CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100400001-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 87
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: December 6, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 82391
6 December 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. ,20, 16 October: 198.2
FBIS
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 20, 16 October 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
The 12th CPC National Congress Will Lead Construction to
Victory--On Understanding and Mastery of the Laws (pp 2-6)
(RED FLAG commentator) .............................................
Communists Must Strictly Observe Party Discipline (pp 7-10, 37)
(Zhang Yun) ........................................................ 9
Have Lofty' Ideals, Good Morality and Knowledge, Observe
Discipline (pp 11-15)
(Jia Chunfeng) ..................................................... 17
Excerpts From Speeches at a Forum on Studying the Documents of
the 12th CPC National Congress (pp 16-28) ............................... 24
Strengthen Unity and Coordination, Do a Good Job in
Scientific Research (pp 16-17)
(Lu Jiaxi) .................................................. 24
Education Is an Essential Prerequisite for Building
Material and Spiritual Civilization (pp 17-18)
(Peng Peiyun) ................................................ 26
Cultivate Scientific and Technical Personnel With
Communist Ideology (pp 18-19)
(Zhang Guanghou) ............................................ 28
Educate the New Communist Generation in Proletarian
Love (pp 19-20)
(Li Yanjie) ................................................. 30
Building Socialist Spiritual Civilization Corresponds
to the Desire of the Party and People (pp 20-21)
(Xu Xing) ................................................... 31
- a - [III - CC - 75]
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Strengthen Education in Communist Morality (pp 21-22)
(Luo Guojie) ............................................. 33
Strengthen and Perfect the Economic Responsibility
System (pp 22-23)
(Zhou Taihe) ............................................. 34
Planned Economy Is a Basic Feature of Socialist Economy
(pp 24-25)
(You Lin) ................................................ 36
Step Up the Study of Economic Structure for the
Realization of Strategic Objectives (p 25)
(Sun Shangqing) .......................................... . 37
The Economic Program of the 12th Party Congress Reflects
the Requirement of the Objective Economic Law (p 26)
(Liu Guoguang) ........................................... '39
Uphold the Principle of Relying Mainly on the Planned
Economy and Supplementing It With Regulation by
Market Mechanism (p 27)
(Li Zhengzhong) .......................................... 41
Build a Socialist Economic System With Chinese
Characteristics (p 28)
(He Jianzhang) ........................................... 42
Appropriately Pool Funds To Strengthen Construction of Major
Projects (pp 29-33) .
(Gui Shiyong) ................................................... 45
The Two Civilizations Must Be Grasped Simultaneously (pp 34-37)
(Yuan Qitong) ................................................... 54
Seriously Carry Out the Workers' Congress System (pp 38-41)
(Yu Yannan) ..................................................... 60
How To Study the Fourth Part of the Report to the 12th CPC
National Congress (pp 42-45)
(RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education) ........... 67
How To Study the Fifth Part of the 12th CPC Congress Report
(pp 45-48)
(RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education) ........... 75
Attention Should Be Paid to Ideological and Political Work
Among Editorial Staff (p 49)
(Wen Zhao, Che Yanming) ......................................... 82
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THE 12TH CPC NATIONAL CONGRESS WILL LEAD CONSTRUCTION TO VICTORY--ON
UNDERSTANDING AND MASTERY OF THE LAWS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 2-6
[Article by RED FLAG commentator]
[Text] In his recent talks with Comrade Kim Il-song, Comrade Deng Xiaoping
said: "The role of the 12th congress is the same as that of our party's
7th congress. The 7th congress led the revolution to victory; the 12th
congress will lead our construction to-victory." This is a correct summary
of the historical roles of the 7th and 12th congresses.
As for the view that the seventh congress led the revolution to victory,
this has been proved by history and no comrade in our party disagrees with
this view. However, are there good reasons for the judgment that the 12th
congress will lead our construction to victory? What reasons is this view
based on? Is it sufficiently well founded? In the first part of his speech
at the 12th congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang answered these questions. In his
opening speech at the congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping pointed out: "Com-
pared with the time when the eighth congress was held, our party's under-
standing of the law of our country's socialist construction is now much
deeper, our experiences are much richer and our consciousness and steadfast-
ness in implementing and carrying out our correct policies has been greatly
heightened." Viewed from the implementation of the party's correct line and
its series of principles,'policies and measures, the question of what reasons
form the basis of our judgment that the 12th congress will lead the construc-
tion to victory is precisely the question of whether we understand and grasp
the law of socialist construction.
In his "Materialism and Empirio-Criticism" Lenin said: "As in any scien-
tific field, in the epistemological field, we should also think in a dialec-
tical manner. This means that we should not think that our understanding is
fixed and will not change in the slightest; on the contrary, we should
analyze by what means we can turn ourselves from knowing nothing to knowing
something and from having an incorrect understanding to having a relatively
correct understanding." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 14, pp 98-99)
In the initial period following the founding of the PRC, our party led the
people of all nationalities throughout the country to achieve, step by step,
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the transition from new democracy to socialism, rapidly recovered the
national economy, began economic construction in a planned manner and
basically completed the socialist transformation of the private ownership
of the means of production in nearly all the areas in our country. The
sober understanding of the social structure of China and of the trend of
historical development enabled our party to creatively chart a path of
socialist transformation suited to the special features of China. However,
at that time, we knew very little about the law of socialist construction.
This has now greatly changed. The first part of the report to the 12th
congress expounds, from the angles of ideology, politics, organization,
economy, cultural and educational undertakings, military affairs and party
building, on the tremendous achievements we have scored since the 3d Plenary
Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee in bringing order out of chaos in
our actual work and in making a clear distinction between the rights and
wrongs of our guiding ideology. Through summing up the rich experience of
the past 30 years, our understanding of the law of socialist construction in
China has already undergone a process from being incomplete and incorrect to
being comparatively complete and correct. Compared with the time when the
eighth congress was held, our understanding is indeed much deeper and more
correct. No law can be understood and mastered at a single stroke. No one
has ever been able to see through and skillfully master the internal rela-
tionships of things at first sight. This has never been possible. However,
we can now safely say with pleasure that our understanding and mastery of
the law of socialist construction has already in the main undergone a
process from knowing nothing to knowing something and from incomplete,
incorrect understanding to comparatively complete, correct understanding.
This process cannot be plain sailing. Often there are many twists and turns
including the struggle between correct and erroneous ideas and the struggle
of correct ideas to overcome errors. Just as Comrade Mao Zedong said in
1962 at the enlarged central work conference: "During the period of demo-
cratic revolution, only after comparing the two victories and two defeats
could we understand the objective reality in China. On the eve of and
during the war of resistance against Japan, I wrote some articles, such as
'Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War,' 'On Protracted War,'
'On New Democracy' and 'Introduction to the Communist,' and drafted some
documents on policies and tactics for the Central Committee. In all these
writings, I summed up our revolutionary experiences. These articles and
.documents could only be produced at that time, not earlier, because pre-
viously we had not gone through the great storms of the two victories and
failures and had not gained sufficient experience; therefore we could not
have understood the law of the Chinese revolution." Similarly, "we must
also undergo a process before we can understand the law of socialist con-
struction. We must proceed from practice and gradually undergo the change
from having no experience to having some experience and from having rela-
tively less to having relatively more experience. In this way, our under-
standing will leave the realm of necessity in which we do not understand
socialist construction. We will gradually overcome our blindness, under-
stand objective law, thus obtaining freedom and enabling our understanding
to enter the realm of freedom." "We should be prepared to suffer many
setbacks and failures caused by our ignorance of the law in order to obtain
experiences which will enable us to achieve final victory."
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Law is invisible and untouchable, and we can understand and master it only
in practice. If we act in accordance with law in practice, we will win
victory. This will be beneficial to our understanding and mastery of the
law. If we run counter to law in practice, we will suffer defeat. This
will also help us understand and master the law.
In discussing his book entitled "Questions Concerning the Soviet Socialist
Economy" Stalin said: "When a law has not been violated, it remains idle
and no one knows where it is. It exists everywhere, but we do not know
its existence." "Generally speaking, a law can only be felt when it is
violated, but violation of the law will inevitably bring about evils."
Here he expounded on the idea that the punishment that people incur when
they go against the law enables them to draw lessons from their failure.
We find many such examples in people's daily life. For instance, when
there is enough air, we do not feel the existence of air or its indispensa-
bility to our survival. However, when we are shut in a room where there is
not enough air, we will find it difficult to breathe, and then, it is very
easy for us to realize that air is essential for our survival. In order to
understand objective laws, we need negative experience as well as positive
experience.
In a country like China, which is populous and has a long and complicated
history, while leading revolution and construction, we cannot but make
repeated comparisons of victory and failure in order to understand and
master the law'of revolution and construction. Only thus can we complete
the process from knowing nothing to knowing something and from incorrect
to comparatively correct understanding.
For every communist, it is a very severe challenge to adopt a proper atti-
tude toward victory and especially toward failures. Our party and many
comrades have the experience of being carried away by victory, losing their
modesty and prudence. What should we do when we suffer a failure? We
firmly oppose the practice of wavering, becoming dejected, deserting or
even betraying the revolution because of failure. When the great revolu-
tion in 1927 failed, many comrades died heroically. They are heroes and
deserve to be called communist fighters. We must always remember them and
learn from them. Under Chiang Kai-shek's White terror, there were also
some people who became dejected, and lost faith in the revolution. Some of
these people dropped out of the revolutionary ranks or retired from public
life. Others published confessions in Kuomintang newspapers and some
others even became traitors. Purging the party of those who betrayed it
will make our party stronger, purer and more combatworthy. Moreover, we
have to'handle correctly the problem of how we should treat those comrades
who are still loyal to the revolution but have committed mistakes. We do
not approve the adoption of any absolute attitude toward these comrades or
the practice of being satisfied merely with putting the blame on a few
individuals and holding them responsible for the failure. On the contrary,
we should act in the way that Comrade Mao Zedong told us. We should concen-
trate our efforts on analyzing the background in which the mistakes were
committed,. the details of the mistakes and their social, historical and
ideological sources, and adopt the policy of learning from past mistakes to
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avoid future ones, and curing the sickness to save the patient. It is a
very unworthy "revolutionary" who becomes dejected, resorts to complaining
and reproaching, is querulous and even refuses to carry out revolution any
longer when the revolution suffers temporary setbacks. At the 11th con-
gress-of the Russian Communist Party (Bolshevik), Lenin said that the
proletariat was not apprehensive of acknowledging the things that it had
not done satisfactorily in its revolutionary cause as well as the things
that it had done satisfactorily. He said: "We are not afraid to speak
out about our weak points and we are capable of learning to overcome our
weak points." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 33, p 275) When we suffer
a failure we should conscientiously sum up our experiences and resume work
from the very beginning in amore prudent and persistent manner. Only this
constitutes the revolutionary work style we communists must have.
In 1957 our country entered the period of all-round socialist construction.
Since then, we have achieved great successes, but have also committed some
mistakes, such as the expansion of the scope of the anti-rightist movement,
the "Great Leap Forward," "struggle against right deviation" and especially
the "Great Cultural Revolution" which lasted a decade and brought about the
most serious setbacks and losses since the founding of our country. Our
victories and failures have repeatedly educated us. The mistakes, setbacks
and losses caused by our violation of the law of socialist construction
have made us especially conscious of the importance of understanding and
mastering the law and enabled us to draw even more profound lessons related
to the understanding and mastery of the law. It is precisely because of
repeated comparison between the victories we achieved and the failures we
suffered after the 8th party congress that this 12th party congress was able
to sum up the experiences of our victories, draw lessons from our failures,
obtain relatively comprehensive views conforming to objective laws and
formulate a correct line and a series of correct principles, policies and
measures.
It is always the case that at first, only a few people understand and
master the law; later, a relatively large number of people do so; and still
later, most people begin to, do so. It was Comrade Liu Shaoqi in Yanan who
stated for the first time that we should respect the minority. This is an
important idea that we have drawn from the historical experience of the
Chinese revolution. Within our party, the law that governs the Chinese
revolution was first understood and mastered by Comrade Mao Zedong and some
other comrades of the old generation of revolutionaries. At first, there
were only a few of these people. However, could the majority of the com-
rades within our party accept this correct understanding immediately,
turning it into the common wealth of all the comrades in our party, without
personally and repeatedly drawing lessons from both positive and negative
experiences? Obviously, this was not the case. Our practice has already
proved that Comrade Mao Zedong's understanding of the law of Chinese revolu-
tion and his ideas about the Chinese revolution are correct. Why, then, was
he excluded from the central leading group after 1930 and especially after
the time when the Provisional CPC Central Committee moved to the central
soviet area? This was because at that time, most of the leading cadres did
not realize that he was right. It was only after the failure of the fifth
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anti-encirclement struggle and at the Zunyi conference when most of the
leading cadres recalled the victories achieved under the leadership of
Comrade Mao Zedong and earnestly drew lessons from both positive and nega-
tive experiences that they began to admit that Comrade Mao Zedong was
correct, and clearly acknowledged his leading position in the Red Army and
the CPC Central Committee. It was only after the Zunyi.conference and
after the historical turning point which followed it that we began to
achieve one victory after another in our democratic revolution and finally
established the PRC. During the 30 and more years since the founding of
the PRC, our understanding of the law of socialist construction has been
deepening and improving step by step. The CPC Central Committee concen-
trated the correct understanding of all the comrades in our party and led
our construction cause from victory to victory. The party Central Committee
itself is a collective. Due to the fact that Comrade Chen Yun has been
engaged in economic work fora long time, it is appropriate to say that he
is one of the first people to understand the law governing important issues
in socialist economic construction. The speech delivered by Comrade Chen
Yun at the Eighth CPC Congress in 1956 was extensively praised inside the
party. However, after the campaigns of the "Big Leap Forward" and "opposing
right deviations," his. correct ideas on economic problems-no longer worked.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the llth,CPC Central Committee, some
strategic decisions and important measures proposed by Comrade Chen Yun
have been accepted by the central authorities and have been proved to be
more and more effective in practical work. Thus, most of our comrades pro-
foundly realize that they should learn from Comrade Chen Yun's methods for
observing economic phenomenon and handling economic problems. The new party
constitution adopted by the 12th party congress makes a clear stipulation
on the issue of respecting the minority. Our party forbids any form of
personality cult. We should ensure that the activities of party leaders
are supervised by the people and at the same time uphold the prestige of
leaders who represent the people's interests. Every party member and cadre
must resolutely carry out in their actions the decisions of the Central
Committee and the party organizations, but at the same time, be allowed to
have reservations and present their opinions to the party organizations,
and even to the Central Committee. Our organizational principle is that
the individual should be subordinate to the organization, the minority
subordinate to the majority, the lower level subordinate to the higher level
and the whole party subordinate to its national congress and its Central
Committee; but at the same time the opinion of the minority should be
respected. In discussing and making decisions on problems, party organiza-
tions should conscientiously consider the different opinions of the minority.
By so doing we will be able to overcome our one-sidedness.
Marx and Engels said in their "Holy Family" that historical movements con-
stitute the cause of the masses and that along with the deepening of
historical movements the ranks of the masses will inevitably expand. The
process of historical development is precisely the process of the expansion
of the ranks of the masses who understand and master the law of social
development. The victory of the socialist cause has greatly promoted the
progress of this development and has opened up a wide sphere for the broad
masses of people to master Marxism--the most scientific and revolutionary
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theory--and thus become the masters of history. However, the masses of
people cannot master the law of socialist society spontaneously. What has
been proved by our practice is that in order to make the masses really
master the correct line, principles and policies we should carry out the
iecessar4j propaganda, education and other work to enlighten them. This
work should be carried out by adopting diversified methods in order to make
it popular and acceptable, enabling us to guide the masses toward under-
standing and mastering the law through their personal experience.
It can be said that in all periods our cadres at all levels and on all
fronts underwent positive and negative education and tests. What is
especially heartening is that the college graduates and the cadres of simi-.
lar educational standard whom we have trained since the founding of the
PRC have grown up with the socialist, cause. These people are at the prime
of their life, know their profession well and have undergone positive and
negative education and tests. Our cadres and our people are continuously
making efforts to understand and master the law of socialist construction
and an increasingly large number of them will become the conscious masters
of the development process of history. This will enable them to play an
increasingly important role in the development of our cause.
In his article entitled "Problems of Strategy in China's Revolutionary War,"
Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out that we should study the law of war, the law
of the revolutionary war and the law of the Chinese revolutionary war. This
means that we should study the problems related to the general and specific
laws governing various categories and subcategories of wars. Similarly, we
should also realize that we must study the law of construction, the law of
socialist construction and the law of China's socialist construction. All
the experiences that have been drawn on from the construction of other
countries, especially that of other socialist countries, are important for
us. We should assimilate the part of these experiences useful to us as
reference. We should also enrich these experiences and develop them.`
However, we will be bound to fail if we mechanically copy these experiences.
In the past, we copied the experiences of Soviet socialist construction.
During the past few years, quite a few of our comrades affirm, without
analysis, the experiences of certain foreign countries, but fail to pay
attention to understanding and mastering the experience of China's socialist
construction or to proceeding from China's reality. In his opening speech
at the 12th congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: "To integrate the uni-
versal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of China, blaze a path
of our own and build socialism with Chinese characteristics--this is the
basic conclusion we have reached in summing up our long, historical experi-
ence." We should continue to research deeper into the general law of con-
struction and of socialist construction. However, we should not be satis-
fied with the mere understanding of these general laws. We must understand
and master the specific performance of these laws under China's conditions
and we must understand and master the special laws governing China's social-
ist construction in different periods and spheres.
Our party is one which upholds struggle and action and a party characterized
by the integration of theory and practice. Our understanding of objective
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laws is not only aimed at gaining the ability to talk about, or obtain
academic knowledge of them. For communists, the correct understanding of
objective laws is aimed at observing the requirements of objective laws to
make revolutionary changes to the world and lead the people to promote the
development of history. Therefore, our correct understanding of these laws
must lead to the formulation'of the correct line, principles and policies
and to the action of leading the masses of people, through our party, to
implement them.
It is precisely because we have to combine our understanding with the
conscious activities of the masses, in creating history that having
mastered the theory, we should return to practice and apply the theory to
our actions. Therefore, it is insufficient to have only a general line.
We must also solve the problems concerning the actual implementation of
the general line on various fronts and in all the areas of our work. This
is an important difference between the 12th congress and the 8th congress.
The line formulated by the 8th congress was correct, though it was not
clear, definite or perfect. However, the concrete measures for imple-
menting this line on all fronts and in all areas of our work had not yet
been discussed at that time. At the enlarged central work conference,
Comrade Mao Zedong said that in carrying out both revolution and construc-
tion our party must have a wholly convincing general line suited to objec-
tive conditions. However, we had also to formulate, under the guidance of,
the general line, a series of appropriate and concrete principles, policies
and methods related to our work in all fields including industry, agricul-
ture, commerce, education, military affairs, politics and party affairs.
Only when we had formulated these principles, policies and methods, could
we educate our cadres and masses, unify their understanding and enable
them to do their jobs well. These words remain completely correct even
today. The reason why the seventh congress led the revolution to victory
is because it formulated not only a general line for the new democratic
revolution, but also a series of principles, policies and methods for
actually carrying out this general line on all fronts and in all our work.
This enabled us to unify the thoughts and actions of the whole party after
the seventh congress and quickly defeat Chiang Kai-shek. The report to the
12th congress puts forward our party's general task in the new historical
period, that is, "to unite the people of all our nationalities to work hard
and independently to achieve, step by step, the. modernization of our indus-
try, agriculture, national defense and science and technology and to make
China a 'culturally advanced and highly democratic socialist country."
With regard to the understanding and mastery of the law of socialist con-
struction, we have undergone the process from knowing nothing to knowing
something and from incorrect to comparatively correct understanding. We
have experienced both victory and defeat in this respect and have summed
up both positive and negative experiences. More and more of our cadres and
people have come to understand and master this law to varying degrees. In
practice, we have gradually come to understand the law of socialist con-
struction in general and the special law governing Chinese socialist
construction. We have a more definite and complete general line and have
worked out a series of guiding principles, policies and methods suitable
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to various fronts, quarters and work. All of this guarantees that we will
win still greater victory in our cause.
When discussing commanding battles, Comrade Mao Zedong said that the reason
why people make mistakes in commanding battles is that their deployment and
command in war and battles are not suited to the conditions of the time and
place, and their subjective guidance is not suited to actual objective con-
ditions; in other words, they fail to solve the contradiction between the
subjective and the objective. For a revolutionary, solving the contradic-
tion between the subjective and the objective is a very important task. It
is inevitable that people will have different levels of ability. Mili-
tarily, doing a good job requires more victories and less defeats. For any
party or individual, there is never complete accordance between the sub-
jective and the objective. However, it is possible to achieve relative or
basic accordance between them. If this is achieved, we will be basically,
or on the whole, correct. Our understanding and mastery of the law of
socialist construction will be further perfected and corrected in our
practice. Just because of this, we can ensure that we will commit few
mistakes or avoid committing big mistakes and that we will discover and
correct our mistakes. quickly.
In short, at present, our party, our party Central Committee and most of our
cadres have a deeper understanding of the law governing our country's
socialist construction compared with the period of the Eighth CPC Congress.
Thus, we may conclude that the view that the 12th CPC Congress will lead
construction to victory is expressed on a completely scientific. basis. We
shoulder the great task of the creation of a:.-..new overall situation in our
socialist modernization. Let us continue to enrich and deepen our under-
standing of the law of socialist construction in order to score new histori-
cal achievements and new victories!
CSO: 4004/6
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COMMUNISTS MUST STRICTLY OBSERVE PARTY DISCIPLINE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 7-10, 37
[Article by Zhang Yun [4545 5686]]
[Text] From the day a man gets his Communist Party membership, he is not
exempt from the necessity of.observing the following regulations: "Indi-
vidual party members are subordinate to the party organization, the minority
is subordinate to the majority, lower party organizations are subordinate to
the higher party organizations, and all the constituent organizations and
members of the party are subordinate to the national congress and the
Central Committee of the party." These four regulations are, on the one
hand, the basic principle of the party's system of democratic centralism.
They are, moreover, the iron discipline built on the base of the party
members' high degree of consciousness. With Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought as its guide to action, the CPC relies on this organizational prin-
ciple and discipline to keep the ranks in good order and in step and
ensure the implementation of the party's line, principles and policies in
different historical periods. In this way, the CPC leads the people of the
whole country to overcome the difficulties and hardships on our road and
to continuously win new revolutionary and construction victories. In July
1982, at a seminar, Comrade Deng Xiaoping rightly pointed out: "Without
discipline, it is impossible to dedicate ourselves heart and soul to the
same cause. In the past, we'relied on discipline to start a revolution.
The discipline we relied on was a discipline based on political conscious-
ness. Since the founding of the CPC, this has been the best practice."
The new party constitution passed by the 12th CPC National Congress imposed
strict ideological, political and organizational demands on party members
and cadres. These demands are stricter than the ones imposed by the former
party constitutions. The new party constitution has placed the problem of
strengthening party discipline in an extremely important position and has
made some important new provisions. These have important significance for
.the party in power in the new historical period.
To Conscientiously Observe Discipline Is an Expression of Strong Party Spirit
The general program of the new party constitution makes the adherence to
democratic centralism as "one of the three essential requirements" that must
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be achieved in order to "strengthen party building, carry forward the
party's fine traditions and enhance the party's combat strength." In addi-
tion, it demands that, within the party, democracy be given full play, a
high degree of centralism be practiced on the base of democracy and a sense
of organization and discipline be strengthened, so as to ensure unity of
action throughout its ranks and the prompt and effective implementation of
its decisions. Chapter I of the party constitution clearly stipulates that
party members should "accept the party's program and constitution," and
should also, "join and work actively in one of the party's organizations,
carry out the party's decisions and pay membership dues regularly," "con-
scientiously observe party discipline and the laws of the state." Chapter
VII of the party constitution clearly stipulates that "a Communist Party
member must consciously act within the bounds of party discipline." In
addition, it has made concrete provisions for the maintenance of party
discipline. The question of whether or not the provisions of the new party
constitution are being strictly implemented is closely related to the ques-
tion of whether the Marxist-Leninist principles of party building and party
organization are being adhered to and of what our party is being built into.
All comrades must take this large problem seriously. We must most cer-
tainly not trivialize it.
