enterprises, in recent years roughly 20 percent of their staff members have
won such meritorious titles of labor as labor model, advanced producer,
shock worker in the new Long March, 8th March Red Banner pacesetter, and
contributor of meritorious services to the four modernizations. Since the
founding of the PRC, for every thousand staff members, roughly five have
been awarded, at one time or another, titles of labor models of various
grades. At the moment, in various localities, departments and enterprise
units, the development of the advanced producers movement is still uneven
and varying results have been attained. For example, at the end of each
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year, Daqing oil field carried out a campaign to "appraise advanced workers,
compare contributions, elect models, and exemplify pacesetters." This has
played an important role in the development of construction of the oil
field and in stabilizing its. high yield in recent years. The Daqing Oil
Well Drilling Corporation combined labor emulation simultaneously with
implementing the economic responsibility system. Last year, its oil well
drilling footage was more than 600,000 meters, and its entire year's pro-
duction tasks were filled 28 days ahead of schedule. Since last year, the
Shanghai No 5 steel plant has promoted activities to solicit rational
proposals from its staff members and in this way has enhanced economic
benefits to the enterprise. This plant has a steel rolling workshop with
over 700 workers. Last year, from July to the end of the year, roughly 10
percent of its workers made some 116 rational suggestions. Following
investigation, 36 of these proposals were accepted. An investment of
31,000 yuan was required to carry out these proposals and awards amounting
to 141 yuan were made. Implementation of these proposals will yield
profits of 1.65 million yuan a year. This is equivalent to 8.7 percent of
the total profits received yearly from this workshop at present. Of these
36 proposals, 19 were carried out before the end of last year. An invest-
ment of 5,000 yuan was made but the profits realized that year amounted to
420,000 yuan. A team leader in this workshop made a suggestion on "improv-
ing the productivity rate." The making of the suggestion, its examination
and eventual implementation took only 2 days:. Not a cent was spent; each
year, 360 more tons of steel can be rolled, increasing profits by 45,000
yuan. Innumerable facts have shown that the vigorous development of
socialist labor emulation to "compare, learn from, catch up, help and
surpass" can readily be transformed into a powerful popular movement in
which everybody learns from the advanced and catches up with the advanced.
It can vigorously arouse people's enthusiasm and urge for improvement,
change people's spiritual consciousness, promote technical rebuilding in
the various departments of the national economy, and improve the labor
productivity rate, work efficiency and economic effect of various trades
.and industries. In this way, the prosperous development of socialist
economic construction in our country can be promoted.
The central theme of the current large-scale development of the advanced
producers movement is to greatly increase the labor productivity rate and
the economic effect to the enterprises. Development of the movement
enables the rapid development of social production and in this way can
provide to society even more plentiful products to satisfy the daily
increasing material and cultural needs of the people. This is a special
characteristic of the socialist system's superiority over capitalism.
Therefore, vigorous development of the advanced producers movement helps
in consolidating and developing the socialist system.-
In the various departments of the national economy, the carrying out of
widespread, penetrating and sustained labor emulation activities of a
popular nature and the attraction of an increasing number of employees and
workers into the movement to learn from and to catch up with the advanced
not only can produce enormous economic benefits but also possesses an
inestimable significance and importance in improving the cultural and
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technical quality of the entire working class, in gradually reducing the
differential between physical labor and mental labor and in nurturing and
raising the class consciousness and good virtues of the working class,
particularly the young workers.
According to relevant investigation statistics, there are in our country
some 60 million young workers and employees under the age of 35. The main-
stream and quality of these youthful workers and employees are good. They
represent an exceedingly hopeful new generation of our country's working
class. But for various reasons, for the time being a rather large propor-
tion of these youthful workers are not imbued with the revolutionary spirit
and superior virtues of the industrial proletarian class. Frequently they
lack the far-sighted ideology of the working class, lack the enterprising
spirit, and sometimes look for momentary "comforts" and "material enjoy-
ment." They often fail to put their exuberant vitality to good use and
devote too much of it on petty household affairs. A small minority may
even make trouble out of nothing, engage in brawls and fights, and even
step on the dangerous road of lawbreaking. Under the present conditions
of the great majority of workers being young people, we urgently need to
vigorously develop popular activities which are of service to this great
enterprise of the working class so as to attract these young workers, to
make them strive to become the advanced and to do their utmost to fulfill
their own wishes by means of creative labor and so that they can effectively
display and put to good use their exuberant vitality and precious time via
beneficial channels. And the advanced producers movement is precisely the
type of good popular activity which can meet immeasurably well the above
demands. The advanced producers movement not only possesses an extensively
popular character but also has a highly competitive and emulative nature.
All this. is extremely suitable to young people's special temperament. Like
competition in sports, labor emulation can immensely arouse the ideology,
enthusiasm, fighting spirit, and wisdom of the young workers, and can turn
a'dull daily work routine into ever-surging waves and undulations, full of
excitement and steam. It can place young workers in a lively atmosphere and
rhythms of strain, excitement, enjoyment and gladness. This makes them feel
the fullness of life, the beauty of ideologies, and the bright prospects of
.the future. When they reap good results in their technical training, in
technical renovation, in making rational propositions and in such activities
as production emulation and pacesetting competition, when they are aware of
their own importance and role in socialized production, and when they enjoy
the fruits of glory and happiness of their creative labor, they will become
increasingly interested and will even conscientiously regulate their own
actions in conformity with the countenance of the working class. In short,
vigorous development of the advanced producers movement and enthusiastic
mobilization of the extensive masses of young workers to join the movement
will make the young workers more readily accept the rigid training of
socialized production, rapidly cultivate the revolutionary character and
superior quality of the proletarian class in industry, and become truly
worthy successors to the working class.
Advanced producers represent.an advanced level of the productive force.
On the one hand, they utilize their own advanced technique, advanced
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experiences and advanced norms to help and to teach the producers around
them to learn and handle these advanced technology and experiences and to
fulfill the advanced norms, in this way directly promoting the development
of the productive force. On the other hand, by means of their exemplary
deeds, their advanced thinking and brand-new lifestyle, they wash away the
dirt and poison of the old ideologies of old society, introduce new styles
and behavior to the age of socialism and communism, attract and encourage
millions-of people to adopt a new labor attitude and to undertake new
fields of work, and thereby promote the onward development of the produc-
tive force. Since the founding of the PRC, on the various production fronts
of our country a large number of celebrated advanced producers (workers) and
model workers have appeared, such as Meng Tai, Shang Xiuli, Zhao Mengtao,
Shi Chuanxiang, Wang Jinxi, Peng Haimu, Luan Fu and Zhao Chune, and those
well-known labor models up to now are still diligently laboring on various
fronts for the socialist enterprise. In addition, we may mention the
nationally known advanced production teams and units such as the "Mao
Zedong locomotive unit," Ma Hengchang subgroup, Ma Wanshui engineering
team, and Daqing Nos 1202 and 1205 drilling teams. This large number of
celebrated advanced individuals and advanced groups, plus thousands of
advanced producers (workers), individuals and advanced units, demonstrating
in their own selves the lofty spirit of loyalty to communist enterprises,
their good professional virtue and their brand-new socialist lifestyle,
truly constitute the pillar of our country's socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion. Hence the further large-scale development of the advanced producers
movement and an increasing number of employees and workers joining it cer-
tainly will form an extremely colorful and noble atmosphere which will wipe
away the various kinds of evil habits and ways which corrode the socialist
enterprises on our motherland.
Since the founding of the PRC, as a result of the vigorous development of
the advanced producers movement, the working class has enhanced its polit-
ical consciousness and improved the quality of its culture and technology.
The ranks of advanced elements in the working class have also continuously
expanded and improved and large numbers of advanced producers and labor
models have grown up-to become superior engineering and technical personnel,
or administrative cadres, or leadership cadres, in the party and government
circles. All this categorically shows that the advanced producers movement
is in the nature of a big school for the working class to learn communism,
is a large melting pot for the steeling of advanced elements among the
working class, and at the same time constitutes an extremely important road
and form, under the new historical conditions, for the self-rebuilding and
self-development of the working class.
There is little doubt that the development of the advanced producers move-
ment embodies an important significance and role in the construction of our
country's socialist material civilization' and spiritual civilization. How-
ever, at present, many leadership cadres have not yet given the matter the
importance it deserves. In organizing the advanced producers movement, the
leadership circles concerned are full of worries. They seem to have their
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hands and feet tied and can hardly do anything. In such enterprise units,
the trouble lies in not having attached enough importance to the movement,
to the lack of a precise objective and concrete procedural measures, and
an inability to envision definite results. It often happens that after
vainly propagating for a while, the movement came to a halt. Naturally,
conditions of this kind must be rapidly rectified. In addition, there
exist causes which impede and adversely influence our development of the
advanced producers movement on an even larger scale. For example, many
enterprises to varying degrees display a bad tendency to isolate or to
attack the advanced. This has seriously disrupted the development of the
"learn from the advanced" campaign. Also, certain problems and evil prac-
tices have been found in such phases as selection, use and propagation of
the advanced producers.
According to an investigation made by.relevant departments, out of the 126
nationally known cotton spinning and weaving experts, 66, or 52 percent,
have been taunted or criticized. At the Yinchuan Cotton Weaving Mill in
the Ningxia Autonomous Region, a national labor model, working as a weaver
recently overfulfilled his spinning and weaving tasks each year. He has
been in the habit of using his rest hours to teach new workers his tech-
niques. Somebody actually wrote, words on the blackboard taunting him and
urging him "not to show his stuff any more." In some localities and
enterprise units, it is difficult for the backward to become advanced. In
the Changsha Restaurant in H?nan Province, a young pacesetter used to have
participated in evil ways in her early life. After the smashing of the
"gang of four," she was "reborn." She was found reliable in her work and
finally won the honor of being a pacesetter in the new Long March. She was
elected to the municipal political consultative committee. Unfortunately,
very soon, doubts, taunts and rumors were cast on her. This was a serious
spiritual blow to this youth who had just begun a new life. She was so
depressed that she thought of committing suicide. Again, for example,
according to an investigation made by a certain department store in
Shanghai, it was found that of 65 advanced producers investigated, 17 felt
that taunts, jeers and attacks were the main impediments to, their continued
advancement. A large number of facts show that the evil wind of isolating
and attacking the advanced is blowing in varying degrees of severity in
many localities and units and that this is more or less a general phenomenon.
