CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 91
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: October 4, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
JPRS 81911
4 October 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 15,, 1 August 1982
FBIS
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
JPRS publications contain information primarily from foreign
newspapers, periodicals and books, but also from news agency
transmissions and broadcasts. Materials from foreign-language
sources are translated; those from English-language sources
are transcribed or reprinted, with the original phrasing and
other characteristics retained.
Headlines, editorial reports, and material enclosed in brackets
[] are supplied by JPRS. Processing indicators such as [Text]
or [Excerpt] in the first line of each item, or following the
last line of a brief, indicate how the original information was
processed. Where no processing indicator is given, the infor-
mation was summarized or extracted.
Unfamiliar names rendered phonetically or transliterated are
enclosed in parentheses. Words or names preceded by a ques-
tion mark and enclosed in parentheses were not clear in the
original but have been supplied as appropriate in context.
Other unattributed parenthetical notes within the body of an
item originate with the source. Times within items are as
given by source.
The contents of this publication in no way represent the poli-
cies, views or attitudes of the U.S. Government.
JPRS publications may be ordered from the National Technical
Information Service, Springfield, Virginia 22161. In order-
ing, it is recommended that the JPRS number, title, date and
author, if applicable, of publication be cited.
Current JPRS publications are announced in Government Reports
Announcements issued semi-monthly by the National Technical
Information Service, and are listed in the Monthly Catalog of
U.S. Government Publications issued by the Superintendent of
Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, D.C.
20402.
Correspondence pertaining to matters other than procurement
may be addressed to Joint Publications Research Service,
1000 North Glebe Road, Arlington, Virginia 22201.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
4 October 1982
CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 15, 1 August 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Communist Party of China published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
from the Nanchang Uprising to Going Up the Jinggang Mountains
(pp 2-5)
(Zhu De)........ ................................................. 1
guild a Strong Modern Revolutionary Army--In Commemoration of
the 55th Anniversary of the Founding of the Chinese
People's Liberation Army (pp 6-10)
(Yang Shangkun) .................................................... 8
A Crack Force That Defended the Party Central Committee and
the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Border Region--Reminiscences of
the Rear Corps of the Eighth Route Army During the War of
Resistance Against Japan (pp 11-15)
(Xiao Jingguang) ................................................... 17
Heighten Party Spirit, Improve the Style of Study (pp 16-18)
(Commentator) ...................................................... 26
9n Mass Supervision (pp 19-24, 30)
(Xiaong Fu) ........................................................ 31
A Crackdown on Economic Crimes and Class Struggle (pp 25-30)
(Commentator)...... ................................................. 41
New Questions Which Have Cropped Up in Grain Production in
Suzhou Prefecture (pp 31-34)
(Sun Ming, et al.) .................................................. 50
Paying Special Attention to Dialectics in Economic Research
Work (pp 35-36)
(Short commentary) ................................................. 58
- a - IIII - CC - 751
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
Correctly Handle the Relationship Between the Part and the
Whole in Economic Work (pp 36-39)
(Wu Kaitai, et al.) .............................................. 60
How To Look Upon Results of Theoretical Study (pp 39-41)
(Liu Jiaen) ...................................................... 66
Why Must We Stress Making Major Efforts To Develop Commodity
Production and Commodity Exchange? (pp 40-41)
(Hu Jun) ......................................................... 69
We Must Attach Importance to Family Education (pp 42-45)
(Yu Xinyan) ...................................................... 72
Do a Good Job in Writing About New People in Rural Areas
During the Period of Transformation (pp 46-48, 45) 79
(Li Yuming, Han Zhijun) ..........................................
Be Sure Not To Choose a Villain for a Job (inside back cover)
(Zong Rong) ...................................................... 86
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
FROM THE NANCHANG UPRISING TO GOING UP THE JINGGANG MOUNTAINS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 2-5
[Article by Zhu De, written in June 19621
[Text] I
In talking about the Nanchang uprising, it is first necessary to look back
at the history of the first revolutionary civil war.
In 1923 the third party congress decided that our party would cooperate
with the Kuomintang [KMT]. In 1924, Dr Sun Yat-sen's KMT, aided by our
party, the Communist International and the CPSU, formulated a revolu-
tionary policy to unite with Russia and the communists and to support the
revolution of peasants and workers and reorganized and formed an alliance
composed of various democratic classes. Thus, the first KMT-CCP coopera-
tion was shaping up, and the great revolution of China was set off. At
that time, the KMT's meager resources were nearly exhausted and had to be
rebuilt. Therefore, the KMT, out of necessity, cooperated with us in
order to obtain our assistance.
During the great revolution in China, the Central Committee of our party
organized a Military Commission, and the Soviet Union sent military
advisers to China. The KMT, with the support of our party, founded the
Huangpu Military Academy, established the National Revolutionary Army and
reorganized the old army. When the northern expedition was launched, the
KMT already had six armies.1 A great number of Communist Party members
were sent to do political work at the military academy and in the armed
forces. In some armies, units from the company level up to the army level
all had Communist Party members as party representatives. This fact shows
that ever since that time, our party began to pay attention to military
work, to do revolutionary political work in the armed forces, to unite the
armed forces with the people and to integrate the revolutionary armed
struggle with the mass struggle. It was precisely because of this fact
that the northern expedition swiftly developed with a violent force and
won a tremendous victory. The victory was not just something fortuitous.
It was the result of our party using Marxism-Leninism as a guide and the
armed forces using the Soviet Red Army of that time as their example. At
that time, although our party had neither experience in, nor paid
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
sufficient attention to, controlling the armed forces, it did come into
contact with the problem and began to do something about it. Therefore,
in studying the party's military history, it is necessary to begin with
these basic historical facts.
Chiang Kai-shek, taking advantage of the mistakes committed by our party's
rightist opportunist leaders and after mapping out a series of conspiracies,
at long last betrayed the revolution in April 1927 and carried out massacres
of the people. Many workers, peasants and Communist Party members were
slaughtered. Wang Jingwei openly turned anticommunist in July and also
carried out massacres of the people. Thus, the KMT-CCP cooperation was
completely broken. A large number of Communist Party members were purged
from the northern expedition army. They had nowhere to turn. To salvage
the revolution and cope with the pressing situation, we realized that an
uprising was the only solution, and the party decided to launch an uprising
in Nanchang on 1 August. At that time, there was very little time for
making and implementing the decision. As we look back on it now, the timing
for the uprising was a little too late.