We all know that as early as 1902 to 1904, when Lenin started to build the
Russian Social-Democratic Labor Party (later, it was changed to the CPSU),
he was engaged in a heated debate with Martov on the question of what kind
of party should be built. At that time, Lenin and his comrades-in-arms
defended the Marxist principle of the party's role, adhered to the ideas
that the party had to be the, advanced, conscientious and organized vanguard
of the working class and that only those who accepted the party's program,
supported the party materially and joined in one of the party organizations
could become party members. He strongly opposed recruiting those who
accepted the party's program but were unwilling to join in one of the party
organizations and who did not, in fact, observe discipline, as members. The
clique represented by Martov agreed that to accept the party program and to
support the party materially should be the necessary condition for member-
ship, but they did not accept that joining one of the party organizations
and observing party discipline should also be a condition for membership.
To counter the worship by people like Martov of the spontaneity of the labor
movement and their attempting to appease the Russian intellectuals.' fear of
the proletarian sense of discipline and organization, Lenin clearly pointed
out: "In the end, it is a matter of choosing between two alternatives:
consistent application of the principle of organization, or the sanctifica-
tion of disunity and anarchy." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 1, p 456)
The debate over the organizational principle for party. building ended in
the victory of Lenin's correct views and stand. The Bolshevik Party, which
was built in accordance with Lenin's principle of party building, through
arduous struggles, succeeded in gaining victory in the October Revolution
and thus ushered in a new era in human history.
Our party was built in accordance with Lenin's principle of party building.
In his essay, "On the People's Democratid Dictatorship," Comrade Mao Zedong
tells us that our party has "three principal weapons to defeat the enemy."
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The first of these is: "a well disciplined party, armed with the theory of
Marxism-Leninism and using the method of self-criticism, which is linked to
the masses of the people." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 4, p 1417)
In addition, of the four notable characteristics of the party, he puts
"disciplined" in the first place. In the crucial moment of the third
revolutionary civil war period, Comrade Mao Zedong's mobilization order,
with its unique style, placed "strengthening the sense of discipline" side
by side with "the troops' advancing and one inch of growth in production"
and considered them the necessary conditions for "constant and regular
victory in revolution." The now widely known "The Three Main Rules of
Discipline and the Eight Points for Attention" song emphasizes from the
start, that "victory can be won only by keeping in step." Our party has
successfully led China's revolution and construction from victory to victory.
This fact cannot be separated from our party's adherence to Lenin's prin-
ciple of party building and strengthening the sense of organization and
discipline.
Every party member should, through the study of party history and the study
of Lenin's and Comrade Mao Zedong's theory of party building, particularly
the discussions on discipline, strengthen his understanding of the tre-
mendous importance of party discipline. He should establish the firm con-
cept of discipline and thoroughly understand that adherence to democratic
centralism and the strengthening of party discipline is the key to organi-
zationally maintaining and consolidating the party's high degree of polit-
ical and ideological consistency, implementing the correct line, principles
and policies of the party and promoting the party's combat strength. An
important aspect in strengthening the training on the party members' party
spirit is to continuously strengthen our sense of organization and dis-
cipline in revolutionary practice. Through conscientious observance of
party discipline, our strong party spirit is shown. Only those who can
achieve this can be called qualified Communist Party members. Those who
disregard organization and discipline and stick to their old ways of doing
things are not qualified to be Communist Party members. They cannot remain
in the party.
Set Strict Demands With Regard to Major Issues and Do Not Deviate From
Standards With Regard to Minor Issues
The discipline that should be observed by Communist Party members includes
many things and there are many aspects to it. However, we can summarize it
in two points: 1) what should be done, what is allowed to be done; 2) what
should not be done and what is not allowed to?be done. That means, we must
conscientiously exert all our strength to do things beneficial to our party,
the state and the people in accordance with the party's resolutions and
demands. Moreover, we should also influence and mobilize other people to do
the same thing. All the things which are not beneficial to the party, state
and people must be those things not allowed by party discipline and the laws
of the state, so we should resolutely not do them. In addition, we should
supervise and warn other people not to do them and be brave in the struggle
against the acts which violate party discipline and laws of the state.
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On this point, the problem of how to handle major and minor issues should be
emphatically discussed.
Basically, the major concern of a Communist Party member is to unswervingly
adhere to the demands of the "admission oath," keep a firm proletarian
revolutionary stand and dedicate his life to struggling for the implementa-
tion of the communist ideal. At the present stage, the major issue is to
adhere to the socialist road, people's democratic dictatorship, leadership
of the party and Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, to keep political
consistency with the Central Committee and to unswervingly implement the
party's line, principles and policies since the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CPC Central Committee, especially the program to create a new situa-
tion in all fields of socialist modernization passed by the 12th CPC
National Congress. It is necessary to protect the unity and unification
of the party in the same way we protect our eyes, strictly observe the
party constitution and the "Guiding Principles for Inner-Party Political
Life" and struggle against all unhealthy tendencies inside the party and
acts which violate party discipline and laws of the state and which
endanger the party's cause. If a Communist Party member can make strict
demands on himself in these major issues and not be influenced by his own
emotions and the prevailing tendencies, he has observed the party's dis-
cipline in the political sense.
The party demands that every party member take a:-,strong stand on major
issues. In addition, he should also be careful about minor issues. For
instance, everybody must straighten their ideological style, work style
and life style, manage love, marriage and family life well, be upright and
fair in handling people and business, under no circumstances commit crooked
acts, refrain from the vulgar "study of connections," not pursue privileged
living and not become corrupt, degenerate and so on. In other words, with
regard to minor issues, it is also necessary to set "strict demands on our-
selves" and not deviate from the standards of the party constitution and
the "principles."
With regard to the major and minor issues, one is primary and the other
secondary, but there is not a sharp line of demarcation between the two,
they are interlinked. In the past, there was a popular saying: "A gentle-
man disregards the minor issues." It seems that as long as things are not
going too badly with the major issues, it is all right and the minor issues
are of little importance so it is not necessary to be too strict. Some
find the excuse of "no gold is 100 percent pure, no man is perfect" to
console themselves and have 'an easy conscience in "disregarding the minor
issues." This is incorrect.
1. We materialists accept the objective fact that "no gold is 100 percent
pure and no man is correct." In selecting and appointing people to posts,
it is correct "not to discard a huge piece of timber just because one inch
of it is rotten." Our comrades should be "lenient and forgiving in treat-
ing people" and not be too testy and critical. But, every party member
should "set strict demands on himself," not be satisfied with being
"basically qualified" or "barely qualified," compare himself with others
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and spur himself on to a high standard and become a qualified Communist
Party member. This is certainly possible. The countless revolutionary
martyrs are our models. The emerging advanced people on all fronts are
also good models for us to follow. Is there any reason not to strive in
this direction?!
2. As far as development is concerned, small things can become great.
"If a small hole is not mended, it becomes a big hole with a diameter of
1.5 chi," "one ant hole may cause the collapse of a thousand-li dike,"
such sayings vividly depict the importance of checking erroneous ideas at
the outset. Inside our party, there are people who become morally degen-
erate. This starts with their "disregarding the minor issues." We have
enough of such lessons. It is hard to imagine a Communist Party member
having a dual personality, being devoted heart and soul to public interests
in political life, but in private life being heart and soul devoted to
private interest. In other words, he has no communist morality in his life,
he is infected with the foul odor of the extreme individualism of the
exploiting class, his valley of greed can never be filled, he leads a fast
life. However, in political life, faced with major issues of right and
wrong, he takes a clear-cut stand and devotes his life to implementing the
communist ideal. Like water and fire, these two are incompatible, how can
they "peacefully coexist"?
3. Our party is based in society and party members carry out their activ-
ities among the masses. The party's image formed in people's minds and the
party's prestige determine whether the party's line, principles and poli-
cies are correct and whether they are advantageous to people. In addition,
to a great extent they determine the activities of the party organizations
at all levels and the performance of every party member. The masses not
only "listen to their words" but also "observe their behavior." If the
party organizations at all levels and every party member can meet the
demands imposed by the party: proceed from the people's interests in all
aspects, '.'be the first to be concerned about what should be worried about
and be the last to enjoy themselves," think what the masses think about,
be eager to meet the needs of the people and play an exemplary and leading
role in all aspects, fear neither hardship nor death in upholding the cause
of the party and the people, persistently think and act in one and the same
way and be as good as their word, then, the people would wholeheartedly love
and support the party and forever follow the party. However, if the party
organizations, and party members do not act in accordance with the party's
demands, or even act in ways contrary to the party's demands, use discipline
to deal with people but do not themselves keep within its bounds, speak in
high-flown phraseology but fail to carry out their pledges, at every turn
think of themselves before others and not be concerned about the people's
welfare and suffering, "strive for fame in the central government and
strive for wealth when they are out of it," have much interest in acting
like high officials and overbearing bureaucrats and seriously cut them-
selves off from the masses, then, what remains of the party's prestige
among the masses? Under such conditions, all magnificent ideals and plans
cannot be realized. Thus, speaking of keeping the close ties between the
party and the masses, it is necessary for party members to pay attention
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to both the major and minor issues and to conscientiously observe party
discipline in both aspects.
Stride To Form Habits So That They Become Natural to You
Many of our old party members have a commun understanding that it is not
difficult to observe discipline in doing something once, but it is diffi-
cult'to observe discipline under all circumstances and conditions every-
where and at any time. But, this is exactly what the party and the masses
require of us, which means it is necessary for us to play an exemplary role
in observing discipline everywhere and at any time. What shall we do? The
most importait thing is to strengthen the training of party spirit, estab-
lish a firm concept of discipline, continuously promote our consciousness
in observing discipline and strive to form a habit so that it becomes
natural to us. In my 57 years of revolutionary practice, I have tried to
find an answer. My conclusion is that principally it is necessary to make
vigorous efforts in the following aspects:
1. Know the rules. It is necessary to vigorously grasp study, strive to
familiarize ourselves with the party's program, the party constitution and
the party's concrete rules and regulations (for instance, the "Guiding
Principles for Inner-Party Political Life" and others), the line, prin-
ciples and policies of the party, the resolutions, provisions and system
of the party in all aspects, strive to have a pretty good idea of them and
to speak and act in accordance with them. Otherwise, we can have no idea
of what is right, what is wrong, what can be done and what cannot be done.
In such a case, we are blind. We do not have anything to follow in doing
or saying things. We are like a blind man who walks on the road. He bumps
into a wall or falls on the ground, but he does not know why. In this way,
how can we have consciousness in observing discipline and how can we play
an exemplary role in observing discipline?
2. "Be watchful over oneself when one is alone." This is a piece of
Confucian jargon from Chinese history, which means: Even when one is alone,
one should be careful and observe moral principles. In his work "How To Be
a Good Communist" Comrade Liu Shaoqi made use of this piece of jargon, he
demanded that every Communist Party member: "Even when he is working on
his own without supervision and is therefore in a position to do something
bad, is just as 'watchful over himself when he is alone."' In the period of
the revolutionary war and in the 30 years since the founding of the PRC,
many facts tell us that normally, when a party member violates discipline,
he is not engaged in collective activities, or being watched by people
everywhere. A party member violates discipline when he leaves the collec-
tive, when he carries out a task alone or when he is temporarily not under
the supervision of the organization and his comrades. This tells us that
under the latter conditions, it is all the more necessary for our party
members to have firm revolutionary conduct and consciousness in observing
discipline. Otherwise, it is easy for us to do something wrong. Exactly
for this reason, we should strengthen ideology, consciousness and organiza-
tion discipline training and cultivation so as to enable our party members
to act the same whether alone or in living in the collective and to act the
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same way whether they are free of supervision or whether they are being
supervised by the organization or the comrades. In the Ming dynasty,
Yu Qian wrote a poem "Song of Limestone." The poem said that people
should be like limestone, which is not afraid of being ground to dust
althdugh it is hammered thousands of times and burned. As a result, lime-
stone keeps its whiteness and purity. We communists can do not only that,
we should be able to do better.
3. Self-examination. That means, it is necessary to master Marxist-
Leninist weapon of criticism and self-criticism. Just as every day we wash
our face and sweep the ground, we should always examine our conscience, see
if we have performed acts and said things which violate party discipline
and in an open-minded fashion ask for and listen to the opinions of others
and welcome the supervision of the organization and the comrades. When-
ever we discover our shortcomings and faults, we should determinedly
correct them at once and should absolutely never shield them. The "Resolu-
tion on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding
of the PRC" passed by the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee is an example of the communists' being practical and realistic in
carrying out self-criticism. "It is not easy to rectify the party spirit,
but it is even more difficult to carry out self-examination." When Comrade
Chen Yi was still alive, he had a deep understanding of this problem. In
his two poems "Qigu: The Hands Do Not Extend" and "Revealing My Mind on
My 63rd Birthday," he talked of the proper attitude one should have in
self-examination. What he said were words from the bottom of his heart.
"Whenever I discover my mistakes, I am delighted and I am enlightened when
I have painstakingly corrected them," "the best policy is to have courage,
correct the mistakes and march forward again." ("Selected Poems and Songs
of Chen Yi," People's Literary Publishing House, pp 89, 328, 330) When we
carry out self-criticism, we should have such an attitude.
Make persistent efforts to know the rules, be watchful over ourselves when
we are alone and criticize ourselves. In this way, we cannot feel that we
are incompatible with the party's discipline and are unaccustomed to it.
On the contrary, we can take the observance of discipline for granted and
gradually form a habit so that it comes naturally to us. In this way, we
can march from the realm of necessity to the realm of freedom.
At present, we are building a high level of. material civilization. We
should also strive to build a high level of socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion. "Observance of discipline" is an important content in building a
spiritual civilization. Lenin said: "Every new social order demands new
relations between man and man, a new discipline.... With the beginning of
the socialist revolution, discipline must be built on entirely new prin-
ciples; it must be a discipline of faith in the organizing power of the
workers and poor peasants, a discipline of comradeship, a discipline of the
utmost mutual respect, a discipline of independence and initiative in the
struggle." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 27, p 481) In our building of
socialist spiritual civilization, it is necessary to establish and observe
such discipline. When there is such discipline and when all of us observe
such discipline, we can have normal party political life and normal
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political life in the entire state, we can have a stable and united polit-
ical situation and good social order, we can fully promote the creativity
and initiative of all the people and we can make the people and all the
comrades of the party bravely march with one heart and one mind in the
direction of building a modernized socialist state under the unified leader-
ship of the Central Committee. Thus, Communist Party members should be the
first.to achieve what we ask the masses to achieve and the Communist Party
members should resolutely not do what we ask the people not to do. In
other words, if the Communist Party members want to be the vanguard of the
construction of spiritual civilization, they must first of all strictly
observe party discipline.
The 12th CPC National Congress has sounded the bugle call to create a new
situation in all fields of socialist modernization. In order to more
vigorously lead the people of the entire country to implement this magnifi-
cent program in the new period, our party will carry out an overall recti-
fication of the work style and organization of the party. One of the
important issues in party rectification is to further strengthen the party
members' sense of discipline and sense of organization. I am an old member
of the party, I am old and ailing like a candle flickering in the wind, but
my heart is as stout as ever and I am unwilling to lag behind. I am willing
to accept an overall examination of the party together with other comrades
of the party. In addition, I will, in accordance with the demands of the
new party constitution, continue to strengthen the study of theory and
training of party spirit so as to uphold my revolutionary integrity in my
later years and make myself worthy of the name of a Communist Party member.
In observing party discipline, I am willing to encourage and.supervise and
be encouraged and supervised so as to strive together with other party
members to play an exemplary role in observing discipline.
CSO: 4004/6
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HAVE LOFTY IDEALS, GOOD MORALITY AND KNOWLEDGE, OBSERVE DISCIPLINE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 11-15
[Article by Jia Chunfeng [6328 2504 1496]; passages within slantlines
published in boldface]
[Text] In his report to the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang raised
socialist spiritual civilization with communist ideology as its core as an
important characteristic of the socialist system and strategically expounded
the position and role of building spiritual civilization in the building of
socialism. At the same time, he profoundly elaborated the two aspects of
building spiritual civilization, that is, the dialectical relations of
cultural and ideological building. This undoubtedly has great signifi-
cance on the theory and practice of scientific socialism.
Like social civilization, spiritual civilization is a historical process of
continuous development. By civilization, we mean the progress level and
state of human society, including the two component parts of material
civilization and spiritual civilization. We often talk about developed
education, prosperous science, flourishing culture, and people's high
political consciousness, firm belief and ideals,-lofty morality and senti-
ments, devoted spirit, enhancement of sense of discipline and so on. These
are all the manifestation of spiritual civilization. Before the emergence
of the socialist system, spiritual civilization under the three kinds of
social systems--slave, feudal and capitalist--were divided into class by
private ownership and society and was restricted by the existence of
exploitation. Therefore, it is inevitable that they have their historical
and class limitations. Socialist society is a completely new stage in the
development of human history. Under the socialist system, we are not only
capable of inheriting all the outstanding achievements of culture and social
morality of the past, but also capable of establishing an entirely new
spiritual civilization which is fundamentally different than that of any
former period. To. sum up, this new type of socialist spiritual civiliza-
tion is to train and bring up socialist new people with revolutionary
ideals, morality, discipline and culture, among which revolutionary ideals
are the spiritual mainstay, revolutionary morality is the norm, revolu-
tionary discipline is an indispensable guarantee and culture is an important
condition. The close integration and mutual complement of these aspects
commonly indicates the requirements of the basic economic and political
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system of socialism on the political consciousness, spiritual state, moral
features and cultural cultivation of its social members.
/The spiritual state of our country and people is judged, first of all, by
whether or not our people have revolutionary ideals and are encouraged by
these ideals, and vigorously and effectively engage in the building of the
socialist cause./ Ideals are people's social political standpoint and
their world outlook centrally manifested in their fighting objective. It
shows that people cherish and yearn for the glorious future. Different eras
and classes have different world outlooks and people have different ideals.
The proletariat is the most advanced and revolutionary class in human
history.' Communism--the great ideal of the proletariat and its vanguard,
the communist party--reflects the inevitable trend of the development of
history. Therefore, it has the greatest calling and mobilizing strength.
The great ideal of communism will surely be attained. Thie is an objective
law independent of man's will. But the road toward communism is arduous and
tortuous. Whenever the revolutionary cause of the proletariat suffers
temporary setbacks and needs most the encouragement of revolutionary ideals,
there are usually some weak-willed people who waver in communist ideals and
bring about a sense of illusion. This is a repeated phenomenon in the
history of revolution. Meanwhile, historical facts teach us again and
again. that those who give up communist idealism at a time when the revolu-
tion suffers setbacks and fall behind the revolutionary ranks will certainly
be eliminated by the historical trend. Only by adhering to revolutionary
ideals and inspiring revolutionary enthusiasm can we once again follow the
revolutionary cause and march toward the glorious future. Whether in
revolutionary success and development or during temporary revolutionary set-
backs, our veteran party members and revolutionaries adhere to communist
ideals and have great determination, are fearless of sacrifice, plunge
through fire and water and fight heroically to attain this ideal. Today,
inspired and encouraged by this great ideal, the broad masses of party mem-
bers and people are also using their creative work and labor to do their
little bit to build communism. Historical and present facts have effec-
tively proved that communist ideals are the powerful ideological strength
for the victory of the people's liberation cause, and are the spiritual
mainstay of the solidarity and militancy, hearts and minds of our people
and country and the revolutionary soul fostering the continuous develop-
ment of our socialist cause and opening up a bright future.
Morality is closely related to ideals; to have ideals is to have morality.'
A country full of revolutionary idealism is bound to have revolutionary
morality and customs. A man fostered with revolutionary ideals will con-
sciously conform his deeds with revolutionary morality. On the contrary,
those with illusions usually forfeit morality./ Ideology, principles or
morals are not without foundation. Their emergence and development all have
a profound social economic root. Communist morality is determined by the
class status, class nature and historical tasks of the proletariat. It is
impossible to expect every social member to be a communist at the present
stage. But our socialist system is based on public ownership which regards
the highest stage of communism as its objective. Therefore, we must ener-
getically propagate and propose that the whole society use communist morality
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as a norm of action for adjusting relations between men and between man and
society. It is also imperative to educate party and league members and all
advanced elements with communist morality and through them educate and
influence the broad masses. The basic principle of communist morality is
the principle of collectivism loyal to the communist cause; the devoted
spirit of serving the people and a communist labor attitude. This principle
expects people to insist that the interests of the people and the socialist
motherland be superior to the interests of the individual, and whenever they
contradict, the interests of the individual should unconditionally be sub-
ject to the interests of the people and the state. This principle also
demands that people unite as one, help and love each other, fight and
advance together, respect and enjoy comforts after others, find pleasure
in helping people and sacrifice one's own interests for the sake of the
people, masses and public in their work, labor and social life. All these
have manifested in various respects the principle of collectivism that
people should adopt toward the interests, cause and activities of the whole.
Morality covers a lot of ground; it includes professional morality of vari-
ous trades and professions. Engels once pointed out: As a matter of fact,
each class and each trade has its own morality." ("Selected Works of Marx
and Engels," Vol 4, p 236) Professional morality is a summarization of the
norm of behavior of people's own peculiar work and labor engaged in a cer-
tain profession. This type of morality has the characteristics of certain
concrete professions or trade activities. Different professional morality
reflects the professional psychology, habits, tradition and responsibility
formed according to different professions and trades and represents certain
differences of moral behavior and consciousness caused by different profes-
sions and trades. Professional morality is related to the development of
the division of labor in society and has a long formation and developmental
history. In our country, professional morality is a necessary complement
and concreteness of the principle and norm of our, revolutionary morality.
In the past few years, along with the work of bringing order out of chaos
in the field of moral ethics in our country and along with the development
and restoration of the fine tradition and work style of our party and
country, professional morality in various trades and professions is being
established and perfected under the unified guidance and influence of the
principle of communist morality, such as service regulations in service
trades, village rules and regulations in rural areas, scientific moral
standards for scientific and technological workers, regulations for literary
and art workers and so on. Our socialist modernization cause is a cause of a
whole that is complicated and coordinated. With its different methods, each
profession joins with the entire socialist modernization cause and serves
the entire socialist cause and the people. Society has its special require-
ments for the various professions. Professional morality determines the
specific responsibility the people of different professions must undertake
in the entire socialist modernization cause. This is favorable for impelling
the sense of honor and dedication of people to hold fast at their posts, to
bind people to observe certain professional order and discipline, to
encourage people to,unite and cooperate, perfect their skills and gain
professional proficiency, and to raise their working capability and effi-
ciency, and labor techniques and efficiency. Facts show that under the
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guidance of the principle of communist morality, proceeding from the needs
of the profession and meeting the concrete conditions and accepting the
capability of the profession, and by adopting easy and effective, vivid
and vital methods, the professional morality formulated and perfected by
the various trades and professions has and will play a greater role in
developing socialist spiritual civilization, thus further attaining the
stability and unity of society and doing a good job in the building of all
fields of socialist modernization.
/Revolutionary discipline is a manifestation and guarantee for revolutionary
ideals and morality. There is unity in having ideals, morality and observing
discipline, whereas forfeiting ideals, degenerating morality and violating
the law and discipline are also grouped together./ This is a truth of real
life. Anyone who sabotages social morality must be censured by public
opinion and when the case has developed to a certain seriousness, he must
be punished according to state law and discipline. Legality, discipline
and morality belong to the category of the norm of behavior. Morality
depends on public opinion, people's faith, traditional customs and educa-
tional influences to maintain and exert its role; whereas state law and
discipline depend on administrative execution and compulsory means to main-
tain and exert their role. These two roles complement each other in
society; neither can do without the other. The realization of revolutionary
ideals and the exertion of revolutionary morality are both guaranteed by law
and discipline. Our party, army and people have always had the tradition of
observing discipline. What do the unity and powerful fighting capacity of
our party and the implementation of the party's principles and policies
depend on? One of the most important factors is firm discipline. Our fine
tradition of observing discipline was seriously sabotaged in the 10 years of
internal disorder. The building of socialist spiritual civilization carried
out at present is precisely for the purpose of resuming and promoting this
fine tradition. There is party, political and military discipline; there
is discipline for each factory, production team, shop, school, leading organ
and mass organization, and there is also professional discipline for all
trades and professions. Freedom and discipline are unity of opposites.
This is also the case with right and duty; none of them must be separated.