The various levels of leadership in the relevant departments must therefore
pay special attention to this problem and make serious efforts to rectify it.
The.reason why the evil wind of isolating and attacking the advanced has not
been effectively stifled in time is basically because of the weak and loose
disposition of the party leadership in the organizations concerned. Iso-
lating and attacking the advanced is basically incompatible with the
advanced character of the working class and its political party, the nature
of the socialist system, and the construction of the socialist spiritual
civilization. The firm rectification of such an abnormal phenomenon has a
direct bearing on the consolidation and development of the leading position
of the working class in advanced thought and the expansion and development
of the enterprise of the working class. Hence, our party and government
leadership at'various levels should take a clear-cut stand in representing
and supporting the advanced and make a thorough investigation of the plight
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of the advanced producers and other advanced people in their respective
localities, departments and units. They should educate the medium-level
and backward workers and employees on how to correctly treat the advanced
people and criticize the erroneous ideology of not seeking advancement for
oneself and also keeping others from advancing. At the same time, they
should firmly rectify the erroneous viewpoint and behavior which considers
that all advanced producers must be advanced in everything and all through
their lives and thus foster a demand for perfection on the advanced pro-
ducers. Acts which falsely accuse and attack the advanced must be sternly
investigated and dealt with. Serious cases involving a breach of criminal
codes must be prosecuted. Only in this way is it possible to foster a
good social and political environment in which everybody learns from the.
advanced and strives for advancement. .
In the final analysis, whether or not an employee or worker should be con-
ferred a labor honor and with what kind of labor honor should be deter-
mined by whether or not he has made any contribution and the extent of his
contribution, if any, to the cause of promoting the development of the
social productive force and the construction of socialist material civili-
zation and spiritual civilization. This should be our fundamental criterion
for the selection of advanced producers. Following the development of
socialist. modern construction enterprises in our country, there should be
an increasing number of advanced producers standing in the front ranks of
holding, promoting and creating modern technology. This represents an
objective demand made on us by the passage of time. According to an
investigation, last year a certain machine-building plant in Shaanxi
Province elected 96 advanced producers and 45 advanced teams at factory
grade. By far the great majority of them had been commended on doing
overtime work, overfulfilling production quotas, enduring great hardships
and undergoing extremely hard labor. However, lacking were such advanced
examples as the trial production of new products, renovation of tools and
equipment, adoption of advanced technological processes and advanced tech-
niques, strengthening of scientific management and improvement of the
economic benefits to the enterprises. Conditions of this kind are fairly
common in other enterprises. The advanced model of the "old cattle type,"
the name of one of the categories of advanced models, represents one of the
treasures of our party and people. The "old cattle spirit" it exhibits is
the revolutionary spirit of fighting hard struggles, daring to sacrifice,
and giving one's all until one's dying day. It is a vivid representation
of communist ideology and is an enormous spiritual force supporting our
construction of a modern powerful country. Therefore, from now on, we
should have still more of this type of advanced model. But if only this
one type of advanced model is available, then certainly it is not suffi-
cient and can hardly meet the development needs of socialist modern con-
struction. Hence, concurrently with training and bringing up, with great
warmth, the existing advanced people (pa"rticularly creating the necessary
conditions for them to learn and control scientific and cultural knowledge),
we must pay adequate attention to the discovery, nurturing and support of
advanced models who possess the special features of being new and con-
forming to the existing era's requirements. At present, the number of
young labor models is small. This has directly reduced their influence
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and role among the vast masses of workers. According to an investigation
made by relevant departments on 11 large-size backbone enterprises, of over
90,000 young workers, only 330 workers have been selected as labor models.
This is 0.3 percent of the total number of young workers, whereas of over
50,000 elderly workers and middle-age workers, 397 people have been selected
as labor models, or roughly 0.8 percent of the total number of elderly work-
ers and middle-aged workers. The latter proportion was nearly 300 percent
of that for young workers. Of course, there are various reasons for the
small number of labor models among young workers, including the erroneous
thought of exacting the demand for perfection among the young workers.
Therefore, from now on, simultaneously with propagating the advanced and
selecting labor models of the old and middle ages, we must break through
the bondage of conservative ideology and boldly post up young advanced
model personages so as to lover the average age of the contingents of labor
models. We must also hold more single-item emulations for advanced ranking.
This will make it possible for more workers and employees to take part.
Moreover, in order to correctly and sufficiently bring the role which labor
models should possess into full play, we must firmly rectify the current
phenomenon of the current labor models occupying concurrent posts, partici-
pating in too many conferences and engaging in.too many conferences and
engaging in too many social activities. This will ensure that they have
sufficient time at their disposal for production and at the same time
strengthen their relations and contact with the masses. We must concretely
solve the practical problems of the work burden of a portion of the labor
models being too heavy, of their difficulties in finding adequate time for
studies and making advanced studies as well as their individual problems of
daily life. This will foster the growth of labor models. We must in a big
way and practically and realistically propagate the advanced ideology and
deeds of labor models. We must, by means of real hard work, enable
thousands by thousands of workers and employees to continuously join the
ranks'of the advanced and strive for achieving the objective of making, in
the next 3-5 years, the size of the contingents of truly qualified advanced
producers much bigger, and their quality much better, than is the case today.
Over the more than 30 years since the founding of the PRC, we have gathered
and accumulated many valuable experiences in organizing the advanced pro-
ducers movement and, at the same time, we have learned many painful and
penetrating lessons. One of the important experiences gained is that in
our work we must rigidly abide by the natural laws and economic laws. We
must,be practical and realistic no matter whether we are determining the
emulating contents or targets or whether we are setting up advanced models
or promoting advanced experiences. In our country, there are nearly 400,000
industrial and communications enterprise units. They differ in thousands of
ways. In learning from the advanced and promoting advanced experiences, if
we adopt or stick to one model or form, copy or apply mechanically, and bring
compulsion to bear by means of the issuance of orders and directives, the
consequence will-only be setbacks in or failure of our advanced producers
movement. Since the advanced producers movement is agigantic undertaking
participated in by millions of people, it simply won't do to have only a few
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people engaged in that work. Hence, we must be great in strength and
impetus and, through all necessary means, mobilize and organize the vast
masses of people. But we must also watch the actual results and be deter-
mined to avoid formalism. The way of doing things by raising a hue and cry,
going in for ostentation and extravagance, and attending only to form has
all along been hated and rejected by the vast masses of workers and
employees. It must be firmly avoided and rectified.
We may also note that in our country at present conditions have become
increasingly ripe for developing the advanced producers movement on an even
larger scale than before. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee, we have implemented a series of new and important guide-
lines and policies. This gigantic reform of historical significance has
lasted for 4 years. It has demonstrated to people of the whole country not
only its political achievements but. also its material benefits. In fact,
the actual standard of living of the great proportion of the workers by far
has been improved to a certain extent and everybody is living more happily.
The improvement in the material and cultural life of the vast masses of
workers sooner or later will be reflected in their production work and more
or less bring about an. upsurge in their labor enthusiasm and creativeness.
In.recent years, we have done much work in the direction of reorganizing the
leadership ranks of the enterprises, setting up the economic responsibility
system and training workers and employees. In the enterprises, various
kinds of management work such as quota control, business accounting and so
on have been put on the right track. If we combine the above with other
conditions, such as strengthening ideological and political work, we can
entirely anticipate that there will emerge, in our country an advanced
producers movement of a gigantic scale which has the objective of building
our country into a highly civilized and highly democratic socialist modern
powerful nation. Within the working class, and within the entire popula-
tion, an increasing number of people will strive to become advanced pro-
ducers and more and more people will indeed become advanced producers. This
in itself is an important symbol of the continuous elevation of our country's
socialist spiritual civilization. The advanced producers movement will
surely become an enormous force promoting the modernization of our country's
industry, agriculture, national defense and science and technology and
pushing forward the healthy development of the entire socialist undertaking.
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THE PARTY'S CAUSE, THE PARTY'S WORK ON LITERATURE AND ART AND NONPARTY
LITERARY AND ART WORKERS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 33-36
[Article by Qi Fang [2058 2455]]
[Text] While talking about the two basic problems of audience, namely, the
people for whom our works of literature and art are produced and the way to
serve them, "Talks at the Yanan Forum on Literature and Art" specially
discusses inner-party relations, namely, the relations between literary
and art work of the party and the entire work of the party, and in addi-
tion, a problem of the party's external relations, namely, the relations
between the party's work on literature and art and nonparty literary and
art workers. For a considerably long period in the past, not many of our
literary and art works specially discussed and analyzed Comrade Mao
Zedong's views in this respect. The reason why we suffered setbacks and
made deviations in our literary and art movement was closely attributed to
our failure to pay attention and properly deal with this view. Therefore,
to restudy such a view is an important subject for bringing order out of
chaos on the literary and art front.
As proletarian revolutionaries, politicians and theoreticians, Comrades
Lenin and Mao Zedong observed the problems of literature and art from the
angle of'the strategy and tactics of the entire proletarian revolutionary
movement. They maintained that the proletarian literary and art movement
should not be separated from the general track of the proletarian revolu-
tionary movement and the Marxist and Leninist leadership of the party. With
regard to Communist Party members who are engaged in literary and art under-
takings, literature and art are their specific fighting posts at which they
devote themselves to the proletarian revolutionary cause. First of all,
party member literary and art workers should not forget that they are
Communist Party members. They should implement the party's resolutions,
guiding principles and policies and abide by the party's discipline. They
should on no account regard their work as an individual thing which has
nothing to do with the general cause of the proletariat. It was precisely
in this sense that Lenin pointed out in his article "The Party's Organiza-
tion and Publications": "The work of writing should be a part of the
general cause of the proletariat."
