CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100410001-2
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 94
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 15, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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Ul
JPRS 82466
15 December 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 21, 1 November 1982
FBIS
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 21, 1 November 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Uphold the Concept of One Dividing Into Two; Attain a Still
Higher Goal (pp 2-6)
(Hu Yaobang) ....................................................... 1
Carry on the Study of the 12th CPC Congress Documents in a
Deepgoing Way (pp 7-8)
(Shi Youxin) ....................................................... 9
Party Building and the Program for Creating a New Situation
in All Fields (pp 9-13)
(Zheng Hui) ........................................................ 12
The Basic Policy of Attaining a High Level of Socialist
Democracy (pp 14-18)
(Lu Zhichao) ....................................................... 21
A Reliable Guarantee for Socialist Construction (pp 19-23)
(Shao Huaze)........................................................ 30
Correctly Understand Our Country's Independent Foreign Policy
(pp 24-28)
(Qi Wen) ............................................................ 39
Excerpts From Speeches Made at Forum on Studying the 12th CPC
Congress Documents (pp 29-36) ........................................... 47
Raise the Ideological Level of Literary and Artistic
Works and of Writers and Artists (pp 29-30)
(Wang Meng) ..................:.............................. 47
Grasp the Building of Socialist Spiritual Civilization
With the Same Vigor and Determination as in Grasping
.the Building of Material Civilization (pp 30-31)
(Wu Zuqiang) ................................................. 49
- a - . IIII - CC - 751
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Build Socialist Literature With Communist Thinking as
Its Core (pp 31-32)
(Liu Shaotang) ........................................... 50
Films Should Aim at Fostering the Goodheartedness of
the People (p 32)
(Chen Guangzhong) ............................. ......... 52
Actors Should Pay Attention to the Social Effects of
Their Performances (p 33)
(Yu Shuzhen) ............................................. 53
Bring Healthy Literature and Art to the People (p 34)
(Jiang Kun) .............................................. 54
The Glorious Mission of the CYL (pp 34-35)
(Chen Haosu) ............................................. 55
In Fostering New Socialists, It Is Imperative That We
Continue With Communist Education (pp 35-36)
(Zhang Liqun) ............................................ 57
Take the Road of Coordinated Development of Agriculture,
Industry and Commerce (pp 37-40)
(Yang Yichen) ................................................... 59
How To Study the Sixth Part of the Report to the 12th CPC
National Congress (pp 41-45)
(RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education) ........... 68
How Can We Say That It Is Possible To Quadruple Industrial
and Agricultural Production Value by the End of This
Century? (pp 46-47)
(Zhao Qi) ........................................................ 80
Why Is It That Peasant Incomes Should No Longer Be Increased
Mainly by Raising the Prices of Agricultural Products?
(pp 47-48)
(Xu Ke) ......................................................... 84
How Should We Understand the Notion That the Socialist
Character of Spiritual Civilization Is Decided by
Ideological Education? (p 48)
(Wu Hong) ....................................................... 86
A Discussion on 'Rule by Inaction'--Thoughts on Reading Lao Zi,
Not a Study of His Philosophic Theory (inside back cover)
(Li Ming) ....................................................... 88
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UPHOLD THE CONCEPT OF ONE DIVIDING INTO TWO; ATTAIN A STILL HIGHER GOAL
Beijing RED FLAG.in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 2-6
[Speech by Comrade Hu Yaobang on 27 December 1981 while meeting with repre-
sentatives attending a national conference on the creation of films]
[Text] I am a rooter for ball games, a rooter for radio and television
broadcasts, a rooter for the movie industry. In short, I am your avid
supporter. Our comrades of all party committees and propaganda depart-
ments must assign such a task for themselves: to be rooters, to cheer
everybody up.
Literature and art, like sports, have a broad mass character. We must
organize and lead the people to use all means possible to boost anything
which has a broad mass character, which is beneficial to the people,
which can inspire and educate people to aim high and which is popular
among the people. Because only by doing this can we prove ourselves to
have what our party constantly claims as a mass viewpoint.
The year 1981 will pass and a new year will come in only 4 more days. How
should we view our work this year and greet the new year? Let me present
these remarks to you comrades: Uphold the concept of one divides into two;
attain a still higher goal. If there should be a "dui Tian" [a Chinese
couplet often written and mounted on scrolls to be hung on the wall] for
the new year, can these remarks be considered as fit for this purpose?
All our comrades must uphold the concept of one divides into two at all
times. This is a conclusion reached at the meeting sponsored by the party
Central Committee for the first secretaries of various provinces, munici-
palities and autonomous regions to review the work of this year. To view
things with the concept of one divides into two, we can see, on the one
hand, our party has achieved great progress in its work and the result has
generally been good, but, on the other, we can also see that we have not
been performing very well in other work, including that in which we ought
to have done better, such as political and ideological work, [stabilizing
the] commodity prices and so forth. How does literary and art work fare?
I hope you comrades will have this issue analyzed with the scientific
attitude of one divides into two so that the work next year will be done
better.
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As far as the movie industry is concerned, we must fully affirm that much
progress was made during the past several years, and that new progress has
been made this year. Therefore, good and generally acceptable movies have
been the mainstream. This also tells that the majority of our comrades
have.been working very hard. Some middle-aged and young directors and
playwrights have been maturing very quickly. Our workers, peasants,
soldiers and intellectuals, our Communist Party members, CYL members and
Young Pioneers, in short people of all nationalities throughout the coun-
try, male and female, young and old, people residing in cities and rural
areas, are pleased with and welcome the accomplishments and progress
achieved by the people of the movie industry and their hard work and con-
tributions. They can see these accomplishments with their own eyes, and
they will remember them and are thankful for them. This is what we usually
mean as the rights and wrongs of a case will be judged by the public. This
is a fact, and this is the kind of confidence we should have.
Of course, there is another side of the coin. This is to say that certain
movies are really not good enough, that certain comrades have not worked
hard enough, and that relatively serious shortcomings and errors still can
be found in certain works and among certain individual comrades. The two
main problems are simply thus:
First, the political sentiments of certain works and certain comrades are
not healthy. Where are these unhealthy political sentiments reflected?
They are reflected mainly in their attitude of ignoring, and even writing
off, the great accomplishments achieved by the Chinese people in pursuing
their socialist cause, and in their attitude of blaming the entire state,
the entire revolutionary rank and file and the entire socialist system for
the mistakes in our revolutionary process and for the destruction done by
the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques. Because of such
attitudes, they conclude that communism has no future, and that communism
is but a dim illusion. That is what I mean, by unhealthy political thinking
or political sentiments.
Why do we have to criticize Comrade Bai Hua? It is because his work
"Unrequited Love" is unhealthy in political thinking and harmful to the
people's minds. Things have now turned out very well since he has been
'criticized and since he has realized his mistakes and made a self-
criticism. Comrade Bai Hua is still a party member and a writer, and he
will continue to write. Comrade Bai Hua produced some good works in the
past. We hope he will'produce more good works. People can see from this
case that the party Central Committee's policies and ways of doing things
are vastly different from those in the past, and these differences have
demonstrated that our party has indeed learned a beneficial lesson from
its mistakes and setbacks and has become more mature.
There is no doubt that we must convincingly and seriously criticize
erroneous things. Here, we must adhere to truths and never try to save
face. It is best that one conduct self-criticism earnestly instead of
shielding a shortcoming or fault. The comrades, readers and audience must
help him. This is not only true for writers, but also true for the
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responsible comrades of our party committees at all levels. Can we criticize
the Standing Committee members of the-party Central Committee's Political
Bureau and the comrades of the Secretariat if they have committed mistakes?
Naturally we can criticize them. We can even criticize Comrade Mao Zedong's
errors. Why can't we criticize ourselves, if we commit mistakes? For our
great cause, whoever makes mistakes in our revolutionary ranks should be
criticized or told to conduct self-criticism. However, we must face facts,
be good to 'others and pay attention to science and policy. We must not
wantonly criticize people. Perhaps some comrades would say that one's
enthusiasm will be affected once criticism has started. We say: It all
depends on what kind of enthusiasm you have. If it is the kind of enthusi-
asm detrimental to the socialist cause, should we not dampen this kind of
enthusiasm? This kind of dampening would help the healthy enthusiasm to
further develop at the same time.
Second, some comrades have failed to attain a lofty realm of thought in
some of their works. Their realm of thought is even very low. Where does
this phenomenon manifest itself? Mainly, it shows up when they are unable
to correctly handle the relations between love affairs and the revolution
and between love affairs and the socialist cause, while inappropriately
overemphasizing the love affairs.
Naturally, love affairs constitute an important theme in literature and
art. We not only may write on this theme, but should write on this theme.
I had mentioned this at the symposium on script writing held last year.
Who says that we cannot write about love affairs? They represent an
integral part of human life and an important phenomenon in social life.
The question is what role we let love affairs play. All communists, revo-
lutionaries and patriots should be even more broadminded and farsighted.
Ardently loving only our great motherland, our great people and our social-
ist cause is most valuable. If we can classify our sentiments of ardent
love into number one, number two and number three, the number one should
be this type of ardent love. Literature and art in the socialist period
should be much more progressive than that in the new democratic revolution
period. First of all, our literary and art works should educate the
people, particularly the young people, to love the socialist cause of the
motherland and our people. Fundamentally, love affairs should be identical
with the revolutionary cause. For the people's interests and for the
socialist cause, a revolutionary should be able to completely sacrifice
one's own love affairs and even life, if it is necessary to do so.
People still remember the Hungarian poet Petofi's famous poem: "Life is
indeed valuable, but the price of love is even more valuable. However,
for the sake of freedom, I can give up both." For the nation's inde-
pendence and the people's freedom in the motherland, this democratic revo-
lutionary in the mid-19th century was able to attain this kind of lofty
realm of thought. How can our socialist literature and art today retreat
to the realm of thought where love is considered as something supreme?
We should not let love between the sexes overtake the revolution and
prevail over the revolution. Nor should we give publicity to love being
the noblest and doing everything for the sake of love. Our literary and
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art wDrks should always be aimed at broadening the people's spiritual realm
and Et encouraging and inspiring the people to dedicate themselves to the
socialist modernization of the motherland.
Only by upholding the concept of "one divides into two," will it be possible
for us to attain a still higher goal. In the next year, not only must you
attain a higher goal, you must alwo work hard to attain a higher goal in
doing the work of our party and the work of all trades and professions. You
said that in the next year, you would produce 100 feature films. This is
fine. However, the question is what kind of feature films. Everyone
believes the quantity of 100 feature films should be ensured. The quality
of these films should also be better than those produced in 1981. It is,
therefore, necessary for you comrades to work harder than ever to con-
scientiously solve the series of questions in the realms of ideology and
art and in all fields of your work.
As for economic development, there must be a practical and "unexaggerated"
growth rate next year. This means a certain quantitative as well as a
strict qualitative requirement or combining of quantity with quality in
this regard. I think this requirement is also completely applicable to
film production.
If. w e make no big mistakes, adopt a scientific approach and go all out to
push the national economy forward, it will be possible gradually to accel-
erate the improvement of the people's living standards a little bit. How-
ever, generally speaking, it will not be quite possible for our living
standards to catch up with those in the most economically developed coun-
tries in the next 50 years or until the 2020's or 2030's. Let us review
some history. China was gradually reduced to a semicolonial and semi-
feudal society since the middle of the 19th century. After more than a
century, a tremendous social change took place in China in the middle of
the 20th century--China entered the period of socialism. It might take
another century or so for a fundamental and tremendous socioeconomic
change to occur in our country so that China will be among the advanced
of the world--or such a change might not take place until the middle of the
21st century. Therefore, the course of social history has determined that
we Chinese have to bear more hardships in this century and the next. What
is so serious about bearing some hardships? Difficulties and hardships
will ielp you succeed in your undertakings. This century and the next will
be th?3 two centuries in which the Chinese nation will bring about tremendous
changes and make tremendous progress.
Such historical development and changes require our comrades to conscien-
tiously experience all kinds of hardships and tempering. After this diffi-
cult historical stage, our nation will have a bright future. This is the u
realm of thought in which our minds are emancipated. .:Such a realm of
thought is one of revolutionary romanticism and revolutionary realism. Is
this not realistic? We must be determined to work hard in the next five
decades to make China a modern, powerful socialist country with political
stability, economic prosperity, developed education and high ethical
standards and to make our country really stand up. This will be a close
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integration of revolutionary realism with revolutionary romanticism. Could
one be called a revolutionary realist if one disregards the nature of
historical development and regards the people's cause and ideals as worth-
less or devoid of any merit? That is shortsighted, naturalistic and indica-
tive of a declining mentality.
Comrades, this question concerning the realm of thought is one of a funda-
mental character and characteristic of the times. Among our people, party.
members and cadres, there will definitely be more and more people who
firmly believe that our country will effect a tremendous change or progress
from disorder to order and from poverty to prosperity and who conscien-
tiously work hard for this purpose. Now some people eagerly look forward
to this, others are half believing and half doubting and still a very small
number of people determinedly oppose such a tremendous change and progress
and want to go backward. This requires us to turn our party's correct
lines and objectives, through our ideological, political, theoretical,
propaganda, literary and art, journalistic and educational work, into the
firm will and conviction of large numbers of party members, cadres and
people, into the ideas, consciousness and public opinion of hundreds of
millions. of people of various nationalities and into their actions. There
will be no future for our literature and art if they do not serve this
purpose. If our writers and artists.fail to stand ahead of the times but
stand aside and only write, perform or sing something about the "wind,
flowers, snow and moon" and "love," or if they stand behind the times and
only write, perform or sing something "miserable" or which is "unbearable.
to recall," then, what future will they have? There will be no future at
all for those who stand opposed to use and distort and curse the revolu-
tion with a mentality marked by antipathy and gloom and with the language
of hatred, and they are bound to be cast aside by the people. Of course,
this does not in the slightest degree mean that ugly phenomena in our
social life cannot be criticized. We have said on several occasions that
they can and should be criticized. The question here is what stand you
take and'your frame of thought.
Comrade Xia Yan has just asked me to say more about the question of study.
I think this is an extremely important question. The question of restudy
faces not only you in your profession but also the whole party and people
of all nationalities throughout the country, including us. Of course, the
division of work in society varies from people to people. However, there
are common yet different requirements for people.in study. As far as
writers and artists are concerned, I think that they must step up their
study of Marxism, social life, culture, science and history.
Marxism, which came into being more than 100 years ago, has its rich theory
of literature and art. But this does not mean that authors of classical
works of Marxism have provided readymade answers to all questions about
literary and art work. Our study of Marxism today is for no other purpose
than guiding our artistic practice with the Marxist stand, viewpoint and
method. We should strive to attain a higher ideological and a higher
artistic level and to integrate the one with the other or to merge them
into a single whole. Only in this way will we be able to greatly raise our
realm of thought and to promote social progress in a particular way.
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I do not know if you have read Comrade Wang Chaowen's "The Concept of
Aesthetics" and some other comrades' aesthetical works. I have read some
of the book but have not yet finished it. I feel that there may be some
shortcomings in all books on aesthetics, but they still can help us under-
stand some concepts or common sense of aesthetics so that we can avoid
detours in this regard. Now some of our comrades do not pay sufficient
attention to theoretical questions, and our achievements in the theory of
literature and art are very few indeed.
Writers and artists should go deep into the realities of life in order to
observe, experience and analyze persons and social phenomena of various
kinds--this is a prerequisite for our literary and art creation. If a
writer does not do so, he can only fabricate stories according to his
subjective needs. Take the plot of having a love affair in a tank for
example. People only have to ask this: Since the number of personnel
assigned to a tank is limited, how can another person be added to it so
casually? Gorkiy once sincerely advised a young writer: Do not write
anything in a hurry but study it first. He also said: One must pay
attention to reality in order to portray new life vividly and effectively.
There are three kinds of realities--the past reality, the present reality
and the sketchy reality of the future.
In studying science, culture and history, one must pay particular attention
to language. I think it necessary to remind comrades, especially young
comrades, to pay close attention to this matter.
"A writing that is devoid of literary grace will not last long." This is
quite right. It shows that a writing devoid of literary grace and refined
language cannot touch people to the heart. This is an extremely important
experience. Literary language is an art. A work without literary grace
definitely has little vitality. Please take a look at Lu Xun, Guo Moruo,
Mao Dun, Ba Jin, Gao Yu, Lao She, Zhao Zhuli and other literary giants of
modern times. Is any of them not a great master of the art of language?
However, it appears that some young comrades have not paid close attention
to this matter. If one does not have sufficient literary accomplishment
and is unwilling to study some classical Chinese poems and prose, his
writing will be insipid and devoid of the effect of touching people to the
heart. If one goes on like this, how can one do one's job?
Certain comrades mentioned the movie "Bosom Friend." I think a movie like
this can be produced. Cai E indeed rendered outstanding service in the
struggle of overthrowing Yuan Shikai during the old democratic revolu-
tionary period, and Xiao Fengxian can be regarded as a woman with foresight
and courage. However, I do not know whether the movie's playwright and
director read Xiao Fengxian's elegiac couplet for Cai E. The first part
of the couplet reads: "Over the boundless horizon in the south, you
ascended like a roc that wings skyward, lifted by the cyclone. How can I,
a survivor of a chaotic world, bear the fact that our union has become a
mere dream?" The second half reads: "During your several years of stay in
the north, I pitied myself for having led an aimless life. But after
having you, a hero, as my bosom friend, what is fleeting will be remembered
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forever." You can see that this couplet, which mentions Cai's lofty ambi-
tion and Xiao Fengxian herself, as well as her relationship with Cai, has
a fairly deep perception and literary grace. I hear that it was written
by a literati in Xiao Fengxian's name. Nevertheless, it has a certain
literary value. I think it would be nice if the movie "Bosom Friend" used
this couplet as its theme and even used its words for the lyrics of a
theme song. From this we can see that we must continue to brush up on
history and culture. If our works have a correct theme and tell a touching
story with a rich, graceful language, they certainly can powerfully educate
and inspire our people.
Some comrades maintain that our movies, like ball games, should'be up to
the standard that they can compete with other countries on the inter-
national movie scene. I think this issue must be analyzed because we will
lose our bearings if it is not clearly analyzed. Nowadays, the inter-
national sports tournaments are matches of athletic skills conducted under
unified competition regulations and judging standards that are inter-
nationally acknowledged. In light of these regulations and standards, who
wins and who loses can be clearly distinguished, and the results, which do
not have a class character, are spontaneously recognized by the whole world.
However, literature and art, including motion pictures, are different. It
is one of the ideolggical departments that has a strong class and social
character. The same literary and art work may be judged differently, or
even diametrically, by different people because of differences in their
social status and world outlook. Of course, different peoples and different
countries can and should learn from each other in the field of artistic
forms and skills of their literature and art. All the positive results
from the literature and art of all nations will contribute to mankind's
cultural development. In the final analysis, however, whether our litera-
ture and art has a great vitality depends only on whether it meets the
needs for the progress of people of all nationalities. Therefore, the goal
of struggle of our literature and art is not what it can accomplish inter-
nationally, but how it can penetrate the hearts of'the broad masses of
Chinese people and become a powerful spiritual weapon that can arouse
hundreds of millions of Chinese people to struggle for socialist moderniza-
tion. If our literature and art really attains this.goal, it has expressed
its major international significance. If our own culture can be developed
and thrive healthily in a great country like China, which has one-fourth of
the world's population, and if our people will emerge in the world as a
highly. civilized nation, it will be an inestimable contribution to and a
tremendous motivating force in the world's cultural development. Is it
possible then that this will not be recorded in full detail in the
cultural, history of the world?
In short, in the interest of our country and people, we must heighten our
spirits, rise up and be ready to exert sustained and strenuous efforts to
build a stronger and more prosperous country. We must also emulate the
Chinese women's volleyball team's spirit of winning glory for the mother-
land and the people. Some comrades say that their burden is heavy and they
already feel the "pressure." I think this is good. When tap water cannot
reach the upper floors of tall buildings, it is because there is not enough
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pressure. There must be some pressure, but, of course, it should not be
too large. In the final analysis, we rely on our legs in order to attain
a still higher goal. Whether our legs can make large steps depends on how
loyal we are to our motherland, the people, the party and the socialist
cause.
This meeting is being held quite successfully. I propose that a meeting
like this be held every December. The meeting should be larger so it will
be attended by directors, playwrights and some performers and singers. The
purpose for settling the general account at the end of the year is to be
prepared for the fighting during the new year. Let me repeat what I said:
We must wage a hard struggle in order to attain a still higher goal!
CSO: 4004/11
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CARRY ON THE STUDY OF THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS DOCUMENTS IN A DEEPGOING WAY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 7-8
[Article by Shi Youxin [2457 0645 2946]]
[Text] Vast numbers of cadres and the masses are studying the documents
of the 12th CPC National Congress. People are in high spirits in this
study. All localities and authorities at all levels have effectively and
rapidly mobilized leading cadres to explain and publicize the documents
and train backbone members in propaganda work. Many comrades believe that
this represents a good beginning for deepening understanding, unifying
thought and putting into effect the spirit of the 12th party congress.
The congress documents, in a'concentrated way, reflect the will of members
of the CPC and the whole nation and express their ideals. Therefore, these
documents have a strong appeal. These scientific and programmtic documents,
different from other ordinary work reports, offer a regularized summation
of the active practice led by our party both in reviewing our previous work
and in planning our future work. For this reason, our theorists, journal-
ists, educators and personnel engaged in party and government work are all
required to explain, give guidance, make expositions and give proof so as
to help cadres and the masses to study the documents well, have a good
command of the spirit and unify thought in order to arouse the people of
the whole nation to go all out and struggle with one heart and one mind
for the realization of socialist modernization.
Now, in the wake of the publishment of the documents, we can see that a
great variety of material for study, guidance and reference has also
appeared. Apart from being carried by the press, this is also being pub-
lished in pamphlet form. This demonstrates the great efforts made by
propaganda workers and their initial achievements. However, a new problem
has also arisen in this good situation. Such a large volume of things
emerging before readers will simply confuse them and they will simply be
at a loss over which to choose as reference and which to read as the
primary source, as people's ability to make judgments is different and
their time and energy are both limited. How can we achieve good results
in our study? This is a question that we must take seriously. Now, some
comrades are not concentrating on the study of the documents. They only
skim through the documents and believe that they have fulfilled the task.
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Some even fail to finish reading the whole document, and then they turn to
summary and guidance material and take this in place of the documents.
This is a method of "putting the cart before the horse." This will not
achieve good results.
Comrades in charge of organizing the study should pay attention to this
problem. They should really help everybody concentrate on the study of the
documents. If people only have superficial knowledge and fail to master
the essence, the study will be fruitless. Study is a painstaking mental
labor and requires real efforts. Glancing over something once or twice
cannot be considered as finishing the study. Moreover, having studied
something does not mean that one understands it and understanding it does
not mean having a good command of it. The requirement for the study of the
12th congress documents should be not only able to understand them, but
also to have a good command of the essence of spirit. To this end, we
should, on the basis of reading the documents carefully and thoroughly,
require different people to take different approaches in the study. Some
can take notes of one paragraph after another; some can write their view-
points on various questions; and others can compare the documents with
other documents and make an analysis so as to deepen their understanding.
When encountering difficulties in the study, we should think them over by
ourselves and then read some selected guidance and reference material.
Focus points should be selected in the study of the documents. Material
beyond the documents should also be tackled after being selected. The
method of using the same strength to tackle all problems and extensive
reading is inadvisable.
It is necessary to oppose both "leftist" and rightist deviations in connec-
tion with our real thinking. To really achieve good results in the study
of the documents, it is necessary to relate what we have learned with our
own thinking, especially our thinking since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, and check whether there is something in our
minds that hinders the implementation of the 12th congress spirit. It
should be noted that some remnant influences of "leftism" have not been
thoroughly eliminated in our work.. For example, in dealing with class
struggle, some people think that the slogan of "taking class struggle as
the key link,' is correct also as we embark on hitting at serious economic
crimes or try to dish up this slogan in a new form. In approaching the
relationship between politics and economy, some people are keen on reviving
formalism and empty talk in political work when we stress the importance of
political and ideological work and they dish up again some imprecise or
unsuitable viewpoints, such as, "place politics in command" and "politics
must take precedence over economy." In dealing with intellectuals, some
people do not recognize that intellectuals constitute a reliable strength,
as do workers and peasants in building socialism, and they continue to
cling to the outdated proposition and policy of "unite, educate and reform."
In approaching education, science and culture, some people indiscriminately
stick a label of bourgeoisie on all of these and set them against laboring
people; they flaunt the ignorance and backwardness that history leaves to
the laborers as the true color of the proletariat. At the same time, in
actual life, there also exists the rightist tendency of deviating from and
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even negating the four cardinal principles. We must also struggle against
the bourgeois liberalist tendency and never relax this struggle. How can
we give up necessary criticism and struggle against the erroneous view-
point of-negating that our country has been a socialist society, the pessi-
mistic and negative arguments that merely look at the dark side of our
society while we deny our bright side and the superiority of our socialist'
system and the practice of propagating the old formulas and slogans of the
bourgeoisie by sticking some "communist" terms on them? All this consti-
tutes obstacles to the implementation of the 12th congress spirit. Without
clearing up these obstacles, how can we really master the essence of the
documents' spirit? In short, we must carry out an ideological struggle
on the two fronts against both "leftist" and rightist deviations and avoid
focusing on the criticism of one erroneous tendency to the neglect of
another.