Our people enjoy freedom and rights within the limits of the constitution
and law, but they must also be consciously bound by discipline. Only in
this way can the whole society be a coordinated whole unit, can all parts
of society organically cooperate with each other and form into a fine pro-
duction, work, study and life order and ensure the smooth progress of the
building of socialist modernization.
/Knowledge is an important aspect in the substance of socialist spiritual
civilization and also an important condition for forming scientific ideals
and belief, lofty moral sentiments and a conscious sense of discipline./ We
cannot build socialism or attain the lofty ideal of communism by relying on
illiterate or semi-illiterate people. Long ago Engels said that the social-
ist cause of the proletariat needed lawyers, "and also doctors, engineers,
chemists, agronomists and other specialized personnel, because we must not
only administer the political apparatus, but also administer the entire
social production. Therefore, what we need is not beautiful words but
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abundant knowledge." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 22, p 487)
Marx and Engels specially stressed that only by developing education can we
train people who are developed in an all-round way. Lenin pointed out: "We
must build socialism by retaining all the culture left over by capitalism.
We must retain all the science, technology, knowledge and art. Without
these, we cannot build communist society." ("Collected Works of Lenin,"
Vol 4, p 348) Stalin once sneered at the innocent mood of praising their
own illiteracy and sharply pointed out: "I hold that we simply cannot make
any progress without eliminating these savage and uncivilized phenomena and
the savage attitude toward science and learned people. The working class
cannot genuinely become masters of their country if they do'not free them-
selves from illiteracy, bring up their own intellectuals, master science and
manage the economy according to scientific principles." ("Collected Works
of Stalin," Vol 11, p 64) The building of socialist modernization has put
a higher demand on the people's level of cultural and scientific knowledge.
Without constantly raising the level of scientific knowledge of the whole
society, it will be impossible to attain the grand objective of building
modernization, it also will be unfavorable to the formation, consolidation
and development of scientific ideals and belief and revolutionary morality.
With-knowledge, people can thoroughly understand the law of social develop-
ment,.consciously master scientific world outlook and methodology and be
developed in an all-round manner. To be sure, while developing culture and
raising the educational level of the people, we must adhere to the guidance
of Marxist scientific theory, and eradicate the influence of capitalist,
feudal and reactionary decadent culture. In the light of class struggle
still existing within certain limits in our society, class struggle in the
international field will inevitably find expression in our country. The
serious cultural smuggling is a phenomenon not to be ignored. The decadent
culture of capitalism, such as films, cassettes, periodicals,. photographs,
records and so on with brutal, reactionary, degenerate and obscene sub-
stance is bound to contaminate our social mood, poison the people's souls
and cause revolutionary idealism to waver, corrode revolutionary morality
and disintegrate revolutionary discipline. To resist the corrosion of
capitalist and reactionary culture is necessary in order to safeguard and
develop the basic economic and political system of socialism and build
socialist spiritual civilization and enable people to have ideals, morality,
culture and to observe discipline.
In our socialist society, the system of exploitation no longer exists. In
the means of production, public ownership has replaced private ownership.
We have attained the principle of distribution according to work and the
fundamental interests of the whole people coincide. This determines that
our people can increasingly form common revolutionary ideals, morality and
discipline and consciously develop culture in the whole society. But this
does not mean that the establishment of the basic economic and political
system of socialism will enable the whole society and every member of
society to spontaneously have such common revolutionary ideals, morality
and discipline and spontaneously maintain it forever. In order to enable
more and more members of society to become laborers with ideals, morality,
culture and who observe discipline, we must. consciously carry out a series
of painstaking and untiring efforts when confronting new conditions and
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problems emerging at any time. We must clarify muddled ideas and erroneous
understanding of some people in their ideals, morality, discipline and
culture.
/It is necessary to understand the relationship between adhering to com-
munist ideals and morality and carrying out the present economic policy./
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, we have
adopted the policy of opening to the outside world and enlivening the
domestic economy. Facts have proved that by carrying out this policy, we
have achieved marked results in vigorously developing our national economy.
We must fully affirm this achievement. But, we must also be fully aware
that "opening" and "enlivening" has put forward a new question on adhering
to the education of communist ideals and morality. For example, some
people say: "Idealism is vague and remote; it is better to be practical!"
To these people, preaching idealism is but empty words; it is not as good
as having benefits, such as bonuses, housing and furniture. Is communism
remote and an empty thing? As a social system, the complete realization of
communism is, of course, a future matter. But as a movement, it started
long ago with the founding of our party and the consequent new democratic
revolution carried out throughout the nation. At present, we have developed
to the initial stage of communism--socialist society. The work and life of
each of us are closely related with the gradual realization of communist
ideal. From this point of view, communism is not a vague and remote thing
that is within sight but beyond reach, but closely linked with the destiny
of each family and individual. With regard to "benefit," we certainly do,
not reject personal benefit. We have always stressed giving consideration
to the state, collective and individual. But here we have a problem of how
to correctly put in the relationship between present and future, individual
and society, and the state, collective and individual. If we reject com-
munist ideals and engage in "everything for the purpose of money," advocate
the so-called "people die for wealth, and birds die for food" and infuse
our minds with egoism, then we will lose our ability to resist sugar-
coated bullets, confuse our objective and forfeit our revolutionary will
and fighting strength; all kinds of unhealthy tendencies and dishonest
practices will expand and the phenomena that only existed in the old society
will be revived. In this way, the whole society forfeits its revolutionary
vigor and vitality. How then can we guarantee the socialist orientation in
the building of modernization?
Our present economic policy, formulated and executed under the guidance of
communist ideals and world outlook, is a concrete step and measure for
attaining the great objective of communism. These two do not contradict
but complement each other. We should neither immediately implement policy
for the higher stage of communism, just because we practice the communist
ideological system, nor abandon communist ideological education because we
are implementing the present economic policy.
/It is necessary to correctly handle the relations,-.between discipline and
creativity./ With regard to enhancing discipline, some people think that it
binds people's creativity and is incompatible with people's initiative and
enthusiasm. Marxism holds that man's creativity and discipline are closely
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connected--"perfect when both combine and suffer when both depart." It is
inevitable for man living in a certain society to have this or that kind of
social relationship with other people. In the course of changing the
objective world, if a man needs freedom to exert his initiative and
creativity, there must be certain bounds for his words and deeds; that is#
there must be certain discipline to restrict any improper freedom. Other-
wise, people's social activities will not be ensured, their genuine
creativity and initiative cannot be fully exerted or may even be offset
and strangled. Discipline exists in every social system. It has different
nature and conditions in different social systems. Just as Lenin said:
Any new social system requires a new relationship and discipline between
men. From the beginning of the socialist revolution, discipline should be
built on a new basis. This is a discipline of comradeship, of each
respecting the other and of exerting initiative and creativity in the
midst of struggle. Some people feel it difficult to understand the prac-
tice of regarding revolutionary discipline as the main content of socialist
spiritual civilization. In fact, the realization of revolutionary ideals
requires that the potential wisdom and capability of the people be tapped
to the greatest extent and that their initiative, creativity and devoted
spirit be brought into full play. It will be impossible to attain the
grand objective of communism without this initiative and creativity, which
is guaranteed by organizational discipline. Therefore, whether our sense
of discipline is firm or not is an important part in judging a man's
spiritual mood; and whether our social discipline is strict or not is
another important aspect in measuring the state of spiritual civilization
of a society.
Socialism is a movement that advances toward communism. This movement can-
not be conducted by merely increasing material wealth. We must concentrate
forces in developing socialist economy and do a good job in the building of
material civilization. But we cannot set sights only on material and not
on man. In the final analysis, the purpose for developing our socialist
economy is for man and not material. It is absolutely true that material
wealth can make people happy, but it can also degenerate them. The crux of
the matter is to'do a good job in building socialist spiritual civilization
and make great efforts to enable our people to have ideals, morality,
culture and to observe discipline. This is a lofty task. All our party
members, league members, advanced elements and members of society must
consciously shoulder this historical task. Let us start now and from our-
self and influence and lead the people aroud us to make the greatest efforts
in building a high level of socialist spiritual civilization.
CSO: 4004/6
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EXCERPTS FROM SPEECHES AT A FORUM ON STUDYING THE DOCUMENTS OF THE 12TH CPC
NATIONAL CONGRESS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 16-28
[Text] Editor's note: On 24 and 25 September, our
journal invited some comrades of the theoretical,
scientific, educational and literary and artistic
circles to a forum on studying the documents of the
12th CPC National Congress. From this issue on, we
will publish excerpts of the speeches by the parti-
cipants. This issue will conclude all speeches by
the comrades of the economic circle.
Lu Jiaxi [4151 0857 6932]: "Strengthen Unity and Coordination, Do a Good
Job in Scientific Research"
The socialist scientific cause is an important component part of socialist
spiritual civilization. Development of our scientific, cultural and other
causes will not only greatly help along the building of socialist material
civilization, but will also remarkably enhance auralevel of. spiritual
civilization. Therefore, every person working in our scientific research
departments is a builder of the socialist spiritual civilization.
How to more strongly push ahead the scientific cause under the socialist
system? To achieve this, we can only depend on our superior socialist
system and our socialist consciousness. We must unite as one, share work
and cooperate with one another under the unified leadership of the party,
thus giving full play to our efficiency with our limited manpower and
material resources.
Now, our number one headache is the disputes over trifles among our com-
rades and the practices of shirking responsibility, pushing it onto one
another. This is an obstacle to the realization of our common goal and a
negative factor which goes against communist ideology. In the case of the
Chinese Academy of Sciences, endless haggling and shifts of responsibility
are'reflected in two areas, concerning external and internal relations,
respectively.
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Let us deal with the external relations first. Everyone knows that our
country's professional scientific research contingent is composed of five
different sectors--industry, national defense, local scientific research
bodies, institutes of higher learning and the Chinese Academy of Sciences.
In the 1950's, these five sectors had cooperated well. At that time, with
Premier Zhou as our chief commander, Chairman Mao as our pilot who devised
strategies in light of the overall situation, and Comrades Chen Yi and Nie
Rongzhen as our direct leaders, successively, all of us worked with one
heart and one mind and achieved great successes. Why could we quickly
reap remarkable results in tackling the grand project of "A bomb, H bomb
and satellite" in the early 1960's? I think that this was mainly because
all of us had united and pooled our efforts under a common aim instead of
disputing over trifles and pushing responsibility onto one another, thus
dispersing our force. This was really a good lesson which deserves to be
learned. However, the "Great Cultural Revolution" destroyed this trend
of unity and coordination. Today, when we are making our efforts to
create a new situation in all fields of socialist modernization, we should
try our best to resume the fine style which was prevalent at that time.
Ownership by the department.. cannot be adopted in scientific research. A
single department or unit, for example, a scientific research unit or an
educational unit or any other department, cannot possibly do the whole job
ranging from basic theoretical studies to application, popularization and
mass production of research results. Only when the five sectors make con-
certed efforts can each individual, each department and each system effec-
tively play its own role in the collective division of work and thus over=
come difficulties one after another. If we do nothing about the practice
of endless haggling and shifts of responsibility and retain ownership by
department, we can hardly achieve anything in our scientific research. I
truly found that in order to solve this problem, we must strengthen the
building of socialist spiritual civilization in our contingent. And, first
of all, our comrades who are holding leading posts should arm themselves
with communist ideology. Although we are facing problems concerning the
system and some defects existing in the working system and regulations, in
specific policies and in other fields, we should not blame all problems on
the system. Without the guidance of a good ideology, even a good system
can hardly work. Although we oppose the tendency to effect the transition
to communism prematurely, we should still always advocate communist style,
communist morality and communist ideology.
Now, let us talk about the internal relations. In a meeting, Comrade Hu.
Yaobang said: The Academy of Sciences should mainly be run by you scien-
tists. All of you should pool your efforts. This is a problem which really
deserves attention. According to my understanding, such joint efforts
concern several aspects, namely, technical research, professional work
management, administration, party work and ideological and political work.
If all these works do not center around a common aim and are carried out
separately, the practice of disputing over trifles and pushing responsi-
bility onto one another will prevail. Of course, these aspects are differ-
ent from one another in terms of the division of work, their specializations
and the importance of their roles; and these are differences between
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I
individuals in their ability. This is a normal phenomenon. However, all
departments and all individuals have a common goal, a common ideal and a
common guiding ideology, and all our works center around a common key link.
It is this common faith that links us together to fight for victory. I
think that in order to solve the problem of disputing over trifles and
shirking responsibility, all of us must first strive for our common goal
and arrange our work around the central task; second, we must courageously
shoulder heavy loads and tackle key problems, or willingly play minor roles
to assist main roles to complete key tasks; and third, we must respect,
support and help one another. In brief, one of the principal roles of our
ideological and political work is to function as the bond among our com-
rades and a catalyst in our cause.
Peng Peiyun [1756 3805 0061]: "Education Is an Essential Prerequisite for
Building Material and Spiritual Civilization"
It was pointed out in the report to the 12th CPC Congress that education
and science are key points of strategic importance in economic development
as well as an important aspect of socialist spiritual civilization. This
was the first time in our party's history that such importance was attached
to education. We comrades working on the front of educational work, warmly
hail. the correct program laid down by the 12th congress and are determined
to strive to create a new situation in the educational cause.
In the last few years, more and more comrades have acknowledged the position
and the role of education in socialist modernization. So far, however,
some'comrades still attach importance to economic work alone while overlook-
ing education, or just schedule educational development behind economic
development. They do not know that although educational development is
restrained by economy, education may, in its turn, have a tremendous reac-
tion on economic development. From a long-term point of view, the success
or failure of education will have an important bearing on the overall situa-
tion of the socialist modernization construction and on our nation's future.
Unaware of this, we will inevitably commit historical mistakes. The report
to the 12th CPC Congress stated: "The key link to the four modernizations
rests on the modernization of science and technology." And education is the
foundation for the cultivation of scientific and technical personnel. In
order to develop the economy and improve economic returns, we need an
adequate number of skilled workers, scientific and technical personnel and
administrative staff with socialist consciousness. And, in order to build
the socialist spiritual civilization, we need a massive contingent of
intellectuals. All these rely on the popularization and enhancement of
education. Today, in investing "expenditures" in education, we are just
aiming at cultivating a labor force of high quality, so that this force
will be able to play a greater part in production in the future. As the
most fundamental capital construction of a country, education needs a long
turnover cycle. Therefore, it must go ahead of other undertakings in our
socialist construction and prepare a reserve of qualified personnel during
the first 10 years for a new economic restoration in the next 10 years.
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The report to the 12th CPC Congress pointed out that the popularization of
education is the essential prerequisite for building material and spiritual
civilization. This statement touches the core of the problem. To raise
the Scientific and cultural standards of our whole nation, we must start
with primary education. As long as primary education is not popularized,
new illiterates will keep on emerging. If the quality of primary education
fails to improve, the quality of secondary and higher education will
inevitably be affected, and thus a vicious circle within the educational
field will take shape. As the popularization of education is a "matter of
prime importance" which has a direct effect on the destiny of the whole
nation, it must be dealt with conscientiously.
In order to adapt to and serve economic construction more effectively, our
educational work must undergo readjustment and reform step by step and in a
planned way, and a. socialist educational system with Chinese features must
be gradually established. We are now planning to concentrate our efforts
for a while on educational work in rural areas. Our country has a popula-
tion of 1 billion, of which 800 million are living in rural areas. Since
agriculture will be the strategic key point of economic development in the
next 20 years, how to adapt educational work in rural areas to the needs of
rural socialist construction and cultivate a new generation of peasants
with socialist consciousness, culture and production skills is a very
important problem which badly needs to be solved. In the past, we did not
pay enough attention to the studies of educational work in rural areas.
This is a shortcoming which should be overcome. At present, our major task
is to vigorously popularize primary education and carry out structural
reform of secondary education. The student recruitment system and the
graduates distribution system in those institutes of higher learning and
secondary technical schools which mainly aim at meeting the needs of rural
areas should also be reformed, so that students from rural areas can find
their way back to their hometowns.
The readjustment and reform of higher education involve very arduous tasks
and very complicated problems. We are considering concentrating our efforts
on the following matters: working out the plan for cultivating qualified
personnel, and readjusting various proportions so as to adapt to the needs
of the economic and social development; setting up different systems of and
various requirements for higher education, adopting different forms of
running schools, actively developing unconventional educational forms such
as television schools, broadcasting schools, correspondence schools and so
on; reorganizing liberal education so that it can help better in economic
construction, political work and the building of spiritual civilization
and can provide a contingent of revolutionary, young, educated and profes-
sionally competent cadres.
All schools of various categories at various levels throughout the country
must further improve their teaching quality and adhere to the principle of
all-round development in moral, intellectual and physical education. We
must, particularly at present, emphasize educating the vast number of
students with communist ideology so as to enable them to resist the corro-
sion of bourgeois ideology, see through erroneous ideas of every description
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and thus.grow into a new generation of communists in the new situation when
the policy of opening the door to the outside world and enlivening the
economy at home is being carried out. We educational workers must fully
realize that we are shouldering an especially glorious and important
mission of providing youngsters with communist ideological education and
that, being both Red and expert, we must impart knowledge as well as
educate people.
In order to create a new situation in educational work, we must also
enhance our revolutionary vigor, improve our efficiency, go deep into the
reality of life and work in a down-to-earth manner. At the same time, we
hope that the party and government leading comrades of various departments
in various places can put educational work on the important agenda, just as
they have done with agriculture, energy production and communications, and
seriously investigate and solve various problems existing in education work.
At present, they should particularly assist in reorganizing the leading
bodies of the educational system; select those "experts" who are enthusiastic
about and are familiar with educational work, to hold the leading posts;
try every means to increase educational funds and improve the conditions of
schools; further implement the policy toward intellectuals, enhance the
social status of teachers and improve their living and working conditions
so as to more effectively mobilize the initiative of the vast number of
teaching and administrative staff. Since our country's educational cause
is large in scale, and since the state cannot take care of everything, we
have to mobilize the whole society to engage in the job. At the same time,
we must work out the relevant principles and policies and some basic rules
and regulations so as to ensure that all areas of society can play more
active roles under the unified planning of the state.
Zhang Guanghou [1728 1684 0624]: "Cultivate Scientific and Technical
Personnel With Communist Ideology"
In his report to the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang set the building
of a high degree of socialist spiritual civilization as a strategic guide-
line for socialist construction. This was a very correct and necessary
decision. Here I would like to talk about my understanding of the building
of socialist spiritual civilization from the viewpoint of the cultivation of
qualified personnel.
The key to the four modernizations is modernization in science and tech-
nology. To fulfill this task, we need to cultivate a vast number of
scientific and technical personnel. I am a researcher in basic mathematical
theories. Is it enough for me to just do a good job in my own field? In
view of the course of struggle of some accomplished mathematicians and my
own experience, I truly realize that one's accomplishments are the fruits
of many factors. These factors can be generally classified into three
aspects, namely, moral, intellectual and physical education. I am not
going to talk about the role of physical education here. As far as morality
and intelligence are concerned, all our accomplished predecessors were not
only equipped with an enviable and rich store of knowledge, but also with
moral integrity, which is worth being followed. In fact, it was the latter
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which enabled them to build their rich store of knowledge and to make great
contributions. It is one-sided or even wrong to simply attribute their
achievements to chance and their gifts such as intelligence, talent and
luck. Take me as an example. Is it simply because I have had a rather
solid foundation in mathematics that I have been able to engage in mathe-
matic studies and thus have achieved certain successes? The answer is no.
I was born into a worker's family and led a very poor life in the old
society. I began to work as a child laborer in the Kailuan coal mine when
I was .8 or 9 years old. At that time, I never thought about or, to put it
bluntly, could not possibly think about studying mathematics. My highest
goal at that time was nothing more than to become a technical worker in the
coal mine. However, my poor living in the old society led to my hard-
working spirit and tenacious character. After liberation, I had the
opportunity to go to junior secondary school. Although I began to be inter-
ested in mathematics then, I did not think about taking mathematic studies
as my career. I had only an idea in my mind: I am determined to devote my
life to the party's revolutionary cause under the party's guidance; I will
do anything with which the party entrusts me. It was at that time that I
laid down a solid foundation in politics and began to link my destiny with
the party's cause. Only when I went to senior secondary school did I make
up my mind to devote my life to mathematics research for my motherland.
But, on the other hand, I was also prepared to respond at any time to any
call of the party. I think that it was during the above three periods when
I laid foundations in various aspects. One's path is by no means smooth.
Mishandling at a single link may have serious effects on one's lifetime
cause. When the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques were
running amok, I bore pressure in my academic research due to the unfavorable
political climate, as well as having faced seriously difficult working and
living conditions. The spiritual support which spurred me to carry on
scientific studies was the communist ideal. I understand that the party
has paid very much for cultivating me. So, I must not spend the people's
money freely and just let my life slip idly by. My own course of growth is
a'good example to demonstrate the important role of socialist spiritual
civilization in the cultivation of a qualified person. In order to become
a qualified person in the field of science and technology, one has to
devote considerable effort to strengthening scientific and technological
studies as well as improving political understanding.
No matter what career in which we are engaging, the ideology guiding our
work must be nothing other than communism. Personal fame and gain., for
example, can be an effective incentive to temporarily push one to work hard
in scientific and technological. fields. However, the effect of such an
incentive cannot be sustained and is limited or even dangerous. There are
numerous examples to illustrate the bitter experiences in this respect.
Because the socialist system has been founded and developed in our society
under the communist ideological system, any nonproletarian ideology existing
in our minds can actually conflict with reality. If we uphold these wrong
things instead of overcoming them with communist spirit, we will surely run
into snags and be foiled everywhere. Thus, we will not only take to evil
ways politically, but will also be utterly disheartened since we will always
suffer setbacks. Only by arming ourselves with communist ideology can we
ever,-keep our revolutionary spirit young.
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Li Yanjie [2621 3601 2638]: "Educate the New Communist Generation in
Proletarian Love"
To build a high level of socialist spiritual civilization is a common task
of the whole party and all the people of the country. Teachers should be
active propagandists of spiritual civilization and communist teachers
should be more active and spontaneous propagandists because, first of all,
we are communists and, second, teachers. A teacher should possess the
morality of a teacher and love his pupils and teach them knowledge and
cultivate them, that is to say, he should cultivate a new communist gen-
eration with proletarian love and get them to understand that the glorious
cause is to liberate all mankind and that the best ideology is to fight all
his life for the cause of communism.
A communist teacher should not take teaching as a means for making his
living. He is a builder of spiritual civilization devoted to the cause of
communism. Having this understanding, he will perceive the sense of
responsibility and will not only sit in his study writing books or teaching
in the classroom, but will also be deeply rooted among the youth, attaching
importance to their healthy growth. As I told the life stories of Lu Xun
and Wen Yiduo, I was frequently moved by their spirit of selflessness in
the educational cause. They were illuminating, like a burning candle, the
road to advance for youth. They could do it in the old society, which was
an abyss of darkness, but why can we not do it in the socialist society?
I am determined to take them as examples and strive to do more work for the
people. At present, apart from teaching in the classroom, I make public
reports for the youth in order to make close contact with the young people
and to absorb political nourishment from them.
In recent years, I have received several hundred youths who came to visit me
and 7,000 letters from them. Through these contacts and correspondence, I
have come to realize that although their hearts were heavily broken during
the 10 years of turmoil, they are never demoralized and most of them are
willing to follow the party and are ready to accept ideological education
in communism. Actually, the splendor of communist thought is shining among
the advanced youth. For instance, Zhang Jun from Shaanxi, only 19 years of
age, seeing a powder magazine burst into flames, rushed to the fire on four
occasions within 5-6 minutes and saved 86 bags of detonating powder. Feng
Jianhu, a telephone office worker from the railway department, is 20 years
old. One day, as he was working beside the railway, he suddenly discovered
a small girl picking out unburned coal from among cinders along the track.
.Meanwhile, a train was rapidly approaching the girl and was only 40 meters
away. At this critical moment, he raced against the train, took the child
in his arms and came rolling away from the track together with her. Thus,
a life was saved from the jaws of death. People consider him a figure like
Ou Yanghai.
Chinese youth possess revolutionary tradition. In particular, since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, encouraging change has
taken place in the political ideology among the youth. Perplexed at the 10
years of internal disorder, they have woken up and after pondering thiings'and
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making comparisons, have come, to realize that the CPC is great and have
strengthened their ideal and faith in communism. While some people have
lost confidence in the rectification of bad party style, there is a student
of 18, full of enthusiasm of fighting for communism, who joined the CPC.