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Lenin's article, which was written for the party's newspaper, journal,
publication and propaganda work, is, of course, suitable for the party's
literary and art work. So far as literary and art undertaking are con-
cerned, it raises and answers the problem of inner-party relationships,
that is, the relations between the party's literary and art work and the
party's entire cause on the one hand and the relations between party-
member writers and the party's organizations on the other. Comrade Mao
Zedong's "Talks" and other relevant works also carry forward Lenin's basic
ideas on this subject. It is not in accord with the basic spirit of
Lenin's article to regard Lenin's demands on party-member artists and
writers as demands on all artists and writers. This would also cause,
serious consequences in practice.
Lenin's remarks "Writers without party spirit, get out!" referred to writers
who had organizationally joined the party and all inner-party publication
and propaganda workers, rather than nonparty writers and authors in general.
After the October Revolution, while leading the struggle against the
"proletarian cultural faction," Lenin mercilessly taunted the sectarian and
closed door views which thought that the task of building proletarian culture
could only be accomplished by relying on the efforts of the proletariat it-
self together with scientists, artists and engineers who were of proletarian
origins. Lenin said that this was a wholesale fabrication. He explicitly
pointed out: "In the activities in various fields, if we fail to form an
alliance with nonparty personnel, we cannot begin to talk about successful
communist construction." ("On the Significance of Combating Materialism")
While. affirming that the party's literary and art work is part of the
party's entire cause, Comrade Mao Zedong's "Talks" profoundly expounded the
relations between the party's literary and art work and the nonparty lit-
erary and art work and regarded these party's external relations as a
problem of a united front in the literary and art circles.
Our country's revolutionary literary and art movement is led by the party
and attended by party member writers and artists. This gives rise to the
relations between the party's literary and art workers and the party.
Revolutionary literary and art undertaking is an extensive activity of the
masses which is closely connected with almost every member of society.
Apart from Communist Party members, it needs the participation of a number
of literary and art workers who sympathize with and support the revolu-
tionary cause to varying degrees and have different ideological tendencies
and literary and art viewpoints. This gives rise to the problem of how our
party should handle well its relations with nonparty literary and art work-
ers, that is, the party's external relations. With regard to the party,
this actually means how our party should exercise its correct leadership
over literature and art and arouse the enthusiasm of all positive factors
to promote the development of literary and art undertakings. Whether at
the stage of democratic revolution or socialist revolution and construction,
if the party fails to adopt correct policy to extensively cooperate with
the masses outside the party, to fully arouse their enthusiasm and give
play to their wisdom, talent and specialty, it is impossible to carry out
the proletarian revolutionary literary and art movement in the true sense.
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Handling well the relations between the party and nonparty literary and art
workers is, very often, related to the party policy toward intellectuals.
The broad masses of intellectuals in China are full of revolutionary spirit.
Very often, they play a vanguard and linking role in the Chinese revolution.
Comrade Mao Zedong attached full importance to the essential role played by
intellectuals in the process of the Chinese revolution. In his article
"Recruit Large Numbers of Intellectuals," Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out:
"In the long and ruthless war of national liberation, in the great struggle
to build a new China, the Communist Party must be good at winning intellec-
tuals, for only in this way will it be able to organize great strength for
the war of resistance, organize the millions of peasants, develop the
revolutionary cultural movement and expand the revolutionary united front.
Without the participation of the intellectuals victory in the revolution is
impossible." If we fail to unite with nonparty literary and art workers, it
is impossible for us to correctly implement policy toward intellectuals on
the cultural front.
It was on the basis of such fundamental estimation and specific analysis
that Comrade Mao Zedong expounded a series of policies and guiding prin-
ciples for correctly handling the relations between the party and nonparty
literary and art workers in. the literary and art work. In his "Talks," he
emphasized: "Our party writers and artists must: 1) unite on this issue of
resistance against Japan with all nonparty writers and artists (ranging from
party sympathizers and petty bourgeois writers and artists to all those
writers and artists of the bourgeoisie and landlord classes who are in favor
of resistance to Japan); 2) we should unite with them on the issue of
democracy...; 3) we should unite with them with regard to the special issue
of method and style in literature and art." With respect to the criterion
for literary and art criticism, he again pointed out: "Subject to the
general principle of unity of resistance against Japan, we should tolerate
literary and art works with a variety of political attitudes," "our criti-
cism ought to permit the free competition of all varieties of works of art."
In the meantime, he stressed,: "In a united front, all unity and no struggle
and all struggle and no unity are both wrong policies--as with the right
capitulationism and tailism, or the 'left' exclusivism and sectarianism,
practiced by some comrades in the past. This is as true in literature and
art as in politics." With regard to artistic works, Comrade Mao Zedong
maintained that we should correctly appraise them according to artistic
criterion in a scientific way. He said: "We must severely criticize and
repudiate all works of literature and art expressing views in opposition to
the nation, to science, to the masses and to the Communist Party." Here,-
.Comrade Mao Zedong talked about the problem of united front and relations'
between the party and nonparty literary and art workers. On the literary
and art front, the cooperation between the party and nonparty literary and
art workers is not without principles. Instead, it is based on the common
great objective (defending basic interests of the masses and the nation) and
respecting artistic law. Instead of keeping on the right side of everyone,
this cooperation is guided by Marxism and includes serious ideological
struggle. However, to strive for the common great objective and artistic
development, we should not set the criterion for party members on nonparty
literary and art workers and implement a closed door policy toward them.
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We should sincerely cooperate with them and bring their enthusiasm into full
play.
Because Comrade Mao Zedong correctly handled the relations between the
party and nonparty literary and art workers with respect to theoretical
principles and specific policies and correctly cooperated with all possible
allies in the literary and art circles, we made brilliant achievements in
our revolutionary literary and art movement at the democratic revolutionary
stage. On the eve of the founding of new China in 1949, the two great
literary and art contingents from the KMT-ruled areas and the liberated
areas successfully joined forces at the First National Congress of Literary
and Art Workers, which marked an unprecedented and great unity of the
Chinese literary and art movement. At that time, almost all well-known
writers and artists (regardless of their schooling or world. outlook)
assembled together in the contingent of the cultural construction in new
China led by the party. This was a wonderful and magnificent page in the
history of our country's revolutionary literature and art. This was also
a victory for the party policy for literature and art and a successful
example of the united front work in literary and art circles.
Under the conditions that the proletariat has succeeded in snatching state
power and becoming a national rural party, are Comrade Mao Zedong's ideas
quoted above still valid? Do they still have guiding significance in
practice?
The answer to these questions is in the affirmative.
After the proletariat has succeeded in snatching state power in the whole
country, fundamental changes have taken place in class relationships and
revolutionary tasks: The Chinese' Communist Party has become a ruling party.
With the accomplishment of the socialist reform of the ownership of the
means of production, the exploiting class as a class has been eliminated and
intellectuals, including literary and art workers, have become part of the
laboring people and forces on which socialist construction relies. If we
neglect or negate such historical changes and still use the old viewpoints
to formulate our policy toward intellectuals, we are bound to commit grave
mistakes. The fact that following the founding of new China, we suffered
defeat in our guiding thought for literary and art work and committed
"leftist" mistakes in discriminating against intellectuals was closely
connected with our negligence of these basic changes.
The task and scope of the literary and art movement in the socialist period
are greater than those of the left-wing literary and art movement and the
art movement in the liberated area. The number of our writers and artists
and the size of our literary and art contingent exceedingly surpass those
made before the victory of the revolution. Despite the fact that the number
of party members in the literary and art circles has increased by the dozens,
they are still the majority in the literary and art contingent. We should
not rely on party members alone in the literary and art circles to promote
and develop socialist literature and art and build socialist spiritual
civilization. On the contrary, we should, under the leadership of the
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party, unite with all nonparty literary and art workers who love socialism
and the motherland to accomplish the task together.
Since the founding of new China, "leftist" mistakes occurred in the literary
attd Art movement on several occasions. We unilaterally, mechanically and
arbitrarily dealt with the relations between the party's literary and art
work and the party's entire work, simply regarded literary and art creativ-
ity. as a weapon for political 'propaganda and used political movement and
struggle to solve the matter of right and wrong in the literary and art
movement. Apart from that, the distinctions between the party and nonparty
literary and art workers were obscured. In so doing, we weakened not only
the mass foundation of literary and art work, but also the party's leader-
ship over literature and art and ideological work. When such "leftist"
ideology went to extremes, cultural autocracy and nihilism in the "Great
Cultural Revolution" occurred. The Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolu-
tionary cliques not only brutally attacked nonparty literary and art workers,
but also treated a number of literary and art workers inside the party as
enemies. The direct result brought about by such act was that in the
literary,field of a big country with a population of 1 billion, only a few
"revolutionary writers" survived. In a civilized ancient country with a
long history of 5,000 years, there were only 8 "model operas." On the
other hand, the practice of the literary and art movement in our country
following the founding of new China has also shown us that we should guard
against another danger: If we give up necessary ideological struggle on the
literary and art front and the leading role of Marxism in the ideological
and cultural fields, underestimate the corrosion of the ideological influ-
ence of the old society and various bourgeois ideological trends from
foreign countries and attach importance to unity alone without carrying out
necessary ideological struggle, our actions will give rise to the bourgeois
liberalization and the spread of bourgeois ideology. In so doing, Marxism
will lose its ideological front and the socialist nature of the literary and
art movement and its role in. the socialist superstructure will also diminish.