It is necessary to link the study of the documents with the study of basic
theory of Marxism. At the 1st Plenary Session of.the 12th CPC Central Com-
mittee, when talking about the study of the 12th congress documents,
Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out: "We should first do our best to master
the basic spirit of the documents and associate this with the relevant
basic theory of Marx, Lenin and Comrade Mao Zedong so as to unify our
thinking." This is a very timely and important instruction. Principles
and policies adopted by the 12th party congress are all in keeping with
the laws of historical development and the people's demands. Their
ideological and theoretical foundation is laid on the basic theory of
Marxism. Without the knowledge of the relevant basic theory, we will not
have.a'profound understanding of the essence of the 12th congress documents'
spirit. Of course, we cannot lay aside the 12th congress documents to
study those basic Marxist works. Rather, the study of the Marxist basic
works should serve the study of the 12th congress documents.
On the basis of having a profound understanding and a good command of the
spirit of the 12th congress documents, we should try our best to relate
our study with reality of our units and solve some resolvable problems in
a methodical way. We are faced with the great task of creating a new
situation in all fields of socialist modernization, We should seriously
consider how to create a new situation in our respective work, what to
initiate and what to reform. We should persist in the practice and
measures that are in line with the principles and policies laid down by the
12th party congress and strive to overcome existing shortcomings and
deficiencies. Through study, we should review the experiences in our work.
This will help us better understand the 12th congress documents and more
conscientiously and firmly implement the principles and policies decided by
the 12th party congress.
The key reason why the study in the previous period was carried out in a
down-to-earth way is because leaders at all levels have taken the lead in
the study. In order to conduct the study in a more effective and lively
way, it is suggested that leading cadres should be prepared and give rele-
vant answers to the people's questions, should join the discussions with the
masses and if different opinions exist, they can also take part in debates.
In this way, with the exchange of ideas between leaders and the masses, the
study will be filled with vigor and will be led to a more profound degree.
CSO: 4004/11 11
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PARTY BUILDING AND THE PROGRAM FOR CREATING A NEW SITUATION IN ALL FIELDS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 9-13
[Article by Zheng Hui [6774 1920]]
[Text] The correct program and the series of principles and policies for
creating a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization outlined
at the 12th party congress constitute a fundamental basis for all fields
of work in China's socialist construction in the years to come. They also
constitute a fundamental basis for party building, particularly the con-
solidation of party organizations to be launched very soon. Here, I would
like to discuss my impressions on the guiding role of Comrade Hu Yaobang's
report on strengthening party building.
In his opening address at the 12th party congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping
pointed out that to integrate the universal truth of Marxism with the con-
crete realities of China, blaze a path of our own and build socialism with
Chinese characteristics--this is the basic conclusion we have reached in
summing up long, historical experiences. Referring to socialist develop-
ment, the new party constitution pointed out in the general program section:
"The development and improvement of the socialist system is a long historical
process," and "the cause of socialism is advancing and is bound to triumph
gradually throughout the world along paths that are suited to the specific
conditions in each country and are chosen by its people of their own free
will." An important principle of scientific socialism has been advanced
here.. It provides people with a good deal of valuable enlightenment to
correctly understand socialism.
For a long time in the past there has been an oversimplified notion about
socialism to the effect that after establishing the socialist system
according to a fixed pattern, we can develop it speedily or easily into a
perfect and ideal state. The facts are just the opposite. Socialism, this
brandnew social system in human history, was first established in a number
of countries which were relatively backward economically and culturally and
the conditions of which were extremely complicated. Its development can
never be uniform or smooth sailing. In the course of'practicing socialism,
we are bound to go through many difficulties and setbacks and many even
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commit grave errors. Under the conditions when serious errors have been
committed and tremendous setbacks exist in some specific systems, the
superiority of socialism cannot be fully or notably brought into play.
Marxism has brought to light the general laws governing socialism in
historical developments. Only by integrating the universal truth of
Marxism with the concrete realities in their own countries and finding the
correct paths that are suited to the specific conditions in their own coun-
tries is it possible for communists in various countries to achieve suc-
cesses in socialism. Therefore, socialism will advance to common victory
on a world scale through various forms and paths. It will be impossible to
attain good results by indiscriminately copying the experience or patterns
of foreign countries without maintaining independence and keeping the
initiative in our own hands or by imposing one country's experience or
pattern on others. Under the guidance of Marxism, all roads lead to com-
munism. This is a historical trend in the contemporary world communist
movement.
Our party has succeeded in solving the questions of choosing a path for the
democratic revolution suited to China's specific conditions and for the
socialist transformation of the means of production. After the socialist
system was established in an all-round way, our party was confronted with
a completely new and more difficult and complicated problem of breaking a
new path for socialist construction that is suited to China's national
conditions. Everybody knows that in the course of solving this problem,
our party has made painstaking efforts and paid a heavy price. After
going through a tortuous path, we are now embarking on a new journey of
historical development. The 12th party congress represents a great mile-
stone of this new journey. The documents, such as Comrade Deng Xiaoping's
opening address at the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang's report to
the.12th party congress and the new party constitution, are the banners
guiding our victorious advance. The documents comprehensively and pene-
tratingly expound the basic contents of socialist economic, ideological,
cultural and political construction, their respective status and their
relationships with one another in accordance with guidelines of the party's
general task in the new historical period. These expositions have taught
us that the four modernizations are the focal point of the whole party's
work and the basis for solving international and domestic problems. At the
same time, great efforts should be made to build a high degree of socialist
spiritual civilization and socialist democracy. Building socialist spiritual
civilization and socialist democracy is both an important aspect of our
fundamental objectives and tasks and an important guarantee for building
socialist material civilization. The building of the three aspects are
closely related with, and promote, one another. All these constitute a
complete program for building socialism as proposed by our party. They
also represent an enormous progress our party has achieved in the course
of integrating the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities
of our country and in its protracted efforts to explore a socialist path
with Chinese characteristics.
Just as Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: In comparison with the time of the
eighth party congress, our party has gained a much deeper understanding of
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the laws governing China's socialist construction and acquired much more
experience. At the time of the eighth party congress, the situation in
launching all-round socialist construction developed very speedily and our
party was not adequately prepared in both theory and practice. The line of
the eighth party congress was correct. However, it failed to mature or
solidly establish itself and, consequently, failed to prevent the occur-
rence of serious errors in a later period. History has profoundly educated
the whole party. From the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee to the 12th party congress, our party systematically summed up the
historical experience, both positive and negative, since the founding of the
PRC and finally reached a new scientific plane in understanding the specific
conditions of Chinese society and ways to build socialism in accordance
with China's specific conditions. Naturally, we cannot say that we have
satisfactorily and thoroughly solved this problem. Many principles and
policies still remain to be further perfected, substantiated and revised.
However, it should be said that the basic path is correct. This is indeed
of decisive significance to the growth and prosperity of our party and our
socialist cause.
Comrade Mao Zedong set forth, expounded and proved the idea of the close
relationship between our party building and party political line. More
than 30 years' experience of party building since the founding of the PRC
has once again confirmed this idea. In the period of democratic revolution,
party building was closely interrelated with the party's task of dealing
with the united front and armed struggle. Similarly, in the period of
socialism, party building is also closely interrelated with the party's
task of dealing with the socialist modernization program. When the party
correctly formulated and implemented the line for building socialism, the
party invariably developed and made rapid progress. Conversely, when there
were some deviations in the party's line, particularly when such a serious
error as the "Cultural Revolution" occurred, great damages were likewise
done to party building. Now, our party has led the people in achieving a
great transformation of historic significance and has formulated a correct
program for socialist modernization, thus providing the most important and
fundamental guarantee for the party's victorious development. In the course
of creating a new situation in all fields in the years to come, our party
will certainly be able to make our ranks purer and stronger in light of
implementing the correct political line and, consequently, shoulder our
historical missions more satisfactorily.
In accordance with the specific conditions and requirements of the new
historical period, the party constitution has set forth in the general
program the three basic requirements that should be met in strengthening
party building: 1) A high degree of ideological and political unity;
2) wholehearted service to the people; and 3) adherence to democratic
centralism. What should be done to meet the three basic requirements and
raise party building to a new height in relation to the socialist moderni-
zation program set forth in Comrade Hu Yaobang's report to the 12th party
congress?
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A high degree of ideological and political unity constitutes the first of
the three basic requirements.. The unity referred to is a unity based on
the basic political and ideological principles and Marxism. In the past,
when the "leftist" errors held a dominant position within the party,
normal debates on different views among comrades within the party were
regarded as a serious struggle of line and as class struggle. Excessive
means of struggle were used to enforce an erroneous ideological and polit-
ical principle. This inflicted grave damage on the cause of the party and
the people. We should never repeat this historical error. However, we
should not negate the extreme importance of party leadership with the
errors committed by the leaders of the party; neither should we negate the
important principle of upholding a high degree of ideological and political
unity in the party with the pretext that there has been a lesson of enforcing
unanimity within the party under the erroneous guiding ideology. The prob-
lem is that we should rely on the improvement of the party's ideological and
theoretical level, the maturity of its political experience, the soundness
of its democratic centralism and the development of its democratic life to
ensure ideological and political unity in the party based on Marxism. In
view. of the fact that the party has formulated a correct line and that
inner-party life has been increasingly restored to normal, it is perfectly
necessary and entirely possible for us to meet this requirement. In his
report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang has summed up our
experience in effecting a great and historic change over the past 6 years.
An important experience is that, on some major ideological and political
questions of principle, the CPC Central Committee has waged appropriate
struggles on two fronts--against both the "left" and the right deviation,
and maintained the scientific character and unity of the party's guiding
ideology. Without this scientific character and without this ideological
and political unity, there would not be such a good political and economic
situation as we have today. This truth is clear to all.
The socialist modernization program set forth by the 12th party congress has
correctly handled the relationship between socialist economic construction,
on the one hand, and socialist ideological, cultural and political con-
struction, on the other. It has correctly handled the relationship between
the contradictions among the people and those between the people and the
enemy in the present stage of socialism as well as the relationship between
the state, the collective and the individual. It has correctly handled the
relationship between the actual conditions and present policies of socialism,
on the one hand, and the ideological system and lofty ideals of communism, on
the other. These are important problems which our party has, for many years
in the past, strived to solve but has not been able to solve well. In
handling these problems, the "leftist" errors have invariably driven an
aspect of contradiction to extremes and handled it in a completely reverse
and nonsensical manner, thus degenerating into serious idealism and meta-
physics. The ideological and political unity enforced according to this
"leftist" errors can only be formal or false unity, which inevitably damaged
the party's fine tradition of seeking truth from facts, discredited socialism
and dampened the enthusiasm of numerous party members in pursuing the com-
munist ideal. The current correct program set forth by the CPC Central
Committee has broken completely with the "leftist" errors in the past and
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has also made a clean break from the rightist deviation. To achieve polit-
ical unity within the whole party with this program will enable the whole
party to greatly raise its Marxist level, be firmer and more energetic in
its current socialist practice and fully confident in the long-term pros-
pacts of future'communism.
In its efforts to bring order out of chaos in all fields in the past few
years, the CPC Central Committee has, first and foremost, promoted
ideologically the Marxist vitality of daring to make innovations and inven-
tions and discarded all viewpoints which have been worshipped in the past
and which have been proved through long-term practice to be incorrect. It
has applied basic Marxist principles and formulated principles and policies
in accordance with objective conditions. It has also constantly improved a
and perfected the content of the present principles and policies through
practice. The process in which these principles and policies have taken
shape is one of constant development from practice to knowledge and from
knowledge to practice, and one of repeated development of from the masses
to the masses. There is no end to practice and there is no end to learning.
The guiding ideology of the party is in a state of lively movement. There-
fore, the high level of ideological and political unity which the new party
constitution calls on the whole party to maintain is by no means a rigid
and mechanical uniformity but a vigorous and lively unity based on correct
integration of theory with practice and of leadership with the masses.
This is a fine tradition which has taken shape in our party for a long time
and which our party now pays particular attention to promote.
A primary factor in achieving a high level of ideological and political
unity is to step up our study. The party constitution stipulates that all
party members, particularly party cadres, should conscientiously study
Marxism-Leninism and Mao Zedong Thought, essential knowledge concerning the
party, and the party's line, principles, policies and decisions and acquire
general, scientific and professional knowledge. They should go deep into
the realities of life to conduct investigations and studies and be good at
waging struggles against various erroneous tendencies inside and outside
the party. In his report, Comrade Hu Yaobang stressed the necessity of
vigorously stepping up the education and training of cadres. He regarded
this as a strategic measure for improving the quality of cadres. We should
carry out the training of cadres according to this guideline. Provided
that party members and cadres achieve notable successes in their studies,
the whole party will be able to have a common language on major ideological
and political issues and further lead the masses.
The second basic requirement for strengthening party building set forth in
the new party constitution is that party members should serve the people
with heart and soul. Our party has always regarded service to the people
as its sole purpose. It has always stressed that the words and deeds of
party members should conform. to the people's interests, for this is the
highest criterion. In the protracted and ruthless armed struggles and
underground struggles in the past, our numerous party members feared no
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sacrifices and fought bravely for the liberation of the Chinese people,
displaying a high level of communist consciousness. After the party
becomes a party in power leading the political power of the state, by
relying on the political power, it is able to work for the interests of the
people oil a larger scale and degree. On the other hand, the leading status
of the party also subjects it to the danger of divorcing itself from the
masses and of abusing its power. Once this danger becomes a reality, the
damages done to the interests of the people will be much more serious than
an error committed in the revolutionary war period. The "Cultural Revolu-
tion" precisely serves as a profound lesson. It was the outcome of a fault
in the building of party in power and was in turn a cause for the huge wound
inflicted on the party. Due to the great damages done to the party polit-
ically, ideologically and organizationally in the decade of domestic tur-
moil, the phenomena of using public office for personal gain among some
party cadres was fairly serious. Through consolidation of party organiza-
tions over the past few years, conditions have greatly improved in the
party. However, the contradictions of whether serving the people or seek-
ing personal gain have not been completely solved or have not been solved
at all among many party members.
Comrade Hu Yaobang's report comprehensively analyzed the present condition
of our party and set forth several problems that we should concentrate on
solving in party building at the present stage. The party is reforming the
leading bodies; leading cadres of the party at various levels are engaging
in cooperation between the old and the new and the succession of the old by
the new*. The party demands that large numbers of young and middle-aged
cadres be promoted to various leading posts in good time and that veteran
cadres who have been relieved of their heavy responsibility in "front line"
posts continue to shoulder the tasks of passing on experience, giving help
and setting an example. The party demands that the young and middle-aged
cadres who have been newly promoted to leading posts modestly learn the
skills needed in economic and construction work and, with the spirit of
doing pioneering work, score outstanding successes in their work. The
party also demands that party organizations at various levels and the
numerous party members establish close ties with the workers, peasants and
intellectuals and step up work with the masses. In view of the fact that
the existence of impurities in ideology, style and organization within the
party is not suited to the new situation and tasks, it is therefore neces-
sary to conduct an overall consolidation of party organizations over a
period of 3 years. In a nutshell, the solution of all these problems will
enable party organizations and party members to dedicate themselves with
the spirit of serving the people with heart and soul in socialist moderniza-
tion. Just as Comrade Hu Yaobang said: "We must lay stress on getting
every member to understand clearly the character, position and role of the
party and to realize that all party members have only the duty to serve
the people diligently, and conscientiously, and no right whatsoever to take
advantage of their power and positions to 'fatten' themselves at the
expense of the state and the masses." The members of a party in power have
many favorable conditions and opportunities to use public office for
personal gain, to benefit themselves at the expense of public interests or
to "fatten" themselves at the expense of the state and the masses. In order
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to be a qualified party member, one should never be allowed to "fatten"
oneself like this. In many of its articles, the new party constitution has
made specific provisions on this question. This is also an important
aspect showing that the requirements for party members and party cadres
in the'ncw period are more exacting than before.
Party members should have the idea of wholehearted service to the people.
This is determined by the character and tasks of our party. Our party is
the vanguard of the Chinese working class and its ultimate goal is the
realization of communism. With the exception of the interests of the work-
ing class and the broadcast masses of people, the party does not have
special interests of its own. The communist social system that the party
wants to establish is the most advanced and superior social system in human
history. Under this social system, the relationship between men and the
relationship between the individual and society should be a completely new
type of social relationship. Does the individual or society hold supreme?
Is all for the individual or is the individual subservient to society?
This is a fundamental factor distinguishing a new society of public owner-
ship from the previous society of private ownership. In a communist
society, there are ample and good conditions to ensure personal development
and satisfy personal interests. However, personal interests must be sub-
ordinated to the interests of society and personal development must be
adapted to the development of society. In the initial stage of communism,
it is likewise necessary to establish the fundamental principle that
society should protect the individual and the individual should submit to
society. It is different from the higher stage of communism only in some
respect of its specific contents. Therefore, the idea of wholehearted
service to the people is a communist idea reflecting a. new type of social
relationship. An important component of building a high degree of social-
ist spiritual civilization is to develop this, advanced idea and this new
type of social relationship. If, in ideological building, our party does
not put forward the requirement of wholehearted service to the people, the
party.'s role of main support in the building of spiritual civilization in
the entire society is out of the question. Neither can we use these con-
tents to influence and educate the broad masses. Naturally, our party has
invariably stressed that it is necessary to strictly differentiate publi-
city of the communist ideological system from the current program of action
and the present policies. At the present stage, in economic and social
life, we should uphold the system of distribution according to work and
other' social systems. We should demand that all members of society become
communists. However, if, in. the previous new democratic stage, our party
was able to influence the masses with its communist spirit and win vic-
tories, are there any doubts about the necessity for party members to
firmly acquire the idea of wholehearted service to the people today, when
the party has stressed the building of socialist spiritual civilization as
a fundamental objective of socialism?
The third basic requirement for strengthening party building set forth in
the new party constitution is adherence to"democratic centralism. With
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respect to the stipulation of the party's basic principle of democratic
centralism, the new party constitution is an improvement on all previous
constitutions and is fuller in content. This is a special feature of the
new party constitution.
In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang also concen-
trated on expounding the importance of strengthening democratic centralism
and further normalizing inner-party political life. Now, the political
life of the CPC Central Committee and many local party organizations has
been restored to normal. This represents a major progress. However,
undemocratic practices and patriarchal ways still have not been eradicated
in many organizations, and cases of decentralism and liberalism exist to a
serious extent. We must concentrate on solving this problem when we
strengthen the party organizationally in the days to come.
The party's democratic centralism reflects, in essence, a new type of polit-
ical relationship within the party in the organizational system. In a
socialist society, there is a new type of political relationship among the
people and there is also a new type of political relationship within the
political party of the working class. The 12th party congress pointed out
that great efforts should be made to build a high level of socialist
democracy and that it is necessary to establish, in accordance with the
principle of socialist democracy, a relationship of equality between men
and a correct relationship between the individual and society. Within the
Communist Party, there should be a higher standard and stricter demand for
this political relationship. All party members enjoy rights within the
limits prescribed by the party constitution, discharge the duties of
membership and observe a unified discipline. There should be equality in
these basic respects. The duties and limits of authorities of the higher
party organizations are different from those of the lower party organiza-
tions, and the duties and limits of authorities of party organizations are
different from those of party members. In their mutual relations, there
are differences between the leader and the led. However, these differences
in work and posts do not mean that there are differences between the honor-
able and'the lowly, between the high and the low. Politically, there is
complete equality between them. Through the implementation of democratic
centralism, the party develops truth and rectifies errors, thus attaining
unity and unification of the party on the basis of Marxism. This new type
of political relationship cannot be mentioned in the same breath with the
feudal autocratic system and bourgeois liberalism. The organizational
system of the party's democratic centralism has been established on the
basis of this new type of political relationship; the improvement of the
functioning of democratic centralism invariably promotes the development
of, this new type of political relationship.
When referring to the reform of the system of leadership and the leading
organs, Comrade Hu Yaobang, in his report, also concentrated on expounding
on the correct solution of the question of party leadership over government
organs and over enterprises and institutions. It was pointed out in the
report that it is necessary to achieve a proper division of labor between
the party and the government and between party work and administrative and
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production work in enterprises and institutions. This is a major question
concerning how the party can correctly bring into play its leading role.
The new party constitution has for the first time made a clear stipulation
in this respect. A good solution of this problem will enable CPC com-
mittees at various levels to extricate themselves from routine administra-
tive work and strengthen party leadership ideologically and politically and
party building so that the administrative and production departments can
.do their work actively, independently and concertedly, thus bringing their
usefulness into full play. This problem also involves the establishment of
a new type of socialist political relationship of democracy and equality
between the party and the nonparty masses. We should regard it as a funda-
mental principle for building socialist spiritual civilization and socialist
democracy and solve it conscientiously, gradually and rationally.
We should improve the functioning of democratic centralism and reform and
improve the party's system of leadership in state life so that our relation-
ship within the party and outside the party may develop soundly and so that
we can create a political situation in which we have both centralism and
democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal
ease of mind and liveliness. By that time, there will be unlimited
prospects for the cause of socialist modernization.
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THE BASIC POLICY OF ATTAINING A HIGH LEVEL OF SOCIALIST DEMOCRACY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 14-18
[Article by Lu Zhichao [4151 0037 6389]]
[Text] Like building a high level of socialist material and spiritual
civilization, building a high level of socialist democracy is one of the
fundamental tasks and targets of our country's people in the new historical
period. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee and
under the leadership of the CPC Central Committee, extensive publicity and
discussions have been carried out on the theory of building a high level of
democracy, and many practical reforms with far-reaching significance have
been made. The democratic system in our country, damaged in the past, has
been restored and developed. However, building a high level of democracy
is an arduous task and requires a long process of struggle. Discussions
held in the past few years show that there exist different and even oppos-
ing views on many questions concerning democracy. These different views
involve the understanding of the nature of socialist democracy and of
questions such as democracy and dictatorship, democracy and centralism,
the democratic system and democratic life, democracy and the legal system,
democracy and party leadership, and so on. In his report to the 12th party
congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang gave in principle clear answers to these ques-
tions. The "report" is the guiding policy for building democracy from now
on and at the same time i should also form the basis on which we increase
our understanding and unify our thinking.
In the sections concerning the building of democracy, the "report" first
makes clear the nature of socialist democracy in our country and expounds
the relationship between democracy and dictatorship.
The word democracy has many meanings and is often used to signify different
things. According to the Marxist point of view, democracy is first of all
a question of state system. Lenin said: "Democracy is one sort of state
form, one of its patterns." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 257) In
history, the replacement of the feudal system by bourgeois democracy was a
great step forward. However, bourgeois democracy is only democracy for the
exploiting classes, a very small percentage of the population, and it is a
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trap and a fraud for the proletariat and other laboring people. Bourgeois
democracy is in essence bourgeois dictatorship but the bourgeoisie has
never admitted this. After leading the broad masses of the people in
seizing state power, the proletariat set up the dictatorship of the prole-
tariat, or the people's democratic dictatorship. Since this kind of
democracy is for the laboring people, who account for the overwhelming
majority of the population, and dictatorship is exercised only over a
very small number of exploiters and hostile elements, the proletariat and
the laboring people can openly announce that they must exercise dictator-
ship over the people's enemies while practicing democracy among themselves.
As long as class struggle still exists, we must not deviate from Marxist
theories on class struggle and on the state when examining and handling
issues concerning democracy.
The basic Marxist views on democracy mentioned above have been repeatedly
expounded in the party's documents in the past few years. The following
questions can be explained on the basis of these views: First, democracy,
which is a form of state structure and state system, also involves dictator-
ship. Therefore, when our party calls for building a high level of social-
ist democracy, it is at the same time calling for strengthening and con-
solidating the people's democratic dictatorship. Only by developing a
high level of democracy can we effectively exercise dictatorship and ensure
the smooth progress of socialist construction. It is one-sided and wrong
to separate democracy from dictatorship, thinking that calling for a
"higher level of democracy" means ignoring dictatorship over the enemy, or
that stressing the necessity of exercising dictatorship over the enemy
means restricting democracy. Second, as a state system, socialist democracy
is won by means of revolutionary struggle under the leadership of the pro-
letariat and is not established on the principle of the minority submitting
to the majority. Moreover, after establishing this democratic system, a
handful of class enemies who oppose socialism cannot be treated on the
principle of the minority submitting to the majority. The principle of the
minority submitting to the majority only applies to the question of how to
exercise state power among the people. We must understand that class rela-
tionships come before relationships between the minority and the majority
among the people under a democratic system. Otherwise, confusion will
occur. Third, viewed from the essential nature of state power, socialist
democracy, we say, is incomparably superior to bourgeois democracy. As
Lenin said, it is "millions of times" more democratic than bourgeois
democracy. ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 634) This is because in
our socialist country, although the democratic system and democratic life
have not yet been entirely developed or perfected the proletariat and the
laboring people are already in the ruling position and are masters of the
country. On the other hand, in the capitalist countries, even in the most
democratic ones, the broad masses of the people are still being ruled and
exploited. If we forget fundamental class relationships and compare our
democracy with bourgeois democracy only in terms of concrete systems and
forms, serious ideological confusion will occur.