He expressed in unequivocal terms: "I join the party because vice still
exists in the world. Why would we need the party if the whole world were
bright?" This is the "fresh blood of the party body," the new and healthy
force that is capable of waging uncompromising struggles against vice in the
party.
As teachers and gardeners devoted to cultivating the new communist genera-
tion, we should try by every possible means to contact the youth and be
their bosom friends; the common things existing between them; educate them
by having a definite object in view; discover their positive factors and
encourage them to advance. In the past few years, in connection with
teaching classical literature, "making the past serve the present," I have
inserted moral education in intellectual and aesthetic education. I strive
to adopt the method of "what is taken from the youth is used in the interest
of the youth." I cite the advanced deeds of the youth to compile books, to
make reports and to encourage the youth in the school and in society to
learn from each other.
We should hold high the banner of the 12th CPC National Congress and unite
more comrades with the view of doing a good ideological job for the youth.
Recently, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions and the Beijing Municipal
CYL Committee organized youth friendship training courses, and I am respon-
sible for art education. More than 100 propagandists from Beijing and other
localities of the country joined these two training groups. Since the
study, all of us have made certain improvements ideologically, theoretically
and in the art of lecturing. There is a big number of socialist civiliza-
tion building lecturers who will become friends of the youth and are to be
welcomed by them. We are also going to run well self-study universities
under the party so that the present 250,000 students in training courses
will become more socialist-minded and professionally proficient and more
active builders of socialist spiritual civilization.
Xu Xing [1776 5429]: "Building Socialist Spiritual Civilization Corresponds
to the Desire of the Party and People"
We are'studying the 12th CPC Congress documents. In the study, I profoundly
perceive that politically and theoretically, the party Central Committee has
thoroughly discussed the significance, role, content and key point of
building socialist spiritual civilization and the important measures for
promoting the building of socialist spiritual civilization. This has made
our minds clearer and our vision broader. Now, I initially review my study
experiences in the following three points:
1.. Comrade Hu Yaobang clearly pointed out in his report to the 12th CPC
National Congress: "Socialist spiritual civilization is an important
characteristic of socialism and an important manifestation of the superiority
of the socialist system." I think that these two phrases can be considered
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as a key point of important significance for building socialist spiritual
civilization. The expositions on building socialist spiritual civilization
by the party Central Committee have enriched the theory of scientific
socialism and have defined the core of communist ideology for socialist
spiritual civilization. The elimination of the system of exploitation and
the establishment of the public ownership system for the means of produc-
tion, distribution according to work, the development of national economy
according to plan and proportion and the political power of the working
class and laboring people are the characteristics of socialism. This
enables us to have an all-round and complete knowledge. It can be consid-
ered that only by completely and thoroughly understanding socialism can we
be able to comprehend socialism, socialist spiritual civilization and the
strategic significance of building a high level of socialist spiritual
civilization in the socialist cause. It is impossible to develop socialism
without this spiritual civilization.
2. The strategic policy posed by the party Central Committee on simultane-
ously building material civilization and socialist spiritual civilization
corresponds to the desire and demand of the people as well as to the law
of socialist development. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central
Committee, the party Central Committed. has led the people of the country to
bring order out of chaos and has carried out a key change in the focus of
party work. This has provided-the pepple with .a definite orientation, goal,
ideal and spiritual power and has aroused the people's enthusiasm and
knowledge for creating a new life in the building of socialism. Many
advanced figures are seen in all fields. They are characterized by their
firm faith in the cause of communism or their spirit of devoting themselves
to it, their patriotic and collective spirit of socialism, their communist
spirit of sacrificing their own interests for the sake of others; they are
so devoted to public service as to forget their own interests, attaching
great importance to the public interest and protecting public ownership.
This advanced ideology actually exists in our daily life and vigorously
affects and changes the concept and spirit of the people, and brings
along the whole society. Numerous facts have proved that the building of
socialist spiritual civilization accords with the desire of the party and
people and is in line with the trend of history.
3. Now, our present task is to earnestly follow the orientation and track
provided by the Central Committee and to carry forward more effectively the
socialist spiritual civilization cause (including ideological and cultural
undertakings) in accordance with the measures and demands put forward by.
the 'Central Committee. In this glorious undertaking, we propagandists,
theoretical workers, educational workers, scientific workers, literary and
art workers, journalists and publishing workers are shouldering very impor-
tant tasks. Under the leadership of the Central Committee, we should con-
scientiously study the relations between the building of socialist spiritual
civilization and the job of our departments, make clear the demands put to
us by the spiritual civilization and understand how we can further improve
our work, in accordance with the characteristics existing in the job of our
department, in order to make due contributions to socialist spiritual
civilization and to effectively avoid the unfavorable factors in socialist
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spiritual civilization which might emerge in work, and to resist the corro-
sive influence of decadent factors. Only thus will we have clearer ideas
and under the unified plan of the party, make continuous efforts and strive
to cultivate more members of society by converting them into laborers with
ideals, morality, culture and discipline.
Luo Guojie [5012 0948 2638]: "Strengthen Education in Communist Morality"
The report of the 12th CPC Central Committee says that communist ideology
is the core of socialist spiritual civilization. Education in communist
morality will play an important role in the building of socialist spiritual
civilization. Under socialist conditions, communist morality is the
spiritual link for establishing new relations between the people. Communist
morality generally comprises five universal points of significance and the
most important standards. First, to wholeheartedly serve the people, that
is, to ardently love the people, attach great importance to the people and
proceed in all cases from the interests of the people. Second, the com-
munist attitude toward labor urges all laborers to take labor as a glorious
task of a citizen and to observe labor discipline in order to make more
contributions to socialist construction. Third, to protect public property
and to acquire the socialist concept of public property as sacred and
inviolable. Fourth, to adhere to science and the truth, to urge people to
study hard, to acquire scientific theory and to persist in the truth and to
develop it in practice. Finally, to uphold socialist patriotism and inter-
nationalism. It urges people to protect the national dignity and national
interest, and to link the national. interest with the general interests of
the whole of mankind. These several standards are indispensable to com-
munist morality.
We stress communist moral education because it is linked to the remolding
of people's ideology under socialist conditions. While building socialism,
we must constantly improve people's material living standards and, at the
same time, we should make our new generation people with ideals, morals,
culture and discipline. Only thus can we guarantee that socialist con-
struction will not lose its way. The building of material civilization is
.an indispensable basis for the creation of spiritual civilization, but on
no account must we consider that the building of spiritual civilization is
of little importance. Practical life will constantly and clearly show that
if the people do not remold their ideology and cultivate lofty communist
morality, it is entirely impossible to develop socialist modernization and
to advance along the track toward a high level of communism.
The undertaking of communist moral 'education must be integrated with the
practical problems that people are facing in their work, study and labor,
and they must be patiently and painstakingly inspired and guided.. Only
thus'can sympathy for communist morality be aroused in the hearts of the
people and can they understand the importance of heightening their morality,
so that an increasing number of members of society can conscientiously bring
their deeds in line with communist morality.
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Zhou Taihe [0719 1132 0735]: "Strengthen and Perfect the Economic Respon-
sibility System"
In his opening speech at the 12th CPC National Congress, Comrade Deng
Xiaoping called on the whole party,: for a time to come, four tasks have to
be tightly grasped, and the reform of organs and economic systems must be
considered as an important task. The reform of the enterprise administra-
tive system comprises an important part of the whole system reform. In
order to arouse the initiative of enterprises and laborers, the system of
job responsibility must be implemented in management and administration in
state-owned and collective enterprises. In recent years, while imple-
menting the eight character policy of national economic readjustment,
restructuring, reorganization and upgrading, the economic responsibility
system which has been carried out by the industrial enterprises in respon-
sibility, power and profit, has achieved some results by enhancing the
initiative of the enterprises, improving them and raising economic returns.
In order to strengthen and perfect it, we hold that at present, the
following questions have to be resolved:
1. The enterprises which are implementing the economic responsibility
system must, first of all, strengthen planning and administration, must be
responsible for the plan provided by the state and must run well the busi-
ness of the enterprises in accordance with the requirements of the state's
plan, Therefore, leading cadres of the enterprises have to acquire economic
knowledge, know how to plan and to run the business, first be responsible
for running the enterprises well and strive to achieve the best economic
returns. Our national economy puts planned economy in the.leading role.
Enterprises, as grassroots units of economic activity, must completely ful-
fill the state's plan. Therefore, enterprises must convert the state's plan
into their own plan, putting it in the light of their own practical condi-
tions. Only by planning production will we be able to run our businesses
well.. At the same time, we must also implement the complete plan down to
every post at all levels and to every person. That is to say, we must
strictly carry out the economic responsibility system. How can we run an
enterprise if we entirely depend on the state, do not assume responsibility
for the profit acid loss or do not stress economic returns? We should employ
those who know how to plan and run the enterprises or are specialized in
taking "strategic problems" into account. Raw material and fuel sources
and product sales volume must also be taken into full account. Naturally,
it is impossible to make all decisions by the enterprise in planned economy;
it is important that the leading cadres of the enterprise understand the
state's economic situation and gain a clear idea of the state's plan and
market development and hold themselves responsible to the state. In the
fall of last year, Comrade Zhao Ziyang pointed out that in order to imple-
ment well the economic responsibility system, it is important to combine
the implementation of the economic responsibility system with the strengthen-
ing of planning and administration so that the enterprises will be able to
operate in the light of the state's plan and the demands of society. The
most important experience acquired by the Shoudu Iron and Steel Company in
implementing the economic responsibility system is that it arranges produc-
tion in accordance with the state's plan and requirement, every level
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assumes responsibility, and each of them is responsible for the task until
it is completed and pledges to fulfill the state plan in an all-round way.
The economic administration departments must also be economically responsi-
ble to the state and must assume responsibility for fulfilling state plans.
2. Enterprises should have a certain decisionmaking power. Such power
must be given to the enterprise so that it may have initiative in running
its administration well and may fully bring this initiative into play.
Since 1979, we have expanded decisionmaking power in some pilot project
enterprises, enabling them to have power in marketing some products, in
utilizing retained profits, in issuing bonuses, in appointing and removing
cadres at middle level and so on. This has increased vigor in the enter-
prises and revived them. In 1981, we implemented the economic responsibil-
ity system by setting profit quotas for enterprises and adopting measures
of reward linked to profits to the staff members and workers. All locali-
ties have adopted various forms of retention of profits and reward in the
light of their own conditions. This has further aroused the initiative of
the enterprises and workers and improved the administration and management
of the enterprises. In the future, following the process of administration
system reform, the decisionmaking power of enterprises will be continually
practiced and developed. For instance, marketing power to some extent is'
to be given to the enterprise and a system of good price for good quality'
will be imposed. This will serve to closely link production and marketing,
to improve quality, to expand the market and to raise the social economic
returns.
3. Implement the principle of distribution according to work. The
egalitarianism existing in distribution has for years seriously affected
the initiative of staff members and workers. The implementation of the
economic responsibility system and the principle of material interest has
partially eliminated the evils of egalitarianism inherent in wages over a
long period of time. A bonus principally comprises reward in excess of
labor'quota. Before the reform of wages is completed in an all-round way,
the division of bonuses into categories serves to adhere to the principle
of distribution according to labor. Why is the economic system of labor
responsibility well received~by the people? One of the most important
factors is that people urge the implementation of the principle of distribu-
tion according to work. If the total amount of bonuses must be put under
control and distribution according to labor must be handled well, what is to
be done? According to some units' experiences, bonuses should not be leveled
out among units and the distribution of bonuses for individuals might have
to be increased or decreased.
As regards distribution of profits for enterprises, the relations between
the state, the enterprise and the laborer should be handled correctly. In
order to guarantee that the state can concentrate financial resources for
energy, communications and other construction, the principle of turning
over a greater proportion to the state should be implemented in the distri-
bution of profits. In the distribution of the three retained funds in the
enterprises, a rational proportion between production funds, welfare funds
and staff and workers' bonuses should be stipulated in the light of the
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enterprises' specific conditions. A considerable amount. of production
funds should be ensured so that the enterprises can constantly improve
their technology and tap their potentials.
4. Conduct enterprises' readjustment in an all-round way and simultane-
ously carry out necessary reform. The economic responsibility system
should be stressed at all levels, from the leading organs to the enter-
prises. Only by completing enterprise readjustment and all basic tasks
will the economic responsibility system be stabilized and gradually per-
fected. At the same time, the necessary reforms indispensable to com-
pleting the economic responsibility system should be vigorously experimented
with at selected points or optionally arranged. Reform within an enterprise
should be linked with the reform of the entire industrial administration
system, and the relations between the part and the whole should be improved.
With the constant progress of production technology, they should be con-
stantly improved. A complete and specific system and measures must be
found and adopted to suit industrial characteristics, to further arouse
the initiative of the enterprises and staff members and workers and to
bring.about an overall upsurge in the socialist economy.
You Lin [2589 2651]: "Planned Economy Is a Basic Feature of Socialist
Economy"
The general program of the party constitution and Comrade Hu Yaobang's
report have reaffirmed that the socialist economy can and must develop in
a planned and proportionate way. They pointed out that it is absolutely
necessary for us to have a planned economy based on public ownership.
What is referred to as the planned economy is coordinated development of
social economy based on unified planning. Production is socialized under
the capitalist system. However, the means of production are still owned
by the capitalists individually. Therefore, an extremely acute contradic-
tion has occurred. Planned division of labor is practiced in the capitalist
enterprises, which is characterized by being well organized. However, the
production of the whole society, being dominated by the spontaneous divi-
sion of labor, is in a state of anarchy. Thus, the market has become the
only form of mutual contacts and the only regulator of production and
circulation. The spontaneous market regulation maintains the proportional
relationship needed for the development of capitalist economy, but this is
achieved through the frequent disruption of proportion and serious economic
upheavals and crises. The establishment of socialist public ownership has
made planned economy an objective requirement and opened the possibility
for its realization. The planned development of social economy shows that
social relations of production no longer rule people as an alien force.
They have become jointly owned and brought under the control of the
people working together. People's economic activities are no longer
prompted by an unknown force but are conducted according to schedule. This
constitutes a great leap in the history of mankind. Planned economy comes
into being on the basis of public ownership. It also shows, from an impor-
tant aspect, the nature of socialist production relations. Therefore, it is
entirely correct to regard the planned economy as a basic feature of
socialist economy.
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Some comrades have summarized the basic feature of socialist economy as the
commodity economy. This is open to doubt. Everybody knows that commodity
production and exchange have been in existence for thousands of years. They
are a common phenomenon of the widely different modes of social production.
Viewed from the general character of commodity production, they only reflect
a mutual relationship between commodity owners. They do not contain more
complicated relationships. The essence of capitalism cannot be summarized
as a commodity relationship. When criticizing the attempt of philistine
bourgeois economists to sum up the relationship between the interested
capitalist parties as a simple relationship brought about by the circula-
tion of commodities, Marx pointed out: "If we only know the abstract
categories of commodity circulation shared by these modes of production, we
are still unable to understand the different features of these modes of
production, nor are we able to make a judgment on these modes of production."
("Complete Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 23, p 133) This is because, in
the capitalist economy, the law of commodity ownership has been transformed
into one of capitalist ownership. It is all the more impossible to sum-
marize the essence of socialist economy as a commodity relationship. In
China, it is necessary to vigorously develop commodity production and
exchange. However, if we summarize our economy as a commodity economy, it
is necessary to regard all state enterprises as independent economic
entities possessing all the functions and competence of commodity producers
and owners; to regard, under socialist conditions, the most fundamental
relationship among people as one of exchange of commodity equivalents and
not one of joint ownership and labor; and to regard the factor controlling
our economic activities as being primarily the law of exchange at equal
value (which, in fact, is an exchange of equal labor) and not the basic
socialist economic law and the law; of planned development. This will
obscure the distinction between the socialist and capitalist economy.
Will it hamper the development of commodity production and exchange if we
do not summarize the socialist economy as a commodity economy? No, On
the contrary, it will help commodity production develop along the socialist
path. In "Questions of Soviet Socialist Economy," Stalin pointed out that
we should never regard commodity production as something which independently
exists without relying on the surrounding economic conditions and that com-
modity production exists in several different societies and serves differ-
ent social systems. In China, commodity production depends on the economy
of socialist public ownership, which develops in a planned way and in which
the state economy holds a dominant position. It serves the socialist
system. Only by clarifying this point is it possible for the developing
commodity production to become socialist commodity production beneficial
to socialism.
Sun Shangqing [1327 1424 3237]: "Step Up the Study of Economic Structure
for the Realization of Strategic Objectives"
The report to the 12th party congress pointed out that, in the period of
the Sixth Five-Year Plan, an important job to which we must devote our main
efforts is to continuously readjust the economic structure and, in the
period of the Seventh Five-Year Plan, to continuously complete the
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rationalization of the economic structure in various fields. Here, the
gradual rationalization of the economic structure has been put forward as
a very important task for laying a solid foundation and accumulating
strength in the first decade and for creating the necessary conditions for
a new period of vigorous development in the second. A rational economic
structure is an important condition for achieving better economic results
and faster speed of development. What is referred to as a rational
economic structure should be one which not only promotes current economic
development, but one which is also beneficial to future economic develop-
ment. It includes structures of both the productive forces and the pro-
duction relations. In order to ensure the realization of our strategic
objective, it is necessary to study well all these structures and raise
scientific proposals for these structures.
Rationalization of industrial structure is a basic condition for the pro-
portionate and coordinated development of the national economy. The report
to the 12th party congress has stipulated the strategic priorities of
economic growth such as agriculture, energy and transport and education
and science. It has not only set definite demands on the current readjust-
ment of economic structure, but has also shown clearly the orientation for
the rationalization of industrial structure in the next two decades. Our
task is, on the basis of major achievements scored in the readjustment of
industrial structure over. the past few years, to study the trend of future
changes in China's industrial structure and raise proposals for the indus-
trial structure in different stages of development so that the structures
of various departments, such as agriculture, light industry, heavy indus-
try, communications and transport, building industry, commerce and the
service trades, become the best structures for the realization of strategic
objectives. It is also necessary to penetratingly study product structure.
Quadrupling the gross annual value of industrial and agricultural produc-
tion is not tantamount to quadrupling the output of all products. It is
impossible to quadruple some products, such as energy and certain raw
materials. However, it is possible to increase the output of some other
products, such as machinery and electronics and petrochemical products, by
several, a dozen or even several dozen fold. Within a trade or profession,
the growth of various products will also differ in thousands of ways. This
makes it necessary to study proposals concerning product structure in order
to make sure that the development between the various departments or within
the department itself helps to improve the economic results of society.
The realization of strategic objectives should primarily depend on techno-
logical progress. It is necessary to study, in light of China's conditions
characterized by a huge labor force and a relatively low technological
level in production, proposals for China's technological structure so that
there is a rational ratio between automatic, semiautomatic, mechanized,
semimechanized and manual operations. It is also necessary to study changes
in the respective stages of development and to formulate scientific proposals
in coping with the situation in order to continuously raise, while expanding
employment, labor productivity and the technological level.
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When expounding the necessity of upholding the leading position of the
state economy and developing different economic forms, the report to the
12th party congress has also scientifically defined the various basic
principles for China's ownership structure. It has also called for the
rational distribution and development of different economic forms in order
to invigorate the urban and rural economy and to make life more convenient
for the people. This makes it necessary to set up a rational ownership
structure. Therefore, it is necessary to study proposals for the ownership
structure which conforms to the productive forces in different stages of
development in order to correctly bring into play its positive role in
promoting the development of production forces. Undoubtedly, this is also
an important subject facing economics.
The research task of economics is diversified. It is also extremely
strenuous. So long as we penetratingly study and correctly understand the
guidelines of the documents of the 12th party congress and implement them
in various research tasks, we will certainly be able to create a new situa-
tion in all fields of socialist modernization and make our contributions.
Liu Guoguang [0491 0948 0342]: "The Economic Program of the 12th Party
Congress Reflects the Requirement of the Objective Economic Law"
Now I would like to discuss with you, from the requirement of economic law,
my initial understanding of the guidelines of the economic program expounded
in the 12th party congress.
1. Let us look at this problem from the requirement of basic socialist
economic law. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Com-
mittee, our party, when formulating new economic principles and policies,
has placed the aim of socialist production in a very important position.
It was pointed out in the report to the 12th party congress that, on the
basis of quadrupling the gross annual output of industrial and agricultural
production, efforts should be made to increase the income of the urban and
rural population several times over so that the Chinese people will be
comparatively well-off both materially and culturally. The report
explicitly pointed out that the means to this end can only be the vigorous
development of production. The report also made important stipulations in
various fields, such as increasing production and practicing economy, the
accumulation and distribution of funds, key construction projects and
technological transformation. All these will help to meet the requirement
of basic socialist economic law in a relatively satisfactory manner.
2. Let us look at this problem from the requirement of the law of develop-
ing the economy in a planned and proportionate way. Lenin pointed out:
What is referred to as planning is a balance constantly and conscientiously
maintained. The report to the 12th party congress pointed out: "China has
a planned economy based on public ownership." That is to say, it is neces-
sary for China's economy to constantly and conscientiously maintain its
proportionate development. The economic program of the 12th party congress
has made important stipulations in two areas--the readjustment of ratio and
structure and the reform of planning. With respect to the readjustment of
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ratio and structure, the report pointed out that it is necessary to regard
agriculture, energy and transport and education and science as the strate-
gic priorities in China's economic growth in the next two decades and,
centering around the national economy, carry out readjustment and
rationalization of the various economic structures. With respect to plan-
ning reforms, the report pointed out that it is necessary to determine,
according to different circumstances, the limits and scope of the three
different forms of planning,'namely, mandatory planning, guidance planning
and regulation by market mechanism, and,. on the basis of strengthening
state unified planning and overall balance, continuously bring into play
the supplementary role of regulation by market mechanism. So long as we
succeed in establishing a scientific planning system which conforms to
China's conditions, we will be able to realize in a better way the require-
ment of the law of developing the economy in a planned and proportionate way.
3. Let us look at this problem from the requirement of the law that the
relations of production must conform to the nature of productive forces.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, our party
has, on the basis of upholding the leading position of the state economy,
encouraged and supported the urban and rural collective economy and the
individual economy within a certain limit and has allowed the coexistence
and development of different economic forms, thus promoting the prosperity
of urban and rural economy. The economic program of the 12th party congress
has affirmed this orientation, explicitly pointing out the necessity for
China to maintain different economic forms for a long time to come. It has
also more conscientiously applied the law of production relations conforming
to the nature of productive forces to the rational distribution and develop-
ment of different economic forms, with the state economy as the main body.
In addition to the different economic forms, the report to the 12th party
congress has also dealt with different forms of management and has set forth
the task of continuously achieving rationalization of organizational struc-
ture of enterprises. These policies and measures will certainly further
improve China's socialist relations of production and thus promote further
development of the productive forces.
4.' Let us look at this problem from the requirement of the law of value.
The report to the 12th party congress has further expounded the scope and
ways of functioning of the law of value. 1) The scope of the spontaneous
regulatory role of the law of value is limited to the production and
circulation of some products not listed in the plan. A complement to
planned production and circulation, it plays a subordinate and secondary
role but. is also essential and beneficial. 2) State planning consciously
utilizes the scope of functioning of the law of value, including the pro-
duction and circulation of products listed in the plan. But whether in
mandatory planning or in guidance planning, we should constantly study
changes in market supply and demand, and constantly make use of such
economic levels as pricing, taxation and credits to guide the enterprises
in fulfilling state plans. This part of the planned production and circu-
lation is the main body of China's national economy. All these are of
great importance to the implementation of the principle of ensuring the
leading role of planned economy, which is supplemented by regulation by
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market mechanism, and to the vigorous development of socialist commodity
production and exchange, thus bringing about an all-round upsurge of the
socialist economy.
Li Lhengzhong [2621 7201 0022]: "Uphold the Principle of Relying Mainly dtt
the Planned Economy and Supplementing It With Regulation by Market
Mechanism"
The principle of "relying mainly on the planned economy and supplementing
it with regulation by market mechanism" expounded in the report to the 12th
party congress is a scientific summing-up of the experience gained in
China's socialist construction in the past three decades and more. This
principle, which has satisfactorily integrated a strong sense of principle
with a high degree of flexibility in socialist economic management, should
be made an orientation for reforming China's economic management system.