In the new historical period, the conditions of the party organizations and
party members in the literary. and art contingent are matters of fundamental
significance for upholding the orientation of the socialist literature and
art, because we rely on them to implement the party's line, guiding prin-
ciple and policies. Because party organizations in the literary and art
contingent were sabotaged and weakened during the 10 years of internal
disorder, the sense of responsibility to the party of some party-member
literary and art workers has been dulled. This has become a major problem
which adversely affects the healthy development of the literary and art
movement. Therefore, we should stress. that party organizations in the
literary and art contingent should maintain their political and ideological
purity and that party-member writers should strengthen their party spirit.
All party members who are engaged in literary and art work should, first of
all, realize that they are Communist Party members before they regard them-
selves as writers or artists. In this respect, all Communist Party members
should do so without exception. In other words, all party-member literary
and art workers should be bound not only by constitution and law, but also
by the party's program and constitution. They should conscientiously abide
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by the party's discipline and implement the party's guiding principles,
policies and resolutions. They should unequivocally keep in line polit-
ically with the CPC Central Committee, maintain the party's ideological
and organizational purity and resolutely fight against all ideology and
acts which run counter to the party's interests. They should not conceal
their political features as Communist Party members and contaminate the
communist banner. They should influence the masses around them with their
own exemplary acts and excellent communist characters. They should neither
lower the standard for themselves and slacken their efforts to set strict
demands on themselves nor stand above the masses, separate themselves from
the masses and consider themselves to be reformers. Writers enjoy freedom
of literary and artistic creativity. However, party-member writers should
not set their creative freedom against their duties as party members. The
party has conferred full rights on them so that inside the party they can
present their opinions to the party organizations or even the CPC Central
Committee. Outside the party organizations, they are not allowed to make
use of their social status as writers to express ideas and remarks which
are not in accord with the party's principle or violate the party's line,
guiding principles and policies. Party-member writers and artists should
take part in the activities of "letting a hundred flowers blossom and a
hundred schools of thought contend." However, they should take part in
such activities as Communist Party members rather than-as writers and
artists in general. In the activities of letting a hundred schools of
thought contend, they should expand the ideological front of Marxism, but
not the opposite. If we fail to solve this problem, we will not be able
to retain the socialist nature of the literary and art movement, ensure the
party's leadership over literary and artistic undertaking or correctly arouse
the enthusiasm of nonparty literary and art workers.
In the new historical period, the handling of the relations between the
party and nonparty literary and art workers is actually a problem of how
our party should correctly exercise its leadership over literary and art
undertaking. To solve this problem, in-depth study and exploration are
needed.
First, we should amply trust the majority of our literary and art workers.
We should not regard them as alien forces or reject them because some of
them have made certain mistakes and/or have shortcomings in certain respects.
Otherwise, we will commit "leftist" mistakes. The fact that literary and
art workers have become part of the laboring people does not mean that they
have all become Marxists. This is also the case with workers and peasants
who can'also be influenced by nonproletarian and non-Marxist ideology. The
main work we should do is that on the basis of trusting them, we should
gradually guide, help and educate them.
Furthermore, we should realize that in the new historical period, the
cooperation between the party and nonparty literary and art workers on the
literary and art front is still very extensive. For instance, in our
endeavor to realize the socialist modernization of the motherland and
getting rid of poverty and backwardness, our literary'and art workers have
more common language. We are now facing.the task of returning Taiwan to the
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motherland and of opposing imperialism and hegemonism. Under the slogan
of uniting the motherland and reinvigorating China, we should not only
arouse the enthusiasm of the broad masses of literary and art workers on
the mainland, but also unite with all patriotic literary and art workers
and artistic schools, including Taiwan compatriots, Hong Kong and Macao
compatriots and Overseas Chinese to promote the prosperity, richness and
colorfulness of our socialist literature and art.
What guiding principle and methods should we adopt to arouse the socialist
enthusiasm of the broad masses of intellectuals, including literary and art
workers? We should pursue the principle of distinguishing the two kinds of
contradictions with different nature, including that of "letting a hundred
flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend." Comrade Mao
Zedong regarded the "double hundred" policy as a principle for promoting
and developing literary and artistic creation and sciences. To implement
this policy, we should encourage works of various artistic styles and
schools and various literary and art viewpoints to compare, contend, compete
and argue with one another. This includes ideological struggle. The idea
of regarding the "double hundred" policy as a practice devoid of criticism
and struggle runs counter to the policy. Of course, it is harmful to adopt
crude'and repressive measures to deal with an ideological problem. We
should learn to overcome various erroneous ideas by the method of persuasion
and education.
Due to the sabotaging activities carried out by the "gang of four" in the
ideological field and the attack of the bourgeois ideological, literary and
artistic trends, our literary and art circles are faced not only with the
task of continuing to fight against the pernicious influence of "leftist"
mistakes, but also with the task of fighting against, to varying degrees,
bourgeois liberalization. This problem not only exists inside the party,
but also involves nonparty literary and art workers. In recent years, under
the correct leadership of the CPC Central Committee, we have been carrying
out an ideological struggle on the two fronts in the literary and art
circles. While upholding the Marxist principle, we also help and educate
the broad masses of literary and art workers and arouse their enthusiasm to
the greatest possible extent. This is a successful practice for dealing
with ideological struggle in the literary and art field. Summing up new
experience in this respect is a matter of guiding significance for the
development of the literary and art movement in the future.
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MAKE GREAT EFFORTS TO FULLY UNDERSTAND THE ESSENCE OF THE DOCUMENTS AND
SEEK IDEOLOGICAL UNITY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 37-38
["Short" commentary]
[Text] There has already been massive enthusiasm throughout China in
studying the documents of the 12th CPC National Congress. Everything
points toward relatively clear and effective results as a consequence of
the importance being attached to the documents by party members at every
level in every region and the resultant enthusiasm to study the documents
by cadres in general. Many cadres have seen their understanding and con-
sciousness raised as well as their political enthusiasm.
In terms of the overall process, study has only just begun, profound study
is still to follow. According to the plans of the party Central Committee,
the first stage of study mainly concentrates on learning and grasping the
spirit of the documents, elevating one's understanding and uniting ideology
in the direction of the plans and policies laid down by the 12th CPC
National Congress. The contents of the documents of the 12th congress are
rich and abundant. It supports the principle integrating the universal
truth of Marxism with the objective facts concerning China's present con-
ditions so that through our study we can bring together the experiences we
have gathered from socialist construction in China and produce a mass of
new, correct policies and directions which will open up a new era in the
socialist modernization construction program. Using our theories we can
make clearer elucidations of Marxism, thereby embodying the new leap that
the party is making in terms of understanding and appreciating the rules
of China's socialist construction. The documents are the development of
Maoism under new historical conditions and they represent the compass for
all our future work. Only by fully and completely understanding and
grasping the spirit of the documents is it possible to correctly initiate
and implement our plans and our work and to avoid making mistakes. Thus,
we must be earnest in our study of the documents, we must examine them
closely and deeply and not be satisfied with only a superficial under-
standing. We must avoid anything which influences our full and thorough
understanding of the documents, such as'insufficient analysis of the docu-
ments or insufficient examination of the situation before drawing up work
plans'; deviation from the contents of the documents to discuss nothing
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but generalities; using supplementary reading material instead of the
essence of the documents during study, and so forth. In the past, some
cadres have made such mistakes as these, that is, they did not study the
documents sufficiently and therefore were not able to grasp their essence,
the result being that their behavior ran opposite to the spirit of the
documents, causing them to make mistakes. We should remember this.
A full understanding of the spirit of the documents allows us to increase
our understanding, seek ideological unity and guide our work. A key link
here is to bring together ideology and reality, to make comparisons with
the documents and overcome such thinking which does not correspond with the
essence of the 12th congress documents. We must understand that by ignor-
ing this step, it is impossible for the essence of the documents to truly
take root in our minds. The documents of the 12th congress cleared up a
series of problems which needed rectification in order to establish this
new stage in the socialist modernization construction program. For exam-
ple, it counteracted "leftist" tendencies as well as rightist tendencies;
it clarified the tactical targets for socialist modernization construction;
accumulated funds to carry out important construction work; developed many
different economic styles and implemented the system of responsibility in
management and administration; took the implementation of a planned economy
as being.of utmost importance and market readjustments as supplementary;
outlined education and science as being the most important strategies for
development of the economy; strengthened the education of communist
ideology; established socialist spiritual civilization; successfully
attacked corruption and crime in the economic, political and cultural
spheres; restructured the system of leadership; and activated revolu-
tionarism, youthfulness, expertise and perception among the cadre ranks.
We all have our own opinions of these problems; some are correct, some are
not so correct or accurate. Only on the basis of understanding the essence
of the documents and carrying out intercadre discussions and meetings can
we hope to unite our ideology and understanding.
Studying documents and uniting ideology represent a glorious tradition in
our party, but during the 10 years of internal disorder, this tradition
was severely damaged. The "gang of four" used unity of ideology as one of
their means with the result that this present readvocation of the idea as a
means of study has met with'some doubt from some comrades. If this situa-
tion is not rectified, then we will be unable to continue our study work
in any depth. Leaders on all levels should work hard to implement the
unity of ideology and reality, such an important link in the chain, and in
doing so bring about a restoration of one of the party's glorious study
methods.
Understanding and grasping the essence of the documents, raising our
appreciation and perception and unifying our ideology are all extremely
important steps to be taken. Only by thoroughly carrying out this step can
one go on to the next step involving the linking up of all this with the
actual work situation in each individual region, department or work unit,
collating and learning from experience and examining and implementing the
measures and plans outlined in the essence of the 12th CPC National Congress.
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The key to carrying out deeper study lies in strengthening leadership. Now,
we should take a look at the study process, at the understanding of the
essence of the documents, the linking of ideology and reality, the unifica-
tion of our understanding with the demands of the essence of the 12th CPC
National Congress and ask ourselves how well were these things carried out!