Some people may ask: Since socialist democracy is of a higher type, why
do we still say that our democracy is not extensive enough and why must we
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set ourselves the target and task of building a high level of democracy?
This involves another aspect of the meaning of democracy. In the above
discussions, we talk about the nature of state power, that is, state struc-
ture. Here, we will talk about the administrative system, that is, the
form of organization of state power, the building of the democratic system
and the development of democratic life. In this sense, our democracy is
really not good enough and building a high level of democracy will involve
a protracted process.
Socialist democracy is a new type of democracy meaning that the whole of the
people manage the state. Since the socialist system has a short history,
the task of building a high level of socialist democracy has not yet been
accomplished in any country. Besides, accomplishing this task in China
will involve special difficulties. China went through a feudal period
lasting several thousands of years and it lacks democratic traditions. In
the past, we did not pay enough attention to developing democracy either.
So a lot of time is needed to make up for this. Besides, we have little
experience in this respect. Under these circumstances, we can only
accomplish the task of building a high level of democracy through syste-
matic, unremitting and protracted efforts to carry out the modernization
program and to build socialist spiritual civilization. It is not realistic
to expect quick results or to attempt to do everything at one go.
In short, with regard to the question of building a high level of democracy,
we must distinguish between the two different meanings of democracy and at
the same time we must realize that they are closely linked. The proletariat
and the laboring people have seized state power and set up the people's
democratic dictatorship. This is the prerequisite for developing the
democratic system and democratic life. Without state power, there will be-
no democracy for the laboring people. On the other hand, developing a
highly democratic system and life is an important condition for upholding
the people's democratic dictatorship. Without these, the power of the
whole people to manage the state will never be fully realized or guaranteed.
As far as the development of the democratic system and democratic life is
concerned, our task in building a high level of socialist democracy,
according to the report to the 12th party congress, involves the following
main aspects:
1. The key to developing a high level of democracy is to continue to
reform and improve our country's political structure and the structure of
its leadership in accordance with the principle of democratic centralism,
and strengthen the building of organs of state power at all levels. The
purpose of this work is to enable the people to better exercise state power
and to enable government organs to lead and organize the people in building
socialism.
All our state power belongs to the people. However, it is impossible for a
billion people to directly grasp and exercise state power together. They
23
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must do so by means of government bodies composed of their representatives.
Lenin said: "We cannot imagine democracy, even proletarian democracy,
without representative institutions." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3,
p 211) In our country, the organs through which the people exercise state
power are the National People's Congress and local people's congresses at
all levels. This system of people's congresses organized according to the
principle of democratic centralism, is an administrative system suited to
our country's conditions, and a form. of organization of state power capable
of giving full expression to socialist democracy. Reforming our country's
political structure and the structure of its leadership does not mean
changing this basic system but reforming specific systems and forms of
organization which have drawbacks and defects in order to improve this
fundamental system day by day. There are two aspects of these reforms.
With regard to the political system, they include strengthening the power of
people's congresses and their respective standing committees at all levels,
strengthening the functions and powers of the State Council and the people's
governments at all levels and strictly implementing the responsibility
system, abolishing the lifelong tenure system for state leaders, improving
the election system and the supervision system of the masses over state
cadres, and so on. Regarding the structure of the state's leadership and
leading organs, these reforms are mainly aimed at overcoming problems such
as overcentralization of powers, cadres concurrently holding too many posts,
excessive numbers of deputies, overlapping organizations, duties and
responsibilities not being clearly defined, overstaffing, mixing up the
party's work with that of the government, bureaucracy and inefficiency.
The essence of this work is to reform irrational cadre systems and to
ensure that the ranks of cadres gradually become more revolutionary,
younger in average age, better educated and more professionally competent.
Reforms in this respect are more specific but very important parts of the
reform of the political system.
The crucial question in this kind of reform is to implement the principle
of democratic centralism comprehensively, from top to bottom. On the one
hand, the power of state organs at all levels must be based on extensive
democracy and these organs must really represent the interests and will of
the people and enable the people to exercise their power. On the other
hand, these organs must exercise the necessary centralism based on democracy
so that they will become authoritative and effective and will be able to
effectively lead and organize socialist construction. Centralism based on
democracy is an inevitable means and form for realizing democracy. Some
people think that calling for the building of a "high level of democracy"
means ignoring centralism, while others think that centralism restricts
democracy. They do not really understand the system of democratic
centralism.
Of course, as a democratic political system, democratic centralism must
first of all adhere to the principle of the minority submitting to the
majority, and embody the views of the majority. However, in the work of
our state organs, the principle of democratic centralism should at the same
time become a kind of work method and work style. This kind of work method
and work style is appropriate and complementary to the democratic nature of
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our political system. In the past, we often regarded centralism based on
democracy as merely a work method and work style and were not conscious
that it was first of all a system. Of course, this is wrong. However, it
is also a one-sided view to deny that at the same time democratic methods
and style are necessary for a democratic system.
2. Socialist democracy is not merely a kind of political system. It
should also be extended to various aspects of the people's political,
economic, cultural and social life. This is an important part of develop-
ing a high level of democracy and an important expression of the superiority
of socialist democracy over capitalist democracy. First, in addition to
exercising their right to run the state by means of people's congresses at
all levels, the people, as masters of the country and the society, must also
directly enjoy rights of management to varying extents and in various forms
in the political, economic, cultural and social life in which they partici-
pate. Only in this way can they give full play to their enthusiasm and
initiative. Our country is so big that democracy will not exist in an all-
round way if people only enjoy the former right. Second, democracy implies
equality. In order to develop all-round socialist democracy, we must also
establish, among the people and according to the principle of democracy,
equal political relationships between man and man, including equality
between nationalities, equality between man and woman, equality among
citizens before the law, relationships between citizens and the state and
social rights and duties. We must ensure that these relationships will
become political guiding principles which people must observe, and ideologi-
cal habits. This is an important part of building democracy and at the same
time an important part of building socialist spiritual civilization. Third,
in order to attain the goal mentioned above, democracy should also become a
way for the people to carry out self-criticism and learn democratic, collec-
tive and communist ideology. A democratic method is one of discussion,
criticism and self-criticism, persuasion and education. This is a method
which was created by our party and the revolutionary ranks led by our party
long ago and has been effectively used to raise the people's ideological
consciousness and to resolve contradictions among them. Since the founding
of the country, it has also been popularized. among the whole people and very
good results have been obtained. We must also see that without using the
democratic method and raising the people's consciousness everywhere, the
building of the socialist democratic system and the development of demo-
cratic life are not guaranteed.
We must closely link the building of socialist democracy with the building
of the socialist legal system and systematize and legalize socialist
democracy. With regard, to this question, there exist.two confused ideas.
The first is thinking that it is insufficient to stress only the building
of a "high level of democracy" because this will make some people ignore
the law and social order. The second is thinking that the law restricts
democracy and that stressing the building of the legal system will restrict
the development of democracy. Both of these ideas result from the same
mistaken view of democracy not as a system but as anarchy under which one
may do as one pleases and the legal system is not regarded as a guarantee
for democracy but as a restriction to it. These ideas set democracy against
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the legal system in two different aspects. Neither the nature of socialist
democracy nor the functions of the socialist system have been correctly
understood. As a matter of fact, if we understand the correct meaning of
socialist democracy and clarify the relationship between democracy and
dictatorship, democracy and centralism, and the democratic system and
democratic life, we will understand that socialist democracy is a political
system and a social order which most conforms to the interests and desires
of the whole people and is the most healthy and rational political relation-
ship and habit of life. The socialist system only consolidates it in a
legal form. Harming the people's interests and social order, and anarchy
under which one may do as one pleases, are forbidden by the law because
they undermine democracy. The nature and functions of socialist democracy
and the socialist legal system are essentially the same. The task of build-
ing a high level of democracy put forth by our party includes improving the
socialist legal system.
Why should we then put forward the idea of closely combining the development
of democracy with that of legal system? This is because socialist democracy
is the content and foundation of the socialist legal system while the
socialist legal system reflects and guarantees socialist democracy. Social-
ist democracy, whether as the essence of a country and the form of organiza-
tion and mode of activities of state power, or as a guiding principle for the
people's political relations and political life, should be written into law
by the organs of state power (including constitutional and general laws).
These laws must be observed by everybody, and compulsorily enforced by the
organs of state power. Only in this manner can socialist democracy become
an authoritative, firm and unshakable system. The degree of perfection of
the socialist legal system marks the level of maturity and development of
socialist democracy. Therefore, strengthening democracy and perfecting the
legal system are two organically related aspects of the task of the
development of a high level of socialist democracy.
The report to the 12th congress sums up our achievements in developing the
legal system and puts forward our task for the future. Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, our party has summed up and drawn
on historical lessons, begun to pay attention to developing the legal system
and scored remarkable achievements. As a result, we have put an end to the
idea and situation of "despising all law and authority" and set up initial
rule by law. The draft of the new constitution soon to be examined and
approved by the National People's Congress will in particular open a new
phase in the development of our country's socialist democracy and legal
system. It will provide an essential basis for extensive legislative work
in the future. Our party's task for the future is to continue to lead the
people to.formulate and perfect various kinds of law while strengthening
its leadership over the administration of law, strengthening education in
the legal system and ensuring by various means the strict enforcement and
observation of the law of our country.
Judging by the present situation, the latter task is even more important.
This is because at present many of our people lack the concept of a legal
system or are ignorant of the law. Our youth in particular is even more
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ignorant about the law and its meaning. Quite a large number of our party
members, including some of our leading cadres fail to see the significance
of developing the legal system. Some of them even have a "special privi-
lege" mentality and think that the law is formulated for common people, not
for them. This is why there still exists the malpractice of failing to act
according to the law or to strictly enforce it. In order to put an end to
this malpractice, we should first carry out education in the legal system
among all our people. In particular, we should educate and supervise the
broad ranks of our party members and cadres and tell them to take the lead
in observing the constitution and the law. We should begin with our broad
ranks of party members and cadres, make every citizen understand the law
and the obligation to observe the law and set up a practice of doing every-
thing in accordance with the law throughout our society. Second, we should
strictly enforce the law. The key to this is the actual implementation of
the principle that every citizen being equal before the law. We should not
allow any organization or any individual to have the privilege to transcend
the constitution and the law. Our party should steadfastly safeguard the
power.of the judicial organs in independently exercising their authority and
performing their duties. It should encourage and support the judicial work-
ers in enforcing the law in an impartial and incorruptible manner. It
should crack down on any practice of bending the law for the benefits of
one's relatives or friends.
Our country's socialist construction, including the construction of the
material and spiritual civilizations and the development of a high level of
democracy must be carried out under the party's leadership. The task,
theory, principle and policies of developing a high level of democracy have
been put forward by the party and must be gradually carried out under the
leadership of the party. The question of whether we accept the leadership
of the party is the key to the question of whether we will be able to develop
our democracy along a socialist path. Recognition or otherwise of the
party's leadership is the demarcation line between the socialist concept of
democracy and the various kinds of erroneous bourgeois and petit bourgeois
concepts of democracy. A very small number of people propose breaking away
from the party's leadership, advocate a kind of "absolute democracy"
divorced from the party's leadership and even raise the banner of fighting
for democracy and freedom against the party. These people proclaim them-
selves or are called by others in flattery "fighters for democracy." In
fact, their thoughts and actions'hamper and impair the development of
socialist democracy.
It is common for our comrades to have some muddled perception of the rela-
tionship between the development of democracy and the leadership of the
party. Some think that since democracy means all the people being the
masters-and making decisions according to the principle of the minority
being subordinate to the majority, it seems that we should not stress the
party's leadership. Otherwise, we will go against the principle of
"democracy." This view treats the principle of the people being the masters
and the majority making decisions as being abstract and absolute and thus
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distorts this principle. The party's leadership means using the revolu-
tionary consciousness of the advanced class and the science of Marxism-
Leninism to clearly point out the correct path of revolution and construc-
tion, enlighten the people, readjust their relationships, correctly sum up
the interests and will of the people and unite and guide more and more
masses in conscientiously carrying out the struggle for their own funda-
mental interests. The party is an indispensable tool for the people to win
their final liberation that has emerged in the revolutionary struggle of the
proletariat and the masses of people. Without the leadership of the party,
it would have been impossible in the past for the people to overthrow reac-
tionary rule and win democracy; without the leadership of the party, it is
impossible at present for the people to correctly and effectively exercise
their right as masters. A little recollection of history and a little
consideration of reality will enable us to realize that without the leader-
ship of the party, it would be impossible for the people to exercise their
right as masters in dealing with problems which are relatively wide in
scope or complicated, let alone problems related to revolution and con-
struction among millions of people. Therefore, a democracy that throws
away the leadership of the party cannot be a socialist democracy. It only
means worshipping the spontaneousness of the masses and being the tail of
the masses. It will inevitably result in going against the will of the
majority and harming their interests.
However, the party's leadership involves mainly the formulation of the
correct line, principles and policies and the gradual raising, through
ideological and political work and the exemplary and guiding role of party
members,'of the people's awareness and the work of guiding them in fighting
for their own interests. The party does not exercise its leadership over
the people but among them. Just as it was impossible in the past for the
party to act single-handedly to seize state power in place of the people,
it is impossible now for the party to exercise the people's right as
masters in their place. It can only organize and support the people in
exercising their rights as masters. In the opinion of some comrades, the
party's leadership conflicts with democracy and democracy is at best
nothing but form. This has given rise to ideas and activities of
neglecting the development of the system of democracy and failing to observe
the law approved by the legislature of the people. By so doing, they will
inevitably become divorced from the masses and weaken and impair socialist
democracy and the legal system. Moreover, when the party's leadership com-
mits mistakes and encroaches on the people's interests in dealing with some
problems, we will not be able to promptly correct it. We have learned very
profound lessons on this in the past. We should understand that the party
is a part of the people. The party leads the people to set up the system
of democracy and formulate the constitution and law. This system, constitu-
tion and law embody both the party's line, principles and policies on the
one hand and the whole people's common interests and will on the other,
reflecting the fact that the party's leadership and the people's exercise
of the right as masters coincide. Therefore, the party must take the lead
in implementing and observing this system, constitution and law. The
"report" particularly stresses the principle that "the party must act
within the scope allowed by the constitution and law." It demands that the
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activities of all party members and organizations including both the central
and the basic levels must be in accordance with the constitution and law of
the state. This shows that the party takes the lead and respects the
peoplets rights. As for the activities of some cadres who, under the
pretext of exercising the party's leadership, use their power of office to
pursue their private interests and privileges and violate the democratic
system and the law of the state, they can never be regarded as exercising
the party's leadership. On the contrary, they directly undermine the
party's leadership. Of course, these activities must be strictly banned.
In short, our party's principle and policies on the theoretical relation-
ship between developing democracy and strengthening democracy are clear and
correct. Some specific systems and measures have to be formulated after
we have made further practical investigations and summed up our experience.
The key is to strive to improve the party's leadership while adhering to it.
All our party members must pay attention to the development of democracy,
establish an intimate and trusting relationship with the masses of people
and their representative organs, and promote the development of the social-
ist democratic system and legal system by their exemplary actions in
respecting democracy and observing the law.
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A RELIABLE GUARANTEE FOR SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 19-23
[Article by Shao Huaze [6730 5478 3419]]
[Text] Vigorously strengthening the modernization of national defense and
further consolidating it is a reliable guarantee for the people of the
whole country devotedly to carry out socialist construction.
In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang put
forward to the whole party and the people of the whole country the task of
strengthening national defense. We must see the importance of this task
and vigorously carry it out by linking it with our country's situation in
the international arena. and with the overall situation in our country's
socialist construction.
Modernization of National Defense Is an Important Part of Socialist
Modernization and a Strong Guarantee for Socialist Construction
The 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee formulated the
strategic policy of shifting the focus of party and state work to modern
socialist economic construction. This policy was set forth on the basis
of the principal contradictions which needed to be resolved at home and
also on the basis of our experiences and lessons of the past. It
reflected the eager wish and basic interests of the people of the whole
country.
In order to concentrate our energies on carrying out socialist moderniza-
tion, we need a sustained, consolidated political situation of stability
and unity at home as well as a peaceful international environment. In his
report entitled "The Current Situation and Tasks" delivered on 16 January
1980, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "As far as China is concerned, our
foreign policy is to seek a peaceful environment in which to accomplish
the four modernizations." "This is a major issue compatible not only with
the interests of the Chinese people but with those of the people of the
whole world."
However, unlike domestic affairs, international affairs are not decided
exclusively by us. In the world at present, the superpowers are engaged in
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fierce competition for their own benefits and for global domination. They
are the main cause of unrest and turmoil in the world. The flames of war
are raging in many places. The 1980's will be a decade marked by great
turbulence and riddled with crises. Of course, the consciousness of the
people of the world is widening and the forces against hegemonism are
developing. Experience shows that the people of the world can upset the
superpowers' strategic plans through persistent, unremitting struggle.
World peace can be maintained provided the people of the whole world are
truly united and struggle resolutely against hegemonism and expansionism
of all kinds. However, possibility is not reality. Take China's actual
environment for example. The Soviet Union has amassed heavy troops in its
areas bordering on China and in areas in Mongolia bordering on China. It
supports Vietnam in its invasion and occupation of Kampuchea, expansionism
in Indochina and Southeast Asia and continuous provocation in areas border-
ing on China. It invaded and occupied Afghanistan, China's neighbor, by
armed force.
We are carrying out socialist construction under international conditions-
in which the world is far from tranquil and the danger of war still exists,
and in a situation in which China's security is seriously threatened. For
this reason, we must never slacken our vigilance and must strengthen the
modernization of our national defense.
Strengthening our national defense is closely related to seeking a peaceful
international environment. In seeking a peaceful environment for socialist
construction, we need a correct foreign policy on the one hand and a consoli-
dated national defense on the other. Both are indispensable. Hegemonists
and other reactionary forces are bent on increasing actual strength to attain
their goal of aggression and expansion. In order to cope with their aggres-
sion, we should definitely develop our own actual strength. When our actual
strength (including our economic resources, political power and defense
capability) is augmented, they will be forced to refrain from making reck-
less moves against us. Should they be blinded by lust for gain and stub-
bornly invade us, we will have full confidence in defeating them in battle.
For this reason, based on the interests of our state and nation and those
of defending world peace, we regard the modernization of our national defense
as an organic component of the four modernizations. Building a powerful
national defense is an important part of socialist modernization and an
important guarantee for socialist construction. Socialist China is a
peace-loving country which has a strong defense capability. Should anyone
dare to launch a war of aggression against China, a crushing defeat is the
only answer for them.
Our Policy Is To Strengthen National Defense on the Basis of Vigorously
Developing Economic Construction
Building up national defense is a matter of great importance. However,
strengthening national defense involves questions of both policy and
guiding ideology.
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The building up of national defense has different parts, involves work in
many aspects and requires the existence of various conditions. The most
important prerequisite is the development of the national economy. Building
up national defense by taking it as an isolated matter is one policy;
strengthening national defense on the basis of economic development is
another. Practice shows that only 'the latter policy is correct and effec-
tive. This correct policy was first put forth by Comrade Mao Zedong in his
famous report. entitled "On the Ten Major Relationships" delivered in 1956.
He said: "We must strengthen our national defense, and to that end we must
first of all strengthen our work in economic construction." "Only with faster
growth in economic construction can there be greater progress in the building
up of national defense."
According to the Marxist viewpoint, economic resources are the material
basis of violence. Modern defense and modern warfare have become more
dependent on the economy. As a result of the rapid progress in science and
technology and the increasing modernization of industry and communications,
defense equipment and installations need to be improved constantly and the
weapons and other equipment of the armed.forces also need to be renewed
from time to time. This inevitably entails a tremendous increase in defense
spending, both financially and materially. The needs and consumption of
materials in modern warfare are beyond comparison with that in old-type
warfare: Take the recent Malvinas war between Britain and Argentina for
example. The war lasted for'more than 70 days, inflicting heavy material
damage and losses on both sides. Reportedly, Btitain spent about $2 billion
on this expedition. Of course, whatever the conditions in which a modern
war is fought and no matter how modern the weapons may be, political and
human factors play a final, decisive role in determining whether a war
will end in triumph or defeat.
The "theory that weapons are'decisive" in war was wrong in the past and
still is wrong today. Yet, the grim reality is that weapons are playing
an ever-increasing role in war. Failing to realize or neglecting this
point will surely lead to mistakes.
Undeniably, under the party's leadership and with the vigorous efforts of
the people of the whole country over the past 33 years, we have won enormous
achievements in building our national defense, and our army has expanded from
a land force into a comprehensive army also including air and naval forces
and other technical units. Relying on our own efforts, we have devised and
produced the atom and hydrogen bombs, long-range guided missiles and other
sophisticated strategic weapons for self-defense. We-see this as something
to be proud of. This is an important factor deterring the imperialists
from launching a large-scale invasion against us. However, generally speak-
ing, our weapons and equipment are relatively backward; they are restricted
chiefly by the levels of economic development of our country. Modernization
of national defense can only be a gradual process.
For this reason, we must correctly handle the relationship between building
up the economy and building up national defense. The?'general principle
guiding this relationship is, as pointed out in the "Resolution on Certain
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Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC"
adopted by the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, that
"the building up of national defense must be in keeping with the building
up of the economy" and, as pointed out by Comrade Hu Yaobang in his report
to the 12th CPC National Congress, that "our national defense must be
strengthened on the basis of vigorous economic development."
The 12th CPC National Congress put forward the objective of our country's
economic construction for the last two decades of this century. Once this
objective is realized, our country will have much greater economic strength
and defense capability. In this sense, while striving to realize this
great strategic objective of economic construction, we are vigorously
strengthening national defense. If our tasks, including the building up
of national defense, are separated from the central link of economic con-
struction and impede economic development, the building up of national
defense will inevitably be impeded; this does not accord with the people's
interests.
On the other hand, with the daily development of the economy and the
gradual improvement in people's livelihood, national defense should be
modernized continuously. National defense should be supplied with increas-
ingly better material and technical conditions and with ever better weapons
and equipment which it needs. In drawing up plans for the development of
industry, transportation, science and education, attention should be paid
to the needs of building up national defense and launching a war against
aggression in the future. From the viewpoint of national defense, first
we should do what we are capable of doing, and second, we should strive to
do it well. The first means that the scale and speed of building up
national defense should be appropriate, should not go beyond the limits of
our national financial and material capacities and should not affect the
speed of economic construction. The second means that the limited finan-
cial and material resources should be used properly by bringing subjective
initiative into full play and by adopting the various effective measures
of having better troops and simpler administration and strictly practicing
economy, so as to attain the greatest possible results. As far as the army
is concerned, it must continuously improve its weapons and equipment and
make full use of the existing ones so as to win victory with the available
weapons and equipment. The building up of our national defense will develop
steadily provided we adopt this correct policy.
Strive To Build the PLA Into a Regular, Modern and Powerful Revolutionary
Army
The key to modernizing national defense is to build a regular, modern and
powerful revolutionary army.
Our PLA has developed in the fire of a protracted revolutionary war. It is
a completely new type of people's army led by the party, and numerous facts
have proved that it is an army with powerful combat effectiveness. After
the smashing of the "gang of four" and especially since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, just as Comrade Hu Yaobang
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pointed out in his report to the 12th party congress: "The PLA has
achieved marked successes in improving its military training and its
ideological and political work, in bettering its relations with the civil
authorities and the people, in defending our frontiers and safeguarding
national security and in helping socialist construction. It has further
enhanced its military capability and political consciousness in line with
the new historical conditions." We firmly believe that by working hard on
this basis, the tempo of army building can certainly be accelerated.
New conditions, which did not exist before, have appeared in contemporary
warfare. The most salient feature is three-dimensional warfare. It means
that warfare will be simultaneously carried out in the air, on land and at
sea, and it will be difficult to differentiate between the frontline and
the rear areas. To adapt to the demands ofthis kind of warfare, we must
further build the PLA into a powerful composite army able to operate in
concert with various branches of the services under modern conditions.
The organizational system, weaponry, strategy and tactics as well as cadre
training of the army must be oriented in this direction.