A socialist society should practice the planned economy; it cannot do other-
wise. This is because the planned economy is the objective requirement of
mass production and the inevitable consequence of the supersession of
capitalist private ownership by socialist public ownership. Just as Lenin
said: "Socialism is inconceivable without planned state organization,
which keeps tens of millions of people to the strictest observance of a
unified standard in production and distribution." ("Selected Works of
Lenin," Vol 3, p 545) It was explicitly pointed out in the report to the
12th party congress that the planned and proportionate development of the
national economy is an important feature of socialism. This shows that in
upholding socialism, it is necessary to uphold the planned economy. We
should not confuse with the planned economy some imperfections or even some
shortcomings and mistakes in planning, still less should we negate the
planned economy because of this. Naturally, in order to uphold the planned
economy in a more satisfactory manner, it is necessary to strengthen and
improve management, raise the standard of planning and improve the system
and methods of management. Only in this way is it possible to bring into
full play the superiority of the planned economy.
The report to the 12th party congress listed three forms of planning:
mandatory planning, guidance planning and regulation by market mechanism
(that is, the enterprises flexibly arrange their production according to
changes in market supply and demand). These three forms are in fact the
crystallization of the principle of relying mainly on the planned economy
and supplementing it with regulation by market mechanism. The adoption of
the three planning forms conforms to China's reality and the distinguishing
features of socialist planned economy. In the present state of our country,
there are still two forms of public ownership, the state economy, which
occupies the leading position in the entire national economy, and the
collective economy of the working people. At the same time, there is also
the individual economy of urban and rural working people. Socialist com-
modity production and exchange still extensively exist. Mass production is
still uneven in different departments and localities. Under these circum-
stances, we cannot adopt a dingle planning form but should adopt the forms
of mandatory planning, guidance planning and regulation by market mechanism
according to different circumstances.
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The three forms are integrally related with one another and none of them
can be dispensed with. They have different status in the planning system.
Mandatory planning occupies a leading position. Only with the coordination
of mandatory planning can guidance planning and regulation by market
mechanism play their proper roles. However, the realization of mandatory
planning is inseparable from the coordination and supplementation of
guidance planning and regulation by market mechanism, particularly guidance
planning. This is because guidance planning has a fairly extensive scope
and also plays an important role in promoting the proportionate development
of the national economy.
The CPC Central Committee has stressed the implementation of mandatory
planning in a certain scope. This is not an expedient measure. I agree
with the view that mandatory planning is an important feature of the
planned economy. This view conforms with the Marxist principle of planned
economy. The planned economy calls for readjustment in the proportion of
social reproduction through the economic plans. It goes without saying that
these plans should be implemented by the leading economic bodies at various
levels and all the economic organizations. The national economic plan is
not a general appeal but a program of action for mobilizing a mighty force,
to realize the strategic tasks of the party and state for economic develop-
ment. If we do not have mandatory planning as well as its binding force,
we do not have a planned economy. Naturally, we do not mean that the
greater the scope of mandatory planning the better. The scope of mandatory
planning should be determined according to actual circumstances. At the
same time, in mandatory planning, we must also "strive to make it conform
to the objective reality, constantly study changes in market supply and
'demand, consciously make use of the law of value and such economic levers
as pricing, taxation and'credits to guide the enterprises in fulfilling
state plans, and give them varying degrees of powers to make decisions as
they see fit."
He Jianzhang [0149 1696 4545]: "Build a Socialist Economic System With
Chinese Characteristics"
In his opening speech to the 12th party congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said:
"To integrate the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of
China, blaze a path of our own and build socialism with Chinese characteris-
tics--this is the basic conclusion we have reached in summing up long,
historical experience." What characteristics does socialism with a Chinese
style have? In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
gave a general description of these characteristics. My impression is that,
viewed from the economic system, socialism with a Chinese style should com-
prise the following two aspects:
1. With respect to the structure of ownership, we should implement the
principle of maintaining, on the basis of the absolute predominance of
socialist public ownership, different economic forms for a long time to
come. Comrade Hu Yaobang said: "As the level of development of the produc-
tive forces in our country is on the whole still fairly low and uneven, it
is necessary to maintain different economic forms for a long time to come."
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Our lesson in the past was that we blindly sought "continued revolution"
in the relations of production, departing from the specific conditions in
the development of China's productive forces. After the socialist trans-
formation of the private ownership of the means of production was basically
completed, we were again busy undertaking a "poor transition" without so
much as summing up the experience, consolidating the gains in victory and
correcting the shortcomings in our work. By the time the "gang of four" was
smashed, in both cities and towns there was almost exclusive economy under
ownership by all the people; in the rural areas, there was nothing left
except the collective economy of the people's commune, which integrated
government administration with economic management. This practice was
divorced from China's national conditions and brought about serious conse-
quences. Since its third plenary session, the CPC Central Committee has
rectified this "leftist" guiding ideology, reaffirming that ownership by
the whole people and by the collective are two basic forms of socialist
public ownership. The socialist state sector occupies the leading position
in the entire national economy. It is necessary to vigorously develop the
collective economy, including the cooperatives financed and run by young
people and other residents. We must encourage the appropriate development
of the individual economy of urban and rural working people within limits
prescribed by the state and under supervision by industrial and commercial
administration. In agriculture and industrial and commercial enterprises,
it is necessary to set up and popularize various forms of the responsibility
system, including the system of responsibility for profit and/or loss in some
of the state enterprises. It is precisely due to the implementation of a
series of correct policies which conform to the development of China's
productive forces that the economy has been initially invigorated. This
has played a useful role in promoting urban and rural economy and in making
life more convenient for the people. At present, it is necessary to consoli-
date and improve the agricultural production responsibility system and
explore diverse and better forms of cooperative economy. It is necessary
to explore and formulate a set of specific systems and methods which con-
form to the characteristics of industry and commerce and which not only
ensure the unified leadership by the state but also bring into play the
initiative of enterprises and their staff and workers. With respect to
some problems that crop up in the course of developing the cooperative
economy financed and run collectively and the individual economy, we should
also make efforts to solve them and strengthen management over them.
2. With respect to the planning system, it is necessary to implement the
principle of "relying mainly on the planned economy and supplementing it
with regulation by market mechanism" and practice the method of integrating
mandatory planning with guidance planning and flexible arrangement of pro-
duction. Mandatory planning is aimed at enabling the state to directly
control and allocate the necessary material and financial resources for the
.planned and proportionate development of the national economy and the
stability of the people's livelihood. However, it is neither possible nor
necessary for the state (including the various departments and localities)
to assign mandatory targets'to various economic forms and several hundred
thousand enterprises for a great variety of products. At present, there
are only 140-odd kinds of industrial products administered by the State
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Planning Commission which, if we add the industrial products administered
by the various departments, come to about 500. There are more than 250
kinds of goods and materials for unified distribution by the State Planning
Commission and State Administration of Supplies and there are only about
580 kinds'of goods and materials administered by the various departments.
Therefore, in addition to mandatory targets, it is entirely. necessary to
have guidance targets and to allow enterprises to arrange their production
flexibly in accordance with market conditions. What merits further study
at present is the respective scope and limits of mandatory plans, guidance
plans and regulation by market mechanism. It is particularly necessary to
explore ways to implement them for various products and enterprises in vari-
ous departments and localities. It is necessary to draw up a system of
targets which is provided with a scientific basis and a list of products
for management at different levels. This is a very complicated and meticu-
lous job. Furthermore, the questions of how to effectively apply the
economic levers to realize the guidance plans and how to correctly effect
regulation by market mechanism are important subjects facing us.
CSO: 4004/6
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APPROPRIATELY POOL FUNDS TO STRENGTHEN CONSTRUCTION OF MAJOR PROJECTS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 29-33
[Article,by Gui Shiyong [2710 0013 6978]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang put
forward the magnificent goal of quadrupling the gross annual output value
in industry and agriculture by the end of this century. For the sake of
gradually realizing this goal, an important problem we must solve at
present is to concentrate the necessary funds on the construction of major
projects. This is an important measure for getting rid of the weak links
in the national economy and for ensuring the continued growth of socialist
production at the rate we have anticipated.
Appropriately concentrate funds to strengthen the construction of major
projects is the urgent demand of further strengthening economic readjust-
ment as well as the objective need of long-term economic development.
In recent years, we have carried out a series of major readjustments to the
national economy and the serious imbalance in the past in the proportion
between consumption and accumulation as well as between agriculture, light
industry and heavy industry'have become more or less basically coordinated.
However, the task of economic readjustment is by no means over, and there
are still many problems in the national economy which require solutions.
One'outstanding problem is that such basic facilities as energy and com-
munications are not in keeping with economic development. In recent years,
because of the restriction of all sorts of conditions, the development of
energy production has slowed down. However, the phenomenon of serious
,energy waste has not changed much. In the preceding 2 years, because some
heavy industrial enterprises did not have enough production tasks, a portion
of their energy was transferred to support the development of light industry.
Thus under the condition of no increase or even a slight decrease in the
total amount of energy supply, the whole economy still achieved a certain
rate of growth. This year, along with the quicker pick-up of heavy indus-
try, the energy shortage has worsened. At the same time, communications and
transportation capacities are very much out of line with the increase in
freight volume, a great deal of coal has piled up in the mining areas and
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cannot be shipped out, and the phenomenon of ships and cargoes laid up in
ports is rather serious. These conditions show that when there has been a
greater improvement in the proportion between consumption and accumulation
and between agriculture, light industry and heavy industry, the focus of
economic readjustment work should be shifted toward further solving the
problem of the internal structure of agriculture and industry and toward
coordinating the relations between energy and communications as well as
other departments and progressively alleviating the tense situation in
energy as well as communications and transportation. This requires us,
while at the same time progressively strengthening energy and communica-
tions. construction:and actively increasing the production and supply of
energy, to realistically and effectively develop and save energy.
Concentrating the necessary funds to carry forward the construction of
major projects is not only the demand of further carrying out economic
readjustment, but more importantly, it is the need of ensuring long-term
economic development. Proceeding from the historical experience of our
economic construction as well as actual social economic conditions, our
economic development henceforth should mainly rely on carrying forward
technical transformation, improving management and administration and
giving full play to the role of existing enterprises. We definitely.cannot,
as in the past, rely mainly on putting in huge investments to build large
numbers of new enterprises. We must not have the slightest doubt or vacil-
lation on this point. However, this definitely does not mean that we can
neglect the building of new enterprises or that we can underestimate the
important significance of the construction of new projects which are carry-
ing forward socialist modernization. Our rich natural resources are at
present poorly utilized, and there are still many resources requiring
exploration and development. Our agriculture field's ability to combat
natural calamities is still very weak, and many basic production conditions
must be progressively improved. Our industrial technology is still rather
backward, and such basic facilities as energy and communications must be
strengthened. Many developing industrial departments also require faster
development. Our economic distribution is still not very rational, and we
must continue to improve it in a planned manner. The solution of all the
tasks mentioned above requires us to energetically carry forward the
technical transformation of existing enterprises. At the same time, we must
construct the necessary new enterprises in a planned manner and reconstruct
and'expand many of the existing enterprises. Otherwise the expanded repro-
duction,of society cannot smoothly develop.
Take the solving of the energy problem for exagaple. We must give priority
to the saving of energy, and at the same time, tap as fully as possible the
potentials of existing coal mines and oil fields, and strive to increase the
production of energy. We should see that our country's energy shortage is
to a very large extent caused by the serious waste of energy. Therefore,
we must hold fast to saving energy as a long-term strategic policy. How-
ever, this does not mean that the additional energy required for future
economic development can be wholly solved by practicing frugality. This is
not the case. Large-scale saving of energy involves carrying out the
reorganization as well as the technical transformation of the whole industry
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and also requires a procedure. In this procedure, economic growth as well
as the increase of energy consumption by the people must certainly be
guaranteed by a definite amount of additional energy sources. This
requires us, based on needs and possibility, to strengthen energy construc-
tion as well as relevant communications construction. In the next decade
if we cannot prepare the necessary energy sources, communications and other
essential material conditions for vitalizing the economy in the 1990's, then
we will encounter great difficulty in achieving the strategic dispositions
for the whole economic development. The construction of energy sources and
communications will require a great deal of money and take a long time. We
must make appropriate arrangements well in advance. On this question we
would rather make the estimates more difficult and the preparations more
adequate than are actually required, for this will be more to our advantage.
Strengthening the construction of major projects requires a considerable
amount of money. Where does this money come from? As China is a socialist
country, construction funds must rely mainly on internal accumulation. The
basic path of accumulating funds is by developing production, raising
economic benefit and opening up sources of revenue. In other words, we
must first have ways of making money. Only with the development of produc-
tion, the raising of economic benefit and the increase of public wealth can
we keep on improving the livelihood of the people, and at the same time,
accumulate more and more construction funds. If we deviate from developing
the economy to raise funds, we will be attending to trifles to the neglect
of essentials and will be unable to properly solve the question of funds.
At present, regardless of whether in the field of production, communica-
tions or circulation, the waste of manpower, material resources and finan-
cial resources is very serious. Many technical and economic indices are
very much lower than those of the economically developed countries, and
even not as high as the better level . we':.have reached in the past. There
is extremely great potential for increasing production and practicing
economy in various fields. If policies are on the right track and work is
effectively carried out, it is entirely possible to create more material
wealth by making use of the existing financial and material resources and
thereby provide an enormous source for the accumulation of funds. The
emphasis on ways to make money definitely does not mean we must not pay
attention to ways of accumulating funds. It is just the opposite. After
wealth has been created, the rational distribution carried out regarding
its various uses is of great important significance to whether or not the
necessary funds can be accumulated and whether or not the coordinated and
sustained development of the national economy can be promoted. In particu-
lar, in such a populous and backward country as ours where the average per
capita national income is still very low, China is still faced with the
strenuous task of improving the livelihood of the people and pushing for-
ward the modernization. Under these conditions, the making of overall
planning and arrangement and the correct handling of various proportions
in the distribution of national income are of prime importance. An impor-
tant manifestation of the superiority of the socialist economy over the
capitalist economy is that it can concentrate necessary financial and
material resources for solving those urgent and immediate problems and
thereby promote faster development of the economy. Based on the per-capita
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economic index, China is still a poor country and not very well-off in many
respects. However, if the funds scattered throughout the country can be
rationally centralized, it will become a very impressive force and many
important things can be done. This is precisely the strong point of a
large country such as ours. If we take advantage of and give play to this
strong point, it will play a very important role in pushing forward our
socialist modernization. The task we are faced with at present is to
appropriately readjust the relations of distribution so as to concentrate
necessary funds to strengthen the construction of major projects on the
basis of energetically developing the economy and striving by every means
to increase national income.
For the sake of accumulating necessary funds to guarantee the construction
of major projects, we must first continue to handle properly the relations
between consumption and accumulation and make unified arrangement for the
livelihood of the people as well as production and construction in
accordance with the principle "first, feed the people and second, build the
country."
In recent years, for the sake of correcting the previous mistake of placing
one-sided emphasis on production and construction to the neglect of the
people's livelihood, we have adopted a series of measures such as greatly
raising the purchasing prices for agriculture products, expanding labor
employment in cities and towns, readjusting the wages of workers and staff
members and implementing the bonus system to more quickly raise the
standard of living of urban and rural people. According to statistics,
compared with 1978, the 66-percent increase in the net income of individual
peasants and the 44-percent increase in the total wages of workers and
staff members in 1981 have both greatly surpassed the 22-percent increase
in the gross output value of agriculture and industry and also the 35-
percent increase in the total output value of agriculture and light industry
for the same period. In these 3 years, the 26-percent increase in the
average wage of workers and staff members has surpassed the 7-percent
increase in the labor productivity of all personnel of enterprises for the
same period. Almost all the new increases in national income during these
3 years have been used for increasing consumption and there has been no
increase in accumulated funds. For the sake of evidently improving the
longstanding rather low livelihood of the people and thereby arousing the
enthusiasm of the masses for production, this practice has been necessary.
However, this practice can only be carried out within a specific and
relatively short period, and should not and cannot continue forever. If we
keep on improving the livelihood of the people to an extent in excess of
that of the production growth and labor productivity and use all of the
increase in national income on consumption, the accumulation of funds is
bound to be affected and production and construction will be impaired. In
this way, production will not be able to increase more quickly and the
livelihood of the people will not continually improve. We should see that
a very great change has already taken place in the condition of the
economy as a result of the readjustment in recent years. On the one hand,
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the income of the overwhelming majority of urban and rural people has evi-
dently increased and varying degrees of improvement have appeared in their
material and cultural life. On the other hand, capital construction
investment by the state has already been cut to a minimum. For the sake
of ensuring the continued development of the economy, we must make appro-
priate increases in the future. The price subsidy shouldered by state
finance has already taken up more than 30 percent of financial income, and
this cannot be increased further in the future. The increase of purchasing
power in society for several years has surpassed the increase in commodity
supply volume, and the daily increase in surplus purchasing power is
affecting the stability of market prices. These conditions explain the
inadvisability of continuing the method of freezing accumulated funds to
greatly increase consumption funds practiced in recent years, and the pro-
portion between consumption and accumulation should be basically stabilized.
Along with the development of production, the consumption level of the
people will continue to increase in the future. However, the margin of
increase should no longer surpass but should be lower than the margin of
production increase. It should be suited to the increase in the production
and supply of consumer goods. The accumulation rate may also be appro-
priately lowered a bit further, but this must be on the premise of increas-
ing the indispensable absolute amount of accumulation. Only in this way
can we continue to improve the livelihood of the people, and at the same
time guarantee the essential expansion of production and construction and
thus enable the livelihood of the people as well as production and con-
struction to be closely linked together, promote each other and push for-
ward the coordinated development of the national economy.
Proceeding from this kind of new condition and demand, for a number of
years to come, the increase in the income of the peasants should rely
mainly on developing agricultural production and lowering production costs,
and should no longer rely mainly on raising the purchasing prices for agri-
cultural products, lowering the base figure of requisition by purchase of
assignment and expanding the range of negotiated prices. At present, the
productivity and economic benefit of our industry are still rather low, our
ability to accumulate funds is not very high, and a process is needed to
change this condition. Therefore, the accumulation-of a considerable part
of the funds needed for giving impetus to modernization must still rely on
agriculture. This is not only the bounden responsibility of the broad
masses of peasants but also tallies with their fundamental interests. If
we do not take into consideration the capacity of the national economy but
continue to raise the purchasing prices of agricultural products, this will
certainly raise the costs of industrial production, increase the subsidy of
prices and reduce the accumulation of funds. This is detrimental to over-
all economic development. Moreover, by constantly raising the purchasing
prices for agricultural products under the condition that industrial effi-
ciency cannot be correspondingly increased, it will also be difficult to
have enough industrial goods to exchange with the peasants. In this way,
either the peasants with money will not be able to buy the industrial goods
they need for the prices of industrial goods will also be readjusted upward.
Such conditions are detrimental to economic stability and development, and
in the final analysis, also?detrimental to .the development of agriculture
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and the continued improvement of the peasants' livelihood. For the sake of
enabling the increase in production to be suited to the development of
production, the extent of increase in the wages and bonuses of the workers
and staff members should be lower than that of the production increase and
labor productivity. If we want to increase income, we should concentrate
efforts on raising labor productivity and lowering costs. We definitely
cannot indiscriminately issue bonuses and subsidies without taking into
consideration the actual increase in production and profit. Only in this
way can we improve the livelihood of the workers and staff members and at
the same time accumulate necessary funds, and can we balance market supply
and demand, stabilize prices, guarantee the continued development of the
national economy and create a more solid material basis for unremittingly
improving the people's welfare.
When we say that we must appropriately control the increase in consumption
based on the new situation, this definitely does not mean that we need not
pay attention to the necessity and possibility of improving the people's
livelihood. Ours is a socialist country, and our basic goal in carrying
out production and construction is, in the final analysis, to satisfy the
daily increasing material and cultural needs of the people. This is a
basic principle we must always uphold. In recent years, although there has
been a great improvement in the people's livelihood, many problems still
exist. In the countryside, there has been not much of an increase in the
income of the commune members of some poor and low-yield production teams,
and the livelihood of the peasants in some areas affected by serious natu-
ral calamities is still very difficult. In cities and towns, the burden of
some workers and staff members with low wages, less bonuses and many mouths
to feed is still very heavy. For many families, housing is still in very
short supply. Especially, the material treatment and working conditions
for middle-aged intellectuals and workers playing a key role on various
fronts are rather poor.. We must attach great importance to these problems
and adopt measures to solve them step by step. The standard of living of
people throughout the country is also still rather low at present, and it
must be progressively improved along with the development of production.
The reason we emphasize accumulating necessary funds for carrying out
construction is precisely for the sake of guaranteeing the continued
improvement of the people's livelihood. We must appropriately link
together the immediate and long-term interests of the people. In our coun-
try, we not only must not force down the normal consumption of the people to
expand production and construction, but we also must not squeeze out or take
over essential construction funds to improve the people's livelihood. We not
only must not wait until we have made a success of construction before turn-
ing back to improve the people's livelihood, but we also must not wait until
we have become better off before carrying out construction. The only cor-
rect policy is to take into consideration both construction and the people's
livelihood so that they will develop in harmony.
III
For the sake of concentrating necessary funds to carry out the construction
of major projects, we must also correctly handle the relations of funds
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allocation between the central departments, localities and enterprises. We
not only must guarantee essential extra financial resources, but we must
also enable the state to be in control of comparatively more funds.
For a long time, our defect in this respect was that because of overconcen-
tration at the central departments, localities and enterprises lacked the
necessary extra financial resources. This has on the one hand ffettered the
initiative of the localities and enterprises, and on the other hand,
encouraged blind command in economic management and resulted in many nega-
tive consequences in economic development. In the past, the proportion
occupied by local income in state financial income was rather low. This has
now been increased. In the past, very little of the net income was retained
by state-run industrial enterprises. Now this has been increased to about
12 percent. These changes, in addition to other reform measures, have
played a very useful role in giving play to the initiative of the localities
and enterprises and livening up the economy. The present problem is that
some of the reform measures cannot be linked up. Many units do not strictly
observe the financial discipline of the state. They arbitrarily increase
the proportion of the profits retained by the enterprises and even cut off
the income which should be handed over to the state, causing the allocation
and use of funds to be unduly scattered. In 1981, the funds controlled by
localities and enterprises outside the budget roughly equalled half the
state financial income, and only about half of the total investment in capi-
tal construction of units owned by the whole people in the country was
directly controlled by the state. On the one hand, state finance was in
straitened circumstances and did not have enough funds for the construction
of major projects. On the other hand, many units did not utilize the funds
in accordance with the plans and policy.demands of the state and blindly
went in for projects aimed at purely expanding processing capacity. Such
weak links as energy sources and communications in the national economy
could not be properly strengthened, technical transformation focusing on
energy conservation could not be quickly developed, and high energy con-
sumption trades which should have been put under control continued to
develop. Obviously, unless this state of affairs changed, the planned and
proportionate development of the national economy would be adversely
affected.
China has a vast territory and numerous enterprises. The conditions of
various localities are vastly different, and moreover, changes are always
taking place. For the sake of guaranteeing that localities and enterprises
will be able to organize production activities in line with local condi-
tions, we must give them the proper power including the necessary financial
power. Especially as the economic development in the future will mainly be
turned to intension, the emphasis will be placed on replacing the equipment
of existing enterprises and technical transformation. This means that it is
even more necessary to give essential power to the enterprises and locali-
ties so that they can improve their management and administration and raise
their production technique in a manner suited to their own specific condi-
tions. At the same time, we must also see that the power of socialist
enterprises and localities is under the planned guidance of the state. The
power for working out a nationwide comprehensive balance, its amount as well
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as its application, must contribute to and definitely not hinder the
coordinated development of the whole economy. At present, such basic
facilities as energy sources and communications are backward. However the
transformation and construction of most of these basic facilities cannot
be shouldered by the localities and enterprises and they must be planned,
prepared and conducted in a unified manner by the state. At the same time,
the present price system is not very rational. To a very great extent, it
restricts our utilization of the economic lever to guide the enterprises
and localities in making rational use of funds. The organizational struc-
ture of our enterprises is also not very rational, and the setup of many
enterprises is very unrealistic. Such enterprises should be closed, their
operations suspended, be merged into other enterprises or shifted to other
types of production, and we must carry out reorganization and integration
in accordance with the principle of specialized cooperation. All this
explains the inadvisability of handing too much financial power to the
enterprises and localities under the present condition. Otherwise, it will
be difficult to use the limited funds where they are needed most and the
development of projects highly beneficial to the national economy will be
affected. Judging from the general situation at present, localities and
enterprises already have too much financial power. We must make appropriate
readjustments so as to guarantee that the state will still be able to con-
centrate necessary funds for the construction of major projects.