What experiences have been gained from doing so? What problems exist?
How can we improve things? And so forth.
Our first major task today is to study the 12th congress documents. This
then demands that we have a concrete order to our work, that we ensure
definite work periods and that we ensure that the cadres study in earnest.
We should not consider our task of studying the congress documents as some-
thing outside our work. Studying the party line, policies and direction is
itself our work and is indeed the very first part of any of our work. Link-
ing this with the workers must first be seen in terms of a blueprint. The
tactical program drawn up in the documents until the end of this century
are a great blueprint for work and only by first studying it carefully can
we arduously struggle to construct the great modernized tower of socialism
with clear direction, great determination, correct methodology and aware-
ness.
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IS THE PRACTICE OF DISTRIBUTION ACCORDING TO WORK CONTRADICTORY TO THE
PROMOTION OF A COMMUNIST WORK ATTITUDE?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 38-40
[Article by Xue Yan [5641 1693]]
[Text] In their study of the 12th national congress reports, some comrades
made.the point that on the one hand they were carrying out policies of
distribution according to work while on the other hand advocating a com-
munist attitude toward work and were these two policies not contradictory?
How should we come to understand this problem?
Distribution according to work is socialism's distribution principle. It
sets out that everyone receives remuneration according to the quantity and
quality of their own work, so that more work produces more pay and less work
produces less pay while no work produces no pay. A communist attitude
toward work means carrying out work of one's own free will regardless of
quotas or remuneration. Both of these two concepts are very different but
both are vital to this present stage we find ourselves in. A correct
handling of the relations between these two concepts is of great signifi-
cance to the promotion of the socialist modernized construction program.
Distribution relations in society are decided by the situation relating to
the means of production. In a capitalist society where the means of produc-
tion are privately owned, the exploitive classes rely on the means of pro-
duction that they own to exploit the surplus labor of the workers and thus
pass their days earning money but without having to work while, at the same
time, the workers are economically exploited and politically suppressed.
In a socialist society the workers are the masters of the state. Under
conditions of socialist public ownership of the means of production, the
people have equal rights of possession of the means of production and
distribution of consumer products is carried out according to the principle
of distribution according to work. This is the greatest advance in history
ever made by human societies. Although the communist principle of distribu-
tion according to need continues to develop and become more ideal it can
only be truly achieved in a communist society with a highly developed
productive force, and with a population with a highly' developed conscious-,
ness. During the stage of socialism it is only possible to implement
distribution according to work. As far as China''s present situation is
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concerned, industrious implementation of the principles of distribution
according to work is today still a problem which has not been completely
solved whether it be in the industrial sector, the agricultural sector or
any other sector and it thus still requires active and concentrated work.
There is still a great deal of work to be.done including the structuring
of the system of economic management. Correct implementation of the prin-
ciples of distribution according to work allows us, to actually see and feel
material benefits in the process of constructing socialism, so that as
production develops so too do our individual contributions to the cause
and thus, at the same time, the standards of living both materially and
culturally gradually improve for everyone, thereby activating everyone's
enthusiasm to construct socialism and to work even harder for society and
also promoting the ever faster development of the productive forces as well
as technology and culture. This is a question of essential importance to
the construction of socialism.
While distribution according to work is socialism's distribution principle,
it is also an objective rule for the development of socialist economics.
We must recognize it, take advantage of it but on no account abuse it or
destroy it, otherwise we just-,accept punishment. We all still remember how
in 1958 some comrades, under the guidance of mistaken "leftist" thinking,
went against the principles of distribution according to work subjectively
believing they could hasten the advent of communism in this way by blowing
"the wind of communism" and eating "the largest portions of rice." The
result was serious damage to production, while people's living standards
were also seriously affected. During the 10 years of social chaos,
"leftist" tendencies and mistakes reached their pinnacle with the result
that not only was distribution according to work no longer conscientiously
practiced, it was also criticized so that the end result was serious damage
to the workers' enthusiasm and the creating of one of the main factors
blocking the development of the economy. These experiences should not be
forgotten.
Why, then, in this stage of socialism is the communist attitude toward
labor again being advocated?
1. A socialist society represents the initial stage of communism with
society's basic means of production already under public ownership and
with society already having produced common benefits for all. Thus, a
significant portion of the work advocated for socialist workers is for
society. This portion of work must be deducted and is dissimilar to that
in other societies and is designed to consolidate and'develop the system
of public ownership of the means of production as well as fulfilling the
demands of common benefits and long-term benefits. For these reasons,
therefore, it contains elements of communist labor. As far as society's
total line of products is concerned,. what products should be included in
this portion of labor? In his "Critique of Gothe's Program" Marx dis-
cussed the question of distribution during the primary stage of communism
and listed the following few items. The portion of labor which goes toward
making up for means of production lost in consumption--if that portion is
not deducted then even simple reproduction in society cannot be maintained.
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The portion of labor added to increase production; the portion used to pay
for foreseen mishaps; general management costs not directly related to
production; the portion used to satisfy common needs, such as schools and
health facilities; these accurate divisions drawn up by Marx were developed
by taking an objective look at the real situation and carrying out theoreti-
cal analysis of future societies. If we integrate the practicalities of the
communist movement and China's present social situation, then we can see
that. there is still a portion of China's products which must be seen as
national defense costs. Only after deducting these can society distribute
the means of subsistence according to the quantity of work preferred by
each worker. Obviously, socialist workers should not work merely to
receive their money, in addition they should have a concrete communist
attitude toward labor and they should work with enthusiasm for socialist
production as well as the above few items so closely connected to common
benefits. Otherwise, not only will the socialist society be unable to
progress and develop, it will also no longer be able to exist.
2. As far as advocating a communist attitude toward labor is concerned,
there are several questions of significance worth asking. One is the
question of how a socialist worker should treat his own work tasks and the
other is what level of consciousness a worker should have. The principles
of distribution of consumer products can only be achieved according to the
principles of distribution according to work, but all workers would say
there should be no adoption of such attitudes as "work according to pay,"
"work only as much as the pay is worth" and so on. The reasons for this
are that since the workers are already the masters of their society, work
is both for the society and oneself, regardless of whether it is paid or
unpaid work. This is totally different from the capitalist and master/
worker type work of the old society. Every worker must fully appreciate
his or her position. Of course, this communist attitude toward work that.
is being advocated is not mainly designed to promote unpaid work, but
instead, is most importantly demanding that everyone take full responsi-
bility for their own work and constantly keep improving themselves. Prac-
tical experience shows that if when we practice distribution according to
labor we only concern ourselves with how much money we get for how much
work, then, without carrying out any ideological and political work and
without advocating the principles of a communist attitude toward labor, it
is very easy to go astray and produce tendencies of concerning ourselves
solely with money. In his report to the 12th national congress, Comrade
Hu Yaobang said: "If, under the guidance of communist ideology, we ignore
this great task of constructing socialist spiritual civilization throughout
society, then the people's understanding and perception of socialism will
become one-sided with the result that the people's attention will only be
drawn to the construction of a material civilization or even only to the
search for material benefits. If this happens, our modernized construction
will no longer be able to guarantee a socialist direction with the result
that our socialist society will lose its ideals and its targets as well as
the force of its spirit and its fighting will, with the result that it will
not be able to resist corruption by many corrosive factors and may even see
lopsided development or deterioration."
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By educating the masses with communism, it will even be easier to imple-
ment policies of distribution according to labor and solve the contradic-
tions between distribution according to work and the communist attitude
toward work. We already have many examples of this having taken place in
our present-day life. Such advanced and developed people as Lei Feng,
Wang Jie, Qiao Yulu and Zhao Qune represent models for the correct resolu-
tion of this kind of contradiction. They were able to carry out their
work and the labor for both the party and the people and they gave their
all until the end. They are exemplary figures who displayed a communist
attitude toward work.
China has already had 30 years of socialist public ownership of the means
of production and after a long period of education the masses are grad-
ually beginning to establish a philosophy of being masters of their world
and as a result we are achieving great victories for socialist construc-
tion. Nevertheless, we must remember that because of new increase in the
composition of the workers as well as the destructive effect of the 10
years of social disorder and various weaknesses in our present work, there
still exists today a not insignificant number of people who do lack the
philosophy of being masters of their own society and who lack a communist
attitude toward work. Some people continue to enjoy the great benefits
provided,as a result of the socialist public ownership of the means of
production without putting any effort into working or laboring for social-
ism, indeed some even loaf around at work and do nothing. In our present
work of educating the masses in correct communist ideology we must stress
the importance of learning how to be masters of their society in line with
the socialist public ownership of the means of production. Undergoing this
kind of education will make the working classes and other workers come to
understand the historical duty they are to bear and thus give full expres-
sion to the advantages of the socialist system.
Teaching cadres and the masses to adopt a communist attitude toward work
is a long-term process, but as far as Communist Party members are con-
cerned it is a very immediate problem. In his report to the 12th CPC
National Congress, Hu Yaobang said: "Of course we cannot expect every
member of society to become a communist, but we must make use of communist
ideology to aim at Communist Party members, CYL members and all advanced
members of society and through them educate and influence the masses." As
far as a true and correct communist is concerned, he or she should'not by
any means be a revolutionary only for the sake of distribution according to
work. A Communist Party member should on the one hand work hard to imple-
ment party policies, such as distribution according to work, but on the
other hand he or she should not on any account make distribution according
to work a final and advanced target or aim. In this way their work and
their labors will not be completely money oriented but will be selfless
and altruistic, making the benefits of the party and the people the most
important thing to work for. When contradictions arise between individual
interests and those of the state or between short-term and long-term
interests, then these people will be able to consciously subordinate
individual interests to those of the state and subordinate short-term
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interests to those of a long-term nature and even, should it come to it,
sacrifice themselves for the cause, even to the extent of giving their
lives. Only in this way can we hope to activate the masses and promote
the development of the socialist modernized construction program and move
onutard toward our glorious aim of communism.