The state of weaponry has an important bearing on the formation, establish-
ment,. strategy and tactics of the army. The appearance of modern weapons
and the extensive application of the latest achievements of science and
technology in war have presented numerous new problems to the pattern,
strategy and tactics of warfare as well as to military organization. The
PLA is now engaged in the world of readjusting, reorganizing and restruc-
turing. It has implemented the policy of improving the quality of the
troops, simplified the leadership structure, strengthened the composition
of all service arms and intensified composite training. This is a policy
decision of great significance. The implementation of the policy of
readjustment will further improve.the combat effectiveness of our army.
In the building of modern armed forces, the organization and command of
warfare under modern conditions require large numbers of qualified person-
nel in the military, political and logistic fields. In the war years of
the past, our party and Comrade Mao Zedong explicitly called for "learning
warfare through warfare." This correct policy destroyed the aura of
mystery surrounding military work for the whole party, successfully trained
large numbers of military personnel who were brave and skillful in battle
as well as loyal to the people, and resulted in the victory of the revolu-
tionary war. Today's conditions are different. Qualified personnel who
can organize and direct contemporary warfare must be fostered by relying
on strict regular training in times of peace. In 1975 Comrade Deng
Xiaoping proposed that the army raise the strategic position of education
and training. In recent years, close attention has been paid to army
training and the contents and methods of training have been reformed to
meet the demands of future operations. All categories of military
colleges at all levels have become better and better run, and outstanding
results have been achieved. The modern military attainments of the cadres
have rapidly improved, and the basic level cadres who have mastered the
tactical skill and specialized ability of fighting under modern conditions
are maturing. In the past, the battle fought continuously for more than
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20 years meant that units possessed a large number of veteran cadres who had
been tempered and tested for a long time in warfare as the backbone force
in our army building.
This Constituted the distinguishing feature and the superiority of our
army. In recent years, a large number of young and middle-aged cadres with
both ability and political integrity who are full of vigor and in good
physical condition have also been constantly promoted to leading posts at
all levels. This has injected new blood into the cadre contingent and
made it more vigorous. Given the tasks and demands of the army, making
the cadres more revolutionary, younger in age, better educated and pro-
fessionally more competent is of paramount importance. The proper solving
of the problems of training cadres and making them younger in age will be
of important significance to developing a new situation in army building.
Regardless of how weaponry will change or how different the pattern and
scale of warfare will be, the morale, combat will and spirit of sacrifice
of the army members play a very important role in the outcome of a battle.
We have-absolute superiority in this respect. The commanders and fighters
of our army are loyal to the motherland and the people, and their revolu-
tionary spirit of fearing neither hardship nor death and their strict and
conscious discipline are world famous. In the protracted revolutionary
war, the PLA established a complete set of ideological and political work
policies, principles and methods which. guaranteed its consolidation,
raised morale and strengthened organizational discipline. During the 10
years of internal disorder, the fine tradition of army ideological and
political work was severely damaged. After the smashing of the "gang of
four" and especially since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central
Committee, this tradition has been restored and carried forward.
In the building of socialist spiritual civilization, based on its own
characteristics, the army has developed "four haves, three stresses and
two fear nots" (have ideals, ethics, knowledge and physical strength,
stress military appearance, manners and discipline, fearing neither hard-
ship. nor death) activities, and outstanding results have been obtained
within a short time. A large number of advanced collectives and advanced
individuals have appeared, and.a profound change has taken place in the
spiritual aspect of the army. Along with the more extensive and pene-
trating development of these activities and the further strengthening and
improvement in ideological and political work, the revolutionization of the
army will be raised to a new level. Our army has come from the people.
It serves the people and has flesh-and-blood ties with the masses. The
people also always use this profile of the image of the army to judge our
party and state. The quality of the spiritual face of the army has a very
important effect on the prestige of the party and the dignity of the
motherland and also plays a' very important role in improving party style
and popular custom and building the whole of socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion. The report to the 12th party congress proposed that "our army will
serve not only as a Great Wall of steel guarding our socialist motherland
but also as an important force in building our socialist material and
spiritual civilization." This shows the high degree of confidence placed
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by the CPC Central Committee on the army, and is a glorious task the army
should and also must certainly undertake.
According to the teachings of Marxist-Leninist countries, the army is an
important component of the state mechanism. The "Draft of the Revised
Constitution of the People's Republic of China" which will soon be sub-
mitted to the National People's Congress for consideration, has given a
new definition on the position of the army in the state system and stipu-
lated the setting up of a Central Military Commission of the state. This
has been made as a result of summing up historical experiences and proceed-
ing from our country's actual conditions and needs. This stipulation does
not in any way abolish or weaken the leadership of the party over the army.
The PLA is a people's army created and led by the CPC. History has proved
that the leadership of the party over the army is essential for the inter-
ests of the state and the people and definitely cannot be shaken.
The preamble of the "draft of the revised constitution" has already clearly
affirmed the leadership role of the party over the state and naturally also
includes leadership over the part of the army belonging to the state. The
various effective systems of the party leading the army, which have been
practiced for a long time, must continue to be upheld. This is the basic
guarantee for always preserving the quality of a people's army as well as
the basic guarantee for speeding up the building of a modern regular army,
and completely accords with the greatest interests of the people throughout
the country.
Construction of Strong National Defense Must Rely on the Joint Efforts of
People Throughout the Country Under Party Leadership
National defense modernization is one of the objectives of struggle for
people throughout the country put forward by the party. National defense
construction covers many fields. It is not the business of one or two
departments nor is it just the business of the army. Strengthening
national defense includes raising the combat effectiveness of the people's
army, and this can only be achieved by relying on the joint efforts of the
army'and people under the unified leadership of the CPC Central Committee.
Under peaceful conditions, improving the people's understanding of national
defense is an important matter. We must not waver in the least and must
always adhere to this point of taking economic construction as the basis.
However, we must guard against the misunderstanding among some of the com-
rades who seem to think that national defense construction is no longer so
important. Our construction must as far as possible strive for a peaceful
international environment. However, we cannot, because of a peaceful life,
adopt the attitude of lowering our guard and slackening our vigilance. In
particular, members of the PLA absolutely cannot slacken their combat will
in the slightest, and they must be mentally prepared at all times to cope
with all possible emergencies. Not having a concept of national defense
will greatly affect national defense construction in normal times and
anti-aggression wars in the future. Lenin, at the Ninth All-Russia Congress
of Soviets, said: "Having started on our work of peaceful development we
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shall exert every effort to continue it without interruption.. At the same
time, comrades, be vigilant, safeguard the defense potential of our coun-
try and strengthen our Red Army to the utmost." Under the premise of
engaging in peaceful development, Lenin's decision to educate the people
not to slacken their attitude of taking precautions was farsighted and
showed a high degree of responsibility toward the interests of the state
and the people. This is still of guiding significance to us today.
The strengthening of unity between the PLA, the civil authorities, the army
and the people and the correct handling of relations between the army and
its localities have an extremely important bearing on the construction and
consolidation of national defense. The PLA is an army composed of the sons
of the people and the relations between the army and people are inseparable
as fish and water. If the army becomes separated from the people, it will
not be able to move a single step. In the past, our people needed a power-
ful army for their own emancipation. After victory, they also needed a
powerful army in order to keep their minds at rest for labor. For a long
time, under the leadership of the party and Comrade Mao Zedong, the PLA not
only developed close unity with the people but also created a series of
correct principles and methods for handling the relations between the army
and the locality. In recent years, for the sake of eliminating the mis-
takes of the "Great Cultural Revolution" and especially the aftermath
caused by the sabotage of the Lin Biao-Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary
cliques, the army and the locality have carried out a great deal of work
under the leadership of the party, and unity between the army and people
has greatly strengthened.
In the battlefield on the self-defense counterattack operation against
Vietnam, in the struggle to combat calamities and deal with emergencies,
in urban as well as rural areas and in coastal as well as frontier
defenses, stirring deeds of the army cherishing the people and the people
supporting the army can be seen everywhere. Such patriotic advanced models
in supporting the army as Zhao Chenni and Ma Yaozhi, who bravely accepted
difficulties for the sake of army building and defending the motherland,
have greatly inspired the cadres and fighters of the units. Such combat
heroes as Yang Chaofen and Yan Long, who gave their young lives in defense
of 'the frontier of the motherland, have filled the masses with a sense of
incomparable pride. The army supporting the government and cherishing the
people, the locality supporting the army dependents and the strong unity
between the army and people have been a source of strength in the past and
will still be a source of strength in the future. We must carefully
treasure this kind of unity, use various practical actions to strengthen it
and build a strong wall of steel which will strike fear into the hearts of
the enemies and give the people peace of mind.
The war against aggression of the future will be a people's war under
modern conditions. Comrade Mao Zedong's great thinking on people's war
will still be an important magic weapon of ours for vanquishing the enemy.
In the war of the future, the militia will still haveta vital indispensable
position as well as role. In carrying out better troops and simpler admin-
istration, the army should appropriately further strengthen militia work
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and properly carry out the reserve service. system and the mobilization
system. If militia building is properly grasped, the army will have a
strong backbone force and will be able to drown the invading enemy in the
ocean of a people's war.
As early as in 1950, Comrade Mao Zedong said to the representatives of
combat heroes and labor models of the whole country: "China must build a
powerful national defense army and a powerful economic force. These are
the two major things. The success of these two things depends on the com-
rades, together with all the commanders and fighters of the PLA as well as
the workers, peasants and other people throughout the country uniting as
one and working in cooperation." Today, if the army and people of the whole
country mobilize themselves and bring their initiative and creativity into
play under the leadership of the party, the grand task of developing the
national economy, the task of strengthening national defense and various
other tasks can all be successfully fulfilled.
CSO: 4004/11
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CORRECTLY UNDERSTAND OUR COUNTRY'S INDEPENDENT FOREIGN POLICY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 24-28
[Article by Qi Wen [7871 2429]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
systematically elaborated our country's independent foreign policy. The
CPC Constitution adopted by the congress also expounded the fundamental
stand of the CPC in international affairs. Consistently adhering to the
five principles of peaceful coexistence, China will continue to develop
its relations with foreign countries, unswervingly strengthen its unity
with Third World countries, ally itself with all the forces that can be
allied with and struggle to oppose imperialism, hegemony and colonialism,
safeguard world peace and promote the progress and striving of mankind.
For every country in the world today, the question of what foreign policy
to carry out is of prime importance. Nearly 150 years ago, Marx and Engels
pointed out, in "The Manifesto of the Communist Party": "Production and
consumption in all countries have assumed cosmopolitan characteristics ... in
place of the old local and national seclusion and self-sufficiency, we have
comings and goings between all peoples and places and mutual inter-
dependence on all sides. As in material, so also is the case in intellec-
tual production." This quotation tells us how the world became a complete
entity as soon as capitalism took shape and every country became, willingly
or unwillingly, an inseparable part of this world. It was in this course of
capitalism's expansion throughout the world that backward and feudal China
was forced to open its door -and be involved in the process of the whole
world's development. This is a process which cannot be resisted and which
can also be extraordinarily painful. From the mid-19th century onward,
China'deteriorated from being a great country with an ancient civilization
into a semicolony.
For fully 109 years, from the Opium War to the founding of the PRC, China,
through being forced to engage in intercourse with foreign countries and
playing the role of being bullied, oppressed and trampled upon, had no
independent foreign policy of its own. This long and miserable experience
did not end until the Chinese people, under the leadership of the CPC,
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defeated all agents of imperialism and founded the PRC in 1949. One of the
most valuable achievements of the Chinese revolution was the recovery of
China's national independence. The Chinese people, from being bullied and
oppressed, now turned into a nation able to control its.own destiny, take
the.initiative in pushing ahead with the world's development and make its
own contributions to mankind. This really was an earth-shaking change.
It is not easy for an oppressed nation to recover its independence. It is
not easy either to implement a completely independent foreign policy after
recovering independence. Since imperialism and hegemony are still at large
in the world and constantly exert pressure on those countries which have
newly recovered independence, the implementation of an independent foreign
policy is in itself a course of struggle.
In his opening address given to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade
Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "While we Chinese people value our friendship
and cooperation with other countries and peoples, we value even more our
hard-won independence and sovereign rights. No.foreign country. can expect
China to be its vassal, nor can it expect China to swallow any bitter fruit
harmful to China's interests." This is a concise summary of our country's
foreign policy, which embodies the spirit of independence and sovereign
rights.
Independence and sovereign rights are completely consistent with inter-
nationalism. As a socialist country led by the CPC, the PRC believes that
all nations in the world will, sooner or later, take the socialist and
communist path; that only through the ultimate liberation of mankind can
the proletariat of every couptry attain its own liberation; and that only
through the general development of the whole world can every nation attain
its own goal. In the final analysis, the interests of all nations entirely
coincide. We cherish our nation's interests, and respect other nations'
interests as well. For this`reason Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed out in his
report: "Integration of patriotism with internationalism has always been
our basic point of departure in handling our external relations."
As everyone knows, different classes have different points of view on
"national interest." The difference between proletarian internationalism
and bourgeois nationalism lies in the latter seeking only a nation's
selfish interests while the'former always considers a nation's own inter-
ests and mankind's interests as a whole. As their points of departure are
different, their practices are naturally different.
In implementing bourgeois nationalist foreign policy there are two situa-
tions'and two guiding principles. 1) In the situation of weak national
power, if the nation does not depend on a certain powerful country or bloc,
it thinks itself clever and plays the "card game" of international politics.
The treacherous diplomacy of the rulers of old China was a shame, and the
trick of "setting the barbarians against the barbarians" which they played
was nothing more than a standing joke. 2) In the situation where a state
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is strong, the bourgeois nationalists of the state can become chauvinist
and expansionist, or even imperialist and hegemonist. As a result, they
infringe upon other nations' interests,.and in turn make their own nation
the object of resentment and. resistance in the eyes of other nations.
Finally, they will be isolated in the world and thus bring disaster to
their own, nation. Many countries took this road in the past and some
countries are still following this old road today.
Old China was for a long time a weak, enormous country. Accordingly, when
our people won the victory of,revolution, we summed up our own and other
people's experience in these two situations, upheld our own stand which
embodies the integration of patriotism and internationalism and persistently
oppose bourgeois nationalism.
On the eve of the birth of the PRC, Comrade Mao Zedong declared, with
dauntless proletarian revolutionary spirit: "China must be independent and
China must be liberated. The Chinese people want to handle China's affairs
on their own and can tolerate no intervention by any imperialist country.
..No matter how the latter may continue to oppose the Chinese people, we ~~
Chinese people will always be able to find a way to win the final victory."
Soon after the founding of the republic, Comrade Mao Zedong again taught us
to "resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely wipe out great nation
chauvinism." Later, in view of the harm brought to the people of the world
by the superpowers' hegemonism, Comrade Mao Zedong declared again that we
would never be a superpower and seek hegemony.
It is in the above two aspects that China's foreign policy, which is formu-
lated under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, has drawn
a demarcation line between itself and bourgeois nationalism. At the First
Session of the First National People's Congress, Comrade Mao Zedong also
definitely pointed out: "Our general task is to unite the whole people
and win the support of all our friends abroad in the-struggle to build a
great socialist country, defend world peace and advance the cause of human
progress."
Here, he meant that we must try to obtain aid from others as well as provide
aid for others and defend our national interests as well as fulfill our
international obligations. In fact, in the last 30 years or more, we have,
successfully withstood all the pressure imposed on us by imperialism and
hegemonism. In the Korean war and the Vietnam war, we also courageously
made national sacrifices in the struggle to save world peace. As to other.
Third World countries which are engaged in the struggle for political and
economic independence, we never hesitate to provide aid. Many examples are
available to support our claim that we are by no means parochial nationalists
but are, rather, unwavering internationalists.
Marxism-Leninism not only encompasses the proletariat's world outlook but
also their struggle strategies and policies. Because we have always kept in
mind the overall world situation when handling foreign relations, we have
been able to, in the light of the basic situation of each historical stage,
stipulate our struggling tasks for the specific stage, clearly analyze the
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relationship between our enemies, our friends and ourselves, distinguish
friends from enemies, major enemies from minor enemies, and direct allies
from indirect allies, and thus correctly estimate our force in opposition
to that of our enemies, and work out correct strategies to provide a con-
crdte base for implementing foreign policy. Therefore, our foreign policy
has shown a valuable steadfastness and continuity.
International affairs are extremely complicated. Some unexpected thing may
emerge at any moment to bring about unexpected turmoil. Because of our
scientific world outlook and a long-term strategy, we have been able to
integrate our firm principles with feasible measures. We have been able
to be free from the influence and control of chance occurrences, and we
have never been dictated to or deceived by our momentary emotional reaction.
As Lenin remarked, accommodating oneself to temporary situations means
practicing opportunism. We have never practiced opportunism but have
consistently advanced toward our goal.
In the light of the above-mentioned characteristics, we can say that we are
implementing a completely and genuinely independent foreign policy. Our
foreign policy enjoys a high prestige and has won for China an honorable
image in the international arena.
The five principles of "mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each other's internal
affairs, equality and mutual benefit, and peaceful coexistence" have
consistently guided China in its efforts to develop relations with all
other countries in the world.
In April 1954, the newly independent China and India initiated these five
principles in the "agreement concerning trade and transport between China's
Xizang and India." In June of the same year, when Premier Zhou Enlai was
visiting India, he and Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru incorporated
these principles in the Sino-Indian joint communique. These five prin-
ciples show that we treasure, our hard-won independence, respect other
countries' independence and resolutely oppose aggression against the
independence and sovereignty of all countries. The five principles also
demonstrate correctly the position of a great majority of countries, par-
ticularly of the newly independent countries in the world of today.
Precisely because of this, the ideas of the five principles have met with
a wide response over the past 30 years. In many bilateral treaties and
agreements, and in many international documents and manifestoes, similar
wording to the five principles has been used to express the ideas of mutual
respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity, mutual nonaggression,
and noninterference in each other's internal affairs. A good example can
be seen in the 10 principles set forth in the final manifesto of the Afro-
Asian conference held in Bandung, Indonesia in 1955.
It can be said that today the five principles have found deep resonance in
the hearts of the people of the world and have become a universal norm in
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guiding relations between states. The norm of violence is often repudiated
by public opinion. The five principles have already replaced the imperial-
ist logic of "might is right" which ran rampant in international life
before World War II. In the`international life of today, if we say that
due to the existence of hegemonism the five principles are still not able
to be implemented thoroughly, we can say nevertheless that these principles
have at least become a powerful force of morality and justice and have
become undeniable legal principles in international law. This is an impor-
tant progression in the international relations of the present age.
? With regard to international'relations in general, our five principles are
suitable for all countries. Some people say Lenin advanced the principle
of peaceful coexistence to guide relations between socialist countries and
nonsocialist countries. For this reason, this principle is not applicable
to the relations between socialist countries. In fact, at the time when
Lenin proposed peaceful coexistence, there was only one socialist country
in the world. However, historical experience gained since the emergence of
other socialist countries in the world, shows that relations between social-
ist countries should also be built on the basis of the five principles. Of
course, socialist countries enjoy similar social systems. In theory, they
all take Marxism-Leninism as their common faith and, in practice, they take
proletarian internationalism as their universal standard, so there should
be more exteisive cooperation and closer relationship between them. How-
ever, the prerequisite to such a relationship must be strict adherence to
the five. principles. Meanwhile, socialist countries must play an exemplary
role in implementing the five principles. Just as Lenin said: "If the
proletariat allows its nation to practice even the slightest violence
against other nations, then it is not a socialist proletariat."
With respect to bilateral relations, our five principles do not repel any
country. China is willing to establish and develop normal diplomatic
relations with any country if it can follow the five principles not only in
word but also in deed. Naturally, it is hard to avoid contradictions
between countries. Precisely due to such contradictions, it is necessary
to find reasonable solutions to them through application of the five prin-.
ciples so that relations between countries can continue to develop normally.
As for those hegemonist countries which disregard China's sovereignty and
attempt to force China to be subject to their interests, we cannot but wage
a resolute struggle against them until they recognize that China's
sovereignty brooks no violence and its security brooks no threat. Then,
we will develop our normal relations with them on the basis of the five
principles. But this must not, to the slightest degree, hamper our free
initiative of opposing their policy of seeking hegemony over other coun-
tries. The course of carrying out the five principles is also the course
of measuring strength against the hegemonists. Upholding peaceful
coexistence and fighting against hegemony are two aspects of the same
thing.
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What force in the world today, is threatening the independence of various
countries and world peace? First and foremost, it is the hegemonism
pursued by the superpowers.
As is well known, through two world wars, particularly after the victory
of the Chinese revolution, the old colonial system of imperialism fell
apart with the independence of many colonial and semicolonial countries.
But, its remnants are still to be found.. In addition, the superpowers
seeking hegemony have taken the place of the old imperialists, consti-
tuting a new menace to the peoples of all countries of the world. Each of
them is now operating its war machine with enormous military expenditure
on a scale unprecedented in peacetime in human history.
They are irreconcilably rivaling with each other in almost all regions of
the world. They are interfering in other countries' internal affairs by
every means possible, even resorting to military force. They are occupying
the territory of other countries through their agents, or even directly
dispatching their troops. Through their eyes, they see only their strategic
interest and do not see the interests of other nations at all. After World
War II, regional wars have not ceased on the earth. Until now there are
still many "hot spots," such as the Soviet aggressive war in Afghanistan,
Vietnam's aggressive war in Kampuchea, the war of the Israeli invaders
against the Palestinian and Arab peoples and the war against African people
in South Africa. All these wars were hatched up, supported and instigated
by the superpowers, or they are taking part in them themselves. The
rivalry between them has become a main source of turbulence and disturbance
in the world today.
The Chinese people share a common wish with the people of all other coun-
tries in the world, a wish to build their own countries in peaceful world
surroundings. In order to seek peace and progress and to build their
countries, the people of the'world have to fight against hegemonism in the
face of the war menace of the superpowers seeking hegemony. To this end,
our strategic principle in international affairs is to cement unity with
the proletariat, the oppressed nations and people of the world and to unite
all peace-loving and justice-upholding forces in the world in a joint effort
to oppose imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism, safeguard world peace
and promote human progress.
In the struggle to oppose imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism, the
.Third World is playing a very important role. This is because the countries
of the Third World, including China, suffered the most cruel exploitation
and oppression at the hands of imperialists and colonialists in history and
today they are also the main victims of hegemonism. Therefore, they are
the most staunch fighters in the struggle against imperialism, hegemonism
and colonialism. The rise of the Third World is a major sign of the great
changes in the world situation today. The number of people in the countries
of the Third World constitutes three-quarters of the world's population.
Divorced from the vast Third World, international justice and human progress
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would be meaningless. More than 100 countries in the Third World spread to
every corner of the world, covering over two-thirds of the earth's surface.
They are the main force in the struggle against hegemonism because they can
curb and tie up the major forces of the hegemonist superpowers and can foil
their war schemes.
In accordance with Lenin's theory that imperialism divides nations in the
world into the oppressors and the oppressed, and that the international
proletariat must fight together with the oppressed nations, and in
accordance with his call for unity between the international proletariat
and the oppressed nations, we must attach importance to the unity of people
of the various countries in the Third World.
Some people look down on the countries in the Third World because most of
them today are comparatively backward in economy and weak in military
strength. Such people also hold that the Third World can hardly play a big
role in international affairs. But, if we look at this problem with an eye
on the course of its development, we say such views are groundless. As a
matter of fact, the Third World has become a gigantic progressive force in
the world after the former colonies and semicolonies achieved independence
one after another. It has changed and is still profoundly changing the
look of the world. The situation in which only a few powers control the
destiny of the world is gone forever. For years the United Nations was a
place where the big powers were tampering with the voting machine. Now,
it has turned into a place where all kinds of hegemonism are repudiated or
are-put on trial. In this world organization and on other international
rostrums, many just resolutions are passed with the support or sponsorship
of the Third World.
For example, the struggle launched by Latin American countries to oppose
the superpowers' domination over oceans, and the struggle waged by oil
export countries and other raw materials-producing countries for a
sovereign right over their own natural resources have all achieved great
success. Are all these not facts which many people could not imagine in
the past'and also cannot negate now? In opposing power politics and bloc
politics, the nonaligned movement, which comprises many Third World coun-
tries, has dealt a heavy blow at the hegemonism of the superpowers. The
movement for establishing a new international economic order is now, with
the participation of many countries of the Third World, pounding at the
present international economic order which is unequal and unfair. This is
a movement of great strategic significance. Although.there is no demand
for forming a united front among countries of the Third World, nevertheless,
they have identical views and take concerted action in the struggle. This
has converged into a mighty torrent, giving an impetus to the development
of international relations toward equality and democracy. The development
of human history is complex and zigzags, but newly emerging things always
conquer huge monsters which consider themselves unbettered in the world.
Now we can see that the relatively poor Third World is precisely just such
a promising new force.
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Apart from wishing constantly strengthening unity with Third World and
other countries, China also needs to unite with all forces which can be
united with regardless of whether they are governmental or popular, as long
as their struggle is helpful to the cause of opposing hegemony and safe-
guarding world peace.
As everyone knows, the PRC established diplomatic relations-with many
developed capitalist countries in Western and northern. Europe just after
its founding. We have maintained and developed good economic and cultural
relations with these countries for many years. In the last 10 years, we
established friendly relations with Japan and more Western countries.