After the Nanchang uprising, the forces involved in the uprising all went
south to seek foreign aid in Guangdong's Shantou. But they were defeated
in Guangdong's Chaozhou-Shantou area. An important lesson learned from
this defeat was that these forces did not unite with Jiangxi's peasant
movement but went to Guangdong instead. If these forces had taken advantage
of the contradictions existing among the warlords themselves and had
launched peasant movements in various localities in Jiangxi, solved the
land problem, built revolutionary bases and reorganized their forces, it
would have been quite possible for them to succeed.
After the forces involved in the uprising entered Guangdong, they divided
into two parts. The main force advanced to the Shantou-Jieyang area while
the other part commanded by me was stationed in Sanheba. Upon hearing that
our main force was attacked by the enemy in Chaozhou and Shantou, we
immediately marched south to their aid from Sanheba. Only after we
arrived at Raoping and met a part of the main force of about 200 men who
were retreating from the Chaozhou-Shantou area did we learn that our main
force had been routed and scattered. Our force, now totaling a little
over 2,000 men including the 200 from the main force that joined us, turned
back north and, after engaging an enemy division in the ancient city of
Wuping, arrived at Tianxinyu in Jiangxi's Anyuan County. By that time,
the morale of our men had sunk further. Our badly battered force, which
consisted of three parts--one part commanded by Zhou Shi, one part from
the main force that pulled out from the Chaozhou-Shantou area and one part
commanded by me--was in total disarray. Some had deserted while others
asked to leave. Faced with such a situation, we conducted an initial
reorganization at Tianxinyu, held a soldiers' meeting, explained the
situation and mission of the revolution and pointed out that the final
victory would surely be ours, so as to boost morale and steady our confi-
dence. After the initial reorganization, we continued our westward march,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
and passing through Xinfeng, we arrived at Dayu at the end of October and
reorganized our forces. First, we reorganized the party and CYL organiza-
tions, set up party branches and organized all our men into a column [zong
dui 4912 7130] consisting of two subcolumns [dui 7130]. Then we advanced
to Shangbao in Chongyi County.
The reorganization and training of the contingent of men that survived the
Nanchang uprising did not materialize until it arrived at Shangbao. After
3 months of marching and fighting since the Nanchang uprising, we did not
o find a place to settle down until we arrived in Shangbao. It gave us some
time for reorganization and training. First, we strengthened discipline,
stipulating that all funds contributed and materials captured must be
turned over to the public. Next, we conducted military training. A major
training course was conducted every 2 days and regular training was con-
ducted every day. To meet objective requirements, new tactics were pro-
posed. They mainly dealt with how to turn major battles into minor ones
by adopting guerrilla warfare and how to change the single-line battle array
into the wedge-shaped battle array. Of course, all this was only in the
embryonic stage. It was Chairman Mao who later systematically and com-
pletely solved guerrilla warfare and even the entire strategic problem.
Thanks to. the reorganization and training, our forces were united, their
discipline strengthened and their combat effectiveness enhanced. Mean-
while, a battalion, commanded by Wu Zhonghao, of the worker-peasant army
directly led by Chairman Mao, joined us in our reorganization and training.
Prior to the Nanchang uprising, Fan Shisheng's 16th Army stationed in
southern Hunan had maintained a united front relationship with our party,
and our party had also maintained organizations in the 16th Army. Fan
Shisheng had also intended to join our incursion into Guangdong. After
the Nanchang uprising and the incursion of our forces into Guangdong,
Comrade Zhou Enlai wrote us a letter of introduction which would be
presented to Fan Shisheng's troops if and when we could make contact with
them. Fan Shisheng was an old acquaintance of mine. We were schoolmates
in the Yunnan army training school and took part in the 1911 revolution
together. After we arrived at Shangbao, Fan Shisheng sent Wei Bocui, a
Communist Party member working among his troops, to contact us in the hope
of cooperating with us. After the matter was discussed in our party
organization, we agreed to cooperate with him and signed an agreement.
After that, our troops moved to Rucheng in southern Hunan and cooperated
with Fan Shisheng's troops. We disguised ourselves under a falsified
regimental designation of his troops.
Our cooperation with Fan Shisheng was conditional. The terms were agreed
upon during the talks. We were communist troops, thus at any time our
party wanted us to leave, we had to leave. We had complete control over
all supplies Fan Shisheng provided us. We held the sole power to decide
the internal organization and training of our troops, and Fan Shisheng
would never interfere. In fact, all these conditions were honored. For
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
instance, when we entered Guangdong's Renhua, we still cracked down on local
tyrants and killed several landlords and local tyrants. Another example,
in preparation for the southern Hunan insurrection, we held a meeting in
Rucheng of party secretaries of county party committees under the jurisdic-
tion of Hengyang to discuss and plan for the insurrection. Still another
example, when Huang Shaoxiong was about to attack Fan's troops, Fan wanted
us to be his rear guard; we replenished our supplies with the great amount
of materials left behind by Fan's troops. All this showed that we could
decide our own actions without restrictions set by anyone else.
Our cooperation with Fan Shisheng was of great benefit to us. First, we
could lie low for awhile (I used an assumed name Wang Kai), catch our
breath for reorganization and bide our time for another chance. Second,
we could replenish our supplies. During our cooperation, he gave us 2
months' pay and replenished our bedding, clothing and ammunition. When we
left, he gave us several tens of thousands of dollars in cash for our
travel expenses. In December 1927, we received our party's directive to
support the Guangzhou uprising. While still on our way to Guangzhou, we
heard that the uprising had failed, and we stayed in Shaoguan. Not long
afterwards, we left Fan's troops and entered southern Hunan to organize
the southern Hunan insurrection. On the eve of our departure, Fan Shisheng
wrote us a letter to express his sincerity. I can still recall the gist of
that letter: 1) "Who can so unite it? He who has no pleasure in killing
can so unite it."2 2) To prevent losses to your troops, it was better for
you to take the main route instead of trails. 3) Final victory belongs to
you, but at present I cannot help you, although I would very much like
to do so.
After leaving Fan's troops, we traveled north from Shaoguan, with a plan to
find a base area in southern Hunan. At that time, Gong Chu3 joined our
unit. He led the way and took us to Yangjiazhaizi in Yizhang County where
Chairman Yang Zida of the Yizhang County peasant association lived. He
played an important role in letting us stay at Yangjiazhaizi.