We must combine economic readjustment with strict financial and economic
discipline, and wage a struggle against such offenses against law and dis-
cipline as random spreading of costs, cutting off income, evading taxes and
wantonly increasing profits retained by enterprises. All practices running
counter to the existing policies, systems and regulations of the state
should be conscientiously corrected., all forms of tax evasion must be
plugged up and all income which should be handed over to the state must be
collected. At the same time, while continuing to implement the existing
financial system and guarantee the proper decisionmaking power of the enter-
prises, we must also appropriately readjust the proportion of the alloca-
tion of central and local financial income as well as the proportion of
profits retained by the enterprises in accordance with the actual condi-
tions of different areas and trades. In the use of funds controlled by the
state, we must also make appropriate concentration. We must emphasize using
funds for the construction of such basic facilities as energy sources and
communications and appropriately increase investment in the field of intel-
lectual development. Construction in other fields should mainly be arranged
by the localities, departments and enterprises based on their own funds and
possible bank credit. In doing so, we are definitely not trying to slip
back to the old rut of over-rigid control. In the process of concentrating
funds, we should take into account the rational needs of enterprises and
localities so that they will have the extra financial resources to do some
of the things, which are not advisable to be carried out by the central
departments, in a manner suited to local conditions, and thereby bring their
initiative into full play. Moreover, we also cannot merely rely on this
method of financial concentration of funds to guarantee the construction of
major projects. We must also properly give play to the role of banks in
raising and utilizing funds; and through bank credits, centralize idle funds
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in society and use them in a planned manner for production and construction.
At the same time, the state must also implement administrative and economic
methods to guide the orientation of the localities and enterprises in the
use of their own funds and encourage them, by means of various forms of
economic alliance, to use the funds where they are needed most by the state.
In particular, we must use the funds for replacing the existing enterprises,
carrying out technical transformation, conserving energy, cutting down the
consumption of raw materials, improving product quality, strengthening the
comprehensive utilization of resources and controlling pollution, and not
simply trying to expand production capacity. In this way, under the con-
dition of strictly controlling the scale of fixed capital investment of
the whole society, we will be able to free funds for strengthening the
construction of major projects, push forward the technical transformation
of key enterprises and properly integrate and combine these two aspects.
In the allocation of financial resources, we should take into consideration
the needs of these two aspects as much as possible and guard against paying
attention to one aspect and losing sight of the other.
On the question of rational allocation and correct use of funds, we must
firmly establish the thought of "coordinating all the activities of the
nation like pieces in a chess game." At present, many of the localities,
departments and enterprises want to keep some funds to do more of the
things they would like to do. This demand is understandable. However, if
we do not take resolute as well as realistic and practical measures to
guarantee the construction of essential major, projects, such basic facili-
ties as energy sources and communications will not go forward, excessive
energy consumption will not go down and it will be difficult to enliven the
overall situation of the national economy. Under this condition, the
development of the various parts will certainly be greatly affected. Con-
versely, only with the appropriate concentration of funds to strengthen the
construction of major projects can the proportion between supply and demand
in such fields as energy sources and communications be coordinated with each
passing day, and can there be favorable external conditions for the develop-
ment of various localities and enterprises.
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THE TWO CIVILIZATIONS MUST BE GRASPED SIMULTANEOUSLY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 34-37
[Article by Sanming Municipal CPC Committee Secretary Yuan Qitong [5913
0796 1749]]
[Text] In his report to the 12th party congress, Comrade Hu Yaobang
pointed out that it is a strategic principle of our socialist construction
to build a high material civilization simultaneously with the building of
spiritual civilization. He stressed: "Whether we are able to persist in
this principle is related to whether socialism will thrive or fail." In
recalling practice over the past few years, we have deeply realized that
the principle of "grasping the two civilizations simultaneously" put forth
by the CPC Central Committee is correct and this principle has pointed out
the orientation for realizing the socialist modernization program of"our
country. The following are some experiences gained in the work carried out
by Sanming municipality in implementing the strategic principle of the CPC
Central Committee.
Sanming municipality is a newly arising industrial city in Fujian Province.
It has made certain achievements since it was constructed in 1958. How-
ever, as a result of the influence of "leftist" guiding ideology and sabo-
tage during the 10 years of turbulence, the construction of the city left
much to be desired. For example, the housing situation was tight, the
number of commercial centers were limited, traffic was congested, public
order was chaotic and there were limited cultural and recreational facili-
ties. The masses said the city was characterized by no electrical lighting,
uneven roads, ineffective telephone facilities and an unstable social order.
Industrial and agricultural production was seriously affected. Following the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, we eradicated "leftist"
guiding ideology and stepped up our leadership over work in various aspects.
Thanks to this work, the city began to take on a new look.
Since last year, we have studied the directives of the CPC Central Committee
on "grasping the two civilizations" and have realized that in order to build
the city into an industrial city with "political stability, economic pros-
perity, advanced culture, a beautiful environment and convenient life," it
is necessary to grasp the building of material civilization simultaneously
with the building of spiritual civilization. Work in these two aspects must
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be arranged in a unified manner so that they will also be able to develop
simultaneously. The building of the two civilizations covers many aspects
such as politics, economy, culture and ideology. In carrying out the build-
ing of spiritual civilization, it is necessary to solve urgent problems and
carry.out work more effectively so as to promote the development of material
civilization. We have based ourselves on the spirit of the directives of
the CPC Central Committee and the demand of the masses and have spared no
efforts in improving environmental hygiene, cleaning the environment, plant-
ing trees and beautifying the city. Efforts have also been made to improve
social safety in a big way and traffic order, carry out municipal construc-
tion, repair roads, construct housing, add commercial centers and build
parks and cultural and recreation facilities. At the same time, we have
also launched mass campaigns of "learning from Lei Feng and fostering new
habits" and "five stresses and four beauties." In March this year, we also
launched a large-scale civility and courtesy month drive across the city.
Thanks to these efforts carried out over the past 2 years, the city has
taken on a new look while the people's living standard has been improved
considerably. The newly built housing facilities cover 330,000 square
meters, equivalent to the total space of the housing facilities built in
the past 2 decades and more. More than 270 new commercial service centers
have been added; this figure is more than double the previous number. In
downtown areas, 16 streets and lanes have been built or repaired. In addi-
tion, we. have also constructed waterways totaling 6,000 meters in length and
built 21 latrines; we also have built and expanded 8 parks and scenic spots
and planted 500,000 trees. Considerable achievements also have been made in
improving hygiene and restoring social order. The sanitation situation has
been greatly improved. In the first 8 months of this year, cases of epi-
demic diseases were 40 percent less than the same period last year. Social
safety and public order have been greatly improved. In the first 8 months of
this year, the number of criminal cases dropped by 41 percent compared with
the same period last year. Undesirable work styles in commercial and
service trades, characterized by "inaccessibility, reluctant attitudes,
offensive remarks and delays in work" have begun to change. More than-25
percent of the total population in urban areas have taken part in the
activities of "learning from Lei Feng and fostering new habits" and they
have done much work in the interests of the people. A new atmosphere has
emerged in party work style and the people's work style throughout the city.
Changes in the outlook of the city, improvement in the people's life, par-
ticularly improvement in ideological consciousness, have enabled the broad
masses of cadres and people to fully display their socialist initiative and
promote-production in a big way. Gross industrial output value in 1981 was
9.3 percent higher than 1980, while agricultural output value increased by
18.3 percent. The average per capita collective income of commune members
increased by 36 yuan to reach 190 yuan. Financial revenue increased by
7 percent. Gross industrial output value has continued to grow this year.
In the first 8 months of this year, it was 18 percent higher than the same
period last year, while the figure for March, June and August was the high-
est monthly output value in the 24 years since the city was built.
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The great changes experienced by the city over the past 2 years proves that
the two civilizations promote each other and are indispensable. Spiritual
civilization must have material civilization as its foundation and the
building of the former can in no way depart from material conditions. At
the same time, the building of material civilization cannot depart from the
building of spiritual civilization; the latter not only has a tremendous
motivating role for the former but also guarantees that the former will
develop along a correct orientation. With regard to the work of a city,
there-is no doubt that, first of all, it must do a good job in production
and economic work, as these are basic tasks. But to grasp economic work
does not automatically mean that a good job is being done in-socialist con-
struction. It is only when we are able to grasp socialist material civili-
zation simultaneously with grasping socialist spiritual civilization that
we are carrying out socialist construction in an overall way. So spiritual
civilization represents an important feature of socialist material civiliza-
tion and is an important manifestation of the superiority of the socialist
system. Without the construction of socialist spiritual civilization, we
will not be able to build material civilization well; even if we are able to
build spiritual civilization, it will not last long and cannot be consoli-
dated; it may even be eliminated. This situation has been proved through
historical experience. Therefore, the thinking and method of putting these
two civilizations in contradiction and neglecting the building of spiritual
civilization are incorrect; neither is it right to consider grasping
spiritual civilization as grasping a minor matter instead of an important
matter.
To grasp the building of the two civilizations well, particularly the build-
ing of spiritual civilization is in fact a revolution of transforming tradi-
tions and habits and transforming society. The aim of this revolution is
not only to change social outlook but also to change people's spiritual
outlook. Therefore, it involves every family and every member of society.
Following the 10 years of turbulence, the problems of "dirt, chaos and back-
wardness" in the city were very common and serious and social order was
seriously damaged. In addition, there were also the influences of various
wrong ideologies, old habits and old traditional concepts. Therefore,
there were many difficulties confronting us in the building of the two
civilizations. We understand from our practice that we can implement the
guiding ideology of "grasping the two civilizations simultaneously" well and
make new achievements in the building of the two civilizations only when we
are able to work with revolutionary zeal.
In order to work with revolutionary zeal, it is imperative to oppose the
thinking of attempting and accomplishing nothing and the attitude of fear-
ing to overcome difficulties. It is also imperative to foster the ideology
that considers everything from the point of the interest of the people and
to carry out work well. Each task must be carried out faster and achieve-
ments must be made. We have done our work in this way and consequently
many construction items have been speeded up. For example, we built the
Qiling Mountain Park on a total space of more than 600 mu at the top of the
mountain'in only 1 year. The building of street flowerbeds of more than
2,000 square meters on 3 major streets was completdd in only 2 weeks.
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To work with revolutionary zeal, it is also imperative to oppose irrespon-
sible attitudes and to advocate the attitude of daring to shoulder respon-
sibility and to solve problems. In order to solve the problems of dis-
marttlitig and removing houses to give way for the extension project of the
Honggi Road North and Dongxin Road II, leading comrades from the municipal
party committee, municipal government and municipal construction depart-
ments visited Xubi Estate on five occasions in August last year to investi-
gate the situation of the masses and to carry out meticulous ideological
work. As a result, the old problems of dismantling and removing more than
40 houses were resolved and the projects of the two streets that had been
delayed for 8 years were at last completed. Dismantling work in other
sections of the projects have also been resolved one after another follow-
ing meticulous ideological work.
To work with revolutionary zeal, it is also imperative to oppose the work
style in which cadres confine themselves to their offices, from where they
give guidance irrespective of reality, and to encourage leading cadres to
go deep into reality, carry out work on the spot, set examples through their
own deeds and solve difficulties wherever they crop up. Over the past year
and more, we have organized leading cadres to carry out work at the grass-
roots level on more than 10 occasions. On the eve of the last Spring Festi-
val, leading comrades from the municipal party committee and municipal
government, with exception of a few comrades who remained on duty, led more
than 1,200 cadres above the level of deputy bureau director throughout the
city. to carry out work on several fronts to grasp the situation of market
supply at the grassroots level, grasp the work of cultural and recreational
activities of the masses, transform the scenery of the city, improve social
safety and public order and arrange industrial and agricultural production
during the holidays. As a result, we have been able to promote the work of
various departments, improve the people's material and cultural lives and
train cadres and promote the relationship between the party?and the people.
Exemplary deeds of cadres have educated and encouraged the masses of people
who have consequently been able to enlighten their spirit and increase
their confidence in socialist construction and the party.
Communist ideology is the core of socialist spiritual civilization. The
primary task of building socialist spiritual civilization is to educate
people with communist ideology and communist morality so that more and
more members of society will become workers with ideals, morals and culture
and who abide by discipline. Because of the grave consequences of the 10
years',of turbulence, this kind of education is particularly pressing at
present. We have grasped this work in connection with other work and with
emphasis on party ideological building and the ideological and political
work of the masses.
The building of party ideology supports the building of social spiritual
civilization. The ideological level and work style of the broad masses of
party members, particularly party cadres, have a direct effect on the
ideology and morality of the whole society. Therefore, improvement in the
ideological level of the broad masses of party members and basic improve-
ment in the party's work style play a decisive role in the building of
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socialist spiritual civilization. Over the past year and more, we began
this work among the standing committee members of the municipal party com-
mittee while party organizations at various levels began the work of recti-
fying the party's work style as the key subject in organizational activities.
This-work includes the following: 1) Party members have been organized to
study a series of directives of the CPC Central Committee and carry out
education on persisting in the five basic principles so as to solidly
foster communist ideals and concepts. 2) Following the principle of recti-
fying work style and the principle of party constitution and inner-party
political activities, education has been strengthened on party character,
party discipline and party work style and criticism and self-criticism
launched.. At the same time, party members have been educated on how to
maintain the purity of their ideology; this work has been carried out in
connection with measures to hit at criminal activities in the economic
sector and to fight against corrosion. 3) The combat capability of party
organizations and the ideological level of party members have been tempered
and improved through practice in the building of the two civilizations.
Work has also been carried out to regularly check, examine and appraise the
ideology, work style and practice of all party organizations and members
throughout the city. During the launching of civility and courtesy month,
the municipal party committee organized more than 800 cadres above the level
of party branch members at grassroots level across the city to conscien-
tiously?study the directives of the CPC Central Committee. At the same time,
all party members were organized to take part in the building of the two
civilizations; in this work they have played the roles of both propagators
and fighters. Thanks to the vanguard and exemplary roles of all party
members, the civility and courtesy month was carried out smoothly.
People are the masters of history as well as the builders of the two
civilizations. It is only when people are armed with communist ideology
and moral concepts that they can display to the utmost their initiative
and creativity and promote the constant development of the building of the
two civilizations. Therefore, we have proceeded from reality and used
various methods to carry out'education on revolutionary ideals, morality,
discipline and law and education on social morality, professional morality
and marriage and family morality among cadres and masses in various trades,
particularly among youths. The masses were organized to work out various
rules and regulations on the civilizations as criteria for their deeds.
This work is aimed at enabling people, in their common social life, to
consciously follow communist spirit, correctly handle the relationships
among the state, collective and individuals, correctly handle the relation-
ships among people and foster collective and patriotic ideology and the
sense of responsibility as the masters of their own country. We have also
taken active measures to lead the masses in launching the campaign of
"learning from Lei Feng and fostering new habits" and creating civilized
units so as to foster good morality. We have also taken a clear-cut stand
in commending and supporting new people and new things that have demon-
strated communist spirit and have hit at bad habits and traditions and
undesirable persons and things. In order to carry out ideological work well
and promote the work of various aspects, we have since May last year trans-
ferred more than 6,600 people from government organizations and enterprises
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and formed them into 10 propaganda teams. These teams are assigned certain
work in certain places for maintaining social safety and environmental
hygiene, public traffic order and to help in service trades and eliminate
spiritual pollution. These teams have carried out ideological and polit-
ical work at the grassroots level to become a backbone force in the building
of the two civilizations. Great changes have taken place in social practice
thanks to education. During the civility and courtesy month over 100
advanced. units and over 4,000 activists emerged.
Marxism states that the basic purpose of socialist construction is to meet
the increasing needs of the people's material and cultural life. In the
final analysis, the purpose of doing a good job in the building of the two
civilizations is also to realize this goal. Therefore, we carry out our
work according to the specific conditions of our city, grasp the work that
is urgently needed by the masses and solve problems so as to do more and
better work. The present Hongxing shopping center is built on the site of
a former rubbish dumping ground that had seriously affected municipal
scenery and environmental hygiene over the past many years. Measures were
taken to clear the rubbish and build a shopping center with 27 state-owned
and collective shops as well as individual shops that sell food and daily
necessity goods. In this way, we have not only removed the heaps of
rubbish but also improved the scenery of the city, activated the market,
brought convenience to the masses, arranged employment and added income
for the state. Basing themselves on the desires of the people and their
own specific conditions, various trades have-taken measures to solve such
problems as housing; coal supplies; vegetable supplies; commercial centers;
traffic; recreation activities, such as movies, operas and television pro-
grams; latrines; and sports activities. As all problems have been gradually
solved, a more convenient living environment for the masses consequently
has been formed. Through their own experiences, the broad masses of people
deeply understand that to "grasp the two civilizations simultaneously" is
not only in the long-term interest of the state and the nation but is also
in the interest of each member of society and therefore they have become
more determined in building the two civilizations.
However, the work we have done over the past 2 years is far from enough.
We only have made limited and initial achievements in the building of the'
two civilizations and these achievements are still far from what is demanded
by the party. But we understand that these achievements represent a good
beginning. Now, the broad masses of cadres and people are able to measure
their work from the point of the two civilizations and relate their various
concrete work with the long-term goal. This situation has provided us with
a better ideological foundation for building the two civilizations on a
larger scale in the future. At present, it is imperative for us to do a
good job in studying and disseminating the spirit of the 12th party con-
gress. In particular, we must do a good job in studying and disseminating
the importance of building a high socialist spiritual civilization, in
carrying out the activities of the "five stresses and four beauties" and
in further displaying the 'initiative of various departments and units so as
to further overcome the conditions of "dirt, chaos and backwardness." I am
fully confident that with the encouragement of the spirit of the 12th party
congress and under the guidance of the correct principles of the CPC Central
Committee, we will be able to make new achievements in the building of the
two civilizations.
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SERIOUSLY CARRY OUT THE WORKERS' CONGRESS SYSTEM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 38-41
[Article by Yu Yannan [2456 3601 0589]; passages within slantlines published
in boldface]
[Text] China's experiences in socialist construction illustrate that the
workers congress system under the control of party committees has raised
the working class' sense of mastery and responsibility, as well as acti-
vating their enthusiasm to manage affairs and correctly set up the basic
organizational style of socialist enterprise. The "Provisional Regulations
of the Workers Congress in State-Owned Industrial Enterprises" drawn up by
the CPC Central Committee and the State Council (referred to hereafter as
"the regulations") clearly outline the powers of the workers' congress based
on state governmental policies and laws and planning demands. These powers
relate to enterprise production, management and distribution as well as
cadre surveillance, election, recall, etc. This is the successful result
of the party's guidance of the working class in the development of socialist
democracy and carrying out the systematization of the democratic management
of enterprise. Furthermore, it is an embodiment of our party's total reli-
ance on and trust in the working class under the historical conditions of
modernized construction. After the publication of the regulations, every
region and department quickened the pace of introducing the workers' con-
gress system. Up until the end of last year, the number of enterprises and
units that had introduced the workers' congress system stood at around
101,000. Most medium and large-scale industrial enterprises in Beijing,
Tianjin, Shanghai, Shenyang, Harbin, Guangzhou, Nanjing and Chongqing had
all basically completed the popularization of the system.
In the last year, many enterprises have been working very seriously in
accordance with the regulations and the workers' congress has played an
active role in improving administration and management, correctly solving
internal enterprise contradictions, strengthening surveillance of cadres,
etc. However, in national terms, the general situation concerning the
introduction of the workers' congress system is not well balanced. The
proportion of well organized workers' congresses is small and a great many
work units have set up workers' congresses which display varying degrees of
formalism and perfunctoriness and of which, of course, most workers are
very critical. Thus, the pressing task which now faces today's enterprises
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is to satisfactorily and completely put the workers' congress system into
effect and ensure that the working masses are able to enjoy all the demo-
cratic powers outlined in this system.
/I. Continue to raise the consciousness of the broad mass of cadres, in
particular the enterprise leaders, regarding the importance of implementing
the workers' congress./
Some work units which have alreddy set up workers' congresses but without
success, find that the main reasons for this lack of success lie with the
leading cadres of the units. Many leading cadres are not accustomed to
putting workers' congresses into action and fear:.the power of such con-
gresses as well as the loss of their own power. In some enterprises, party
organizations have taken on the work of the workers' congresses themselves
and insist that all affairs, whatever the size, must be discussed by the
party committee, getting the consent of the workers' congress afterward.
Some leading administrative cadres only want to make use of the workers'
congress when they are faced with problems that they themselves cannot
solve, such as only partially fulfilled production quotas, and thus are not
in the least interested in allowing the workers to enjoy their democratic
powers, feeling that democratic management with everyone having a say will
hinder the realization of the foreman responsibility system. Some people
even feel that enterprises should be in complete control of foremen and
managers appointed by the state, with workers powerless to participate in
management. All this illustrates that some people have a confused under-
standing of or misconceptions about recognizing workers' positions as
masters of the enterprise and the reasons for carrying out democratic
management in socialist enterprises as well as the basic relationship
between state-employed personnel and the working masses. Such misunder-
standings must be quickly clarified.
Democratic management is a necessary part of the socialist system of public
.ownership of the means of production and is, indeed, a reality of it. Dis-
tribution according to work is another reality of such a system. The
establishment of the socialist system of public ownership of the means of
production means the thorough eradication of the relationship of exploiters
and exploited, laying a material foundation for the workers to become
masters of enterprise management. For the workers to become masters of the
means of production is by no means an empty, abstract concept; there is a
very full and concrete content to it. It includes the need for workers to
have authority and power when involved in enterprise production, adminis-
tration and distribution activities as well as the election, surveillance
and recalling of the enterprise leadership; in other words, anything
related to enterprise management or the workers' personal interests. Thus,
the workers should use suitable channels and means to participate in actual
and not merely nominal enterprise management. If workers only have labor
rights within an enterprise and are deprived of management rights, then
their position as masters of the enterprise has not been fulfilled or, if it
has, then in name only. Mao Zedong pointed out that we should not come to
understand the power of the people to mean only labor powers, education and
social security. The workers' power to manage the state, enterprise and
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cultural education is the most basic of powers. If democratic management
is no.t carried out in our socialist enterprises, then the working masses
are not able to involve themselves in important economic activities, are not
able to carry out surveillance of enterprise leaders or carry out the demo-
cratic-election or recalling of enterprise leaders within the specific
limits laid down by the laws and regulations. Thus, how does the fact
illustrate itself that the workers are masters of the means of production
and in charge of enterprise management? Hence, in very basic terms,
supporting democratic management means also supporting the workers as
masters of the means of production and, also, the socialist system of pub-
lic ownership of the means of production.
State-run enterprises belong to the whole nation and the workers in such
enterprises are part of the nation. Not only do they, along with the rest
of the population, possess the means of production of their enterprises,
but they also make direct use of the means of production in their enter-
prises and carry direct responsibility for organizing all affairs in the
enterprises. Power and responsibility cannot be separated. Because of the
workers' closer relations with the enterprise's means of production, the
production process and production results, they have a more direct and
greater right to say how these means of production should be organized and
used, how production technology should be improved and how economic effi-
ciency should be raised, than other workers in enterprises and than other
workers in general. Thus, while the management of states-run enterprises
manifests itself through unified state plans, policies and decrees, through
instructions from higher authorities and through the direct role played by
the directors of the enterprise, democratic management of the enterprise by
the workers and staff is also necessary, in accordance with the rules and
regulations set by the state and higher authorities and through proper
organizational forms. These two are not contradictory but should combine
and work together to unite the interests of the state, the collective and
the workers, thereby ensuring the quality of state-owned enterprises and
helping the workers become masters of their work while fuelling their
enthusiasm and creativity. ,
At present, the workers' congress system is a fundamental system guarantee-
ing that the working class will act as masters of our society. By making
use of the workers' congress system, the workers can make use of democratic
powers in their enterprise to become the masters of their situation and
this is an important part of the move to strengthen socialist democratic
construction. But the leaders in some enterprises have forgotten that the
party should direct and support the workers' move toward. mastery over
their affairs and such people wrongly feel that giving power to the
workers' congress and allowing the working masses to exercise power will
destroy the leadership of the party committee. This is completely wrong.