Generally speaking, these relations are beneficial to both sides and have
already yielded positive results. We really value these relations and will
continue to try our best to strengthen them on the basis of the five prin-
ciples. To be sure, there exist contradictions between these developed
capitalist countries and the Third World countries. However, the former
are also facing war menace and suffering from the intervention, control and
oppression exercised by the superpowers. Therefore, it is not only neces-
sary but also possible for us to unite with them under certain conditions.
People all over the world are now carrying out peace campaigns of various
types in the face of an increasingly serious menace of nuclear war.
Although the composition of the members engaged in these campaigns, as well
as their motives, are not completely identical, we always support them as
long as they are really advantageous to the struggle to oppose hegemony
and defend world peace.
We oppose the hegemonist moves and war policy of the superpowers. Never-
theless, we always cherish deep feelings toward the broad masses of the
people of these countries, and try our best to intensify our friendly ties
with them.
For a long time, we have emphasized the existence of a serious war threat.
This is by no means alarmist talk but an inevitable trend which results
from the scramble for hegemony between the superpowers. Many facts in the
last 30-odd years since the end of World War II have shown that the super-
powers have never stopped trying to launch a world war, only to be checked
by the people's force time and time again. As long as the Third World
countries and all peace-loving forces in the world can really unite
together and are ready at all times to struggle resolutely against the plans
of hegemonists, it is possible to continue to maintain a peaceful situation
in the world.
As a socialist Third World country, China is dutybound to engage in this
struggle. We will strive to preserve a peaceful international environment
for the magnificent cause of socialist modernization of China, and make our
contributions to the independence and security of the peoples of all coun-
tries and the progress of mankind.
CSO: 4004/11
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EXCERPTS FROM SPEECHES MADE AT FORUM ON STUDYING THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS
DOCUMENTS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 29-36
[Text] Wang Meng [3769 5536]: "Raise the Ideological Level of Literary
and Artistic Works and of Writers and Artists"
Both literature and art are extremely important parts of a lively civiliza-
tion. By looking at literature and art, we are able to see the condition
of the society itself, the extent of education and the level of culture.
At the same time, literature and art influence both society and man's
spiritual world.
Construction of a high degree of socialist civilization demands a great
development of the causes of literature and art. Four years of practical
experience amply illustrate that the correct policies and directives issued
by the third plenary session of the party Central Committee guiding lit-
erary and artistic work, have established a fundamental insurance for the
development of a new stage in literature and art in China.
Here I would like to bring up several important points:
1. We must raise the ideological level of artistic and literary works and
offer the masses healthy and ever improving works of art and literature.
The lofty ideals and great practical experience of communism have imbued
into our art and literature a hopeful and ever onward struggling spiritual
force, and it is this which is one of the fundamental characteristics of
socialist literature. Despite the number of difficulties and obstacles to
overcome, we will remain confident in the destiny of our people and the
future of our homeland. Of course, we cannot simply shut our eyes at will
to 'all the problems, suffering and pain which exist in our lives, and our
art and literature should try to avoid contradictions and should not use
falsities, exaggerations, etc. in an effort to deceive everyone. Similarly,
we cannot turn a blind eye to the progress and victories in our lives nor
the heroism and creative spirit of the people. We. must make sure that we
reflect freshness in life and communist values in practical day-to-day
living. Of greater importance is to avoid writing about problems merely
for the sake of creating problems, or writing about pain for the sake of
pain. We must set out to overcome and destroy such pain and problems.
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Thus, a piece of work which concentrates on the judgment of something awful
should follow the judgment with awe-inspiring righteousness and be written
in a scientific manner; it should not be a way of expressing one's own
personal conceit or denying general pride and propagating feelings of
despair. In describing villains, our aim is to enliven the readers'
vigilance and alertness and rejection of such concepts and thus gradually
allow everyone to become a little better and a little more likable and not
the opposite. It is not difficult to rely on the tears of discontent and
complaint to influence some naive readers. Such an attitude is both blind,
cheap and irresponsible. Ouc literature and art should call on the
spiritual strength of the people, on the ideals of communism and on the
historical and social sense of responsibility of the people, thereby
admonishing and denouncing the more mediocre and sordid who display
cynicism, apathy and hopelessness. Every piece of writing and every work
of art should display light and warmth, even only to an extent similar to
that of a matchstick, so that when this light and warmth are added to that
of other pieces of literature and art, the fused body will be much easier
to see.
2. We must raise the taste and interest of both the writers, artists and
the masses who read or appreciate literature and art. Taste is also an
expression of spiritual civilization. A piece of literature or art must
have taste, but there are different levels of taste. Since the onslaught
of such distasteful pieces as "looking toward money" and "merchandization,"
there has been a fairly serious appearance in print and circulation of
books of very low taste. Some publishing houses even publish works dis-
playing feelings of despair, which are held in contempt by academics in
the Western world. Some pieces of literature, under the guise of criti-
cizing, actually make use of and peddle poor and low taste. Such things
run counter to our tasks of building a socialist spiritual civilization.
Artists and writers must not forget that our mission is to climb to the
pinnacle of socialist spiritual civilization and, under the direction of
communist ideology, we want to critically carry on and pass down the most
outstanding riches and artistic treasures and show our disdain for cursory
and quickly put together low-grade work, struggling to combat poor taste
and to produce beautiful works of art and pieces of literature of the
greatest historical level and of utmost richness and talent.
3. In constructing a socialist spiritual civilization, we must train and
bring up many new members of the socialist society, and we must start with
ourselves. Because of the very nature of literary and artistic work, it is
sometimes very easy to become an overnight success and sometimes it is very
easy for us to become self-conceited and self-satisfied as a result,
thereby cutting ourselves off from the masses and feeling that we are not
bound by the spheres of socialist morals and even adopt a supercilious
attitude. This is extremely dangerous. In the past, people such as this
and their behavior resulted in writers and artists in general dropping in
the esteem of the masses, and sometimes even resulting in great disgust from
frontline comrades. We cannot be too cautious about the appearance of such
phenomena and must be always on our guard against it.
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Wu Zuqiang [0702 4371 17301: "Grasp the Building-of Socialist Spiritual
Civilization With the Same Vigor and Determination as in Grasping the
Building of Material Civilization"
In the great announcement by.the party Central Committee referred to as
"all-round development of a new phase in socialist modernized construction,"
it was made very clear that our great task of constructing a high level of
socialist spiritual civilization should take communist ideology as its
central theme and the tactical significance of this in achieving socialist
modernized construction. China's artists and writers, and those in the
party, in particular carry a great responsibility toward the construction
of a socialist spiritual civilization. My metier is music and I feel that
all those involved in music and composition should study hard the writings
of the party and the government and consider in detail how best we can
carry out our duties within the..spheres of our work, thereby fulfilling
our work responsibilities.
On the musical front, we are faced with some extremely hard tasks. We must
continue our work to eradicate the negative results of the 10 years of
social chaos and disorder and take care to prevent and overcome any
ideological disarray in literature and musical bastardization which might
arise from China's open door policy. We must correctly implement the
literary policies of the party and overcome sways to the "left" and right
which have appeared during many years of party policy implementation. Of
even greater help is to initiate and activate among musicians enthusiasm
for socialist construction and for the masses and strive to satisfy the
multitude of musical demands of the masses, thereby continuously raising
the level of musical enjoyment of the entire population. The completion
of these few tasks all require our deepest study of and work on the con-
tents of the 12th national congress report so that we may raise our con-
sciousness and strive for the preservation of ideological and political
harmony with the party.
The construction of material civilization requires planning, capital and
the expenditure of energy. The construction of socialist spiritual
civilization also requires us to carry out effective but arduous work;
otherwise, the appeal will be in word only and not in deed. Here I have
three points I would like to make:
1., We must strive to correct certain mistaken attitudes in the party,
attitudes which have existed for a long period of time and over a wide
spectrum and which lead to little attention being given to education in
the sciences and arts and discrimination against intellectuals. Here the
party Central Committee has done great work and has achieved significant
results. But, to eliminate the influence of mistaken "leftist" ideology
in this area, we must all unite in understanding and carrying out our work.
Some people still feel that it is possible to create a spiritual civiliza-
tion without culture and even go so far as to publicly propagate and spread
such mistaken thinking. In the spirit of the 12th national congress, we
must strengthen cultural development, implement the policies on intellec-
tuals and recognize how this is closely related to the success or failure
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of constructing a socialist spiritual civilization and thereby ensure that
every policy and principle related to this cause is fully and effectively
implemented.
2. The arts, including music, are an extremely important and significant
part of spiritual civilization, which has its own idiosyncrasies. Hence,
we should implement the policy of "letting one hundred flowers bloom, let
one hundred schools of thought contend." In relation to this question,
we already have ample experiences, both positive and negative and we
should not again make the mistake of "leftist" and rightist swinging. The
kind of arts we are advocating are socialist arts with communist ideology
as the nucleus. We must trust in our art in order to be able to resist,
with strength, the corrosion of the poisonous facets.of bourgeois arts.
We should, of course, remain alert to the erroneous belief of "freedom"
of the bourgeois classes. But we should not prevent the active implementa-
tion of the "hundred flowers" policy for the sake of such relatively small
risks.
3. We should increase by a relatively large amount of the proportion of
funds allocated by the state for scientific and cultural education so that
the construction of a socialist spiritual civilization may obtain the
material support it requires. The serious problems of wastage within
economic construction illustrate that such moves are by no means out of
the question. We must, without a doubt, quickly increase the attention
paid to "intellectual investments."
The party Central Committee has now officially announced two construction
programs for civilization, and now we must tackle the building of spiritual
civilization with the same vigor and determination as in tackling the
building of material civilization. A high level of socialist spiritual
civilization will automatically motivate further development in.material
civilization. If we can come to understand this dialectical methodology
and strive to bring together the construction work for both these kinds of
civilization, then we will be able to establish a new all-round phase for
socialist modernized construction. Come, let us musicians join together
with the masses throughout China, inspired by the spirit of the 12th
national congress, and courageously march forward!
Liu Shaotang [0491 4801 2768]: "Build Socialist Literature With Communist
Thinking as Its Core"
In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang pointed
out that "our educational work in the areas of science and culture is just
getting onto the right track and is now developing considerably and now
presents an admirable scene." This estimation is entirely in keeping with
the present scene of Chinese literature and art.
In the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, many leftist
errors in the area of the art and literature dating back several years were
put right. The party Central Committee considers literature and art as
extremely important and thus carried out many close discussions with
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writers and artists from the art world, proposing many excellent suggestions
related to art and literature and thereby motivating the creative enthusiasm
of young and old writers alike. At the time when the artistic and literary
world produced such bourgeois mistakes as "freedom" of expression which
totally went against the four basic principles of communism, the party
Central Committee immediately called an ideological work symposium and
after exhaustive guidance, finally came up with an accurate criticism by
searching the facts for the truth of the matter. It was only because of
the party's strict adherence to the struggle on two fronts that socialist
art and literature were able to continue on the right track and show
excellent initial progress.
In reviewing the last few years of development in socialist arts, we can
come to realize with even greater clarity the necessity for writers and
artists to preserve ideological and political unity with the party. Social-
ist arts are an important part of socialist spiritual civilization. Thus,
our writers and artists should be the conscious builders of socialist
spiritual civilization.
Cultural construction must be completely carried out under the guiding
principles of the 12th national congress and must develop under the
ideological guidance of communism. Our writers and artists must play
activating roles in the construction of material civilization and thus
raise the ideological consciousness and level of morality in the masses,
gradually developing more and more members of the socialist society into
morally and culturally aware workers with strict discipline who may con-
tribute greatly to society. Writers should use their works as a fresh and
encouraging new phase for the establishment of socialist modernized con-
struction and not allow negatively directed works to depress the reader and
poison the atmosphere. Of course, literature should still make use of the
bad and evil things in life, but the purpose of using such things should
be to castigate them so that readers may gain some enlightenment from
reading such things and be encouraged to actively strive for improvement.
Writers who are members of the Communist Party should take the leading
role here. And this thus necessarily demands of us that we first improve
our knowledge and understanding, strengthen our party allegiance and
strictly follow the direction and policies laid down by the 12th national
congress and thereby become a leading part of the creation of a new phase
in socialist literature and art.
China's. modernized construction must be planned and carried out on the
basis of China's actual and objective situation. Thus, our literary
creators must also work in the realities of China's present situation.
China's revolutionary literature has produced vast and valuable historical
experiences and has thus established our own theoretical system. We must
cherish the achievements we have gained after so many years of struggle and
then pass on and develop our revolutionary tradition. We must remember the
importance of studying and borrowing from overseas literature and related
experiences but we must not duplicate word for word the style and format
of foreign literature. We must remain alert and continue to resist the
corrosive influence of degenerate and decadent foreign literature.
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Socialist literature and art must adopt plentiful and lively means to
express and propagate socialist spiritual civilization with communism as
its nucleus, and yet should not be too sermon-like or obviously graphic.
Writers and artists should involve themselves in the very heart of everyday
life, mixing with the masses and jumping out of the restrictive circle of
self-expression. This is the fundamental path to raising the ideological
consciousness and artistic level of the writer and artist so that they may
establish .a new phase in socialist literature and art.
Chen Guangzhong [7115 0342 1813]: "Films Should Aim at Fostering the Good-
heartedness of the People"
Youths are the driving force behind the establishment of a new period in
time, and the cinema is a key to opening the window of their hearts.
Recently, there have been investigations into the situation of youths and
their ideological attitudes in the factories, with questionnaires for
young people being handed out. In response to the question "What do you
like doing most of all?" 98 percent of the young people responded by saying
that they liked films most of all. It is clear that the cinema is one of
the forms of art which can relate most intimately with the masses, and in
the case of young people it is an extremely attractive concept. The
cinema exerts a very subtle influence on youths, in terms of ideological
enlightenment and the edification and fostering of morals and aspirations.
China's cinema must propagate communism but it should not adopt methods of
vacant preaching. Instead, it should make use of varied and rich forms of
art, with a lively and active style, to educate the youth of today. And
indeed, we have a saying: "Facts speak louder than words." Thus, the
characteristic of newsreel films is the portrayal of upright real people
and real events which allow the young people to actually see the qualities
of communism in our everyday lives. The use of moving events and stories
tells the viewer that communism is not a hollow promise but that it actually
exists all around us today, that those people twinkling with the shining
light of communist thinking are not gods but that they exist and live among
us and are the models for us to emulate.
Our teaching should make the young people of today try to overcome their
own shortcomings with enthusiasm, patience, discipline and sobriety. We
must make sure that we light _the fires of their ideology so that we may
bring together the disordered and decentralized faculae of youth to
create those powerful beams of light which work toward the development of.
China, creating enormous energy. Thus, in our penetration into everyday
life we must broaden, enrich and multiply the themes we use, we must
analyze people's hearts with greater thoroughness and, in particular, we
must eulogize those new people and new ideologies which are establishing
a new phase in time. With the party line, we must accurately reflect the
contradictions which appear in this new era. The establishment and
development of this new era will not come about through smiles, fresh
flowers and merry expression, but requires arduous work and tortuous
struggle. In life there is both beauty and ugliness,`both light and dark-
ness. As we show new men of communism through the exposure of contradic-
tions, the youth who are watching will feel doubly close to them and will
attain a sense of respect and a need to study and emulate.
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Our studios recently finished a documentary called "The Glorious Call,"
which involves an evaluation of the facts of everyday life so that youth
viewers would be able to discern that which is truly glorious and beauti-
ful and where it may be sought. Young people love and respect beauty.
Thus,'this film uses the spirit of communism to move toward beauty, to
seek~out beauty and to create beauty! I, a humble pawn in the field of
cinematic news reporting, offer with sincerity and ardor, this tribute of
spiritual nourishment of everyone, in particular our younger friends.
Yu Shuzhen [0060 3219 3791]: "Actors Should Pay Attention to the Social
Effects of Their Performances"
The party, in defining the construction of a socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion as the battle line in the 12th national congress, has meant that every
party member, every revolutionary must come to understand his or her own
duties and responsibilities in creating this socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion. I am both a Communist Party member and an actor and I am determined
to work from the very bottom of my heart.
Actors serve the people through their own performing skills. A song or a
dance should never be belittled, for merely by jumping onto a stage and
performing it one can influence the entire audience. Thus, every actor and
actress should think about the social effects of his or her acting.
Just after liberation and the founding of the PRC, the party mood and the
feeling of society was extremely good. The 10 years of social disorder
brought chaos to people's ways of thinking and also caused tremendous
damage to the party mood and the general atmosphere in society, while the
damage done to the spirit of the young people which had been built up
until then, was extensive. Since the implementation of our open door
foreign policy, some of our young people have fallen under the influence
of unhealthy foreign music. Since the third plenary session and, more
importantly, since the symposium concerning problems of ideological front
lines, we,have been fighting against the "freedom movement" of the bourgeois
classes and resisting the corrosive effect of bourgeois thinking, with the
result that the situation has improved somewhat. However, there are still
a number'of young people who are still very keen on this decadent music.
I feel that we must actively educate and guide these young people and that
there should be no compromise. In particular, there should be no pandering
to bad-taste merely for the sake of "box office value." In August of this
year, our troupe visited a certain town for performances. Before our
visit, there had been many performances of programs with very little
artistic value. Consequently, we decided to perform pieces with healthy
content and not in keeping with the tastes of a small minority. Thus, they
did not enjoy the performance and began to make trouble. However, we had
the support of the vast majority of the audience and thus the healthy
trends prevailed over the evil ones. Later, we traveled to Shenzhen for a
performance. Before we gave our performance, some people suggested that we
sing and perform some popular songs from Hong Kong and Macao. This we did
not do. Instead, we continued to perform our orthodox songs. There were
no catcalls and no derisory laughter, and the effect was very good.
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Afterward, many young people in the audience said that they had not realized
that China had such good music as that! This clearly illustrates how the
audience was able to distinguish between the beautiful and the ugly.
Young people represent the morning sun; they have high spirits and are able
to accept new things very quickly. However, their world views have not yet
solidified and become firm and thus they find it easy to imbibe advanced
and progressive things as well as corrupt and backward things. As a per-
forming artist who is also a party member, I want very much to make use of
healthy, progressive and pure. things to mold their moral character, nurture
a healthy interest and steer them actively onward and upward in order to
create a socialist spiritual civilization.
Actors and performers should not only take care of the social effects they
are producing while on stage, they should also remember the social influ-
ence created by their own behavior in general. The party Central Committee
announced that art should serve the people and socialism. Thus, we should
think about the needs of the people and socialism. I am a singer of folk
songs an d on average, I receive about 10 letters a day, of which about 6 or
7 come from the countryside. These letters are of great help to me and they
immediately make me think of those who have written them and the country-
side where they live. Under the influence of "looking toward money" and
its.ideology, some people have disregarded the social influence and in
seeking fame and fortune, have begun singing decadent songs. In doing so,
they have transgressed the ideal that the arts should serve the people and
socialism.
In his report to the 12th national congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang said: In
the next 5 years, we want to see a fundamental turn for the better in the
party and society's mood and atmosphere. In order to achieve this, every-
one must work together with mutual cooperation and our performing artists
must constantly remember their task and must begin from within themselves.
Jiang Kun [1203 2492]: "Bring Healthy Literature and Art to the People"
In the wake of the important tasks outlined at the 12th CPC National Con-
gress for the construction of a socialist spiritual civilization and as a
young writer, I feel that the burden on me is by no means light!
Comic dialogue is a style of'literature enjoyed by both men and women and
young and old, suitable for both refined and popular tastes. One take lasts
less than an hour and, by means of TV and radio, it is instantly trans-
ported into every household and every corner of the country. Because comic
dialogue has these traits and advantages, our task and responsibilities are
even greater. What should we bring the people? How can we help people
relax after work and have the benefit of extremely interesting and arresting
enjoyment? These are important questions for us comic dialogue writers and
performers.
Comic dialogue is, by nature, very popular and widespread. Thus, we should
try to improve the ideological and artistic value of the performances and,
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not simply perform comic gags in order to cater to the needs of a small
minority with poor taste, nor simply to try to get.cheap laughs. In recent
years, audiences and critics have criticized some negative trends in our
productions of comic dialogue and we should be aware of this.
The establishment of a socialist spiritual civilization demands that more
and more literary and performing pieces be of a high level in terms of
style and quality, and this spurs us on to search ceaselessly and more
deeply for new creative material and themes. Here, one of the most recent
examples was a great inspiration for us. During the 12th national congress,
I and a Comrade Li Wenhua were making changes and improvements to a piece
called "Time and Spring" written by an amateur writer. The effects of the
performance exceeded our expectations. Why was this piece, which lacked
comedy, received so well? The reason was because the piece explained that
young people should cherish time and should not waste their youth or spring.
Today, young people generally feel that there is never enough time to do
everything, while older people also wish that youngsters would appreciate
time more. Thus, this piece expressed all these feelings. After the per-
formance of this piece, I asked myself what is it that we should propagate
most at the moment, and what is it that we should write about most at the
moment. I feel that the most fundamental thing is to make full use of the
characteristics of comic dialogue to reflect the pulse of our times, to
propagate communist ideology. The 12th national congress pointed out that
the masses and the cadres must unite their strength and struggle for the
glorious goals we must achieve before the end of this century. But some
people still display a certain "vagueness and uncertainty about communism."
Hence, we must rightly spread the word of communism so that people may come
to. truly understand it.
In order to propagate the most advanced ideology in the world, our per-
formers of comic dialogue must be extremely strict with themselves. First,
they must arm themselves with communist ideology and, at the same time,
must constantly try to improve themselves artistically. Thus, they should
ensure that they articulate with purity and do not allow filth and dirt to
drift into their speeches, thereby creating linguistic pollution. They
should avoid sarcasm and vulgar forms of presentation. Thus, in general
they should give rein to the educational role of comic dialogue with a
high degree of ideological and artistic authenticity, so that through
their laughter the audience is molded to possess a high degree'of moral
values so that they may seek truth and beauty and despise and abhor ugli-
ness and evil. Of course, this is easier said than done. But with study,
refinement and endeavor we can undoubtedly raise the standards of comic
dialogue.
Chen Haosu [7115 8504 5685): "The Glorious Mission of the CYL"
The CYL has a glorious mission in the establishment of a socialist spiritual
civilization.
Communist ideology forms the nucleus of socialist spiritual civilization.
The CYL is a school where the youth of China can learn the practical side of
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communism. In historical terms, several generations of true communist
fighters have always grown out of the ranks of the CYL, and among them are
some of the glorious pioneers of China's communist movement. Some are the
old generation of revolutionaries who, in the intervening years, have
jumped to position of leadership of the country within the party and, of
course, even more of them are frontline cadres and activists who fought
in all the revolutionary struggles and socialist upsurges. Today, the CYL
shows the way for China's youth to throw itself completely into the prac-
tical program for the four modernizations, to study Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought as well as modern sciences and culture so that they may
become a new generation of people full of ideals; morals, culture and
discipline who may exert greater and greater influence in helping the party
foster and nurture a new generation of communist fighters.
The CYL must play a penetrating and forceful role in the establishment of
a socialist spiritual civilization, and this role should include both the
construction of culture and ideology. The CYL should earnestly support
and promote the development of all cultural causes, such as education, the
sciences, art and literature and sports, and should activate young people
to delve into the realms of knowledge, encouraging them to study culture,
science and technology. The CYL must organize and help young people to
study on their own and achieve results. We should take note of the guiding
words of Lenin, who said that one can only become a communist by using the
entire treasure house of knowledge created by man to enrich one's own head.
The CYL is a well-developed youth organization carrying the flag of cour
munism. For this reason, the CYL must preserve its communist purity. We
must recognize that in some young people the poison of the Cultural Revolu-
tion's anarchy and out-and-out egoism has still not been flushed out and,
in addition to this, some still suffer under the influence of foreign
bourgeois thinking. In order to improve young people's strength to resist
such things and to help them develop a communist world view, we must build
a line of defense into their ideology. Thus, we must teach every CYL
member to make demands on him or herself for the sake of the principles of
communism and to absorb more and more young people within his or her sphere
of action, getting them to join the communist ranks. In order to set up a
communist world view and ways of thinking, we must ensure that young people
study,Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. These are the basic tasks of the
CYL. This work should be integrated with the great efforts of the party,
which is at the moment implementing policies to bring order out of chaos
and to establish a great new era. Advances in the ideology of young people
in recent years have been the results of the practical study of communism.
The CYL should take a leading role in urging young people to developing
such policies as "the five stresses and four beauties," "setting up a new
mood" and "serving you," and in doing so, struggling toward a turn for the
better in the social mood. Such activities are, in fact, an active and
lively way of educating young people in ideology, morals and discipline
and help to endlessly raise the level of their moral standards and elevate
their revolutionary spirit with great vitality.