After reaching Yangjiazhaizi, we decided to organize an insurrection in
Yizhang County. In the county, there was a person by the name of Hu
Shaohai who formerly served as battalion commander under Cheng Qian's
command and who was known to the local evil gentry. One day in mid-January
1928, we informed Hu Shaohai that we were going to have our troops
masquerade as a unit of the National Revolutionary Army and move to the
seat of the Yizhang County government. When members of the local evil
gentry heard of Hu Shaohai leading troops back, they came out of the city
to greet us, welcomed our troops into the city and invited us to dinner.
At the dinner, we arrested all the members of the evil gentry and govern-
ment officials and launched the Yizhang insurrection. Following the
insurrection, we promptly set up the Yizhang County soviet government and
founded the 1st Division of the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army,
thus firing the first shot in the southern Hunan insurrection.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
After the Yizhang insurrection, Xu Kexiang, an executioner in the Mari
incident, came with his troops from Pingshi to attack us. Our comrades and
the broad masses hated Xu Kexiang to the marrow of their bones. After
hearing of fighting against Xu Kexiang, their morale was unprecedentedly
high and they vied with one another in participating in the fight. Xu
Kexiang deployed his six regiments of troops in a long line, which made it
easy for us to wipe out his regiments one by one. Thus, once we engaged
his troops, we quickly routed an advance regiment of his troops and then
pursued and attacked the rest of his troops. In the pursuit, we crushed
all.of his six regiments one by one. When we pursued Xu Kexiang and his
troops to Pingshi, his troops were thrown into great confusion and were
utterly routed. Pingshi was a gorge where there were no crossroads. The
enemy troops could flee only along the gorge. So we kept pursuing them
to the bank of Lechang River where we had to stop. This battle was fought
excellently. We captured many enemy troops, some of whom joined our unit.
At Pingshi in particular, we-captured all Xu Kexiang's warehouses and
replenished and armed ourselves with materials and weapons in the ware-
houses. We seized not only machineguns but mortars and artillery pieces
as well. It can be said that Xu Kexiang helped us to build up.
The good news of wiping out Xu Kexiang's troops soon got around in southern
Hunan. Local party organizations in southern Hunan's various counties
contacted us and asked us to build local armed forces. We supported them
in doing so. We first helped Yizhang County organize a local regiment.
After taking Chenzhou, we then helped Chenzhou organize a local regiment.
Later, we successively captured the county seats of Leiyang, Zixing,
Yongxing, Guidong and Rucheng and also launched insurrections in Chaling,
Anren and Lingxian. The masses in 11 counties went into action and
organized their local armed forces. Under the leadership of local party
organizations, these local armed forces overthrew local tyrants and-evil
gentry as well as the local reactionary governments and set up soviet
governments. This is what the southern Hunan insurrection in early 1928
was about (called the year-end insurrection at that time).
The southern Hunan insurrection took place at a time when a war had broken
out between warlords Bai Chongxi and Tang Shengzhi. So the situation was
favorable for us. If the policy and line had been correct, it would have
been possible for us to continue to exploit the victory and to consolidate
our position in some localities under the given conditions. However, the
erroneous left-putschist line alienated the masses from us, thus isolating
us. As a result, the revolutionary forces had to withdraw from southern
Hunan shortly after the insurrection.
The troops we saved from the Nanchang uprising and the local armed forces
in southern Hunan successfully joined forces with the Workers' and Peasants'
Revolutionary Army under Chairman Mao's direct leadership at Longshi,
Ninggang County, on 28 April 1928. On 4 May, we held a grand joining-
forces meeting at Lonshi and announced the founding of the 4th Corps of
the Workers' and Peasants' Revolutionary Army (the corps was redesignated
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
as the 4th Red Army later). The main force of our Workers' and Peasants'
Red Army had since grown in.strength and become stronger and stronger with
each passing day. It scored many important victories in the struggle to
consolidate and develop the base area in Jinggangshan.
After we joined forces, we won the first battle in early May 1928 when a
unit of the 4th Red Army wiped out a battalion of the enemy's 27th Division
under Yang Ruxuan's command near Huangao. Following that, this unit put
an enemy regiment to rout along the Wudu River. Our troops pursued and
attacked enemy troops in the wake of victory and captured Yongxin city far
the first time. During this battle, our troops wiped out and routed three
enemy regiments.
In late May 1928, the enemy troops under Yang Ruxuan's command launched an
attack on us from Yongxin. Our 28th Regiment went to the aid of a battalion
which was sent to Chaling, Hunan, for newsprint and had not yet returned to
Jinggangshan at that time. After learning of the enemy attack, the regiment
made a rapid march back to Caoshiao, 15 li from Yongxin city, and wiped out
a battalion of the enemy's 79th Regiment by attacking it from the rear.
Hu Zidang, commander of the enemy regiment, was killed on the spot. The
enemy troops fled helter-skelter, and we pursued them to Yongxin city. It
was said that Yang Ruxuan was listening to a phonograph record when our
troops stormed into the city and killed his foreign-bred dog. He was
wounded by a stray bullet while climbing over the city wall to flee. Thus,
we took Yongxin city for the second time. We seized a lot of booty,
including more than 50,000 silver dollars. The following morning we
withdrew from Yongxin city on our own initiative.
Nearly 10 regiments of Chiang Kai-shek's troops in Hunan and Jiangxi
launched an attack on Jinggangshan in June 1928. The enemy used the three
regiments under Yang Ruxuan's command as the main attack force to attack
our positions at Laoqixiling. Two regiments under Yang Chisheng's command
launched a secondary attack on our positions at Xinqixiling. The 29th
Regiment and a battalion of the 31st Regiment were assigned to defend
Xinqixiling and the 28th Regiment was given the task of defending
Laoqixiling. The fighting started before dawn on 22 June 1928 (the Dragon
Boat Festival fell on that day) and lasted until dark. At noon, our 28th
Regiment defending Laogixiling first put to rout the main attack force of
three enemy regiments which fled in disorder toward Yongxin city. At this
time, our 29th Regiment and a battalion of the 31st Regiment defending
Xinqixiling also launched a counterattack and forced the enemy troops to
retreat in disorder. These enemy troops attempted to flee through
Longyuankou, but our 28th Regiment outflanked, them there, thus cutting off
their retreat and annihilating most of them. Our troops pursued the
enemy troops to Yongxin and took the city for the third time. Thus, we
smashed the siege by the enemy. These are the well-known great victories
won at Qixiling and Longyuankou.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
1. The National Revolutionary Army consisted of six corps in early 1926
and expanded to eight corps when it set out from Guangdong on the
northern expedition in July 1926.