Ignorance or deprivation of the workers' democratic rights will not be
tolerated. Such people are in fact not recognizing the workers' position
as masters of their affairs and they have forgotten that they themselves
have been appointed by the state and the people to take up their public
office of duties and they either consciously or subconsciously place them-
selves'in a position above the people. They do not realize that if the
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workers in an enterprise do not become the masters of their affairs then
their sense of responsibility and their enthusiasm toward politics and
production will suffer greatly, indeed may be eliminated completely. Full
expression of the workers' production enthusiasm is one of the fundamental
advantages of the socialist system. We should do a lot of serious thinking
about the extent to which the advantages of the socialist system give
expression to such things, as well as the basic position of cadres within a
socialist state. Misconceptions and mishandling of such things should also
be thoroughly corrected.
Investigative materials illustrate that, at present, relations between
cadres and the masses in some enterprises are very uneasy. The workers
lack the democratic powers that are their right and this has already influ-
enced their political and production enthusiasm. In China's enterprises
the problem of cadre/masses relations is to a large extent a question of
party/masses relations. The main reason for bad cadre/masses and party/
masses relations lies in the lack of basic alterations in party lines.
Some leaders and cadres use underhand means to arrange favorable positions
for their children. Promotion, housing and other questions affecting the
interests of the working masses are abused by these people for themselves
and their relatives. These wrongful activities directly injure and destroy
the moral of the working masses and directly harm the image of the party in
the eyes of the working masses. Under such conditions, the workers desire
with even greater fervour stricter surveillance of the cadres and leaders.
A major reason for the insistent demands of the workers to introduce the
workers' tribune system is that such a congress would provide them with a
tribune to help them realize their democratic rights. These demands made
by the working masses are very reasonable and fully in accord with the
party's aim of achieving a high level of socialist democracy in China.
China's cadres, especially those involved in the running of enterprises
should take a serious and deep look at the workers' position, their demands
and their voice and come to grasp the essence and significance of the CPC
Central Committee and the State Council's move to realize the workers'
congress system and should, with a high degree of political responsibility,
move forward with the working masses to strive to realize the workers'
congress system.
/II. Lay out and improve the regulations for the workers' congress system
and ensure that the working masses fully enjoy the democratic powers set up
for them within such a system./
Historical experience tells us that acquisition of correct knowledge, the
establishment of a set of important principles and the transference of such
knowledge and principles into the minds of the masses and getting the masses
to accept them so that they become a part of the behavior of the masses,'is
often a repetitive and tortuous process of development. Democratic manage-
ment developed as an important principle in the early 1950's in China and
indeed the workers' congress system was put to a trial run in several
enterprises. As a result of a variety of reasons the system had its ups
and downs until after the 3d Plenary of the 11th National People's Congress
the party officially produced the "Provisional Regulations for the Workers'
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Congress in State-Owned Industrial Enterprises"--a decisive and significant
step in the systematization and legalization of the system of democratic
management. But the coming into being of these regulations did not solve
everything, for the actual implementation of these regulations still
requires a great deal of work. Every region, every department and every
unit should draw up and complete feasible and detailed rules for the
implementation of the regulations, based on the actual situation in which
they are involved. In addition every article and every clause of the regu-
lations should be made concrete so that when the workers in an enterprise
make use of their democratic powers, there exist concrete methods to be
followed. Without the application of detailed rules things laid out in
the regulations cannot be implemented very easily, nor can investigations
be conveniently carried out. For example, the regulations state that the
workers' congress has the power to decide workers' housing distribution;.
In the course of implementation an enterprise can make this more concrete
and based on the actual regulations and the realistic situation of that
particular work unit, additional and subsidiary rules may be drawn up:
1) the workers' congress should discuss and decide those who are to sit on
the housing committee and ensure that duties are carried out correctly based
on the support of the principles drawn up by those who have faith in the
masses; 2) conditions for housing allocation should be decided by the
workers' congress; 3) concrete plans for housing allocation must be decided
by the workers' congress and then announced to the workers. Such plans
include how many houses are to be built, the conditions for housing alloca-
tion and who gets what. With these supplementary rules, the working masses
are able to fully exercise their democratic powers in the allocation of
housing.
After the publication of these regulations, the party Central Committee
went on to publish "Provisional Regulations for the Working of Foremen in
State-Owned Factories" and "Provisional Regulations for the Work of Chinese
Communist Industrial Enterprises Grassroots Organizations." These three sets
of regulations brought about new sets of rules for the internal leadership
and management system in China's industrial enterprises. Questions such as
how these three sets of regulations should be linked, how the workers'
congress system, under the command of the party committee can be united with
the foreman responsibility system under the command of the party committee
within one single enterprise and how the party committee can command but
not completely monopolize or take over all need more detailed and concrete
regulations and should be incorporated into the restructuring of the
economic system to gradually try to establish a complete system of rules
and regulations.
Today, the workers' congress system has been spread throughout the country
and in the process of carrying out this system the working masses must
construct and advance. The new and fresh experiences that they have gained
should be timely assimilated and propagated so that the workers' congress
system can be improved on. In recent years some enterprises have taken the
.assessment of cadres as an important role and function of the workers'
congress, and this is something which we should watch very,carefully. Under
the leadership of the party committee one electric locomotive repairs
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factory carried out cadre evaluation and assessment activities in their
workers' congress throughout 1980 and 1981. The cadres of this factory
felt there was no essential difference between cadres and workers and that
one should not allow cadres to criticize workers without workers being
able'to criticize cadres. Cadres who originally had misgivings about such
system now say that "The system whereby the workers' congress criticizes
cadres is very good, for in this way both the cadres and workers are able
to express what otherwise would have been suppressed inside themselves.
They can then come to a mutual understanding and make forward progress.
Working in this way everyone is able to carry out factory affairs much more
successfully." The experiences of other work units who have also put such
assessment programs into operation also suggest that strict assessment of
cadres over a set period of time by the workers' congress is a very viable
and feasible method of strengthening workers' surveillance of cadres and
should be popularized throughout the country's enterprises. Of course,
during the process of cadre assessment, the workers must be taught to
correctly make use of their democratic powers and to correctly handle
cadres' faults and mistakes. In situations where conditions are ripe, a
transition must be made from the masses' assessment of cadres to the demo-
cratic election of cadres within specific limits.
/III. The working masses should actively participate in democratic life
such as the workers' congress and ceaselessly strengthen their own ability
to master their affairs./
The direct democracy that the workers' congress represents is an important
component part of socialist democracy. Because socialist democracy is a
new kind of democracy in the history of mankind and because of the lack of
a democratic tradition in old China because of the rule of the exploitative
classes, the ordinary masses lack training in democratic life. In addi-
tion to this, the 10 years of social chaos under the anarchistic rule of
Lin Biao and the "gang of four" which tried to pass itself off as socialist
democracy has still not been entirely cleared up. Thus today, China's
working masses still lack experience in how to correctly and effectively
make use of this new style of democracy known as the workers' congress to
strengthen the democratic management of enterprise. The workers should
concentrate on checking their own weaknesses in this area and actively try
to learn and understand so that they may increase their own democratic
accomplishments and strengthen their ability to be masters of their affairs.
The past 30 years of cultural education has meant that the present cultural
level of the working masses is much higher than it was during the early
years of new China. Indeed, a certain level of cultural knowledge is a
vital condition for a democratic life style. The advantage of our position
is that our workers do not participate in management as separate individuals
but participate in management by organizing together and collectivizing
their knowledge and strength. Some people feel that while division of labor
still exists in the present stage of China's development, the restrictions
of the division of labor prevent workers from understanding enterprise pro-
duction, administration and distribution and other facets of the overall
enterprise situation. They feel that the workers do not possess the neces-
sary skill and knowledge for such areas and for these reasons should not
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participate in enterprise management. Such an opinion is both incorrect and
one-sided. For one thing, worker representatives possess the character of
the working masses, meaning not only individual workers involved in produc-
tion but also engineers and technological personnel, administrators, lead-
ing cadres and other work personnel. Of course, production workers repre-
sent the greater part. By organizing these people together and pooling
their wisdom and strength it is often very easy to solve problems that
individual cadres found insoluable and thereby ensure that decisions to
major enterprise problems are in the best interests of the working masses
and reflect in a more all-round and accurate way the regularity of objec-
tivity. When Lenin discussed the task of developing socialist democracy
he said: "We can complete this task, we can teach the infinite number of
working masses to manage the state and manage industry, we can develop real
work and we can destroy the deep-rooted prejudices that have existed for
so long amongst the working masses, namely that administration of the state
is a matter for the privileged few and is a refined skill." ("Complete
Works of Lenin," Vol 28, p 405) Under the guidance of the party, China's
working class is perfectly capable of coming to understand and learn the
economy, politics, cultural and other social tasks necessary for administer-
ing the state.
Those workers elected as worker representatives should of course strive hard
to learn ands understand the knowledge and ability needed to be their own
masters. On the one hand such representatives should make full use of
their naturally intimate relationship with the working masses and should
possess rich practical experience. On the other hand, they should actively
learn the party line and party policies and the necessary knowledge for
the administration and management of an enterprise, as well as the basic
facts related to socialist democracy and the legal system. Only in this
way can the worker representatives correctly and effectively exercise the
democratic powers laid out in the workers' congress system and thereby live
up to the trust and expectations placedlin them by the working masses.
Cadres and leaders on every level of the enterprise should make conditions.
favorable for the worker representatives to learn and establish necessary
conditions for the fulfillment of their own duties. Workers' representa-
tives should of course, without doubt consciously accept the correct guid-
ance of the party committee and make conscious efforts to preserve the
rightful authority of the foreman and conscientiously support the struggle
against such incorrect phenomena as anarchy, out and out egosim and selfish
departmentalism.
We believe that, fired by the enthusiasm of the party, the workers' con-
gress system may be carried out and practiced more keenly and more widely
throughout the country that the working class will play an increasingly
important role in the establishment of a high degree of socialist democracy.
CSO: 4004/6
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HOW TO STUDY THE FOURTH PART OF THE REPORT TO THE 12TH CPC NATIONAL CONGRESS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 42-45
[Article by RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education; passages
within slantlines published in boldface]
}
[Text] The subject of establishing a high level of socialist democracy
mentioned in this section is one of the basic aims and tasks of the new
historical era of the party. Here we will look at the important content
and basic principles involved in establishing this high level of socialist
democracy. In studying this section we must grasp three major points:
1. The major significance of establishing a high level of socialist
democracy.
2. The main content of establishing a high level of socialist democracy.
3. The relation between class struggle and establishing a high level of
socialist democracy.
/In studying the first point, a deeper understanding may be achieved in two
ways. 1) Why is the establishment of a high level of socialist democracy a
fundamental aim and task; and 2) integration into reality and correct mis-
conceptions concerning the question of democracy./
The report says that the construction of socialist material and spiritual
civilization depends on the continued development of socialist democracy
for support. One of our fundamental aims and tasks is to establish a high
level of socialist democracy. The fact that the party has made the estab-
lishment of a high level of socialist democracy a fundamental aim and task
arises from the fact that China is a nation where the people are masters of
the state and our socialist cause is the common cause of all the people.
Only with a high level of socialist democracy will it be possible to raise
the masses' sense of mastery and allow them to fully exercise their powers
in managing the state and to ensure that developments in all our undertak-
ings conform with the interests, the will and the expectations of the
people, and to ensure effective dictatorship over the handful of hostile
elements who seek to destroy our socialist undertakings. In this way we
will promote the smooth progress of the establishment of socialist cultural
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and spiritual civilization. Some comrades wonder why it is only a high
level of democracy which is our fundamental aim and task and why not a
high level of centralization as well. The reason is because the high level
of democracy of which we talk relates to the question of the fundamental
system of our country or state and the question of the position of the
masses within the state. From a Marxist point of view, the most important
and basic implication of socialist democracy is that the entire population
should enjoy the highest degree of power for managing the state on the
basis of the public ownership of the means of production. In the."Communist
Manifesto" Marx and Engels pointed out that "the first step in the workers'
revolution is to elevate the proletariat classes to the position of ruling
classes in the struggle for democracy." ("Selected Works of Marx and
Engels," Vol 1, p 272) Lenin said: "Democracy is a form or style of a
state." ("Selected Works of Lenin," Vol 3, p 257) The Constitution of the
PRC states that all the power of the PRC belongs to the people. Taking
democracy as the fundamental state system, it cannot be placed along with
centralization and thus "a high level of democracy" and "a high level of
centralization" cannot be mentioned together. Democracy and centralization
are questions of form of government and are thus also questions of
organizing every level of government in accordance with the principles of
a system of democratic centralization. Within these limits, we should
bring.about a link up between a high level of democracy and a high level of
centralization and thus put into practice a high level of centralization on
the broad base of democracy.
Since "a high level of democracy" refers first-and foremost to a state
system why then is the establishment of a high level of socialist democracy
taken as only a fundamental aim and task? Why is no mention made of dic-
tatorship? We should remember that China is run on a system of the people's
democratic dictatorship. Such a system, as the report pointed out, ensures
that the workers, who represent the vast majority of the population are
masters of the state and also guarantees that efficient dictatorship is
carried out against the small proportion of enemy elements intent on
destroying the socialist cause. Today, class relations in China have
already changed a great deal. The exploitative class has already been
eradicated. Class struggle is no longer the major social contradiction and
most social contradictions are now no longer of the nature of the class
struggle. Because of this, we can use the principles of the system of
democratic centralization to solve contradictions. Under such circumstances
the establishment of a high level of socialist democracy and the development
of democracy among the people both take on an even greater importance. The
most important task of China's political construction is thus to develop the
socialist democracy already established, both gradually and sequentially.
The greater the development of the people's democracy, the greater the
efficient dictatorship over the small hostile element within our society.
Thus; making the establishment of a high level of socialist democracy the
most important of our aims and tasks does not mean that the dictatorship
over the small hostile element will be ignored; rather it includes such
dictatorship.
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Not everyone understands fully the importance of establishing a high level
of socialist democracy. If we take a look at the class nature of China's
system of the people's democratic dictatorship we can see that in historical
terms it is the most democratic system and is incomparably superior to
capitalist democracy. It is the democracy of the masses replacing the
democracy of the small minority, it is true democracy replacing false
democracy. As Lenin said, this new style of socialist democracy "is a
hundred times more democratic than any bourgeois democracy." (Ibid., p 634)
If one does not understand this, then one has not grasped the most funda-
mental things of a Marxist country's doctrines. But the system of socialist
democracy and democratic life itself has a developing and constantly
improving process to it. The several thousand years of feudal society in
China have meant that economics and culture are fairly backward and lacking
in democratic tradition. Despite the great work carried out by the party
since the founding of new China in terms of establishing socialist
democracy, the construction of a democratic system was seriously influenced
by the later emergence of "leftist" errors. What was particularly disas-
trous to the socialist democracy were such counterrevolutionaries as Lin
Biao and Jiang Qing who tried to set up a fascist so-called "total dicta-
torship." The result of this was that some comrades became very accustomed
to any and all kinds of undemocratic phenomena and lacked the necessary
faith in the development and fulfillment of socialist democracy. Since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee, the party has corrected
'these "leftist" mistakes and has continuously made the establishment of a
high level of socialist democracy the most important aim, carrying out
repeated mass education and making use of many large-scale measures.
Nevertheless, we should remember that the "leftist" influence has not been
totally eradicated in terms of the establishment of socialist democracy and
there are still many. ideological barriers which must be overcome. Both the
establishment of a people's system and the development of a democratic life
style are very far removed from the demands of establishing. a high level of
socialist democracy and thus we still have a long period of hard work ahead
of us. On the other hand the democracy problem is still being disrupted
and attacked from the right. Some people cannot recognize the fact that
socialist democracy is in its essential character incomparably better than
bourgeois democracy, nor do they recognize that bourgeois democracy "is a
heaven for the rich but a trap and a hoax for the poor and the exploited."
Such people praise bourgeois democracy and freedom to the skies, speak'~of
it highly without analysis and even oppose the four fundamental principles
in order to laud the freedom of the bourgeoisie. If we allow such mistaken
rightist thinking to spread unchecked, we will find ourselves in a situa-
tion of anarchy with a shattered, disunited political situation. These two
incorrect ways of, thinking are mutually influential. When we study we must
take care to bring things into line with reality and take another step
forward in overcoming these deviations and come to fully understand the
importance of establishing a high level of socialist democracy and supporting
the correct development of socialist democracy.
/In studying the second important point, we should come to a deeper under-
standing of the following four points on the basis of bringing together
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theory and practice. 1) Restructure and improve the democracy system and
allow democratic life to pervade every area of society according to the
principles of the system of democratic centralization; 2) the systemization
and legalization of socialist democracy; 3) develop peace, unity and mutual
assistance between races, based on socialist race relations; 4) continue
to consolidate and strengthen, patriotic unity./
All the power in our country belongs to the people and when exercising this
power the people must follow the principles of the system of democratic
centralization. The system of democratic centralization means centraliza-
tion on the basis of democracy and the mutual bringing together and unifi-
cation of democracy under the guidance of centralization. This is the
fundamental guiding principle of completing the democratic system and
developing democratic lifestyles. Only with centralization based on
democracy can we correctly embody the interests and will of the people and
only with democracy under the guidance of centralization can we ensure that
the people will effectively exercise their democratic powers or rights. In
the past, some people said. that democracy and centralization were dia-
metrically opposed to each other, saying that with democracy there was no
need for centralization and with centralization there was no need for
democracy, not understanding that the two are dialectially united. These
one-sided and mistaken views create confusion in the support for the prin-
ciples of the system of democratic centralization and they should be cleared
up as soon as possible. Only if we carry out the principles of democratic
centralization in full can we successfully restructure and improve the
political system and the system of leadership in China and ensure that
every level of the state organs is established on a broad democratic base
and with a high level of centralization effective leadership and organiza-
tion of socialist construction. Socialist democracy still needs to expand
into every area of the people's political, economic, cultural and social
lives. In order for the people to be masters of the state, not only must
they exercise their powers in managing the state, they should directly
enjoy differing degrees and different types of managerial powers in their
participation in political, economic, cultural and social activities, so
that on`a broader basis and to a greater extent they may make use of
democracy to govern themselves, educate themselves, and on the basis of the
principles of socialist democracy establish and develop equality between
people and correct relations between individuals and society. These, then,
are all important for the establishment of a high level of socialist.
democracy. In order to establish a high level of socialist democracy we
must strengthen the construction of the socialist legal system, so that
socialist democracy is institutionalized and codified into laws. Institu-
tions and laws are both fundamental, all-round, stable and long lasting.
Only by firmly establishing the democratic powers used by the people to be
masters of the society through legalization and institutionalization can we
attain any definite guarantees for socialist democracy. No doubt, some of
the mistakes we made in the past were connected with the incorrect ideology
of some of our leaders but they were also undoubtedly connected to the fact
that the democracy system and its legalization were not complete. Today,
we have the ability and the need to strengthen the construction of the legal
system and to establish and improve on all the various systems of democracy
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and to establish relevant.political, economic and social rules and regula-
tions so that the working masses may have a clear standard by which to
carry out surveillance of the cadres as well as restraining their own
behavior and pouncing on all illegal activities in every legal way possi-
ble, and thereby ensure good political, economic and social order.
With a fully institutionalized and legalized system of democracy the people
will have laws they may depend on and a set of rules by which they may live.
One of the most important principles of the socialist system of democracy
and its legal system is that everyone is equal in the eyes of the law. If
everyone works in strict accordance with the system of democratic centrali-
zation and the legal system, it may appear troublesome and restricting but
in the final analysis it is beneficial to the people. Lawlessness appears
very much simpler and more "free" but in actual fact it can only serve to
help a small minority of degenerates. By amassing all the experience
gained in this area, in particular that gained through the Cultural Revolu-
tion, the new party constitution clearly states that the party must act
within the sphere of the constitution and the law. Everyone from the
central party down to the grassroots level must act in accordance with the
constitution and the law. Only by starting from the party body itself can
we make the people understand the importance of a correct social attitude
toward the legal system.
Further promotion of the socialist relations of equality, unity and mutual
assistance between all our nationalities is another important aspect of the
establishment of a high level of socialist democracy in China. Racial
questions within a socialist epoch are basically a question of relations
between working people of every race. In the past we have made mistakes
with the question of race, especially during the Cultural Revolution with
the broadening of the class struggle which did serious harm to many minority
race cadres and working people. We did not attach enough importance to the
question of autonomous powers for minority races. After the smashing of the
"gang of four," and in particular since the third plenary session of the
party committee, the party has done a great deal of work in implementing
race policies and thereby restoring good race relations. China is a multi-
nationality country founded and united with the joint efforts of many races.
In addition to the Han race there are over 55 other national minorities
making up 6 percent of the total population, with their homes covering
between 50 and 60 percent of the total land area of China. Our socialist
cause is the common cause of every race in China and only by activating all
races and joining together can we speed up the modernization of the mother-
land. Mao Zedong said, "The unification of the country, the unity of the
people and the unity of all the races of China represent the fundamental
guarantee for the success of our cause." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong,"
Vol '5, p 363) Based on Marx' racial theory and the realities of China's
present situation, we should give attention to solving three major problems
in our aim to promote racial equality, unity and mutual assistance:
1) autonomy of national regions: improve and strengthen the legalization of
autonomy for national regions and ensure that party and national policies
of autonomy are successfully implemented according to the realities of the
situation in each national minority region and at the same time consolidate
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democratic equality and unity between nationalities; 2) gradually eradicate
inequalities between races in terms of politics, economics and culture and
aid national minority regions to develop their economy and culture while
actively striving to train and select national minority cadres; 3) recognize
racial differences and nurture the special characteristics of each race.
Handle racial contradictions carefully and oppose great nation chauvanism
as well as local national chauvanism.
Another fundamental part of the move to establish a high level of socialist
democracy in China is to consolidate and strengthen a united and patriotic
front. According to Marx, only by liberating the whole of humanity can the
proletariat class liberate itself. The importance that the party places on
a unified line is on a par with liberating the whole of humanity. The
united and patriotic line in China today is stronger and broader than it
has been before. The party continues to support various policies along
with other democratic factions and parties, such as "long-term mutual
coexistence and mutual surveillance," and "show utter devotion and mutually
share honor or disgrace," and in addition the party practices equal treat-
ment of people outside the party as well as discussion of all affairs and
mutual learning. This is a basic channel for strengthening the political
alliance between party and nonparty and is in addition an important embodi-,
ment of the broadening of the great socialist democratic lifestyle. In our
studying we must come to fully understand the importance of a united and
patriotic line ruled by a strengthened party and the need to. gradually
eliminate the influence of "leftist" thinking while seriously implementing
all possible policies related to a unified front.
/In studying the third important point we can concentrate on three ques-
tions in order to understand things more fully. 1) Fully understand the
party's basic appraisal and basic direction in terms of the question of
class struggle in the present historical stage of China; 2) the need to
support the policy of "two hands" in this present historical stage; and
3) prevent and overcome two main types of errors and thereby strengthen the
construction of socialist democracy./
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th Central Committee the party Central
Committee has made some estimates concerning the class struggle in China's
present historical stage and as a result has come up with correct policy
directions. After the destruction of the exploitative class as a class,
class. struggle was no longer the main contradiction of our society and thus
we can no. longer use the slogan "take class struggle as the key link."
Nevertheless class struggle will continue to exist within certain limits
because of various domestic factors and international influence and indeed
may even sharpen under certain conditions. Practical experience tells us
that this prediction is correct and tallies with the reality of the situa-
tion. Today, the sphere of the people is greater than ever before and now
represents 99.9 percent of the total population., The target of our class
struggle is that small percentage of the population which may be considered
as an enemy element which is intent on the premeditated destruction of the
economy, politics, ideology :and culture as well as the overturning of the
socialist system. The class struggle today is basically represented by the
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struggle of the people against this minority element. Such a small enemy
element cannot hope now to represent a class in itself and thus the strug-
gle against these few is not the same as the struggles in the past which
were struggles of class against class. The activities of these elements
reflect desires both within China and abroad to destroy the socialist cause
and thus the struggle against them is of a very special nature. With this
in mind we must clearly come to differentiate, between contradictions
between ourselves and the enemy and contradictions between the people, so
as to avoid repeating the past mistakes of enlarging the scope of the class
struggle. Thus we must prepare ourselves-mentally for a long-term struggle
and ensure that democratic dictatorship is exercised over these enemies and
that a Marxist class viewpoint is upheld in handling the current social
contradictions and other social phenomena that have the nature of class
struggle.