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WHY IS IT NECESSARY TO CARRY OUT COMMUNIST IDEOLOGICAL EDUCATION AT THE
SOCIALIST STAGE?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 41-43
[Article by An Tung [1344 0681]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
proposed: "At the present stage, we must adhere to the system of to each
according to one's work and to all socialist principles. Of course, we
cannot wish everyone to be a communist, but we must measure CPC members,
CYL members and all advanced elements by communist ideological standards,
and through them, educate and influence the broad masses."
Viewed from the angle of the socialist economic system or from the angle
of the socialist political structure, there is a major difference between
China's socialist system and the past private ownership system. China's
socialist system is a product under the guidance of the communist
ideological system. It has to be gradually improved in practice. How-
ever, it will undoubtedly lead China's society into the advanced stage of
communism. Although for many years some Communist Party members have been
doing the specific work of the socialist and communist cause, have been
practicing communist ideology in action, have been living in the communist
movement and have been facing the increasing communist factors, they do not
consciously or not too consciously understand the communist nature of our
cause. Under such circumstances, although they work faithfully and dili-
gently, it is often difficult for them to do a good job in their work, in
particular it is difficult for them to meet the increasing requirements in
socialist modernization. Some comrades shoulder the heavy responsibilities
entrusted by the party and the people, but-they think that the present
policies and work have nothing to do with communism. When we emphasize
that we must carry out communist ideological education, they feel strange
and are upset. They even think that it is queer to carry out communist
ideological education in the course of building socialism. Such a
phenomenon shows that it is a pressing task to educate party members,
particularly leading cadres at all levels, to understand well the com-
munist nature of our cause in the course of socialist modernization, to
always remember guidance concerning the communist ideological system and
to always remember the great aim of communism.
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Some comrades are worried that the "leftist" erroneous tendency will emerge
again and that the "communist wind" will prevail again, as did in 1958. In
particular, they are afraid that the country will be plunged into the
fallacy of communism which was practiced by Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counter-
revolutionary cliques during the "Cultural Revolution." In order to dispel
such misgivings, it is necessary for us to seriously review the history of
the party and the situation since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee. Everyone knows that we have corrected the mistakes of
the "Cultural Revolution," that we have corrected the past "leftist"
erroneous tendency, that we have completed the task of bringing order out
of chaos in our. guiding thinking, that we have achieved the great victory
of bringing order out of chaos. in our practical work on various fronts and
that we have worked out and implemented a Marxist line and a series of
principles and policies to guarantee that our country's socialist construc-
tion will go forward along a correct road. Battling for the realization of
communism is the duty and job of all communists. We should hold high the
banner of communism. But it does not mean practicing a "leftist" erroneous
line. Now we can see more and more clearly that not only was the "leftist"
erroneous tendency not the product of the communist ideological system, but
on the contrary, that it was the result of violating the communist ideologi-
cal system. The purpose of emphasizing the carrying out of communist
ideological education and of arming all the party members and the people
of all nationalities throughout the country with communist ideology is, in
the light of specific conditions and under the guidance of the communist
ideological system, to resolutely implement all the present socialist poli-
cies and to conscientiously understand the relationship between our present
work and the great aim of communism. In addition, this also enables us to
constantly overcome and correct the erroneous tendency that distorts, from
various aspects and in various manners, communist ideology and the party's
principles and policies. It not only opposes bourgeois liberalization and
prevents Communist Party members from being corrupted by the decadent capi-
talist ideology, but also opposes an ossified way of thinking and prevents
any "leftist" erroneous line from emerging.
History is a kind of connection, an objective course which has its own
internal law. The wisdom of communists lies in the fact that they can use
Marxism, which is the most scientific and the most revolutionary ideology,
to observe and tackle problems and that they can do practical work together
with the people with a firm belief for the future and in the great spirit
of historical optimism to bring our society toward the predicted goal.
They are the conscious creators of history. Our party's line and all its
various principles and policies are the products of correctly understanding
China's situation under the guidance of the communist; ideological system,
and they can only be correctly understood and implemented under that
guidance. In his opening speech delivered to the 12th CPC National Con-
gress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "The line put forward by the 8th CPC
National Congress was correct. But at that time, the party was not suffi-
ciently mentally prepared for overall socialist construction, and the line
and. many correct suggestions put forward by the 8th CPC National Congress
could not be persistently carried out in practice." This was directly
related to our being unable to understand and handle well the various
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problems in socialist construction under the guidance of the communist
ideological system. The results of the implementation of the correct line,
principles and policies in different regions, departments and units are
often greatly different, some are even different to what is expected. One
important reason is that communist ideology in the minds of some leading
cadres is not firm enough and that they do not adopt a serious attitude
with regard to the party's line, principles and policies.
The reason why the social policies formulated by the party at a certain
historical stage are correct is that these policies are in line with
actual conditions; at the same time, they also promote the development of
our cause toward the communist goal. So long as the social status of a
policy in a certain historical period is not fundamentally changed, such a
policy must be continued so as to maintain relative stability. We must
understand the relationship between each.stage of the communist movement
and its various stages from a high plane of the whole course of the
historical development of such a movement. Only in this way, can we imple-
ment well policies which are suited to the actual conditions of a certain
historical stage, and can we,implement well policies which are suited to:a
new historical stage when the situation fundamentally changes and history
enters a new stage. Only in this way can we have an overall understanding
of the present policies, see that we must conscientiously implement the
policies for a fairly long time to come and realize that by comparing with
the final target of communists, the stability of policies is necessary and
relative. Only in this way can we always remember the great target and
highest ideal of communists and avoid becoming short-sighted persons who
rest content with the present situation. For instance, the policy of to
each according to his work is a social policy our party must adhere to and
gradually perfect during the socialist period. Communist Party members
should become models who can guarantee the implementation of this policy.
If we do not implement the policy of to each according to his work, we will
not be able to realize the tasks set by the party for the socialist period,
and only by resolutely implementing this policy can socialist construction
develop healthily and can the necessary social conditions be created for
the future implementation of the policy of to each according to his needs.
On the other hand, Communist Party members must do their work without
thinking too much about remuneration. They must, in the communist spirit,
handle well various social problems and social contradictions which cannot
be appropriately solved by merely implementing the policy of to each
according to his work. At the present stage, like safeguarding the policy
of to each according to his work, this is the need for the people's interests,
as well as the need for historical development.
In the final analysis, what should we rely on to bring into play the
people's initiative for carrying out socialist modernization? Some people
say that we should rely on material incentives, bonuses and "material
benefit." Material incentives, including bonuses, can, to a certain extent,
bring the people's initiative into play, so long as it is applied in a
correct manner. In enabling the people to consistently maintain a high
level of initiative and in giving such initiative a correct direction,
obviously, it will not do just to rely on material incentives. Material
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living conditions and material production are the prerequisite to the
existence of human beings. But the life and production of a society or of
an individual have never been without purpose, they must have a certain
ideal as their spiritual mainstay. In material life and material production,
the people always gradually form their appraisal and attitude with regard to
actual social life and social productive activities and thus form their
social ideals. Correct ideology and beautiful ideals are not only the
indispensable part of the people's social life, but also guarantee that the
people's social life can develop healthily and guarantee that the level of
social material production keeps rising. Communist theory correctly
explains the people's material life and material productive activities.
Therefore only if we are under its guidance can we understand and handle
the problem of material benefit, set a lofty target for our life and under-
stand well the present social, value and its historical significance, and
obtain the greatest encouragement. Only communist ideals can make us fear
neither hardship nor setbacks and enable us to maintain full enthusiasm and
the confidence to be successful in our revolutionary cause. When necessary
one must sacrifice one's life without any hesitation. The reason why we
emphasize the necessity for bringing the people's initiative into play by
carrying out communist ideological education is that within the sphere of
the whole society, we will enable the people to have a communist work atti-
tude, social relations based on love and unity and the noble character of
wholehearted dedication to the people's cause so as to bring forward the
smooth development of our socialist modernization and to meet in a better
manner the daily increasing needs for material and cultural life of all
the members of society.
Energetically carrying out communist ideological education in the course of
socialist modernization is a motive force for bringing the people's initia-
tive into full play, as well as a motive force for victoriously developing
our cause. With this motive force, our cause will cert4Lily,have a bright
future and unlimited prospects.
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WHY MUST PLANS OF A MANDATORY NATURE BE ENFORCED WITH REGARD TO IMPORTANT
PRODUCTS AND KEY ENTERPRISES?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 43-44
[Article by Zhao Mu [0340 3603]],
[Text] Plans of a mandatory nature are those which have a binding force
and are transmitted by the state to the lower levels. They are worked out
by the state's planning departments and are transmitted to enterprises and
departments, which should seriously execute them and complete them as
scheduled. They are an important. form of planned management of the
national economy in a socialist state through the conscious implementation
of economic principles.
In view of the actual situation of our planned economy, plans of a manda-
tory nature should be enforced with regard to the production and distribu-
tion of production means and means of subsistence which are vital to the,
state-owned economy, in particular key enterprises which are vital to the
entire economy. This is an important reflection of the organization and
management of production in socialist ownership by the whole people. Under
the ownership by the whole people, the production means and products of
enterprises do not belong to the enterprises, but to the state, which
represents the entire nation. The state is the organizer and leader of the
economic system of ownership by the whole people. Based on existing
resources and productivity, and on the objective demand for various scales
of socialized mass production, the state coordinates and directs the
economic, activities of enterprises under the ownership by the whole people
through state plans. At the same time, a certain amount of independence
and autonomy are given to such enterprises. These enterprises are not the
independent owners of production means, but economic units which are under
the state and enjoy a certain autonomy. They have the responsibility and
obligation to carry out mandatory plans transmitted by the state. Only in
this way can the completion of state plans and the state's control over the
production means and products of state-run enterprises be ensured.