2. See "The Works of Mencius, King Hui of Liang, Part 1." The word
"unite" here means the unification of the country.
3.
Gong
Chu (1901 to ?) came from Lechang, Guangdong and was
admitted
to
the
and
CCP in 1925. He deserted from the revolutionary ranks
later betrayed the party and surrendered to the enemy.
in May
1935
CSO: 4004/46
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
BUILD A STRONG MODERN REVOLUTIONARY ARMY--IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 55TH
ANNIVERSARY OF THE FOUNDING OF THE CHINESE PEOPLE'S LIBERATION ARMY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 6-10
[Article by Yang Shangkun]
[Text] Since the founding of the Chinese People's Liberation Army in
1927, it has experienced a career of 55 years of glorious fighting.
Party leaders, including great Marxist and proletarian strategist Mao
Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Zhu De rendered indelible services to
the founding and development of the PLA. As the 55th anniversary of the
founding of our army draws near, all commanders and fighters of the army,
while recalling the past eventful years, cherish with boundless feelings
the memory of proletarian revolutionaries of the older generation who bent
their backs for the cause of liberation of the people of all nationalities
throughout the country until their dying day and of innumerable revolu-
tionary martyrs.
Just as the resolution unanimously approved by the 6th Plenary Session of
the 11th CPC Central Committee pointed out,,the Chinese revolution was
victorious mainly because we relied on a people's army led by the CPC; an
army of a completely new type and enjoying flesh-and-blood ties with the
people, to defeat a formidable. enemy through protracted people's war.
History has proved that without such an army, the people would have
nothing and it would have been impossible to achieve the liberation of our
people and the independence of our country.
Today, the people of the whole country are pleased to see that the PLA--a
people's army--has undergone new development and improvement in the new
historical conditions, developing from a purely land force into a composite
force that includes air and naval forces and other technical branches.
Apart from being equipped with excellent conventional weapons produced by
China itself, we also possess sophisticated strategic weapons such as
atomic and hydrogen bombs and LRBM's for self-defense. It can be predicted
that on the basis of the further development of the national economy, the
degree of modernization of the PLA is sure to be further enhanced.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
It is gratifying to note that in recent years, especially since Chairman
Deng Xiaoping presided over the work of the Military Commission of the CPC
Central Committee, new major progress has been made in PLA building and in
various aspects, such as military, political and rear service work. Under
the leadership of the CPC Central Committee and its Military Commission,
the whole army has conscientiously studied and implemented the various
principles and policies of the party. The army has paid special attention
to implementing the guidelines of the 3d and 6th Plenary Sessions of the
11th CPC Central Committee, guiding the troops to more conscientiously
uphold the four basic principles and unifying the ideas on the basis of the
basic conclusion of the "Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of
Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC." While constantly eliminating the
influence remaining from the "leftist" guiding ideology, the whole army has
resolutely repudiated and overcome bourgeois liberalization and other
erroneous ideological tendencies so that the troops' political conscious-
ness and understanding of policy have been markedly raised. The various
PLA units have extensively launched an activity of building socialist
spiritual civilization centering on having ideals, paying attention to
morality and observing discipline. A large number of new people of the
Lei Feng type have emerged. Quite a few PLA units have penetratingly
conducted patriotic education. characterized by the principle that state
interests are above everything. This has played a marked role in heighten-
ing the sense of national self-respect and pride and in understanding the
superiority of China's socialist system. In the struggles to resist
natural disasters in some areas of the country, the numerous cadres and
fighters have, with their own practical actions, fulfilled the aim of army
building--wholehearted service to the people--and forged closer links
between the army and government and between the army and people. The
various activities, such as building the army on a regular basis and con-
ducting military and political training, have improved sense of discipline
and organization and have effectively raised combat effectiveness. The
military exercises successfully held in north China and in a few other
areas have marked our army's step forward in improving the capability of
concerted operations among various branches of the armed forces and. in
employing the means of modern warfare. Vigorously supported by the broad
masses of the people, our army has triumphantly fulfilled the tasks of
defending our coastline and frontiers, the tranquility of our motherland
and the four modernizations drive. The victories in battles of self-
defense at the Fakashan and Koulinshan Mountains have added new glories
to the 1 August army flag. All this has proved that the PLA created and
led by the CPC and armed with Mao Zedong Thought is a completely trust-
worthy powerful people's armed force with fine training and strong combat
effectiveness. The cadres and fighters of the army are most obedient to
the party and people and go wherever the party directs them. The com-
manders and fighters fight where there is greatest hardship and danger.
This PRC armed force, that belongs to and is loyal to the people, is like
a steel great wall reliably defending our people's peaceful labor and
socialist modernization.
Recalling the 55 years of the army's history, one could say it is a history
of progressing., from small to big, from weak to strong, and from "millet
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
plus rifles" to the building of a modern revolutionary army. Under the
guidance of Mao Zedong Thought, we attach importance to the decisive role
of the human factor in war, but we never overlook the important role of
weapons, We lay stress on defeating with inferior equipment an enemy
equipped with superior weapons and we constantly strive, where objective
conditions permit, to improve the army's capability of fighting modern
warfare and push forward army building. As far back as during the infant
period of the Red Army, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "We oppose efforts
to halt the Red Army at the old stage and strive to develop the Red Army
to a new stage." In the early period of the war of resistance against
Japan, when there was an extremely great disparity in strength between the
enemy and ourselves, Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out in "On Protracted
War": "The reform of our military system requires its modernization and
improved technical equipment, without which we cannot drive the enemy back
across the Yalu River." Later, on many occasions, he again said: The
Chinese army should also gradually be provided with modern technology,
equipment and specifically military attainments. The great foresight of
the party leader and the unflagging revolutionary drive of the numerous
cadres and fighters ensured that, even under extremely difficult condi-
tions, our army always made every effort to improve the combat capability
of the troops. In those years, when the poorly equipped worker and
peasant Red Army, hemmed in by massive enemy troops, succeeded in seizing
from the enemy the first radio transceiver, they took good care of it and,
after assiduously learning how to operate it in a very short time, employed
it in directing operations on the battlefront. When many fighters were
still fighting with indigenous rifles, broadswords and spears, our army
simply and thriftily set up an artillery school with the few guns we
seized from the enemy. As far back as in the liberation war period, our
army already had its own aviation school and armored troops. These
scenes of assiduously doing pioneering work remain fresh in our memory as
if they were before us now. Our army has always refused to be self-
satisfied and conservative or to halt its efforts at the initial stages but
instead, where the objective conditions permit, fully bring into play the
subjective initiative in an effort to guide the army building to a higher
stage. It is still necessary for us to constantly promote this extremely
invaluable revolutionary drive in the new historical period.