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Today's youth are the future of the country. The CYL is the party's helper
and reserve force. The glorious blueprints drawn up at the 12th national
congress will become wonderful realities in the hands of this generation of
youths and one of the conditions which will decide whether the young people
can carry such a great burden is whether the CYL is able to unite the young
people to become a vast and mighty army of successors to communism. The
cadres of the CYL believe that we will not let the party or the people down
in their expectations and hopes for us and that we will arduously work to
organize and construct a "school for studying communism through actual
practice" which is worthy of its name so that we may develop a frontline
force for the establishment of. a socialist spiritual civilization and
achieve our glorious mission with even greater success.
Zhang Liqun [1728 2745 5028]: "In Fostering New Socialists, It Is Impera-
tive That We Continue With Communist Education"
The establishment of a socialist spiritual civilization involves many
things, and communist ideology is the very nucleus of it. The construc-
tion of a socialist spiritual education must be guided by communist
ideology.
From the 60-odd years of practical party experience, we can see that when-
ever communist education is grasped, our work teams spring to life, the
mood of the party flourishes and our causes develop and move forward.
Whenever we slacken our grip on communist education, our causes
stop their forward movement and even suffer setbacks. Whenever we think
of the spirit of Yanan or the spirit of Nanniwan, it is heartening indeed,
and these have become the symbol of the indomitable revolutionary spirit
of the old generation of revolutionaries, embodying the arduous struggle
and glorious tradition in the party's and the people's communist movement.
During the 10 years of social chaos, the wonderful tradition and revolu-
tionary spirit of the party suffered terrible damage and the crazy fashions
of "smashing, beating and looting" and the "spirit of rebellion" and their
disastrous results have made us all very consciously aware of the fact that
the construction of a socialist spiritual civilization ties in closely with
the future of our party and our country as well as our general destiny.
In order to correctly carry out the construction of a socialist spiritual
civilization, we must first improve the party mood. The exemplary role of
the party is extremely important. Similarly, we must tackle well the ques-
tion of educating young people in the principles of communism. There are
390 million young people in China, making up two-fifths [as published] of
the total population. Young people represent the country's aspirations
and future, and the realms of.their ideology and the quality of their
culture decide the future of our country. We must use Marxism-Leninism-
Mao Zedong Thought as well as the spirit of communism to educate and arm
the young people of China so that they will resolutely carry high the
banner of communism and give themselves totally to the communist cause.
Lenin said: "We are the party of the future, and the future belongs to the
youth of today. We are the innovative party, and young people always want
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to be ahead of others in terms of innovation. We are the party continuing
the selfless struggle against the corrosive elements of the past, and it is
young people who always want to throw themselves, first of all, into a
selfless struggle." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 11, p 338) The young
people of China possess a glorious revolutionary tradition and the young
masses want to join the party in taking the broad road to communism.
Nevertheless, we must remember that young people, having had their educa-
tional foundations smashed during the Cultural Revolution, can tend to veer
in the wrong direction since their. world views have not had a chance to
fully develop and be consolidated. We must start by examining the realistic
situation of young people in China, study their characteristics and seek the
truth about them and develop the teaching of communist ideology so that they
may throw themselves completely into the middle of the practical side of the
communist movement.
The party has vast experience in teaching communist ideology to young people
and such experience should be passed on and implemented. However, after
the 10 years of social chaos, there were some changes in the objective state
of young people in China and,they took on some new characteristics. In the
country's new era of opening up a new phase for the construction of social-
ist modernization, new situations and new problems are bound to arise. For
example, the recently implemented open door policy has meant that while we
import advanced science and technology and administrative and management
experience from capitalist countries, some very poisonous and corrosive
things from capitalism have also seeped in, and some young people who lack
the. ability to differentiate and resist cannot help but be influenced to
various extents. Hence, we must, with lucid estimations, probe and promote
healthy and mature rules and regulations for young people, making use of a
wide variety of lively methods to guide them into accepting Marxism and
becoming full-fledged communists.
When we carry out communist ideological education for our young people,
we cannot simply rely on schools and the CYL. We must enlist the strength
of the whole society and so organize a mighty and powerful army to con-
struct a socialist spiritual civilization. Everyone, from all levels of the
party and the government as well as every member of society and the front
line, must bear the responsibility of educating the youth of China with
communism. In this work, we must be aware of the characteristics of youth
and we must guard against simplistic, crude and formalistic methods.
CSO: 4004/11
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TAKE THE ROAD OF COORDINATED DEVELOPMENT OF AGRICULTURE, INDUSTRY AND
COMMERCE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 37-40
[Article by Yang Yichen [2799.2496 659111
[Text] For many years, Heilongjiang Province has one-sidedly sought the
development of heavy industry and neglected the development of agriculture
and light industry. This has resulted in a serious imbalance in the pro-
portionate relationship between agriculture, light industry and heavy
industry and a prolonged state of backwardness in the production of con-
sumer goods for daily use and in diversified operations in the rural areas.
As early as 1962, Comrade Zhou Enlai took us to task for not having our own
local industry and scolded us for not making full use of our advantages and
for "begging for rice with a golden rice bowl." He was indeed speaking the
truth, hitting the nail on the head. In the past, on various occasions
we did try to lengthen these two "short legs" of light industry and diver-
sified agricultural operations. However, because of the influence of
"leftist" thinking and our imperfect understanding of the superior points
of our province, we failed to grasp the opportunity. Since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, we have seriously implemented
the Central Committee's eight-character policy of readjustment, restructur-
ing, reorganization and upgrading. We have attained a deeper understanding
of the abundant resources and superior economic points of our province.
Guided by the thought of treating the whole nation as a chessboard and
commencing with bringing our superior points into full play, we began to
pay attention to the development of the light and textile industries and
diversified operations in the rural villages. This has brought about a
relatively big change in the' economic structure and we have begun to tread
the new road of coordinated development of agriculture, industry and com-
merce. In our actual experience, we have come to realize that from the
point of view of a province, if we want to implement the policy of readjust-
ing the national economy properly, we must earnestly sum up the experiences
and lessons of history and properly solve the following five issues in our
guiding thought:
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1. Gradually Establishing an Economic Structure Suitable to the Full
Exploitation of the Superior Points of Our Province
In readjusting the proportionate relationships and establishing a rational
economic structure, we cannot depend on subjective wishes but must consider
how to,make full and rational use of our region's superiority in resources
and economic technology, and the objective needs for the planned and pro-
portionate development of the national economy. What is the criterion of
whether an economic structure is rational or not? This principally depends
on whether or not the economic development can satisfy social needs and
ensure the coordinated development of all the sectors of the national
economy; on whether or not we have paid attention first to the actual con-
ditions of our province and fully utilized its manpower, materials, finan-
cial power and natural resources and on whether or not we can vigorously
promote scientific and technological progress and raise the labor produc-
tivity rate, so as to enable production to increase at a faster rate and
achieve better results. In the past, we lacked a sufficient understanding
of this point. Despite our many years' work in Heilongjiang, we have not
.yet acquired a real and comprehensive understanding of the province. We
frequently paid special attention to its resources of coal, timber and
crude oil for the development of heavy industry (which is correct) but
scarce attention was given to the development of the abundant resources
of the light and textile industries and the food industry. Moreover, over
a long period of time we have been satisfied with our province serving as
a raw materials base but seldom engaging in processing work of the primary
grade, far less in more intensive types of processing. We even went so far
as to forsake our superior points in preference to our weak ones and devoted
much strength to the development of small iron and steel industries despite
the lack of iron ore resources in our province. As a result, we paid a
heavy price but achieved poor results.
Finally, through summing up the experiences and lessons gained, we began a
provincewide large-scale economic investigation and acquired a more inten-
sive knowledge of the superior points of our province. The guiding thought
of economic readjustment became clear in our minds and we no longer
indulged in such foolishness as giving up our strong points and using our
weaknesses. We decided to bring into full play the superior points of 12
categories of resources, these being grain, beans, sugar, milk, potatoes,
hemp, fur, silk, chemicals, leather, timber, and reeds. We placed great
stress on the development of the light and textile industries and gave them
first priority in the provision of funds, energy, materials and technology.
At the same time, we decided that with regard to heavy industry, the struc-
ture of its products should be readjusted, the direction of its service
reoriented, and the relative weight of its service to light industry and to
agriculture continuously expanded. On the side of agriculture, we decided
that on top of grasping well grain production, we would actively develop
economic crops and diversified operations and promote the overall develop-
ment of agriculture, forestry, animal husbandry, sideline production and
fishery. In the course of readjustment, we strove vigorously to make full
use of our strong points, avoided our weak points and brought into full play
all the superior points of our province being rich in resources and possessing
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a relatively firm industrial foundation, a fairly strong technology, a
flourishing communications system, and extensive markets. Our objectives
were to build our province into the following sorts of base area: a
modernized agricultural base concentrating on production of commodity
grain, and including the overall development of economic crops and diversi-
fied operations; a light industry base having the food and textile indus-
tries as its focal points of development; and a forestry base featuring
afforestation and placing the focal point on the comprehensive utilization
of timber. In addition, we plan to develop our province into a base for
energy with emphasis on the output of coal and crude oil, and into a heavy
industrial base with emphasis on the machine-building industry and the
building materials industry. We thus proposed to build up a new-style
economic structure featuring the coordinated development of agriculture,
light industry and heavy industry.
Under the guidance 'of the above thinking, and following 3 years of concen-
trated effort, we have achieved relatively good results in the readjustment
of the economic structure. The following are the results, comparing the 3
years previous to, with the 3 years after, the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee: The average annual grain output increased from
24.9 billion jin to 27.8 billion jin, and in the latter 3 years, the gross
output value of agriculture increased yearly at an average of around 9 per-
cent. In the gross output value of agriculture, the relative weight of
economic crops grew from 9 percent to 15.4 percent, while that of diversi-
fied operations increased from 20.2 percent to 24.4 percent. As for indus-
trial production, a number of small iron and steel plants and chemical
fertilizer plants were closed and the internal structure of industry was
readjusted. Light industry has enjoyed a rapid development every year:
an increase of 16.3 percent in 1980 over 1979; and an increase of 13.6 per-
cent in 1981 over 1980. A relatively big change was effected in the pro-
portionate relationship between light industry and heavy industry. The
proportion occupied by light industry in the gross output value of
industry rose from 26.3 percent in 1978 to 36.8 percent last year. The
entire economy has attained new vitality, laying strong foundations for
further readjustment.
2. Implementing Comprehensive Readjustment of Agriculture, Industry and
Commerce and Stressing the Production of Consumer Goods
Our readjustment work aims at solving the problem of the imbalance in pro-
portionate relationship in accordance with the Marxist reproduction theory-,
and the 'regulations governing the planned and. proportionate development of
the national economy, to enable the various departments of the national
economy to promote each other and not to become mutually disjointed. Hence,
we feel that to do a good job of readjustment, first of all we must think
along the lines of effecting a comprehensive readjustment. In other words,
we should not confine ourselves to readjusting the individual enterprises
themselves or to readjusting agriculture and industry separately. Rather,
we should carry out, on a provincewide basis and according to step by step
plans,*a comprehensive readjustment of agriculture, industry and commerce.
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When the eight-character policy was first adopted, in order to strengthen
light industry, we grasped the problem of the raw materials for agricul-
tural and sideline products as a focal point of work. After more than a
year, the main contradiction was changed and the problem became one con-
cernirig a serious lack of processing capacity in the light, textile and
food industries. This made us realize that if we isolatedly readjusted
a certain area or link in the production process, the chances would be
that we might attend to one thing and lose sight of another and that once
we solved an old imbalance, a new imbalance might appear. In this way, it
would be difficult to ensure coordinated economic development. In order
to solve this problem, we grasped the central link in the production of
consumer goods and decided on the focal development of some 10 trades and
products including sugar refining, textiles, food products and the compre-
hensive use of timber. At the same time, we combined together the work
of readjusting the industries and reforming the economic structure. In
order to break through the departmental boundary limits and facilitate the
development of focal-point products, we have set up over 10 small specialized
leadership groups of which 9 are concerned with the production of consumer
goods. The various groups are under the charge of committee secretaries,
standing committee members and provincial vice governors, with each heading
one or two of these small groups. They worked hard on each industry and
product and tightly grasped the different stages ranging from processing
of. the raw materials to passing through the circulation channels. They did
their work thoroughly and achieved fairly good results. For example, sugar
production increased from 145,000 tons in 1978 to 344,000 tons in 1981;
confectionery production from 15,000 tons to 27,000 tons; output of milk
products from 10,400 tons to 18,000 tons; and the number of spindles in
the textile industry increased from 340,000 in 1978 to about 500,000 in
1981. The comprehensive utilization rate of timber's "3 leftovers" (namely,
leftovers from tree felling, processing and product-making) reached 27.7
percent, the output capacity of artificial fiber boards using the "3 left-
overs1t as raw materials'amounted to 360,000 cubic meters, and the gross
value of its output was over 500 million yuan. Meantime, in order to
develop the light and textile industries, it was necessary to expand their
production capacity and to undertake the needed technical rebuilding. This
gave new tasks to such heavy industry departments as the machine-building
industry and others and made them reorient their direction of services and
readjust the. structure of their products. The healthy development of heavy
industry was thus promoted. In this way, if the 10 or more specialized
small groups, which take consumer goods as their focal point, continue to
tightly grasp their work in accordance with plan, then it may be estimated
that by 1985, the economic structure of Heilongjiang Province will have
become rational and a new appearance will emerge in the situation.
Following the development of the light and textile industries, the demand
for raw materials has sharply increased. This, in turn, promoted readjust-
ment of the agricultural structure and development of economic crops and
diversified operations. We plan that under the conditions of a steady
increase in grain output, we shall basically change the agricultural struc-
ture from its unitary, subsistence type and gradually attain the objective
of making the output value of grain, economic crops and diversified operation
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constitute one-third each of the gross output value of agriculture. Thus,
we shall put Heilongjiang on the road to modernized large-scale production
which calls for little investment but achieves handsome results and a high
commodity production rate. At the same time, we shall bring into full play
the role of agricultural mechanization and in this way liberate a large
agricultural labor force for the further development of enterprises in the
communes and production brigades as well as the processing industry for
agricultural and sideline. products. We shall thus endeavor to achieve the
coordination between industry and agriculture and between the urban and
rural areas. This is a road which we must traverse in order to make the
rural villages truly prosperous. Indeed, it appears impossible that the
rural villages will become truly prosperous if we confine ourselves only to
grain production without developing economic crops and diversified opera-
tion. It will also be impossible if we endeavor to develop only agricul-
ture without developing the processing industry.
Development of agricultural production will bring in its wake higher
demands on the commodity circulation channels. This is to say, the circu-
lation channels must be widened, the number of turnover points or stoppages
must be reduced, the'work style in business must be improved, and commodity
circulation must be facilitated. In this way, we shall gradually form a
"one dragon" system whereby purchasing, processing and marketing are linked
together. This "dragon" will find its way not only into the whole province
and whole country but also into the world market. Persistently grasping
our work in this way will transform the economy of our country into a chain
of interlocking stratagems of coordinated development of agriculture,
industry and commerce whereby industry will promote agriculture, agriculture
will lead industry, light industry will promote heavy industry, heavy
industry will lead light industry, production will promote circulation and
circulation will lead production. The whole economy will thus embark on the
road to healthy development.
This "chain of interlocking stratagems" of coordination of agriculture,
industry and commerce will also promote changes in the ownership system
and the labor employment structure. Over the past few years, based on the
great development of socialist collective economy, in the cities, munici-
palities and market towns in our province, the individual handicraft
industry and repair trades have achieved a certain degree of development.
The number of establishments engaged in collective and individual commerce,
restaurant trade and repair trades increased from 33,000 units in 1979 to
107,000 units last year, an increase of 220 percent. This speed of develop-
ment has not been seen in the past 30 years. These commercial units and
service trades provided employment to some 800,000 people of whom 340,000
were young people awaiting employment. If we press forward along this road
of the "chain.of interlocking stratagems," the ultimate trend of development
will be unification of agriculture, industry and commerce embracing the
coordinated development of the urban and rural areas, of industry and
agriculture and of the counties, communes and production brigades. To
conform to the development of this situation, we still need to strive hard
to do a good job of the construction of small cities and towns.
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3. Making Use of the Superiority of the Machine-Building Industry To Mend
the Insufficient Processing Capacity of Agricultural and Sideline Products
Following the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the
rural policy adopted has been welcomed by the populace. Development of
economic crops and diversified operation has been rapid. A large quantity.
of raw materials has been provided for the light industry. Some of the
light industrial plants which used to struggle for raw materials now have
an ample supply and have to dispose'of, or sell, their raw materials in
stock. In fact, in some cases, stockpiling of large quantities of raw
materials has actually occurred. Because of the overabundance of sugar
beet, the existing sugar refineries had to extend their sugar-pressing
period and overloaded their machinery with work. The output volume of hemp
was excessive, and the only thing to be done was to export it. Due to the
weak processing capacity of milk products and their irrational geographical
distribution, there was much wastage of fresh milk once the busy purchasing
season was over. Large quantities of edible oils have to be stockpiled
owing to the shortage of processing facilities. A situation of this kind
on the-agricultural front indicates that there is an urgent need to raise
the processing capacity for agricultural and sideline products.
How shall we solve the problem of insufficient processing capacity for the
light and textile industries and the food industry? We have depended mainly
on utilization of the existing strength of the machine-building industry and
on bringing the superiority of the machine-building industry into full play.
In our planning, we closely linked the development of the light and textile
industries with the readjustment of the machine-building industry and, in a
planned manner and systematically, organized the machine-building industry
to serve the development of light industry in our province and to produce
whole-set equipment for the processing of agricultural and sideline products.
Within the machine-building industry, a rational system of division of work
has been effected, production of specific products and the direction of
service have both been fixed. Thus,.some products were intended for the
comprehensive utilization of timber, some to serve the light and textile
industries in tapping their potentials, in restructuring and in rebuilding,
while some were to serve the sugar refining and food industries. At the
same time, full utilization was made of the foundation of existing light
industry enterprises to continuously develop processing work to a more
intensive degree and, through the comprehensive utilization of industry,
form a package of interlocking strategies for the processing of raw mate-
rials, preliminary grade products and final grade products. As a result,
the machine-building industry came to life, the processing industry
developed and development of agriculture was promoted. In 1981, the value
of the products of the machine-building industry serving light industry
increased by 14 percent over 1978 and the downturn in production of the
machine-building industry became an upturn.
4. Speeding Up the Raising of Economic Effect
The 10 economic construction guidelines given up by Comrade Zhao Ziyang at
the 4th Session of the 5th NPC had as their central point the improving of
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t
economic effect. He clearly pointed out: "Our country's national economy
must traverse a new road at a relatively dependable speed, with relatively
good economic effect and more real benefits to the populace." It is a
valuable experience gained after having paid a very high price. It is the
starting point of performing further a good job of economic readjustment
and is particularly applicable to our province. Our province has plentiful
natural resources, a fairly good industrial foundation and has made rather
large contributions to the state in various economic sectors such as coal,
timber and oil. However, generally speaking, our economic effect is rather
poor. At present, our economic targets are not only lower than the national
average but also lower than our relatively higher historical level. In
order to change this contradiction of high superiority on one side but low
economic effect on the other, what is most important is to effect a funda-
mental change in ideology and to avoid making high targets and giving blind
directions. Indeed, we must refrain from such foolishness as undertaking
high sounding projects which ultimately produce no,actual results. We must
combine proportion, speed and effect together, grasp speed with an eye to
the economic effect and make speed abide by effect. We must pay attention
to improving the economic effect in the enterprises and, more importantly,
to improving the overall economic effect in the structure as a whole.
Over the past few years, what we did was to start with restructuring the
irrational economic structure and then proceeded from various directions to
improve the overall effect on the economy as a whole. 1) Aiming at satisfy-
ing social demand, we strengthened planned production and vigorously
developed those consumer goods of daily use which belonged to the so-called
"short-line" and urgently needed category of goods but which possessed the
necessary conditions for increasing production. These goods included sewing
machines, bicycles, wooden clocks, confectionery, beer, cigarettes, and so
on. The objective was to make them marketable. 2) Taking the original
light industry enterprises as the base, the potentials of current enter-
prises were fully tapped. In the case of light industry "combination" and
"joint operation" of the enterprises were carried out, whereas in the case
of the machine-building industry the governing theme was to place emphasis
on "both heavy industry and light industry" and on "both products for mili-
tary use and products for civilian use." Adhering to the principles of
economic rationalization and specialized coordination, we organized the
heavy and light industries to carry out technical rebuilding and development
of their famous brand products and to enlarge the production quotas of the
focal products of light industry. In the establishment of new enterprises,
priority was given to those projects which involved little capital outlay,
could reap quick results and could attain large benefits. We followed the
theme of combination of big, medium and small projects but refrained from
undertaking any more the wasteful "small, native and common" projects. In
the case of certain modern projects which one single enterprise could not
handle, joint operation with other enterprises, or with the state or
collective, was advocated. We carried out well the job of achieving over-
all balance and stopped the practices of "blind construction" and duplicate
construction. As for enterprises of an irrational structural composition,
gradual readjustment was made while in the case of those enterprises whose
products were of a poor quality and not marketable and which involved a
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high consumption rate of raw materials and energy in production, and which
achieved low economic results and generally were lacking in competitive
power, we took firm steps to close, or merge, or shift them to other lines
of production or trades. 3) Concurrent with the expansion of the processing
capacity of the light and textile industries, we tightly grasped the tech-
nical rebuilding of the older enterprises and performed a good job of
improving the quality of existing products or replacing them with new and
better products. The poor and low quality of the benefits derived from our
industry was attributable not only to the imbalance in proportionate rela-
tionship but also to the low technical level of the enterprises and the
poor quality of their products. Why is it that certain products of light
industry are stagnant in sales, or are stockpiled in the warehouses, or are
unable to be sold outside the province or are incapable of entering into the
world market? The reason is not that there is no market demand for them
but mainly that the structure of the products is not rational, their quality
is poor and they generally lack competitive power. The aluminum alloy
bicycles with the brand name "Flying Dragon" which are made in our province
have received general acclaim and the loudspeakers produced-in Zhaodong
County have been enjoying flourishing sales throughout the country all
because of the products being new and relatively good in quality. We
deeply feel that concurrent with the readjustment of the proportionate
relationship between light industry and heavy industry, we should readjust
the technological structure, coordinate the efforts to increase production
capacity with the efforts to raise the technological level, heavily
strengthen the technological strength of industry, actively promote the
development of new products, speed up the improvement and replacement of
old products and transform the backward countenance over sized and ugly
products. Only in this way can the economic effect be raised. 4) We firmly
grasped management and control, strengthened the weak links in the circula-
tion channels, further readjusted the relationship between industrial
merchants, agricultural merchants and commercial merchants, opened up
markets and oriented ourselves toward service to the whole country and the
international markets. We believe that only in this way can we open up
financial resources, accelerate capital turnover and achieve better
economic results. We have learned from actual practice that increasing
speed is easy but raising the effect is difficult and that stressing speed
alone may easily make us forget about effect. Naturally, stressing effect
does not mean that speed is not needed, since speed and effect are united.
5. Taking a Nationwide View of Bringing Our Province's Superiority Into
Full Play
Following the continuous progress in readjusting the national economy, we
have increasingly felt that from the standpoint of a single province it is
extremely important to foster the ideology of treating the whole country as
one chessboard. This is in fact ordained by the very nature of this big
unit,ed socialist country of ours. Furthermore, we have brought forth the
policy of "minding the whole situation, sharing difficulties, bringing one's
superiority into full play, and making the utmost contributions." Polit-
ically, we maintain solidarity with the party Central Committee. Eco-
nomically, we are subservient to the centralized and united directions of
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the State Council. The country as a whole represents the overall situation
of which a province is a part. A part should follow the whole and the
theme "suiting measures to local conditions" should be altered to "suiting
measures to national conditions." In the past, we have made contributions
to socialist construction. Now we must still keep the whole situation in
mind and make even more contributions. In the course of readjustment, we
must ensure fulfillment of the national plan, particularly fulfillment of
the tasks related to the focal products such as grain, coal, crude oil,
timber, electric machines, and so on. The quantities of raw materials and
products we should deliver must be so delivered. Under the logical premise
of relatively stabilizing the sowing area for grain, we should principally
depend on raising the per-unit yield and developing economic crops and
diversified operation. At the same time, we should sum up the lessons from
history and under the logical premise of ensuring the whole interests of
the state, we should pay attention to the economic interests of this
province, make full use of our strong points but avoid our weak points,
fully utilize our superiority in natural resources and promote the develop-
ment of light and textile industries and the food industry. After having
fulfilled the assigned delivery tasks of our products and resources, all the
raw materials for our light industry which can be processed locally should
first of all be processed locally. This is a comparatively better method,
and is advantageous to both our province and the state. In bringing our
superiority in resources into full play, attention should be jointly given
to demand and feasibility. Due to our limited funds and technological
strength, concerning those raw materials and primary-grade products which,
due to our limited funds and technological strength we lack the necessary
conditions to fully utilize at the moment, either let the state ship .them'
out on a unified basis,, or let our brother provinces and municipalities
join with us in handling them on the principle of equality and mutual
benefit. We heartily welcome our brother provinces and municipalities
possessing the necessary technology and capital but lacking the necessary
resources to cooperate with us in organizing joint operation enterprises
in such sectors as the food industry, light and textile industries, timber
and its comprehensive utilization, and so on. Let us in this way further
develop this treasure house of Heilongjiang.