We must support the continued implementation of the basic party policies in
dealing with the question-of class struggle and understand its importance
for establishing a high level of socialist democracy in China. For it will
ensure and help develop the democratic powers of the people as well as
exercise effective dictatorship over the small number of enemy elements in
our midst. Within China, one can still see the existence of class struggle
and on the international scene we can still see imperialism and hegemony.
Therefore, we must not ignore the function of dictatorship in China, or the
construction of the people's army, police bodies, law courts and prisons
and other such instruments of dictatorship. The strengthening of such tools
of dictatorship is not contradictory to the establishment of a high level of
socialist democracy, but is in fact an important guarantee of such a
democracy,.but is in fact an important guarantee of such a democracy. In
our studying we should increase our understanding and correctly unify our
thinking to fall into line with the scientific estimates and predictions and
basic policies of the party in relation to the present stage of class
struggle in China.
An important new phenomenon in the present class struggle is illegal activi-
ties in economic and other areas of life, which have arisen under the new
policies in China designed to open the country up to foreign countries and
enliven its own economy. Both foreign and domestic class enemies are using
poisonous. bourgeois ideology to carry out a destructive battle against us.
Such serious illegal activities have already begun to erode our cadres, harm
the party, the government and the army as well as the good name of the
country. They are poisoning the people's thinking and polluting the social
order as well as destroying economic construction and affecting social order
and preventing the proper implementation of policies aimed at opening up to
foreign *countries and enlivening the economy.
Whether or not we can carry out a successful struggle against such illegal
activities is related to the success or failure of China's socialist moderni-
zation program and the prosperity or decline of the party and the country.
Because of the decisive policies undertaken by the party this struggle has
already seen initial success. But because of specific historical conditions,
the struggle will be a long one. Thus we have decided that during this new
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era of development of the socialist cause, we must use both hands. One hand
supports the open-door policy and the move to revitalize the economy and the
other hand supports the move to fight all illegal activities within economic
and any other areas. Because of the illegal activities in economic and
other areas, it is possible that less attention would be given to the open-
door policy and the invigoration of the economy. On the other hand if we only
concern ourselves with these invigoration policies then we ignore the struggle
against illegal activities in economic and other areas.. Both these possibil-
ities are incorrect and should not be allowed to occur and thus in our study-
ing we must link everything to reality and rid ourselves of these incorrect
ways of thinking.
As far as class struggle is concerned, we must seek to prevent and overcome
two main incorrect ways of thinking. Since the third plenary session the
party has made several new tactical policies and in so doing has corrected
the former mistaken policy of "taking the class struggle as the key link"
and criticized the idea of "using the class struggle to study and analyze
everything." Instead, the party has promoted the task of improving the
system of socialist democracy and strengthening the legal system of social-
ism. This is entirely correct but some rightists misinterpret the party line
and incorrectly believe that the class struggle no longer exists and that
the class viewpoint of Marx is no longer applicable and even feel that the
fight against economic and other types of corruption is not a class struggle.
Even more serious is the fact that some people even turn a blind eye to the
small'number of bad elements and their illegal activities as well as the
corruptive invasion of bourgeois ideology. Some people still have not rid
themselves of the fetters of the concept of "making the class struggle the
key point" and thus, with the appearance of economic corruption and the
invasion of poisonous bourgeois ideology, they are unable to handle the
situation correctly and feel that only with politicalization can the prob-
lem be solved. Such ideas as these are all wrong. In our studying we must
link everything with reality and look at historical and present experiences.
In this way we can strengthen our watch against bourgeois corruption and
support the purity of communist education as well as overcome the rightist
mistake of ignoring the existence of class struggle. Furthermore, we must
respect the socialist legal system and use the weapon of the law to strike
out at bad elements and thereby avoid a return to the old road of "taking
,the class struggle as the key link" and overcome "leftist" mistakes.
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HOW TO STUDY THE FIFTH PART OF THE 12TH CPC CONGRESS REPORT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 pp 45-48
[Article by RED FLAG Editorial Office for Theoretical Education; passages
within slantlines published in boldface]
[Text] This part of the report expounds on the basic principles and poli-
cies of China's relations with other countries, the major questions of our
relations with other countries at present and the important principles of
developing the relationships between our party and other communist or
working-class parties. In our study, we must grasp the following four main
points:
1. The basic point of departure for our country to handle its relations
with other countries.
2. The five principles of peaceful coexistence have consistently guided
China in its efforts to develop relations with other countries.
3. Resolutely opposing imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism together
with other Third World countries is our sacred international duty.
4. The important principles of developing relationships between our party
and other communist or working-class parties.
/While studying the first main point, it is advisable to deepen our under-
standing in three aspects: 1) China's foreign policy fully reflects the
integration of patriotism and internationalism. 2) We must have a further
understanding of the correctness of our foreign policy by recalling the past
and contrasting it with the present. 3) Adherence-to an independent foreign
policy must go through struggles./
China's foreign policy is based on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. It
proceeds from the fundamental interests of the people of. China and the rest
of the world and fully embodies the integration of patriotism and inter-
nationalism. Being patriots, in relations with other countries we must
resolutely safeguard our national interests or dignity, and we definitely
cannot tolerate any encroachment of them. Being internationalists, we must
realize our national interests in the course of safeguarding the overall
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interests of mankind and definitely not infringe upon the overall interests
of mankind for the sake of narrow national interests. Therefore, in inter-
national activities we must always have the overall interest of the world in
mind, support all undertakings conducive to safeguarding world peace and
promoting human progress and try our utmost to make our own contributions
in this respect. In addition, as for the Chinese people who are struggling
for socialist modernization, world peace and human progress are indispensable
international conditions and a vehicle of supports In the past, we always
stressed that aid among all nations was reciprocal and that the just strug-
gles of the people of other countries have helped the Chinese people and in
turn the Chinese people have also helped the just struggles of the people of
other countries. In the future we will continue to support this view and act
in such a way. It is precisely because the basic point of departure of our
foreign policy is based on patriotism and internationalism that it is com-
pletely different from the diplomacy of capitulationism and humiliation which
was pursued by the reactionary rulers in old China in the face of imperialist
aggression and oppression, and is also completely different from the expan-
sionist and hegemonist policies practiced by some big nations which rely on
strength to overpower weak nations. It is an embodiment of the integration
of patriotism and internationalism. On the basis of adhering to our per-
sistent principled stand, flexible methods and steps are adopted in light of
the development of and changes in the situation. In handling our external
relationships, we uphold principles and also keep our promises and mean what
we say. Being diametrically opposed to the practices which regard the
intercourse between different countries as a political game or as playing
"cards," in its dealings with other countries China always has a long-term
stand and firm principles, follows an overall long-term strategy and is
definitely not swayed by expediency or by any external pressure or by any-
body's instigation or provocation. Our foreign policy has weathered all
sorts of tests in the changing international situation and has gained
prestige and made more and more friends throughout the world.
In order to have a deeper comprehension of our independent foreign policy,
let us look back at the bitter history of more- than 100 years after the Opium
War in 1840 in which China was subjugated to the aggression of colonialist
and imperialist big powers compelled China to sign unequal treaties by force
of arms, willfully trampled upon our sovereignty, divided our territory and
plundered our wealth; moreover, in order to exchange the recognition and
support of the imperialists, the reactionary decadent Qing dynasty, the
northern warlords and the KMT government would not hesitate to sell our
state sovereignty and betray national interests. As a result, China became
weaker and weaker. and became impoverished. It was not until the founding
of the.PRC that this history of national betrayal and humiliation was
thoroughly ended. After the PRC was founded, the Chinese people really
stood up. China carried out an independent external policy, participated
in. discussing and resolving international affairs on an equal footing, con-
tinuously gained new and tremendous achievements in international activities
and its international status rose rapidly. On the basis of the five prin-
ciples of peaceful coexistence, China has in the past 33 years, since the
founding of the PRC, established diplomatic relations with more than 120
countries, developed economic and commercial intercourse and cooperation in
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various fields with more countries and regions, and has thus provided our
socialist construction with favorable international conditions. In the
course of our study, we must have a deeper comprehension of the principles
and characteristics of our foreign policy through recalling the past and
contrasting it with the present and lay an ideological foundation for doing
a further good job in the foreign affairs work and developing relations with
other countries.
Under the present conditions, in order to adhere to an independent foreign
policy it is still necessary to go through severe struggles. Intern
nationally, the superpowers which carry out a hegemonist policy will
always try to rely;_, on their military and economic strength, which occupies
a dominant position, to put pressure on China, menace the security of our
country, interfere in our internal affairs and be unwilling to handle their
relations with our country in an equal manner. The process of our adher-
ence to an independent foreign policy is a process of struggling against
hegemonism. Domestically, in a situation in 'which we follow a policy of
opening to the outside world, in the dealings with foreign countries, some
party members and cadres, seriously corrupted by foreign ideas, depart from
the correct stand, lose moral quality and national dignity, infringe upon
the state's interests to seek personal gains .and even sell secrets and
betray the motherland; still other people stubbornly worship foreign things
and fawn on foreign powers and lose the national confidence and their self-
respect. While studying we must proceed from realities, pay attention to
waging. struggle against this sort of phenomena and eradicate their influ-'
ence.
/While studying the second main point, it is advisable to have a deeper
understanding of the necessity of adhering to an independent foreign policy
in social and ideological foundations;. at the same time, it is also neces-
sary to understand that the five principles of peaceful coexistence are not
only applicable to handling our relations with countries having!., different
social systems but are also applicable to handling our relations with social-
ist countries./
The five principles of mutual respect for sovereignty and territorial
integrity, mutual nonaggression, noninterference in each other.!, internal
affairs,, equality and mutual benefit and peaceful coexistence have con-
sistently guided China in its effort to develop relations with other coun-
tries. China first put forth and has persistently upheld these five prin-
ciples which have opened up a new path of developing international relations.
The characteristics of previous foreign relations were that big nations
could bully weak ones at will; big nations could wantonly oppress small
ones;'some big nations and even one or two superpowers could dominate world
affairs and manipulate the fate of the vast numbers of other countries.
China has consistently held that all countries, whether big and small or
powerful and weak, must be equal in the international arena and matters that
concern the world must be jointly settled through consultation among all
nations; that the sovereignty and integral territory of a country must be
respected and no country whatsoever has the right to serve as an inter-
national gendarme.or to brandish the baton and no country is allowed to
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occupy other countries' territories and interfere in the internal affairs
of other countries. In past years, China has strictly abided by the five
principles of peaceful coexistence and never occupied a single inch of
foreign land, never infringed upon the sovereignty of another country or
imposed an unequal relationship upon another country and has proclaimed
that under no circumstances will it seek heg~monism. We have a solid
social. and ideological foundation in doing things in this way. In terms
of, social foundation, we have established inlChina the socialist system
with the people being the masters of the country. This provides a social
foundation for carrying out a peaceful policy in external work. There does
not exist in China the monopolistic capitalist class which needs to grab
super-profits in other countries or the militlarist force which serves this
class, so there is no need whatsoever for China to commit aggression
against another country or to expand its territory. In terms of the
ideological foundation, we uphold proletarian internationalism, firmly
believe that "a nation cannot become free and at the same time continue to
oppress other nations" and "no people on earth who enslave a nation can
escape punishment." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 4, p 410;
Vol 18, p 629) Therefore, in our external intercourses, we have all along
strived for safeguarding unity and friendship among the people of all
countries and will definitely not oppress and enslave another nation. We
have persistently supported the struggle for liberation of the oppressed
people and nations and are convinced that communism will ultimately be
realized throughout the world and strictly follow the principle of "revolu-
tion cannot be exported." In accordance with the historical materialist
viewpoint, only the people of the country concerned can decide the fate of
their own country. The revolution of a country must rely on the political
consciousness of the people of the country concerned and it cannot and also
must not be forcefully imposed on the people from the outside.
The five principles of peaceful coexistence are applicable to our rela-
tions with all other countries. The report separately expounds on China's
relations with Japan, the United States and the Soviet Union. Although
conditions vary from country to country, our relations with them have a
common spirit, that is, adherence to the five principles of peaceful
coexistence. In his opening'speech to the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Deng
Xiaoping pointed out: "While we Chinese people value our friendship and
cooperation with other countries and people, we value even more our hard-won
independence and sovereign rights. No foreign country can expect China to
be its vassal, nor can it expect China to swallow any bitter fruit harmful
to China's interests." This is an expression of the Chinese people's firm
stand of upholding the five principles and safeguarding the interests of
the motherland and national dignity.
In our external relationships, we uphold principles and wage appropriate
struggle against the practices of those countries which deviate from the
five principles of peaceful coexistence. This will be conducive to the
consolidation and development of relations based on the five principles
rather than damaging our normal relations with those countries. If we do
not do so and further allow the phenomena which run counter to the five
principles to develop unchecked, then the relations which have been
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established and developed will also possibly regress and even be in danger
of heading for a diplomatic breakdown. Such are the relations between China
and the countries which have different social systems from China's. In our
relations with other socialist countries, on;the basis of sharing identical
goals and an identical basic stand and viewpoint, there will possibly emerge
differing comprehensions and even differences of opinion on some matters,
and therefore it is also necessary to solve the differences and contradic-
tions of both parties concerned on the basis 'of the five principles of
peaceful coexistence and through consultation based on an equal footing so
that the bonds of friendship, unity and close cooperation can be continu-
ously consolidated and developed.
/While studying the third main point, we must deepen our understanding in
three aspects: 1) Opposing imperialism, hegemonism and colonialism is the
common task of the people of all Third World countries. 2) The unity and
cooperation between China and other Third World countries has a historical
and practical foundation. 3) Mutual cooperation among Third World coun-
tries is of great significance./
One characteristic of the present international situation is that the old
system of colonialism has disintegrated but its remnants are far from being
eliminated; the imperialists and colonialists are still attempting to safe-
guard their vested interests in their former colonies and vassals. The
superpowers that practice hegemonism pose a new threat to the people of the
world. Their pursuit of global domination is the main source of instability
and turmoil in the world. Therefore, opposing imperialism, hegemonism and
colonialism and striving for complete equality and reason in political and
economic relations among nations are the common demands and fighting tasks
of the people of the world, and in particular the people of the Third World
countries, and the most important task of the people of the world today is
to oppose hegemonism and safeguard world peace. China is against all wars
of aggression, including the world war being fomented by the superpowers,
and all local wars of aggression which the superpowers instigate or back
and regard supporting all victim countries and people in their struggle
against aggression as its own international duty.
China belongs to the Third World and the unity and cooperation between
China and the vast numbers of other Third World countries has a profound
historical and practical foundation: 1) China has experienced sufferings
similar to those of most other Third World countries. Historically, China
and most other Third World countries were for a long time subjected to
colonialist and imperialist aggression and oppression. In the struggle for
national liberation, they stood on the same front line to oppose a common
enemy and they went through thick and thin and enjoyed the joy of victory
together. 2) China and most other Third World countries are faced with
common problems: in the international political arena, they are menaced
and jeopardized by hegemonism; in international economic relations, they
are unjustly and unequally treated by the old international economic order;
and domestically, they are faced with, to varying degrees, the problems of
economic poverty and cultural backwardness left over by history. 3) China
and other Third World countries are faced at present with common tasks:
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first and foremost, they should defend their national independence and
state sovereignty and actively develop their national economies so that
they can back up their political independence with economic independence.
With a common basis, we can share a common destiny with Third World coun-
tries and sincerely treat each other and cooperate in a friendly manner.
Mutual cooperation with Third World countries, and in particular economic
cooperation, will contribute to breaking the old unequal international
economic order. The so-called old international economic order is in
essence an economic system under which the international monopolistic
capital of the developed capitalist countries monopolizes the production,
trade and finance of the world and exploits developing countries. Through
the export of capital and transnational corporations--monopoly enterprises
of an international character, the developed countries control the produc-
tion of important products of quite a few developing countries and grab
super-profits in developing countries. On the international market, in
the trade between the developing countries which mainly export primary
products and the developed countries which mainly export manufactured goods,
the continuous widening of the scissors difference in exchange prices and
the artificial forcing down of prices for many raw materials by the
developed countries have made developing countries sustain a great loss.
In financial and monetary fields, inflation and remittance fluctuations of
the West have made foreign exchange reserves of developing countries suffer
losses, and high interest and harsh terms on capital loans have added
weight to the financial burdens of developing countries. In order to reform
this old international economic order, apart from striving to solve problems
through negotiation with developed countries (the South-North dialogue),
developing countries are strengthening their mutual economic cooperation
(South-South cooperation). This is of great significance. It is conducive
to establishing a new international economic order based on genuine equality
and mutual benefit as well as fairness and rationality and to promoting
developing countries to self-reliantly and steadily get rid of the relation-
ship of economically hanging on to the coattails of developed countries.
From a long-term point of view, "South-South cooperation" has a broad
prospect. Today China and many other Third World countries have been
fruitfully putting an end to their respective economically and technically
backward features. This is a new force in the world economy which has a
reservoir of potential. If China is economically prosperous and flourish-
ing, it will surely make more contributions to the development of "South-
South cooperation" and the prosperity of the world economy. .
/While studying the fourth main point, it is advisable to deepen our under-
standing of the important principles for our party to handle its relations.
with foreign communist or working-class parties in light of the historical
experience of the international communist movement./
The principles for our party to handle its relations with other communist
or working-class parties are in strict conformity with Marxism, adherence
to independence, complete equality, mutual respect and noninterference in
each other's internal affairs. This is not only a summing up of the
historical experiences of our party in handling its relations with foreign
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communist parties but also an assimilation of the historical experiences,
both positive and negative in the international communist movement.
The.history of the international communist movement has told us that the
socioeconomic conditions and political conditions of every country are
complicated and multifarious. The problems of revolution in any country,
such as strategy, tactics and organizational forms, should be decided by
the country's communist party or other working-class party under the
guidance of Marxist principles and in accordance with the country's actual
conditions and they should be tested and perfected in the continuous prac-
tice of revolutionary work. The reason why the Chinese revolution could be
victorious is because our party was good at integrating Marxist universal
principles with the concrete practice of the Chinese revolution, that is to
say, China self-reliantly defined its own line, principles and policies.
In his opening speech to the 12th CPC Congress, Comrade Deng Xiaoping
pointed out: "Both in our revolution and construction, we should also
learn from foreign countries and draw on their experience. But mechanical
copying and application of foreign experience and models will get us
nowhere. We have experienced many lessons in this respect. To integrate
the universal truth of Marxism with the concrete realities of China, blaze
a path of our own and build socialism with Chinese characteristics--this is
the basic conclusion we have reached in summing up long, historical
experience."
The historical experience of the international communist movement has also
proved that any attempt by one party (no matter how high its seniority and
prestige are) to decide the internal affairs of other parties, to force-
fully issue orders or to run the internal affairs of other parties will
always produce poor results and can only lead to setbacks or failures in
the revolutions of the countries concerned. In maintaining contacts among
the communist parties of different countries, one must only rely on the
truth of Marxism to convince others rather than resorting to administrative
means. As for the practice of one party willfully interfering in the other
parties' internal affairs and even compelling other parties to submit to it
by force of arms, it can fundamentally run counter to proletarian inter-
national principles and undermine the very foundation of the international
communist movement.
Of course, it is still quite necessary for all communist parties to exchange
views and help each other on the basis of mutual respect and complete
equality. Each party has its own strong and weak points. Each party is
encouraged to learn from each other's successes and failures and draw use-
ful lessons from them.
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ATTENTION SHOULD BE PAID TO IDEOLOGICAL AND POLITICAL WORK AMONG EDITORIAL
STAFF
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 20, 16 Oct 82 p 49
[Article by Wen Zhao [2435 6856] and Che Yanming [6508 1750 2494]]
[Text] Comrade Liu Shaotang's article "Ideological and Political Work
Among Writers Should Be Strengthened," which was published in RED FLAG
No 13, 1982, raised a seriously acute problem: Among a very small number
of people in literary and art circles, there exists an erroneous tendency
to think very highly of oneself and feel cocky toward the party. The
article states: "Only when ideological and political work among writers
is strengthened, can we produce good works of literature and art, foster a
good work style and promote the greater flourishing of socialist literary
undertaking." We consider that the article's argument is extremely apposite.
However, we have one point to add: We must also simultaneously strengthen
ideological and political work among editorial staff and strive to heighten
their sense of political responsibility.
A completed item of work, although it reflects the ideology and political
tendency of its writer, it is nevertheless necessary to go through the
medium of the editor to use the work to influence and educate. the people.
Therefore, editors must have a sharp ability to discriminate and a high
level of sense of political responsibility. What kinds of work should be
published and what kinds of work should not be published? This is a ques-
tion of principle concerned with whether or not the party's literary under-
taking can be safeguarded. It is a pity that in a few publications, some
works of, literature and art unexpectedly appeared which had a low style and
even had extremely absurd content. These works seriously damaged our party's
image and the image of socialist new people, brought pollution to the
spiritual life of the masses of the people and had an extremely harmful
influence on the vast numbers of readers. One of the important reasons why
it was possible to publish these works is that some working editorial
personnel failed to strictly examine and conscientiously distinguish these
works, or they based their decision to publish the work merely on.the repu-
tation of the writer. It even happened that the publication of some works
of literature and art was entirely due to the fact that the editor responded
sympathetically to the thoughts of the writer.
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We can see from this that it is not enough to strengthen ideological and
political work among writers alone. While providing more effective party
leadership in literary and art works and strengthening ideological and
political work among the writers, further vigorous efforts should still be
made to strengthen ideological and political work among working editorial
personnel. Only in this way can we ensure the publication of more works
which fill people with enthusiasm and can we restore and develop the
glorious tradition of revolutionary literature and promote the greater
flourishing of socialist literary undertakings.
Editor's note: After reading Comrade Liu Shaotang's article "Ideological
and Political Work Among Writers Should Be Strengthened," Comrades Wen Zhao
and Che Yanming proposed that "attention should also be given to ideological
and political work among editorial staff." We consider their opinion to be
quite correct. It must be said that their opinion is not only applicable
to the editors of literary and art newspapers and editorials but also to the
editorial staff in such fields as new publication and theoretical propa-
ganda. In the last few years, great advances have been made in newspaper
and periodical publication work and many comrades on the editorial staff
have done their utmost to serve as a link between writer and reader and
play the. part of a discrete matchmaker. They have thus done a lot of work.
However, there still exist some problems in editorial work. Apart from
those things mentioned by Comrade Wen Zhao and Che Yanming in their letter
to us, according to readers' letters, there are still a small number of
people who hanker after the indulgence of all sorts of unhealthy practices,
such as the "study of relationships." For example, a few people try their
best to publish the manuscripts of their old acquaintances, friends and
classmates, regardless of quality. And there is a tacit agreement between
different editors that you publish my work and I will publish yours. Some
editors even indulge in flattering each other in an unprincipled way. What
is more, they act willfully in accordance with their personal tasks, view-
points and tendencies, they abandon principles, act without regard for the
consequences and so on. They do not, as they ought to, regard the news-
papers and periodicals which they are involved in editing as the party's
propaganda front. All these practices not only make the quality of publi-
cations inferior but also have a directly harmful influence on the readers.
We are happy to see that this problem has aroused the attention of the
departments and units concerned. Quite a few units have examined and summed
up their own editorial work and are strengthening ideological and political
work among the editorial staff in the light of their respective actual con-
ditions. Through the examination and summing up work, the vast numbers of
editorial working personnel have also acquired a deeper understanding of
the glorious responsibility which they bear, and they are adding to their
achievements, overcoming their mistakes and vigorously encouraging editorial
professional morality so that together they can push the building of social-
ist spiritual civilization forward. Of course,. intensifying ideological
education among editorial staff is a long-term task. With regard to this
question, this magazine wishes to encourage other fraternal newspapers and
periodicals in our endeavor.
CSO: 4004/6 END
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100400001-3