Lenin said: "When an army is not prepared to master all weapons and all
forms and methods of struggle the enemy has possessed or may possess, this
act is considered stupid by everybody else." Modern military science and
technology are changing with each passing day. Since the fruits of the
world's latest science and technology are extensively applied in war, a
whole series of changes has taken place in the forms of war, strategy,
tactics and military organization. Many unprecedented new situations and
special features have appeared in modern warfare. Hence, in an inter-
national situation in which the danger. of war still exists, we must
greatly step up the building of a modern national defense and raise the
army's modern combat capability to a new level. When reviewing the troops
taking part in military exercises somewhere in north China, Deng Xiaoping,
chairman of the Military Commission of the CPC Central Committee, more
explicitly pointed out: It is necessary to.build our army into a strong,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
modern and regular revolutionary army. With full confidence, the comrades'.
of the whole army are unremittingly fighting for the realization of this
great goal along with the people throughout the country.
At present, under the guidance of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC
Central Committee, the work of readjustment, restructuring, consolidation
and improvement is being continuously carried out on the economic front
and marked achievements have been scored. Following the Central Committee's
unified guiding principle on carrying out system reforms, the PLA is right
now working hard to readjust, reorganize and restructure itself and-advance
toward the great goal of revolutionization, modernization and regulariza-
tion.
In the course of readjusting and restructuring the army, it is imperative
to build the troops into a revolutionized and modern crack force in
accordance with the requirements of modern warfare. Comrade Mao Zedong
said: "That the troops are valued for their quality, not their number, is
still a principle of army building in the future." During the arduous
years of the anti-Japanese war, our party rigorously practiced the policy
of better troops and simpler administration, reduced the number of non-
combat personnel and lightened the burden of the people. This resulted in
speeding up the victorious course of war. In. the early period of the
founding of the PRC, we carried out the policy decision of reducing the
number of armymen and improving the quality of the army so that it was
possible for our army to establish various branches and thus strengthened
the combat effectiveness of our army. Although the specific conditions
were slightly different in various historical periods, the principle that
troops are valued for their quality and not their number still holds good.
Now people have come to realize that the trial of strength in a war mani-
fests not only in the number of soldiers but, more importantly, in modern
weapons and equipment and in people's capability to operate modern equip-
ment. With the swift development of modern science and technology, there
is indeed a tremendous increase in the power of weapons. Following
improvement in the level of modern weapons, equipment and the command
system, it is entirely possible to appropriately reduce the number of
soldiers. Just as Comrade Deng Xiaoping said: A reduction and not an
increase in manpower is a sign of modernization. It can thus be seen that
practicing the policy of better troops is not a negative or stagnant policy
but a positive and advanced one. The policy of better troops is a correct
and scientific policy which conforms to the specific features of modern
warfare and the law of development of modern military affairs.
By a crack force, from the major aspects, we mainly mean the following
three demands: 1) There must be people with high political awareness,
advanced military thinking and relatively high scientific and cultural
accomplishment, and all readjustment and restructuring measures must be
beneficial for discovering, selecting and promoting talented people and
for making the cadre force revolutionized, younger and more knowledgeable
and specialized. 2) There must be excellent modern weapons and equipment.
3) There must be organic integration of men and arms, which means that
there must be strict training and scientific formation. After a period of
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
arduous efforts by the comrades of the whole army, our army will be a crack
force with keen wits and capable administrative structure, agile command,
excellent equipment, fine training, quick reactions, high efficiency, and
very powerful combat effectiveness, and be a hand-picked force that cannot
be toppled or defeated. It will be a sharp sword defending the socialist
motherland.
Human factors still play a primary role in modern warfare. However, it is
necessary to understand human factors in an all-round way. They include
not only human courage, consciousness and the spirit of sacrifice but also
human wisdom, and talent as well as mastery and application of science,
culture and technology. All modern equipment, even such high-tech equip-
ment as electronic calculators, reconnaissance satellites and spaceships,
should also be. operated by man. No precision and advanced weapons can hit
the targets with unfailing accuracy. Of these, the scientific and techno-
logical levels of the operators are very important factors. The political
consciousness of the PLA in undoubtedly first-rate in the world. In the
future, it is still necessary to regard political work as the lifeline of
our army, strive to build socialist spiritual civilization and conduct
patriotic education centering on loving the party, the socialist motherland
and the people's army in order to raise the political quality of our army
to a new level. It should be noted, however, that the scientific, cultural
and technological level of our. cadres still fails to keep abreast of the
requirements of modern warfare. If we fail to speedily change this state
of affairs, we shall not be able to skillfully master and proficiently
operate more up-to-date equipment, let alone bring its efficiency into full
play. Therefore, an urgent question confronting us is to vigorously step
up the work of making our cadres master intellectual knowledge. The status
and role of science, culture and technology in army building is becoming
more and more important and outstanding. In particular, the intensive
application of science in modern weapons and the ever-changing progress of
modern science such as electronics, laser, infrared rays and spaceflight
have made it necessary for us to study new knowledge and new technology
and to arm ourselves with modern scientific knowledge. There is the
importance of knowledge on the one hand and the deficiency of knowledge on
the other. This is an acute contradiction. Quite a few comrades under-
stand the importance and urgency of solving this contradiction. At the
beginning of this century, Lenin wrote a commentary entitled "The Fall of
Port Arthur." This famous article vividly described and penetratingly
elaborated the defeat suffered by the czarist Russian army in its war
against the Japanese army. Lenin pointed out that although czarist Russia
had squandered hundreds of millions of rubles on the purchase and building
of splendid warships, in view of the fact that both the officers and
soldiers proved "uneducated" and "backward" and "that there were no people
with the necessary technical knowledge to utilize the latest achievements
of military engineering," the military might of czarist Russia "proved to
be a sham" and those expenditures "proved to be antiquated and utterly
useless." All this shows how important scientific and cultural knowledge
is to the modernization of the army. It is hoped that our cadres, particu-
larly the leading cadres, will attach great importance to this increasingly
urgent problem. From now on they should regard it as a matter of great
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
strategic importance, concentrate their efforts on it and make sure that
the scientific and cultural appearance of our army will change considerably
in the coming years.