CSO: 4004/13
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HOW TO STUDY THE SIXTH PART OF THE REPORT TO THE 12TH CPC NATIONAL CONGRESS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 41-45
[Article by RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education; passages.
within slantlines published in boldface]
[Text] This part of the report deals with the task of building our party
and making it a strong leading core for the cause of socialist moderniza-
tion as required by the new party constitution. It begins with an explana-
tion of the general principle guiding the revision of the party constitu-
tion and the main points of the draft. It then goes on to expound the
following four tasks which we must concentrate on in tackling party
building:
First, improve the party's system of democratic centralism and further
normalize inner-party political life.
Second, reform the leading bodies and the cadre system and ensure that the
ranks of the cadres become more revolutionary, younger in average age,
better educated and more professionally competent.
Third, strengthen the party's work among the workers, peasants and intel-
lectuals and establish close ties between the party and the masses.
Fourth, consolidate the party organizations step by step in a planned way
so as to effect a fundamental turn for the better in the style of the party.
Lastly, it gives the whole report a summing-up.
In studying this part of the report, we can divide the beginning, the four
tasks and the summing-up into six main points. We can then refer to rele-
vant documents and materials to better understand the'substance and essen-
tial spirit of these main points and concentrate on studying how to do a
better job of party building in accordance with the requirements of the
party Central Committee.
/In studying the beginning of this part, it is possible to achieve a better
understanding by attaching importance to the following: First, better
understand the general principle guiding the revision of the party
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constitution in the light of the characteristics and needs of the new
historical period. Second, find out by means of comparison and contrast
to what extent the new party constitution has discarded the "left" errors
in the constitution adopted by the 11th congress and carried forward the
merits of the party constitutions passed respectively by the 7th and 8th
congresses. Third, better understand the significance and main points of
the revisions of the party constitution./
The report pointed out that the general principle guiding the revision of
the party constitution is to set more. exacting demands on party members,
enhance the fighting capacity of the party organizations and uphold and
improve party leadership in conformity with the characteristics and needs
of the new historical period. In essence, conformity with the charac-
teristics and needs of the new historical period chiefly means:
1) Our party is a political party in power and occupies a leading position
in the life of the state. This position as a political party in power makes
it easy for our comrades to be tainted with bureaucratic habits and to become
arrogant and conceited. The danger of divorcing oneself from reality and
from the masses has increased rather than diminished. Hence our party is
confronted with new tests and must set more exacting demands on party
organizations and party members. This problem was discussed at great
length in the report of the eighth party congress on the revision of the
party constitution but was not followed up earnestly. This time, on the
basis of summing up positive and negative experiences, the 12th party con-
gress took our party's position as a political party in power into full
account and set forth stricter requirements for party building. These
demands are all embodied in the new party constitution.
2) In line with its position as a political party in power, our party
must maintain sound political life and better adhere to the principles of
democratic centralism and collective leadership. Inner-party political
life started to become abnormal in the late 1950's. During the period of
the "Great Cultural Revolution," in particular, the party's principles of
democratic centralism and collective leadership were seriously undermined.
It is precisely on the basis of summing up experience and lessons in this
regard and in conformity with the need to set things right that the 12th
party congress included a series of stipulations to this end in the party
constitution.
3) The new historical period requires our party to shift the focus of its
work to'leading the cause of socialist modernization and build a high level
of socialist spiritual civilization while working fora high level of
material civilization. It requires us to develop socialist democracy and
strengthen the socialist legal system. It also requires us to ensure that
the ranks of our party's cadres become more revolutionary, younger in
average age, better educated and more professionally competent. It is
precisely in conformity with these requirements that the 12th party con-
gress adopted clear-cut stipulations in the party constitution.
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4) Our party style was seriously damaged during the 10 years of domestic
turmoil. Thus, one of our important tasks for the immediate future is to
effect a fundamental turn for the better in our party style. It is pre-
cisely in conformity with this requirement that the 12th party congress
adopted appropriate stipulations in the party constitution regarding the
activities of party organizations and the qualifications of party members.
In other words, our party's position as a political party in power, the
responsibilities entrusted to our party by history and the present state
of our party style all place higher demands on party building in the new
historical period. In the course of our study, we must analyze existing
problems in our party in the light of the four points discussed above in
order to acquire a better understanding of the general principle guiding
the revision of the party constitution.
On the basis of summing up experience in party building over the years,
the new party constitution has made many changes in the constitution
adopted by the 11th party congress. It has discarded the."left" errors
in that constitution and carried forward and developed the merits of the
constitutions passed respectively by the 7th and 8th party congresses.
Thus, it suits the characteristics of the new historical period and the
needs arising from actual party life.
The constitution adopted by the 11th party congress emphasized the need to
uphold "the basic line of the socialist period" and the theory of "con-
tinuing the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat," and
totally affirmed the "Great Cultural Revolution." It set forth the need
to "carry out many more great cultural revolutions," the need to expel
"unrepentant persons in power taking the capitalist road" from the party,
and so on. All these are "left" errors carried over from the constitu-
tions passed respectively by the 9th and 10th party congresses. These
errors were systematically sorted out in the "Resolution on Certain
Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" and
should of course be discarded in the new party constitution.
The constitutions passed respectively by the seventh and eighth party con-
gresses were drawn up under situations in which the party's guiding ideology
was relatively correct and inner-party political life was relatively normal.
Therefore, their provisions on various aspects were more scientific and
practical. Take the party's general task for example. On the basis of an
analysis of China's national condition, the constitution passed by the
eighth party congress stated that the task of the party was to lead the
cause of socialist modernization and that the fundamental objective of our
party in all its work was to satisfy the material and cultural needs of the
people. With a view to strengthening party building, carrying forward the
fine traditions of our party and enhancing the fighting capacity of our
party, the constitutions passed respectively by the seventh and eighth party
congresses both expounded in their "general program" the importance of main-
taining party unity, following the mass line, develop' criticism and self-
criticism, adhering to democratic centralism and wholeheartedly serving the
people. As far as the party's principle of democratic centralism, the
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obligations and rights of party members, the relationship between the party
and the CYL, etc., were concerned, the provisions in the constitutions
passed respectively by the seventh and eighth congresses were more detailed
and clear-cut. These good points have been carried forward and further
developed in the new party constitution. For this reason, the new party
constitution is an improvement on all the previous constitutions and is
fuller in content.
To begin with, the new party constitution has a "general program" which is
more substantial in content. It gives us a more comprehensive and scien-
tific outline of the party's character and guiding ideology, its long-term
and immediate objectives, its basic requirements for party members and
party organizations and the basic principle of how the party should cor-
rectly play its leading role. The main content of the revision of the
party constitution can be summarized in the following three major aspects:
First, it sets more exacting demands on party members, party cadres and
grassroots organizations than those in all our previous constitutions and
adds a new chapter on party cadres which expects more from them than from
ordinary party members. Second, it lays down more systematic and all-
round provisions for the principles of democratic centralism and collective
leadership as practiced by the party and emphasizes in particular that all
major issues must be decided upon by party committees after democratic
discussions and that all forms of personality cult must be forbidden. It
also stipulates stricter provisions for party discipline. Third, it makes
many new provisions for improving the systems of the central and local
organizations, tightening party discipline, reinforcing discipline inspec-
tion organs and strengthening grassroots party organizations.
These changes in the party constitution have been made so we can strengthen
and improve party leadership and build our party into a strong leading core
for the cause of socialist modernization in the new historical period.
Provided that the whole party acts strictly in accordance with the require-
ments of the new party constitution, there will be a fundamental turn for
the better in the style of our party, its fighting capacity will be
enhanced, its prestige will rise and it will be able to preserve the
purity'of communism and never degenerate.
/In studying the first task, we must fully understand the significance of
improving the system of democratic centralism in the whole party and
normalizing inner-party political life on the basis of the integration of
theory and practice. We must also make clear the relationship between
tightening party discipline and improving the functioning of democratic
centralism./
Democratic centralism is the basic organizational principle of the party
and requires that we practice a high degree of centralism on the basis of
a high degree of democracy. It reflects the relationship between the party
and those led by the party, between higher party organizations and lower
organizations, between individual party members and the whole party,
between central and local organizations on the one hand and the masses of
party members on the other. Without a high degree of democracy as our
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foundation, we will never be able to .achieve correct centralism and will
develop patriarchal ways of one person deciding matters arbitrarily. With-
out a high degree of centralism, we will never be able to achieve true
democracy and will end up in a state of excessive democratization and
anarchy inside the party. Thus, in order to ensure a high degree of
centralism and unity within the party on ideological and political matters
and ensure the normalization of inner-party political life, it is necessary
to improve the functioning of democratic centralism in the whole party. In
carrying out democratic centralism, it is necessary to properly handle the
relationship between higher and lower levels and between collective leader-
and individual responsibility. From history, we can see that rightist
ship
and "leftist" mistakes usually had something to do with our failure to
correctly handle these two relationships. In the period from its founding
to the early years after the establishment of the PRC, our party imple-
mented the principles of democratic centralism relatively well and inner-
party political life was fairly vigorous and lively. This was essentially
because we did a relatively good job of handling these two relationships.
The report of the eighth party congress on the revision of the,-party con-
stitution emphasized in particular the importance of properly handling the
relationship between higher and lower levels, upholding the principle of
collective leadership and opposing the personality cult. After the con-
gress, the personality cult gradually appeared and developed and major
issues were no longer decided upon after. holding collective discussion
according to the principle of democratic centralism. Usually an individual
.or a few people had the final say. Patriarchal practices of "what I say
goes" and placing oneself above the organization developed constantly.
Political life in the party and state, particularly in the Central Com-
mittee, grew more and more abnormal, leading eventually to the decade of
domestic turmoil. We should always bear in mind this lesson of history
about how the wrecking of the system of democratic centralism brought great
harm to the party and the people.
On the basis of summing up historical experience, our party has, since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, laid great emphasis on the
need to uphold democratic centralism. As a result, political life in the
party, and first of all in the Central Committee, has gradually returned to
the correct path, the path of Marxism. There has also been marked improve-
ment in the political life of many local party organizations. This is one
of'the basic reasons why our party has been able to formulate correct
principles and policies and make important achievements in various under-
takings in recent years. However, there are still many party organizations
which have not done a good job in implementing the principle of democratic
centralism. On the one hand, undemocratic practices and patriarchal ways
have. still not been eradicated. On the other hand, cases of decentralism
and liberalism exist to a serious extent. In order to enhance the fighting
capacity of the party, we must conduct thoroughgoing education on demo-
cratic centralism in accordance with the requirements of the new party
constitution and get rid of these unhealthy phenomena.
Strict discipline is an important guarantee for improving the functioning
of democratic centralism in the whole party and normalizing inner-party
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political life. The basic principle of democratic centralism is: indi-
vidual party members are subordinate to the party organization, the
minority is subordinate to the majority, the lower party organizations are
subordinate to the higher ones, and all the constituent organizations and
members of the party are subordinate to the National Congress and the Central
Committee of the party. Every organization and member of the party must
resolutely adhere to this basic principle. No one is allowed to go his own
way and carry out only those principles, policies and decisions which are to
his liking. Otherwise, the party will not be able to achieve the unity of
will, acquire fighting capacity and fulfill its tasks. Not only will
stressing the need for strict party discipline not hamper the development
of inner-party democracy but is an important prerequisite for ensuring the
normal democratic life of the party. The new party constitution explicitly
stipulates that violations and expropriations of the democratic rights of
party members and organizations will not be tolerated by party discipline.
Owing to the decade of domestic turmoil and the damage done by the Lin Biao
and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques, cases in which discipline has
slackened, right and wrong are confused and rewards and punishments are
misused can still be found to a fairly serious extent in quite a number of
party organizations. This is an important expression of the unhealthy
style of the party and is an important reason why, the party has been unable
to play its role properly. It is precisely for this reason that the report,
emphatically pointed out that party organizations at all levels must be
mobilized to fight resolutely to uphold party discipline. In order to
strictly enforce party discipline, the new party constitution devotes two
chapters to party discipline and organs for discipline inspection and sets
forth clear-cut provisions in both. In studying this problem, we must
integrate the study of the new party constitution with actual practice and
overcome erroneous tendencies in the functioning of democratic centralism
and the enforcement of party discipline.
/In studying the second task, it is necessary to lay stress on gaining a
clear idea of two things: 1) The significance of reforming the leading
bodies and the importance of resolving the division of labor between party
and government. 2) Why it is necessary to reform the cadre system and
ensure that the ranks of the'cadres become more revolutionary, younger in
average age, better educated and professionally more competent./
In the final analysis, the reform of the system of leadership and the lead-
ing organs of the party and state is demanded by the cause of socialist
modernization. The modernization program requires the service of leading
bodies which are compact but. vigorous, highly efficient and free from
bureaucratic practices and which have clear-cut job responsibility. How-
ever, defects such as organizational overlapping, lack of clear-cut job
responsibility, overstaffing, failure to separate party work from govern-
ment work, "aging" of the team, and serious instances of bureaucracy are
still found in our leading bodies. All this is not in keeping with the
requirements of modernization. Unless we are resolved to carry out reform,
we will not be able to effectively implement the party's line, principles
and policies even if they are correct. Even if we have mapped out excel-
lent plans, we will not be able to carry them out smoothly. Comrade Deng
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Xiaoping once emphatically pointed out that in a certain sense, organiza-
tional reform is revolution. Whether or not-,-.this revolution is carried out
will not only determine the future of modernization but will affect the
destiny of the party and state. In the course of study, we must fully
understand the far-reaching significance of organizational reform on the
basis of integrating theory with practice and get rid of ideological
obstacles in this regard.
An important part of organizational reform is to correctly solve the ques-
tion of the division of labor between party and government. This question
has not been properly resolved in all these years. In many localities,
particularly enterprises, the party organizations often fail to separate
party work from government work; instead they take everything into their
own hands. They have the habit of monopolizing administrative affairs.
In so doing, they do not have the. time or energy for major issues which
must be grasped, and thus weaken party leadership. On the other hand,
because the party has taken over the functioning of the government and the
government that of the enterprises, many administrative organs and produc-
tion organizations cannot play their respective roles. fully or independently.
The normal progress of work is thus affected. Party work must be separated
from government work and the party should concern itself only with party
affairs. This will not only strengthen and improve party leadership but is
an important guarantee for giving full play to the leadership role of
administrative organs at all levels. In the course of study, we must find
out what are the leadership responsibilities of the party, why it is neces-
sary to separate party work from government work and how we should go about
it. Party workers must pay attention to overcoming the erroneous idea that
there will be nothing for them to do if they do not handle concrete admin-
istrative work. Comrades working in administrative departments and estab-
lishments must pay attention to guarding against the erroneous tendencies
of-breaking away from party leadership and refusing to carry out the party's
principles and policies.
Next to the reform of the leading bodies, another important task which
urgently requires tackling is to reform the cadre system and ensure that
the ranks of the cadres become more revolutionary, younger in average age,
better educated and more professionally competent. This is a cardinal
principle for the party's work concerning cadres in the new period. At
present, "aging" is quite a serious problem in the leading bodies at
various levels. Many cadres do not possess the necessary cultural, scien-
tific and technical knowledge. This is in sharp contradiction to the
requirements of socialist modernization. In view of this situation, the
party Central Committee set forth the timely demand that we gradually lower
the average age of the ranks of the cadres and ensure that they become
better educated and more professionally competent with the prerequisite of
becoming more revolutionary. In order to achieve this goal, it is necessary
to reform that part of the cadre system which does not suit these needs.
The so-called reform of the cadre system includes the abolition of the de
facto life tenure for leadership posts, the introduction of a system
requiring veteran cadres to retire or withdraw to the'second line, the
institution and perfection of systems of job responsibility for different
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levels and types of cadres, together with corresponding systems governing
the'training of cadres in rotation, their assessment, promotion and demo-
tion, reward and punishment and so on, as well as efforts to further improve
systems governing the democratic election and appointment and dismissal of
cadres. By carrying out these reforms in earnest, we will be able to pro-
mote large numbers of energetic young and middle-aged cadres, who possess
both political integrity and ability, to various leading posts in good time,
and provide an institutional guarantee for the succession of the new to the
old. We must fully understand the importance and pressing nature of the
"four reforms" in the ranks of the cadres and further eliminate erroneous
ideas such as that cadres can only move up but never step down, "taking
seniority as the only qualification" and discriminating against intellec-
tuals, which have developed over the years. In his address to the 12th
party congress, Comrade Chen Yun put forth an important principle for
resolving the question of the succession of cadres. We must earnestly
study his speech and grasp its essence. The Central Committee stipulated
that in the future all cadres must take part in training in rotation.
This is an important strategic measure for raising the quality of cadres.
Every comrade must fully understand the far-reaching significance of this
measure, guard against the unhealthy tendencies of slighting knowledge and
resigning ourselves to be mere laymen and actively take part in study.
/In.studying the third task, we must understand why it is necessary to
establish close ties between the party and the masses in the new historical
period. We must also understand the importance of strengthening the party's
work among the workers, peasants and intellectuals./
Wholeheartedly serving the people, proceeding from the best interests of
the broad masses of the people in everything, firmly trusting and relying
on the masses and maintaining close ties with them are the fine traditions
developed in our party in the course of protracted revolutionary struggles.
They are important guarantees for defeating mighty enemies and overcoming
difficulties to win victories. Under new historical conditions, it is of
particular significance to preserve and carry forward these fine tradi-
tions. Our party's position as a political party in power determines that
its activities vitally affect the interests of the masses. Only by main-
taining close ties with the masses and pooling their opinions, experience
and wisdom can we formulate correct principles and policies and translate
these principles and policies into mass action. Estrangement from the
masses can cause far greater damage now than before we came into power.
Owing to the series of errors made by our party in its guidance work,
particularly the mistake of the "Great Cultural Revolution," the party's
ties with the masses have been weakened. Some cadres forgot all about the
fine tradition of maintaining close ties with the masses and set them-
selves above the masses. Some even made use of their authority to
encroach on the interests of the masses and do damage to the party's cause.
For this reason, we must conscientiously learn from the experience and
lessons of history and effectively strengthen the flesh-and-blood ties
between the party and the masses in every respect. This is a question of
fundamental importance in strengthening party building under new historical
conditions.
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Our party has always attached great importance to'work among the workers,
peasants and intellectuals and among the young people and women, and has
accumulated rich experience in mass work. However, owing to the decade of
domestic turmoil and changes in historical conditions, the party's mass
work has been somewhat weakened. This is not compatible with the historical
mission shouldered by the party in leading the cause of socialist moderniza-
tion, and it urgently needs strengthening. The report analyzed the actual
state and new characteristics of various sections of the masses. In the
light of existing problems, it set.forth the task and requirements of
strengthening links between the party and the workers, peasants and intel-
lectuals. It also set forth the principle of work and direction of
endeavor for trade unions, the CYL, and women's federations. All comrades,
particularly those directly engaged in mass work, should make an earnest
effort to understand the report, sum up experience and unify their thinking
in line with the spirit of the report.
/In studying the fourth task, we must correctly understand the present con-
dition of the party and have firm faith that there will be fundamental turn
for the better in the style of the party. We must also understand the
significance of party consolidation and also the principle and measures
involved, and actively make ideological preparation./
As the core leading the cause of socialist modernization, our party shoulders
a heavy historical responsibility. Practice since the third plenary session
has shown and will continue to show that our party will definitely be able
to better build itself up and lead the people of the whole country in
creating a new situation of socialist modernization. In view of the grave
problems now existing in party style, some comrades do not have much
confidence that our party can better build itself up and effect a funda-
mental turn for the better in its style in the next 5 years. The main
reason for this kind of passive thinking is that they have not seriously
analyzed the state of our party. Our party is a party which has been nur-.
tured over the years by Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It is a party
which has gone through the tempering of protracted revolutionary struggles
and has been reared in glorious revolutionary traditions. Our party has
rallied'to its ranks outstanding elements of the Chinese working classes and
the Chinese people and has brought up countless heroes who fought hard and
laid down their lives for the communist cause. The masses of fine Communist
Party members are wholeheartedly serving the people and playing an exemplary
role in production and other work.. Thus, despite the serious damage
inflicted by the "Great Cultural Revolution," the main body of our party
remains politically pure, healthy and strong on the whole. On the other
hand, it is true that impurities in ideology, style and organization still
exist within the party. The dark aspects cited in the report do exist.
If we do not resolutely wage a struggle against these dark aspects and let
them develop unchecked instead, our party will be in danger of degeneration
and we will not be able to win a victory in the cause of socialist moderni-
zation. It is precisely with this in mind that the party Central Committee
has time and again emphasized that the style of a political party in power
determines its very survival. From this high.level of political under-
standing, it has led the whole party to wage an unremitting struggle against
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unhealthy tendencies. The staunch determination of the party Central
Committee in resolving the question of party style can be seen in the
formulation of the "Guiding Principles for Inner Party Political Life,"
the struggle waged under its leadership to strike at grave crimes in the
economic and other spheres and the decision made by the 12th party congress
to carry out all-round consolidation of party organizations and rectifica-
tion of party style. The majority of party members also urge that further
efforts be made to straighten out the style of the'party and remove the
dirt from the body of our party. The determination of the party Central
Committee and the vast numbers of party meifnbers constitutes an irresistible
force and a fundamental guarantee for the success of party consolidation
and rectification. Facts show that the style of the party has improved
compared with the past few years and will continue to improve. It is
groundless to doubt that we can effect a fundamental change for the better
in the style of the party. It is also completely wrong to take a passive
and pessimistic attitude toward the dark aspects of the party.
The 12th party congress decided on an overall rectification of party style
and consolidation of party organizations, which will proceed by stages and
by groups over a period of 3 years beginning from the latter half of 1982.
This is an important measure for effecting a fundamental turn for the
better in-the style of the party and a fundamental guarantee for the per-.
sis,tence of the socialist road. Everyone knows that the consolidation of
party organizations and rectification of party style is the successful
experience gained by our party in strengthening itself. The Yanan rectifi-
cation movement of 1942 enabled the whole party to achieve unprecedented
unity and solidarity ideologically, politically and organizationally and
laid the foundations for winning the new democratic revolution. Now we
are going to carry out another party consolidation and rectification under
new historical conditions. It will be no less significant than that of the
Yanan rectification movement. Of course things are different now. The
forthcoming party consolidation and rectification is aimed mainly at
resolving the question of whether party members are qualified or not. It is
true that some of our party members do not meet the requirements and cannot
set an example for the masses. Some party members simply do not have com-
munist ideals; some take advantage of their position to encroach on the
interests of the masses, the',collective and the state; some even take
bribes, pervert justice and become overlords who ride roughshod over the
masses. Through consolidating the party organizations and by adhering
strictly to the new party constitution, we should expel from the party those
who still fail to meet the requirements for membership after education, or
ask them to withdraw from it. At the same time, party organizations at all
levels and all party members should be told to strictly carry out the pro-
visions of the new party constitution. In this way, there will be a marked
change in the image of party members and cadres among the masses, the
party will take on a new look in the eyes of the people of various nationali-
ties throughout the country and the party's fighting capacity and leadership
role will be greatly strengthened.
The consolidation of party organizations is a matter of primary importance
in party building at present. It must be carried out step by step and in a
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planned way in accordance with the. principle laid down by the Central Com-
mittee. In matters of organization and leadership, the consolidation will
start with the leading organs and cadres and then proceed, from top to
bottom, to consolidate the leading bodies at different levels and effect an
improvement in the work of party organizations and the method of leadership
at all levels. In the course of consolidating party organizations, it is
necessary to follow the principles of "learning from past mistakes to avoid
future ones and curing the sickness to save the patient" and "clarity in
ideology and unity among comrades" in unfolding criticism and self-criticism.
In the final stage, there will be a reregistration of all party members.
Although the all-round consolidation of party organizations will not start
until the latter half of next year, there are problems which ought to be
tackled now, such as the consolidation of leading bodies and the combating
of serious crimes in the economic field. We must attend to these problems
in earnest and must not leave everything until the all-round consolidation
of party organizations begins. At present, we must conscientiously study
the report of the 12th party congress and the new party constitution in
conjunction with the study of the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" and the "Guiding Prin-
ciples for Inner-Party Political Life" and make ideological preparation
for the consolidation of party organizations and the rectification of party
style.