The fact that plans of a mandatory nature must be enforced with regard to
important products and key enterprises which are vital to the state-owned
economy is a prerequisite for the successful development of the entire
national economy. Why?
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Socialist economy is a planned economy. The execution of mandatory plans
is the main body of the planned economy. The adherence to mandatory plans
is the key to the adherence to the planned economy. State-owned economy
plays a leading role in the national economy. Because of their significance
and production value, products under mandatory plans constitute a major
portion of the national economy although they only constitute a small por-
tion in terms of variety. Mandatory plans ensure the state's control of the
entire economy and the production and supply of key industrial raw materials,
facilities, energy and basic necessities, so that the basic stability of
market and price can be maintained and chaos in the whole of economic life
can be avoided. Plans of a mandatory nature constitute a restriction over
the economic activities of enterprises. At the same time, they serve as an
assurance, for they provide the enterprises with key facilities, raw mate-
rials, energy and external conditions for the sale of products.
Through mandatory plans, the state directly adjusts the main body of social
production, ensures that key constructions and urgent social needs are pro-
vided with vital industrial raw materials and energy, increases short-term
products and put restrictions on long-term ones, so that proportion and
balance among departments can be maintained. Under circumstances in which
prices are unreasonable and basic readjustment is impossible in the short
tun, the effect of mandatory plans becomes more significant. Enterprises'
partial and immediate interests are often in contradiction with the state's
overall and long-term interests. Mandatory plans are often required to
resolve such contradictions. They can directly reflect the objective
demands of basic socialist economic principles and those of the principles
of planned development. Cancelling or diminishing the necessary realm of
mandatory plans will give rise to blind and repetitive construction and
production, incur loss and affect economic development.
The enforcement of mandatory plans brings the efficiency of guiding plans
into full play so that under the condition that planned economy takes the
lead, they help regulate the market, thus serving as an effective supple-
ment to the planned economy. In the past we one-sidedly emphasized manda-
tory plans, doing so strictly and excessively that we neglected the effect
of economic lever and market regulation. This was one of the causes of
drawbacks such as production being out of line with demand and poor economic
results in enterprises. The economic system reform under way also aims to
work out.a solution to this problem. In his report made at the 12th CPC
Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out that, apart from plans of a manda-
tory nature, economic levers would primarily be applied to quite a few
products and enterprises, to ensure the implementation of guiding plans.
The production of various minor commodities would be freely arranged by
enterprises in accordance with changes in supply and demand. Since these
three forms of management are in harmony with the level of our productivity
and. the coexistence of various economic forms, they should be combined
organically so that each has a role to play. In this way our economic
development will be concentrated, united, flexible and multifarious. Basing
on experience gained in the fifties, the fact that thQ state is in control
of the'economic lifelines, leading the planned production and circulation of
major industrial and agricultural products and the free production and
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circulation of minor ones is a prerequisite for the prevention of overall
economic confusion.
Staple.food, cotton', oil and other major agricultural by-products are basic
necessities for major industrial raw materials and for the people in cities
and rural areas. Due to our huge population, insufficient arable land and
backward agricultural production, such agricultural by-products are always
in acute shortage. The state should, therefore, set some mandatory targets
for collective ownership economy, to ensure that the state is in possession
of considerable amount of grain and other major agricultural by-products to
satisfy the needs for national construction and the people's livelihood.
The collective economy in the rural areas is collective ownership by the
laboring masses who have the right to freely utilize their own production
means and to distribute their own products. The state should respect the
autonomy of units under collective ownership and of the peasants. It
should, however, ensure that the interests of such units and peasants are
basically in harmony with those of the masses. The development of national
construction and the economic development of ownership by the entire people
will benefit the agricultural population: Therefore, the state should
respect the autonomy of the collective economic units and should also set
mandatory targets for the purchase and distribution of staple foods and
other major agricultural by-products. Consequently, not only the urban
residents but also the masses of peasants will be benefited.
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the provincial government and leading comrades at all levels who took the
lead in the study.
The provincial party committee supported our decision to hold the examina-
tion. Prefectural and municipal party committees and leading comrades of
various provincial government departments also paid great attention to the
examination. Many units held special meetings to check the situation of
study and work out revision plans. Effective measures were taken to
supplement the study and revision so as to ensure that the majority of the
cadres could sit the examination and gain better results. Fuzhou prefec-
tural party committee decided to join the provincial regular and unified
examination and consequently it arranged a certain time for reviewing
even though the prefecture was at the time seriously hit by floods and
was busily engaged in relief work. Senior leading comrades of Zhangzhou
prefectural party committee and two other leading comrades had official
duty on the day of the examination; consequently they sat the examination
at 8:11 pm that day. Some provincial government departments were having
meetings that day, so the leadership made special arrangements and sat the
examination before they began their own meetings. Without-the attention
of.the party committees at various levels and support from leading com-
rades, it would not have been possible for the examination to draw so many
cadres and achieve such good results.
The examination is our trial project for setting up a system for cadres'
official theoretical study, and there were a number of shortcomings to
this work due to the lack of experience. We will continue to spare no
efforts and in the process of studying the documents of the 12th party
congress, we will gradually set up and perfect the cadres' study and
examination system so as to promote cadres' theoretical study in our
province.
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IN STUDYING THE 12TH PARTY CONGRESS WE MUST GET FIRMLY TO GRIPS WITH ITS
BASIC SPIRIT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 p 47
[Article by Li Ping [3810 1627]; reprinted from Sichuan's XUEXI [STUDY]
magazine, No 4, 1982]
[Text] In the report delivered by the CPC Central Committee to the Central
Propaganda Department entitled "Arranging the Study and Dissemination of the
Documents of the 12th National Congress of the CPC," it was stated that in
his opening speech to the 12th national congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping
gave an overall clarification of the historical position of the 12th
national congress, the tasks of the congress and the essence of the docu-
ments of the 12th national congress. All levels of the party committee
should use this opening speech as their guiding ideology and get fully to
grips with studying and disseminating of the documents of the 12th national
congress and studiously organize their implementation. This general guid-
ing ideology provided by the Central Committee points us in an extremely
clear direction in our organization of the study and dissemination of the
party's 12th national congress documents.
The party's 12th national congress documents represent shining examples of
Marxist literature, rich and profound in content and crystallizing the
assimilation of historical experience. and the collective knowledge of the
party. In his opening speech, Deng Xiaoping stressed that "our modernized
construction must be carried out with China's present actual situation in
mind," "to construct socialism of a Chinese nature," "and we must rely on
the strength of the Chinese people in order to carry out our work," "and
cherish our rights of independence and initiative which we have struggled
so long to gain. No foreign country may ever try and make China their
vassal, nor should they imagine that China shall eat any bitter fruit
which would damage the national interests of our country." While stressing
his support for China's open door policy he went on to say that we must
"continue to resist the corruption resulting from decadent foreign ideology
and on no account should we permit the spreading of bourgeois life styles in
China." We must gain a profound comprehension of the essence of this speech
and diligently propagate it, to stimulate an enormous increase in patriotic
fervor throughout the party and the masses. In his opening speech, after
clarifying the three major tasks of the people during the 1980's, Deng
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Xiaoping listed the four items of work which must, as of today, be tackled
immediately by the entire party for a long time to come; namely, to carry
out restructuring of mechanization and of the economic system: implement
revolutionarism, youthfulness, increased knowledge and expertise amongst
cadre groups; establish a socialist spiritual civilization; crack down on
and break up antisocialist corruption and crime in the economic and other
sectors; on the basis of thorough study of the new party constitution
reorganize party style and organization. These are the most important
guarantees of our support for the socialist direction and the joining
together of our forces to carry out modernized construction. The general
outline of the basic essence of the 12th national congress documents also
states that it is under the guidance of communist ideology that we support
the socialist direction and join together our force to carry out modernized
construction and get firmly to grips with the four major items of work. The
full documents and all the activities of the 12th national congress com-
pletely embody this point and in our study and dissemination of the docu-
ments of the 12th national congress it is vital that we fully grasp its
fundamental essence.
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RAISE THE COMMUNIST SPIRIT, STUDY WELL THE 12TH PARTY CONGRESS DOCUMENTS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 pp 47-48
[Commentator's article by XIN CHANGZHENG-from Jilin's XIN CHANGZHENG [NEW
LONG MARCH] No 9, 1982]
[Text] An utterance, an article and a meeting are all very refreshing
things. The most refreshing thing about the 12th national congress may be
summed up in one word--communism. Communist targets, communist practice
and communist ideology were interwoven through the documents and decisions
of the 12th national congress like a red ribbon. Thus, when we study the
12th national congress we must bring out this communist spirit. In other
words we must stand on the high level of communism to understand and
comprehend the essential spirit of the documents'of the 12th national con-
gress and get to grips with the fundamental direction of every policy and
task outlined and decided upon in the 12th national congress.
Comrade Hu Yaobang made it very clear in his report when he said: "In
order for communism to achieve full realization as a social system in
China we. still face several generations of long and arduous struggle. But
communism is first and foremost a movement-and the final aim of a movement
such as this is to achieve a communist social system." Thus we must inte-
grate closely our present practice with our future aims and take the 12th
national congress as the correct road for establishing a new phase in the
socialist modernization program and integrate it and its policies closely
with our long-term ideal of achieving communism. We must both keep this in
mind and adhere to it. Since the establishment of the PRC, the problems
that we have come up against during the course of our socialist construc-
tion work have many different causes behind them but we can in essence say
that they were all the result of insufficient or inept handling of just
this relation. Thus, during the stage of socialism we must support and
believe in guidance by communist ideology and improve and strengthen the
teaching of communist ideology without hesitation or faltering. Further-
more, under guidance by communist ideology we must draw up policies and
plans based on our present situation and then fully support and endorse
their implementation. In other words, we should not separate communism
and socialism either on a theoretical or a practical basis, nor should we
oppose them to one another. Furthermore we should not confuse socialism
and communism in their developed stages nor equate the two of them on this
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level. Only in this way can we keep our feet on solid ground but have a
clear view into the long-term future. And only in this way can we ensure
that the communist movement progresses along correct lines and with healthy
development from the beginning to the very end.