The CPC Central Committee recently decided that in the coming 5 years or so,
all cadres working in the central party and government institutions should
at least reach senior middle school level culturally and middle vocational
school level professionally and that there should be a considerable number
of people who have university level. From now on, cadres who do not come
up to the stipulated level cannot be transferred to the central party and
government institutions; the existing cadres who do not come up to the
stipulated level should manage to reach this level within a stated time
through study and rotational training. This guideline is likewise
applicable to our army. Moreover, as far as the needs for army building
are concerned, we should act more quickly and do better.
Both men and arms must excel in building a crack force. In the context of
requirements for opposing a future war of aggression, we still lag behind
in weapons and equipment. We must at all times carry forward the army's
fine combat traditions and establish strong confidence and resolve in
defeating with inferior weapons an enemy armed with superior weapons.
Under the conditions of national economic capabilities, we must also step
up national defense scientific research work, strive to improve our arms
and equipment and reduce our discrepancies in this respect to the minimum.
In his article "On the Ten Major Relationships" Comrade Mao Zedong pointed
out: "We are stronger than before and will be stronger still in the
future. We will not only have more planes and artillery but atom bombs
too. If we are not to be bullied in the present-day world, we cannot do
without the bomb." What Comrade Mao Zedong predicted has initially come
true. We will certainly be able to equip our units with newer weapons as
our national economy and military science and technology develop. With
further improvement in the level of modernization, the long-tested PLA will
be like a tiger that has grown wings and will be in a better position to
defeat all aggressors who dare to launch a war against us. Workers,
peasants and the comrades in scientific, technological, educational and
various other circles in our country will exert themselves and, in their
own respective posts, make more contributions to the modernization of
national defense and the people's own army.
Arms, including all modern arms, are only potential fighting force, they
can only become actual fighting force when closely integrated with men.
Apart from strict training, this also requires scientific formation. It
takes a, lot of learning to more scientifically and rationally form the army
according to the requirements of modern warfare. At present, a great many
countries attach great importance to the study of military systems.
Following new developments in modern warfare, military formation has also
appropriately been reformed. For example, since World War II, some coun-
tries have abolished cavalry units and established air defense forces and
strategic rocket forces; some countries have changed the "three three
system" of the ground forces into the "five mass system [wu qun zhi 0063
5028 0455]: and some countries have increased electronics confrontation
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
showing that military formations should adapt to the objective situation in
the way that people change their clothes according to changes in season.
We must broaden our vision of breaking away from the fetters of the force
of habit and daring to conduct reforms and be promoters of reforms.
The most important thing in the scientific formation of the armed forces
is to strengthen their synthesis. Without the synthesis of the various
branches of the armed forces, there would be no modernization and it would
have been impossible to adapt ourselves to modern warfare. For a consid-
erably long historical period, our army has chiefly relied on a single
branch of the armed forces in fighting and a lot of comrades have been
familiar with infantry. However, in order to direct a combined operation
of various branches of the armed forces, it is still necessary to study
assiduously and conscientiously. Reviewing the history of our army, we have
already taken two steps, the first step consisting of concentrating only
on infantry, and the second of independently developing various branches
of the armed forces. We should now take a third step, which is to better
strengthen the synthesis of the various branches. Since the founding of the
PRC, we have established various branches of the armed forces, such as the
air force, navy, artillery troops, engineer troops and armored troops, but
they basically formed a system of their own and we have not been able to
organically combine them together either in system, training or administra-
tion. If this state of affairs continues to exist, it will be difficult to
adapt to the needs of modern warfare.
Comrade Ye Jianying has summed up the characteristics of modern warfare as:
three-dimensional warfare, combined warfare, and general warfare. As we
understand it, what is referred to as three-dimensional warfare is that as
soon as a war breaks out, the enemy is sure to come simultaneously from the
sky, land and sea and fight both at the front and in the rear. What is
referred to as combined warfare is that war has developed from operations
by a single branch of the armed forces or small-scale and limited-range
concerted operations in the past to large-scale, extensive-range and com-
plete combined warfare. What is meant by general warfare is that war is
not only a trial of military strength but also a general trial of strength
of various war factors, such as politics, economy, science, technology and
diplomacy. These special features of modern warfare fully show that it is
imperative to strengthen the synthesis of the army, practice combined
operations by various branches of the armed forces and bring into full
play their overall might; it is imperative for armymen and people through-
out the country to make concerted efforts and launch a people's war under
the modern conditions in order to defeat the enemy. We must therefore
greatly step up composite training. Every commander, especially the com-
manders of composite forces must be familiar with the capabilities of all
types of weapons and learn how to employ the various technical branches of
the armed forces in coordination. At the same time they must also under-
stand, as much as possible, other branches of knowledge related to war.
We must further change the idea of having just one branch of the armed
forces and establish the concept of composite warfare. This is a profound
change. Lenin said: "In our practical life there are both the feature of
extraordinary courage and the mentality of fearing extremely small changes."
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
We should not be afraid of, but should be bold in, making reforms. We
should actively support all reforms that are conducive to the strengthen-
ing of synthesis.
In making readjustment and reforms, it is necessary to take into consid-
eration not only peacetime but also wartime and do a good job of linking
peacetime with wartime. In doing everything, such as what is to be
initiated, what is to be reformed, what is to be readjusted and how
should we do our work in order of importance and urgency, it is necessary
to have war preparedness in mind for this helps us to be always alert and
ready to strike at the enemy who dares to invade us. Political and
ideological education must be geared in such a way that it ensures the
fulfillment of readjustment as well as educates the troops to firmly foster
the idea of war preparedness. We should also further step up work on the
militia and do a good job of the reserve service and mobilization systems.