/In studying the summing-up of the report, we must lay stress on understand-
ing the following: 1) The various fighting tasks confronting the party and
the fact that we are bound to win; 2) the correct handling of difficulties;
and 3) the need to forever uphold the principle of combining the universal
truth of Marxism with the actual conditions in our country./
The general task set by the 12th party congress for our party in the new
historical period is to unite the people of all our nationalities in working
hard and self-reliantly to achieve, step by step, the modernization of
industry, agriculture, national defense and science and technology and
building our country into a socialist country with a high level of civili-
zation and democracy. In accordance with the requirements of the general
task and proceeding from present conditions, we must concentrate on grasping
four tasks in the period to come. First, we must systematically complete
organizational reform and the reform of economic systems. Second, we must
go all out in building socialist spiritual civilization. Third, we must hit
hard at the serious criminal activities undermining our socialist economy
and socialist system. Fourth, we must rectify the party style and consoli-
date the party organizations. In the coming 5 years, we must effect a
fundamental turn for the better in the financial and economic situation,
in the standards of social conduct and in party style. In addition to the
above-mentioned tasks, our party faces yet another historic task, that of
working hard to achieve the sacred task of reunifying our motherland. At
the same time, we must continue in our struggle to oppose imperialism and
hegemonism and safeguard world peace. These are the lofty tasks of creating
a .new situation in all fields that lie before us. All these tasks reflect
the common interests and demands of the people of all, nationalities through-
out the country. They accord with the desires of the people and the tide of
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history. Provided that we act according to the principles laid down by the
12th party congress, we will definitely be able to accomplish the above-
mentioned fighting tasks. Our future is that our modernization and reunifi-
cation will definitely succeed.
Fulfillment of the fighting tasks set by the party is by no means easy and
will not be plain sailing. We are bound to encounter all kinds of diffi-
culties. The attitude we take toward difficulties has an important bearing
on whether or not we can accomplish the party's tasks. If we overlook the
difficulties, overestimate our subjective will and power and act blindly
and rashly, we are bound to run up against a brick wall. If we see nothing
but difficulties, lose faith in the strength of the party and the masses
and waver and procrastinate, we will accomplish nothing. The correct atti-
tude should be to go among the masses and dig into actual work, forge ahead
in the struggle with added vigor and fight indomitably and indefatigably.
In the course of study, we must take a correct attitude toward work tasks
and difficulties and ponder over the question of how to better accomplish
the tasks given us by the party in the light of our actual thinking and
work.
We must integrate the universal truth of Marxism with China's actual con-
ditions, follow our own road and build socialism with distinctly Chinese
features. This is a basic conclusion drawn by our party after summing up
historical experience over the years. In order to achieve this integra-
tion, we must promptly and correctly unfold the struggle between the two
lines, oppose "left" and right tendencies wherever they appear and guard
against and overcome all erroneous tendencies which deviate from the
correct path. We must conscientiously study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought and use the overall view of materialist dialectics to overcome the
one-sided metaphysical approach of jumping from one extreme to another and
shifting'from one tendency to another. If comrades of the whole party can
persevere in learning from the stand, viewpoint and method of Marxism,
persist in going deep into the realities of life to conduct investigation
and study and correctly implement the line, principles and policies of the
party, the fighting tasks set by our party will definitely be fulfilled.
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HOW CAN WE SAY THAT IT IS POSSIBLE TO QUADRUPLE INDUSTRIAL AND AGRICULTURAL
PRODUCTION VALUE BY THE END OF THIS CENTURY?
Beijing RED FLAG.in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 46-47
[Article by Zhao Qi [0340 0366]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th CPC National Congress, Hu Haobang said
that the target for which our, economic construction should struggle from
1981 until the end of the century is to quadruple industrial and agricul-
tural production value on the premise of constantly improving economic
efficiency. Such a glorious target will encourage-the people and is
perfectly feasible. Some comrades feel that such a target is similar to
those of 1958 and 1978--totally divorced from reality--and they are doubt-
ful of being able to realize it. How then should we look at this question?
1. We should look at it in terms of historical conditions. In 1958 and
1978 economic construction was not in fact taken as the nucleus of the
party's work, nor were the relations between politics and economics
correctly handled and positioned. At that time appreciation and under-
standing of the rules of socialist construction was not very great, while
economic construction quotas manifested a good deal of subjective arbi-
trariness. The situation today is completely different. After the third
plenary session of the party the focal point of the party's work was trans-
ferred to socialist modernized construction. With a guiding ideology we
completed the restoration of order out of chaos, corrected the longstanding
"leftist" mistakes that had been hindering economic development and, on the
basis'of summing up all our positive and negative experiences, we created
a correct party line with correct policies and direction. The party's
appreciation and understanding of the rules of socialist construction
increased greatly in comparison to before, while all-round experience grew
as well and consciousness and support of the implementation of correct
party policies and plans also improved enormously Economic construction
was carried out under the collective guidance and leadership of the party
Central Committee while major policies and tactical targets which embodied
the collective wisdom of the entire party were thoroughly examined and
investigated before release.
2. We should look in terms of the content of the targets. The quadrupling
mentioned in the 12th national congress is a target with overall balance
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1111H Re those previous ones which displayed ignorance of the rules of pro-
portional development and the need for overall balance. Quadrupling takes
the raising of economic efficiency as its premise and not only demands that
both efficiency and speed unite together but, at the same time, it ensures
further state construction and improvements in people's living standards.
Such a target is comparably better than past ones which one-sidedly strove
for quantity and production value, ignoring the targets of quality, effi-
ciency and benefit.
3. We should look at the question in terms of the possibility of realizing
the target. In the past, high targets were unrealizable because they were
so divorced from reality. The quadrupling laid out in the 12th national
congress is based on objective studies. During the years from 1953 to 1981,
despite the 10 years of social disorder and destruction and mistaken guid-
ance in economic work, there was still an annual average rise in industrial
and agricultural production value of 8.1 percent. To reach quadrupling,
we only need a continued average annual increase of 7.2 percent. Why is it
that what we were able to do in the past is not possible today? Of course,
we should remember that the base figures we start with today are much higher
than those in 1953 and the absolute figures included in every 1 percent
increase today are much more, thus making things that much more difficult.
Nevertheless, we should remember that present favorable conditions are much
more numerous than in the past. In addition to the favorable conditions of
politics and ideology mentioned above, the 30 years of socialist construc-
tion that we have experienced have provided us with a very good foundation
of material technology and we have already established an independent and
relatively complete industrial system and system of national economy. In
1980, industrial production value represented 69.9 percent of total indus-
trial and agricultural production value as compared with 43.1 percent in
1952. The number of industrial enterprises expanded to a figure of 370,000
with a wide range of differing fields, and as the overall arrangement of
industry grew constantly better, some important'industrial products leapt
into a world ranking position. Conditions in agricultural production also
saw definite improvements. We gained a batch of management personnel and
technicians who have made remarkable achievements, in the areas of science
and technology. In 1981 all of China's work units working under the system
of ownership by the people possessed a total of 5,714,000 natural scien-
tists and technologists, an increase of over 12 times the figure for 1952.
Such are the favorable conditions we have for achieving a quadrupling of
production value in industry and agriculture by 2000.
It should be remembered that the development potential of China's national
economy is still enormous and some present important targets which reflect
economic benefits are not only lower than those of economically developed
countries but they are also lower than some of the best economic levels
reached in China in the past. If we inspire enthusiasm in every area and
trust in governmental policies and the fact that technological improvements
and advances will be able to unearth the enormous potential in enterprises,
then we will be able to greatly increase economic benefits and speed up
construction with little or-no increases in equipment, raw materials,
energy or manpower.
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Some comrades pointed out that in 1981, industrial and agricultural produc-
tion value only grew 4.5 percent over the previous year and that other
figures in recent years are not much higher. Therefore, these comrades
gddstion whether quadrupling is actually a feasible target to set our-
selves. We should not take an isolated and static point of view to
examine this question. Over a 20-year period, the annual average increase
stands at 7.2 percent, but this does not imply that we want to reach this
figure immediately. We are saying that is to be seen as an average. Dur-
ing these 20 years, the first 10 displayed an annual average increase of
less than 7 percent, while the final 10 years had increases of more than
8 percent. In this way, we will be able to achieve quadrupling by the end
of this century.
Speed of development during the first 10 years will not be very great, and
the reason is that the backward situation concerning energy and communica-
tions, which are restricting the development of China's economy, needs a
long period of time before it may see any improvement. Because'of a lack
of funds and scientific personnel, original key technology projects and
improvements in enterprise technology have so far only been carried out in
only the most important areas and schemes have not expanded into wider
spheres. The development of science and technology, training of technical
personnel, etc., also all involve specific processes. Over a long period
in the past, imbalances in the national economy and irrationalities in
product structure, enterprise organizational structure and the economic
management system that existed all required the expenditure of a great deal
of time and energy for readjustment and restructuring. The 12th CPC
National Congress suggested tactical deployment split into two main parts
and drew up a series of measures and important principles designed to solve
problems which will arise during the first 10 years.
After the first 10 years of readjustment the national economy will have
sorted out the relations between all feasible areas and the delayed after-
effect'will be enormous, resulting in the last 10 years' development speed
far surpassing that of the 1980's. This is because:
1. In the second 10-year period readjustments to the economic structure,
including interenterprise and internal enterprise readjustments, will have
been to a large extent completed. The economic management system will also
have reached an essential rationale and enterprise management and adminis-
tration will by that time be on the right track, meaning that socialist
spiritual civilization will be able to achieve even greater results and
the enthusiasm of every region, every enterprise and all the workers will
have been activated to even greater extents. As a result of these factors,
today's enterprise will greatly increase production power and raise quantity
and quality at the same time it moves toward raising economic benefits and
efficiency to these future levels.
2. There will be large-scale increases in energy in the last 10-year
period. As technology progresses and develops there will be huge decreases
in energy consumption. At present, China's use of energy is not very effi-
cient but the potential for economizing is enormous. Annual consumption of
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standard coal in China is about the same as in Japan, but our production
value as a result of such consumption is about one-fourth that of Japan.
Of course there are some factors which make the situation not so easily
comparable, for example the make-up of energy supplies differs, so does the
make-up of our products. But according to projected statistics, if by the
end of this century the production technology of the most important sectors
of China's industries is able to reach the level of present-day economically
developed countries, then product-producing enterprises and work units will
be able to cut their consumption. to half of the present amounts, and for
every 1 percent increase in production value there will be only an 0.5 per-
cent increase in energy consumption. This is of extreme significance to
the elevation of industrial production value.
3. As science and technology-develop, the accuracy and precision of work-
manship of products will increase as well, thus products will rise in
quality and increase in variety, and all this will in turn increase the
value of the products. The present utilization ratio of China's crude oil
is very low and it should be remembered that economically advanced coun-
tries, by processing crude oil into petroleum product, are able to increase
prices 10 times and an additional 10 times when further processing produces
end products with petroleum bases. In other words petroleum-based end
products have a value 100 times that of crude oil. Obviously our potential
in this area is enormous. The same quantity of raw material at that time.
will be able to produce twice as much as, or several times as much as or
even several times 10 as much production value as now. Thus quadrupling
does not by any means demand quadrupling of all products in terms of quan-
tity. Some products, such a$ oil, need only be doubled in production value
while the end products processed from the oil will produce production values
far in excess of any quadrupling.
4. Some newly established areas of industry such as electronics, nuclear
energy, oil refining, etc., will all see much faster development during the
second 10 years, and this will bring about large-scale increases in quantity
as well as production value increases.
The few topics discussed above are all intimately linked with the develop-
ment of technology. It would be impossible to bring about this quadrupling
by using old equipment, old technology, old raw materials and old products.
What is of utmost importance is our reliance on the development of science
and technology. Today, China's industrial production technology is similar
to that of economically advanced countries during the'end of the 1950's and
early 1960's. Today's science and technology in these economically advanced
countries have made their most significant advances only in the last 20
years or so. So starting from now we must use the next 20 years to overtake
levels that economically developed countries achieved in the last 20 years
in certain areas. Not only is this possible but it is something we should
achieve, and to look at the.situation in this way provides us with the
means to achieve the quadrupling of the industrial and agricultural produc-
tion value.
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WHY IS IT THAT PEASANT INCOMES SHOULD NO LONGER BE INCREASED MAINLY BY
RAISING THE PRICES OF AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTS?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 pp 47-48
[Article by Xu Ke [6079 2688]]
[Text] With the exception of low production areas and regions that have
suffered natural disasters, the last few years have seen general increases
in peasants' incomes with obvious improvements in standards of living.
The reasons for the relatively fast increases in peasants' incomes, apart
from increases in production, are mainly because since 1979 the state has
been increasing the selling prices of grain and other agricultural products
on a fairly large scale. During the 28-year period from 1950 to 1978 the
price of agricultural products rose by 117.4 percent, an average annual
increase of 2.8 percent. In the 3 years from 1979 to 1981 prices of agri-
cultural products rose by 38.5 percent, showing an average annual increase
of 11.5 percent. In 1981, sales of agricultural products far surpassed
income for 1978, reaching 19,800 million yuan, mainly because of increases
in brand prices and an extension to the spheres of negotiated prices and
the limits of surplus prices. Thus the 1981 income averaged out to 34 yuan
for every peasant. All this was very beneficial to promoting the develop-
ment of agriculture, improving the standards of living of the peasants and
activating the peasants' enthusiasm. From a long-term point of view, it is
still possible to carry out readjustments in the price parities between
industrial and agricultural products but in the future lengthy period of
peasant income increases we can no longer rely only on raising the prices
of agricultural products, nor can we rely on decreases in requisition by
purchase or increases in the scale of negotiated prices. Why is this?
We know that no matter whether we raise the prices of agricultural products
to the limits of negotiated prices, at the same time that state purchases
of agricultural products rise, expenditure will also necessarily increase.
In other words, whereas before the state relied on agricultural commodity
exchange to ensure stable prices, from which the peasants received a por-
tion of their income, now it relies on raising prices and this increase
again is returned to the peasant. At present China is in the process of
carrying out readjustments and therefore needs concentrated funds for
essential construction work. Most of these funds come from taxes and the
profits of state-run enterprises handed over to the state. However, it is'
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also necessary that the peasants furbish a portion of this accumulation.
If there is no relatively large-scale increase in the labor production rate
within an industry and we continue to raise the prices of agricultural
products and enlarge the limits of negotiated prices and drop the amount of
requisition by purchase, then the concentrated funds from the peasants will
be reduced by the state, thereby affecting modernized construction. This
is not in keeping with the essential benefits of the people of the entire
country, including the peasants.
In terms of the present state of .the country's finances we cannot permit
continued price increases of agricultural products. Our country's economy
is at present in the middle of readjustment and annual increases in national
income are not large. In terms of the financial management system, expan-
sion of regional and enterprise financial autocracy has meant less profits
received by the state from enterprises in the last few years. This has
resulted in continued decreases in national revenue. Furthermore, govern-
ment expenditure has shot up in some areas. As far as government subsidies
on essential items and some agricultural products are concerned, the 1978
figures stood at 7,800 million yuan, while after some prices of agricul-
tural products had been raised in 1979, the figure in 1981 reached 3Z,000
million yuan, representing 30 percent of the year's financial revenue. If
the selling price of agricultural by-products remains stable but the pur-
chasing prices of agricultural products continue to rise then state finances
used to subsidize these prices will also continue to rise and with no
large-scale increases in state revenue, the state financial department will
find it extremely hard going.
The extremely fast increases in consumer funds do not suggest that
increases in agricultural products purchasing prices are a good idea
either. In recent years, the incomes of the people both in cities and in
the countryside have improved considerably while standards of living have
also improved to varying degrees. Nevertheless, we must appreciate that
these improvements in the standards of living in urban areas and the
countryside have taken place despite the lack of large-scale increases in
state revenues. During the Cultural Revolution our handling of the rela-
tions between economic construction and the people's livelihood was not
good, with accumulation rates reaching levels which were too high, thereby
putting pressure on consumption by the people. In order to change this
situation the state has been lowering the accumulation rate over the last
few years and using nearly all of the new increases in state revenue to
improve the standards of living of the people. Such actions as these are
only feasible on a short-term and limited time scale. Accumulation is the''
very source and wellspring of extended reproduction and without accumula-
tion it would be difficult for production to develop, and thus the standards
of living of the people, both in urban areas and in the countryside, would
not improve. In order to achieve "food" and "construction" we can no longer
rely on reducing accumulation funds. As from today standards of living will
continue to improve but increases in workers' average wages should be kept
on a par with rises in labor production rates. Increase in peasants' incomes
should for the most part depend on the development of,production, the lower-
ing of production costs and improvements in labor production rates.
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HOW SHOULD WE UNDERSTAND THE NOTION THAT THE SOCIALIST CHARACTER OF
SPIRITUAL CIVILIZATION IS DECIDED BY IDEOLOGICAL EDUCATION?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 p 48
[Article by Wu Hong [0702 4540]]
[Text] The establishment of socialist spiritual civilization includes the
establishment of both culture and ideology. The establishment of culture
provides the foundations of culture and knowledge necessary for ideological
construction. In a socialist system, raising the levels of development of
education, science, culture, etc. benefits greatly the elevation of
ideological consciousness and socialist morality and plays an important
role in helping to study and grasp the theories of Marxism, as well as the
reception of communist education. However, the socialist character of
spiritual civilization is by no means decided by the scale and level of
development of cultural construction, but is instead decided by ideological
construction.
The contents of ideological construction guide the developmental direction
and developmental extent of society's political ideology and moral think-
ing. The ideological construction mentioned in the move toward the estab-
lishment of socialist spiritual civilization during the 12th CPC National
Congress includes six main areas and all in all the most important are
revolutionary ideals, morality and discipline. Here, then, the teaching
of communist ideology becomes the nucleus for ideological construction and
cultural construction must develop under the direction of communist ideology.
This is an innate characteristic of socialist spiritual civilization and it
is the essential trait that separates socialist spiritual civilization from
other kinds of social spiritual civilization. Socialism is the first stage
to communism and not only should the productive forces have reached a
fairly well-developed level but the people should also have fairly high
ideological consciousness and morality. The limitless development of the
people's consciousness is one of the most important things that separates
socialism from capitalism. Although material production in highly developed
capitalist countries is well developed, at the same time one still finds
widespread decadence, corruption and degeneracy within social and spiritual
life in such countries. In China, the most important'part of ideological
construction is to teach people to establish communist ideals and morals
and mold these into their world views. In addition, it is important to
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teach people to make the realization of socialist modernization their own
personal task and to encourage them not to fear hardship, nor death, to
think of people in general and not of themselves and to stress selflessness
as well as a total spiritual and physical commitment to serving the people
and thereby strengthening organization and discipline. Communist ideology
as the nucleus of ideological construction plays an important role in the
construction of socialist spiritual civilization and also decides the
socialist character of the spiritual civilization.
Socialist ideological construction corresponds exactly to the socialist
systems of economy and politics. The socialist society has eradicated
exploiters and cases of suppression by making the public ownership of the
means of production the replacement of private ownership and taking this
as the economic foundation of socialist ideological construction. Upon
this foundation, the common ideals and aims of the workers are formed, as
well as the common moral principles and standards of behavior. Further-
more, from this basis the mutual unification, assistance and love between
people, which represent new social relations, establish and develop them-
selves. An economic system with socialist public ownership requires that
the workers display collective ideology and establish an attitude of being
masters of their world. Furthermore, the state power of the people's
democratic dictatorship provides important conditions for the development
of socialist ideological construction, the strengthening of communist
education and the eradication of the influences of bourgeois thinking.
In a capitalist system of exploitation the relations between people are
undisguised relations of gain and loss, cold-hearted relations of
"monetary exchange." Corresponding to this, the system of bourgeois
ideology advocates such selfish concepts as "everyone for himself." Such
attitudes not only point to exploitation, but also to suppression and
cheating. Because socialism and capitalism are not the same, the develop-
mental directions and the nature of their social political ideology and
ideals and morals are not the same either and thus the spiritual appearance
of the people differs too. This fully illustrates that the socialist
character of a spiritual civilization is decided by the socialist system
and its corresponding ideological construction.
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A DISCUSSION ON 'RULE BY INACTION'--THOUGHTS ON READING LAO ZI, NOT A STUDY
OF HIS PHILOSOPHIC THEORY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 21, 1 Nov 82 inside back cover
[Article by Li Ming [2621 2494]]
[Text] Lu Xun termed Lao Zi's principle of "do nothing and nothing will be
left undone" as the "inflated words of a disciple" and "high-sounding but
impractical." He ridiculed Lao Zi as one "whose heart reached to the skies
but whose life was as thin as paper," really hitting the nail on the head.
The intention of this early philosopher was to abolish "government action."
Lao Zi's political view of "inaction" had considerable influence on certain
people, an influence reflected in society to this day. Of course, today
things are much more complicated than they were in ancient times and cannot
be treated in the same way. But comparing the past with the present, it
would not be wrong to say that there still exist the "inflated words of a
disciple." On the surface, governing by "inaction" would seem to imply a
situation in which nothing is forbidden. But in fact it does not mean that
nothing be controlled or that we can do whatever we like. This has been
proven in the passage in the 5,000 characters which defines a "small country
with few people" in which "sages and wisdom have been abandoned." "If you
practice inaction, nothing will not be governed." This phrase appears to
advocate "inaction" but in fact contemplates "action." Can we not say that
this view is a Lao Zi-type advocation of "action"? It is often the case in
the world that if one person doesn't do something, someone else will.
Otherwise, what is the purpose of taking so much trouble to write so many
words? Absolute "inaction" means keeping quiet and not saying a single
word.
It is not wrong to let things take their own course; arbitrary "action"
doesn't easily produce success. But it is not a good idea to think like
Zhong Gongbao and'suggest such a policy for "governing a country." Since
we may choke while eating, slip when walking, should we simply sit down
without moving, and not eat or walk so as not to choke or slip? If all
this was really put into practice, I'm afraid it would not only fail to
bring an end to war but would also cause people a lot:of trouble. The idea
of confining people in their own small universe where each enjoys "himself"
and everyone lives a free and happy life is only an illusion, because such
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a view denies the freedom of a whole society to make progress. Would
people be willing to work in such a situation? Wouldn't they rise in
rebellion?
"Those who understand me are few; those who follow me are precious."
Luckily, this old philosopher knew himself, and did not insist on popu-
larizing this view. It was proper for him to go west to Hangu and "finally
tread the shifting sands." Sima Qian said that he lived for 160 years, or
perhaps more than 200 years. The philosopher also said that the little
chief responsible for guarding the Hangu Pass worshipped his philosophy and
consequently went along with the old man. Whether true or not, this saying
survives.
Q Historical facts prove that those in the position of governing a country
who really understood public feeling were always those who were intelligent
and paid attention to reality. For example, in the early days of the famous
Han dynasty, when "the monarch and his subjects only wanted to rest and do
nothing"; though they "respected knowledge," their thinking was not stagnant.
What they "respected" was its spirit. How could it be said that these
ministers arbitrarily followed political blueprints, that everyone from the
top to the grassroots levels was "resting" and sleeping and practiced
"inaction" to the extent that they had not a single active plan for govern-
ing the country? There were a number of useful measures conforming to
natural conditions, such as "encouraging agriculture," "abolishing exorbi-
tant taxes and levies" and selecting and promoting talents. It was said
that "Cao Shen followed the rules and regulations defined by Xiao He."
Liu Bang defined 3-part laws after he entered Shanhaiguan. Later, Xiao He
studied the laws defined by the Qin dynasty and worked out "9-part laws"
to replace the "3-part laws"; it was not easy to define the later laws
because they covered much wider aspects. Without laws and rules and regu-
lations, it would not be possible for Xiao He to remain prime minister,
nor would it have been possible for Cao Shen, should he want, to become an
"idle" and "mediocre minister."
It is a natural historical development to positively "act" according to
nature. To do nothing and let things take their own course and become
"disciples who talk empty words" may be all right; but in this situation,
it will be difficult to "govern a country in peace." Is it really acci-
dental that the globe did not turn around according to the desires of those
who advocated ruling the country by "inaction"? Otherwise, would it not be
difficult for later generations to write books of theories, summing up the
development of the civilization of China over the past 2,000 years and more?
Historians and historians of philosophy have criticized the political view
of "inaction" as "contrary to history" and "contrary to development" and
held that this ideology is far more reactionary than the restorationism of
Confucianism, and all the criticisms are basically in agreement.
From a historical point of view, Lao Zi's political ideology of "inaction"
was aimed at seeking a way out for the society of his time; it had its own
reasons and historical conditions for its emergence. We can in no way put
demands on the people of ancient times with today's knowledge and
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arbitrarily regard them as ignorant and presumptuous; if we do so, we will
find it hard to avoid becoming nihilistic. After all, Lao Zi was a wise and
great ideologist of ancient times. He acknowledged the contradictions in
society at that time and tried to solve them. His valuable philosophical
theory represents the ideological level of an era and it has been explained
by a great number of people of ancient and present times who have spared no
efforts to explain and study the books written by Lao Zi. It is natural
to inherit this fine cultural heritage with a critical attitude. But we
cannot mechanically compare the past with the present. If we take Lao Zi's
view of "inaction" as a yardstick to measure our present era, we will no
doubt go against history.
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