An'important lesson that we have learned in the past is that sometimes our
understanding of socialist society becomes'very one-sided and biased.
History has proven to us that'vacuous politics, setting up "spiritual
omnipotence" or aiming for similar extremes and thereby ignoring and
weakening political and ideological work, thus seeing only material factors
and ignoring the human ones, only tends to obstruct the progression of our
cause and can even create serious damage. Thus it was that Comrade Hu
Yaobang pointed out in his report, that socialism is constantly moving
nearer its high level target of communism and this progression cannot only
rely on increases in material wealth, it must also rely-on the constant
elevation of the people's communist ideological consciousness and the
constant activation of the revolutionary spirit. If under the guidance
of communist ideology we ignore the great task of establishing a socialist
spiritual civilization throughout society then it is impossible to guarantee
a socialist direction for our modernized construction program and thus our
socialist society will lose its ideals and its aims as well as its spiritual
force and fighting will with the result that we will be unable to resist
corruption by all kinds of degenerate factors and we may even end up seeing
lopsided development and the appearance of decadence and evil ways.
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THE INTELLECTUALS ARE A FORCE ON WHICH THE MODERNIZATION PROGRAM DEPENDS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 p 48
[Article by Zhang De [4545 1795]--reprinted from Jiangsu's QUNZHONG [THE
MASSES] No 19, 1982]
[Text] In order to fully get to grips with such vital tactical points for
the development of the economy as education and science, to allow full
expression to intellectuals during the process of constructing the two
kinds of civilization, and to struggle for the realization of our tactical
aims, the following items of work must constantly appear on the agendas of
every level of party and government bodies.
1. While studying and disseminating the spirit of the documents of the
12th national congress we.must remember to study and promote the policy
toward intellectuals. In this way the entire party and the masses will
come to understand and appreciate that the key to realizing the four
modernizations program lies in the modernization of science and technology
while the foundations lie in establishing a sound education.
2. We must continue to implement the party's policy on intellectuals.
This includes rectifying leftover problems of cases of injustice, carrying
out communist ideological education among intellectuals, study by intel-
lectuals of their tasks and duties and gradual improvements in the working
and living conditions of intellectuals, based on feasibility and necessity.
3. Draw up 5 to 10 year plans and clear targets for such cultural under-
takings as education, science, culture, hygiene and physical education on
the basis of overall balance.
4. Take care to develop and foster activists amongst intellectuals, par-
ticularly middle-aged intellectuals, to develop party members and thus
strengthen the party ranks. Furthermore we should take care to select
cadres from amongst the intellectuals to enrich every level of the leader-
ship bodies and thus improve the intellectual structure of party and
government bodies as well as leading cadres in enterprise and work units.
People generally dislike it when confused orders are issued but cold and
objective analysis shows us that the issuing of confused and wrong orders
by leading bodies and cadres cannot always entirely be traced back to
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intentions and morals of the individual leaders; more importantly, such
events are the result of two objectively existing factors. One is that
they have the power to issue orders. The other is that they lack the
necessary intellectual knowledge for their area of leadership. Let us use
a formula to explain this: power plus lack of knowledge equals the issuirig
of confused and incorrect orders. Production needs unified leadership and
leadership needs authority. Authority thus requires that someone submits
to the authority since authority can only exist under the premise of having
someone to submit to it. In order to avoid the issuing of confused or
incorrect orders the leadership bodies should be made up of people "in the
know." Leading cadres must be "in the know" and an important condition
for being in the know is that one has the specialized knowledge to carry
out one's own work.
5. We must make use of all methods acceptable to intellectuals to con-
stantly urge them to consciously raise their political consciousness and
to consciously make use of new knowledge to enrich themselves. Further-
more they should consciously make use of the principles of socialism to
correctly handle all kinds of relations including the relations between
the individual and the collective, the intellectual, the worker and the
peasant, and the internal relations between old, middle-aged and young
intellectuals and the relations between work responsibility and glory,
and treatment.
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RANDOM TALKS ON PROFESSIONAL,ETHICS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 22, 16 Nov 82 inside back cover
[Article by Lin Wenshan [2651 2429 1472]]
[Text] As everyone strives to promote.the establishment of a spiritual
civilization, joyous reports,of good deeds have been pouring in. Two
such reports, concerning scientists, can be seen in the YANGCHENG WANBAO.
One is: Comrade Xiong Jincheng and Comrade Zhou Zuoling'were both sepa-
rately engaged in research but arrived at the same results. In assessing
his "honor of being first" to arrive at the results, Comrade Xiong Jincheng,
who was first to publish his thesis, openly stated that the honor of being
first to arrive at the results should go to Comrade Zhou Zuoling, who pub-
lished his thesis later. Seeking truth. from facts, Comrade Xiong Jincheng
stated that he only entered this field of work after being introduced into
it by Comrade Zhou Zuoling. Although Zhou Zuoling's thesis was published
only later, it was actually sent off 3 months earlier. As a result it was
Comrade Zhou Zuoling who received the research results award. Another is:
Researcher Lou Tongmao, head of the geomorphology department of the
Guangzhou Geographical Research Institute, put all of his major efforts
into supporting the work done by his middle-aged and young researchers.
The amount. of work that Comrade Lou Tongmao put into many theses from
their inception to the final draft was frequently no less than that of the
actual writer. When people put his name at the front, he always crossed it
out. Under such motivation as his, unity and cooperation became the order
of the day throughout the entire department and as a result, last year they
made three relatively important scientific achievements, publishing 15
scientific articles.
Of course we are not by any means advocating avoidance of publicity. When
listing references and acknowledgements in a scientific thesis or publica-
tion, apart from stating whose work the publication involved, it should
also state the name of the person in charge and responsible for the line
of thinking or the material behind the work. But, let us be honest here,
as far as some intellectuals are concerned, acknowledgements do have a
great deal of attraction. Comrade Xiong Jincheng and what he did are both
worthy of respect for he need only have stayed silent and "the honor of
being first" would of course have been his. But he stood up and spoke the
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truth. For Comrade Lou Tongmao to put his name in the acknowledgements
would have been both reasonable and legal. But he did not agree with doing
things this way. Using himself he fully embodied the spirit of the so-
called "human ladder or chain" thereby encouraging his followers to aim
for equally lofty realms. Both of the comrades are not only educated but
truly ethical.
It is said that in theatrical troupes in the old society there was a saying,
"backbiting art" meaning that between the performers there was often
jealousy, struggle for fame and jockeying for position. There was obvious
backbiting and covert backbiting--backbiting on and off stage. Obviously
all this backbiting gave rise to a great deal of lost energy and a lowering
of the artistic effect of performances. This terrible phenomenon of "back-
biting" did not of course only exist amongst theatrical troupes, it was
also to be found in scientific and various other fields. Such people,
fearing that the achievements of others would surpass their own would do
everything in their power, using all their authority and connections to
stifle the opposition and even going to the extent of confounding the
achievements of others. Untalented and uneducated people would use all
sorts of means such as plagiarizing and lifting of work in order to take
the credit for something. Often the theory would be someone else's, the
writing anther's, and yet those who had authority would put their names
on the work, even at the head of the work. Some people even went so far
as to satirize and joke about the true contributors and writers of a piece
of work by claiming to be "above material and worldly pursuits."
Under the influence of such a lack of professional ethics, being adept in
the,"study of contacts and string-pulling" allowed people to enjoy juggling
things so that they could profit without working, gaining both fame and
wealth, while those who really spent their time working hard on various
pieces of work found their lives beset with problems and lived in perpetual
terror. Today, enterprises and work places have all expressed the need to
lay down a code of professional ethics, and from what we have discussed it
is obviously very necessary. Around 100 of China's greatest scientists
and experts in technology including Mao Yisheng and Zhou Peiyuan have
drawn up a "code of professional ethics in science for workers in science
and technology," and this publication includes one criterion for profes-
sional ethics as follows: Support creative invention and encourage others
to do better than oneself. Such an aspect of professional ethics is a
very, good thing and embodies the country's and the people's future expecta-
tions of workers in science and technology as well as giving voice to all
the demands of true and correct scientific workers in China.
Science seeks to establish the truth from facts and without this central
aim, what contributions can science make? Liang Qichao wrote a book
called "Science in the Qing Dynasty" and it is very well worth reading,
both for natural and social scientists. In addition to discussing scien-
tific research during the Qing dynasty it also discusses the scientific
mood and professional ethics of that time and there are a few lines which
are still relevant to us today. For example:
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Everyone considers it immoral to hide or twist facts and proof.
Whoever speaks must prove his words-plagiarization is a greater immorality.
In terms of this question, overbearing manner, incoherent writing or those
insinuating ridicule are also immoral.
If we take these few lines and with them examine the situation in science
and technology over the last few years we can see that for a variety of
reasons this Qing dynasty scientist's methods of evaluating immorality are
still to some extent pertinent to some of our scientific books. Thus we
must resolve'this situation if we wish to see further development to our
science and technology.
After the ideological confusion caused by the 10 years of social chaos we
must now work hard to make respect of professional ethics common practice.
This means that every line of work and research must draw up individual
codes of professional ethics and praise good people and good deeds while
criticizing bad people and bad deeds. In this way the domain of ideology
will once again take up a forward position. Let us hope that from today
we receive more and more reports of good deeds and that we hear no more of
cases of people in power signing their names to work with which they had
nothing to do.
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