If the enemy dares to invade us, we shall engulf it in the boundless ocean
of the people with people's war under the modern conditions.
Fewer troops and simpler administration are always interrelated and go hand
in hand. In order to have crack troops it is imperative to have simpler
administration. It is imperative to improve work style in order to achieve
the goal of improving work efficiency and command capability. It is neces-
sary to implement the principle of integrating centralized and unified
leadership with division of responsibility, put responsibility systems on a
sound basis, reduce the number of command levels, and further define the
scope of responsibilities of leading organs at all levels. Leading organs
at the higher levels should chiefly understand developments and have a good
grasp of policies. Principal attention should be paid to grasping problems
related to policies, implementing the policies and principles laid down by
the CPC Central Committee and its Military Commission, conducting investiga-
tion and study, summing up experiences and supervising and speeding up ful-
fillment of assigned work. We should not take on the detailed routine work
that should be handled by the institutions at the lower levels for this will
not only make it difficult for us to do our work well but will also be
unfavorable to bringing into play the initiative of the lower levels. It
is also unfavorable to overcoming bureaucratism, routinism and the methods
of working in a handicraft manner and to improving work efficiency. We
advocate that leading cadres at various levels should, within the scope
of their duties, be bold in taking responsibility and work boldly. If a
person is responsible for the work, he should be responsible for it to the
end. We should change the past phenomena, such as unclear definition of
duties incumbent to each person or post, inexplicit division of labor,
? multiple command levels, mutual shift of responsibility, the travel of
documents from one department to another, long delays in making decisions
and passing on difficulties to the leadership. We should consult others
on our own initiative on all matters that should be consulted and we
should independently, responsibly and on our own initiative solve well the
problems that we can solve.
Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "Having a clear understanding of China's
national condition is a fundamental basis for having a clear understanding
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
of all revolutionary problems." Just as all things in the world have both
their general and specific characteristics, army building in various coun-
tries of the world has its general characteristic, but it also has its own
special characteristics. It is necessary for the economic construction to
suit our national conditions, and it is also necessary for army building to
suit our national conditions. China has the biggest population in the,
world. It has a vast territory, long coastline and highly different
natural conditions. It is necessary for us to conscientiously study modern
military theory and foreign military experience. At the same time, it is
all the more necessary for us to conscientiously study our national condi-
tions, learn and study the application and development of Mao Zedong's
military thinking in modern conditions, study the inregration of people's
war with modern conditions and seek an army system that suits China's
specific features and the principles of various types of army building.
It is necessary for us to inherit and carry forward the fine tradition of
our army, constantly study new developments, solve new problems and push
forward our army building in a down-to-earth manner.
Today, the great task of achieving the four modernizations in our great
socialist motherland is calling on us. Stepping on the land of our mother-
land and bearing the expectations of the people, the workers' and peasants'
Red Army, the Eighth Route Army and the new Fourth Army in those years
boldly and heroically headed for the battlefield in seeking liberation.
In order to build our army into a strong, modern and regular revolutionary
army, let us learn from the example of the older generations and, under the
leadership of the CPC Central Committee and its Military Commission,
advance bravely.
CSO: 4004/46
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
A CRACK FORCE THAT DEFENDED THE PARTY CENTRAL COMMITTEE AND THE SHAANXI-
GANSU-NINGXIA BORDER REGION--REMINISCENCES OF THE REAR CORPS OF THE EIGHTH
ROUTE ARMY DURING THE WAR OF RESISTANCE AGAINST JAPAN
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15,.1 Aug 82 pp 11-15
[Article by Xiao Jingguang [5618 0513 0342]]
[Text] During the second half of 1937, the Japanese aggressor troops were
swollen with arrogance and threatened to eliminate China within 3 months.
several hundred thousand of the KMT troops on the battlefields of North China
became terror-stricken at the news and retreated in defeat again and again.
To rescue China from national crisis, our party established the anti-Japanese
National United Front. The Chinese workers' and peasants' Red Army the the
Red Army in the northern part of Shaanxi were redesignated as the 115th Divi-
sion, 120th Division and 129th Division of the Eighth Route Army after they
had successfully accomplished the task of the long march and arrived at the
northern part of Shaanxi Province. They marched to the forefront of resist-
ing Japanese troops and penetrated far behind enemy lines to establish anti-
Japanese democratic base areas and shoulder historical tasks of resisting
Japan and rescuing the nation. To defend the party Central Committee and
nation's anti-Japanese supreme headquarters--the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border
area, the Luochuan meeting of the party Central Committee decided to release
some troops from the three main divisions to form a rear corps of the Eighth
Route Army.
The rear corps formed in September 1937 was initially called the rear office
of the Eighth Route Army. The name was changed into rear corps in December
of the same year. The rear corps were made up of 1 brigade, 11 regiments and
peace preservation troops which were formerly local armed forces. There were
about 10,000 people in the force. At that time, there were only 3 leaders
who were assigned to the rear corps. I was a commander and concurrently
political commissar, Comrade Cao Lihuai was chief of staff and Comrade Mo
Wenhua was director of the political department. No positions of deputies
were set and our organ was small but highly efficient. All of united as one.
Thanks to the loving care and direct leadership of the military commission of
the CPC Central Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong, our corps was gradually
built into a crack force which was good in political quality and powerful in
combat strength and which'achieved outstanding results in eliminating bandit
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
gangs, resisting the Japanese troops, counter-campaigning against friction and
accomplishing glorious historical tasks of defending the border area, the
northwestern part of our country and the party Central Committee. Our corps
also provided various anti-Japanese battlefields throughout the country with
more than 2,000 cadres to support their anti-Japanese struggle. I personally
experienced a life of fiery struggle at that time. Today when I recall the
life, I feel that I still yearn for it.
The rear corps was made up of troops from various quarters, including the
first, second and fourth front armies of the Red Army, the.Red Army in the
northern part of Shaanxi Province and local armed forces. They truly came
from all corners of the country. Our crack force was good in quality and most
of its members had undergone the long march and grown in the environment of
fierce struggle. Communist Party members formed a large proportion of the
members of the troops. Cadres and fighters had a higher political conscious-
ness and acquired the spirit and fine traditions of staunch and hard struggles.
However, due to the fact that members of the corps came from various base areas
which followed different systems and work styles, there existed the problem of
chaotic organizational system, roving guerrilla actions, lax discipline and so
forth. The phenomenon of lacking unity occurred from time to time. Under such
circumstances, it was our tremendous task to build the rear corps into a regu-
lar troop with powerful combat effectiveness. -
Comrade Mao Zedong directly concerned himself with the building of the rear
corps and frequently asked about its work. Although he was occupied with a
myriad of state affairs and was extremely busy, he always managed to find time
to listen to our reports and discussed with us the work of the troops. He
frequently met leading comrades of various regiments in order to grasp the
situation and issue instructions for work. He concerned himself with the
consolidation, life, study, combat and production of the troops as well as the
formulation of some rules and regulations and took up these matters personally.
When I once made a work report on how to grasp the work of building this
corps, he told me cordially that the key to turning this army, which was made
up of fighters from various quarters with lax discipline, into an unconquer-
able and indomitable regular corps with powerful combat effectiveness, lay in
whether r7.e could act in accordance with the spirit of the Gutian Congress.
We acted in line with the direction pointed out by Comrade Mao Zedong. First
of all, we firmly grasped the link of political and ideological education.
At the end of 1937 and in July 1938 we respectively held the first and
second meetings attended by leaders of the corps. At the end of 1938, we con-
vened the first party congress of the corps and in May 1939, we held a meeting
attended by cadres above battalion level. In October of the same year, a
political work meeting was also convened. In the above-mentioned meetings,
we stressed that we should take the ideological and political work of the
party as the key link, take part in the two great campaigns of "production
and study" and accomplish the four main tasks in"politics, military affairs,
culture and the party's work." We put forth the slogan of "doing our best to
carry out the campaign of study and build the troops into a combat school."
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
A regular political and educational system was established in the corps and
all fighters were required to take four political classes each week and cadres
extensively organized their study groups. Our purposes in providing politi-
cal and ideological education were 1) to guide cadres and fighters to study
Marxist theories with the "History of the Soviet Communist Party (Bolshevik)"
and the "Political Textbook" compiled by the political department of the corps
as our main teaching materials; 2) to study further the party's theories on
the united front and various guiding principles and policies as well as cur-
rent affairs. To strengthen the study of political theories and culture.,
teachers in charge of the teaching of Marxist-Leninist theories and Mao Zedong
works were assigned to various regiments and teachers in charge of the teach-
ing of cultural knowledge were assigned to various companies.. We also pub-
lished the "Fenghuo Bao" and the "Fenghuo Supplement" and established the
Fenghuo Opera Troupe and art school to enliven the cultural life of the corps.
After several years' of political and ideological education, and the great
movement for party consolidation in particular, cadres Marxist-Leninist
level and class consciousness was considerably raised and various nonprole-
tarian ideologies and work styles were continuously discarded. This laid a
reliable foundation for regularizing and strengthening the combat effective-
ness of the force.
In 1944, Comrade Mao Zedong personally summed up the experience of the politi-
cal work of the rear corps and wrote the article "On the Political Work of
the Army" which is regarded as an historical document. This document was
formerly a political work report of the political department of the corps
delivered at a senior cadre meeting of the northwest bureau of the CPC Cen-
tral Committee. Actually, it was mostly written by Comrade Mao Zedong
personally. This report fully affirmed the achievements in and experiences
of, the political work of the rear corps and pointed out that following a
series of ideological and political work and the movement for party consoli-
dation in specific, the rear corps is full of enthusiasm of militancy, produc-
tion and study and is full of vitality." This report also stressed: "Revo-
lutionary political work led by the party is the lifeblood of the revolu-
tionary army" and a mark which differentiated the revolutionary force from
the reactionary troops. Political work meant using revolutionary spirit to
educate the army so that it could fulfill various tasks assigned by the party
ideologically, politically and organizationally. Without revolutionary
political work, it would be impossible to establish an army which completely
defended the people's interests. The fundamental reason why the Eighth
Route Army and the New Fourth Army fought so courageously in the war of
resistance against Japan and could carry out hard struggle and keep on
fighting in spite of all setbacks was that they conducted profound careful
political work. Over the past several decades, this document has played an
important guiding role in the political work of our troops.
While constantly and firmly grasping political and ideological education, we
consolidated the troops both organizationally and in discipline. At a meet-
ing attended by leaders of the rear corps, a decision on unifying the organi-
zational system of the troops was made according to the instructions issued
by Comrade Mao Zedong. The meeting also issued a call on laying a foundation
for the regularization of the troops and stressed the necessity of establish-
ing various rules and regulations and set strict demand on the military life
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
of the force. We unified the troop establishment and the names of various
organizations as well as various rules and regulations on shift duty, briefing,
meetings, reports, request for leave, inspection, summation of work and so
forth. We promulgated various regulations, ordinances and orders concerning
daily affairs, discipline, staff officers, combat, confidential work, docu-
ments, archives and so forth. We provided the troops with more education on
discipline and placed the enforcement of discipline on the agenda of the work
of party branches in companies to ensure that the troops absolutely complied
with and observed various disciplines. We also strengthened the building of
party branches in the companies and pay attention to bringing the role of
fighting bastions of party branches and the vanguard and exemplary role of
Communist Party members into full play. Through such consolidation work, we
enforced strict discipline in military life, established normal order,
strengthened unity and built closer relations between the army and the govern-
ment on the one hand and the army and the people on the other. Hence our
troops took on a new look.
In particular, we attached importance to the military training and the study
of military theories and technology of the troops to constantly enhance their
combat effectiveness. The rear corps did not fight so frequently as troops
at the front and its tactical and technological level was mainly enhanced
through military training. Comrade Mao Zedong also showed concern for the
military training of the rear corps. He demanded that cadres above regiment
level study military ideology, strategy and tactics and modestly study the
combat experiences of troops'fighting at the front. He also instructed that
more practice, rather than lectures, was needed in the military training and
that elicitation method of teaching should be followed. We guided our cadres
and fighters to conscientiously study Comrade Mao Zedong's "On Protracted War"
to master objective laws of the war of resistance against Japan. In military
training, we conducted strategic training and technical training separately.
The stress of technical training was laid on the four aspects: Bayonet fight-
ing, shooting, throwing hand grenades and the enhancement of combat effective-
ness in fighting at close range. The emphasis of tactical training was put on
close-range combat which included the operation of squads and platoons, fight-
ing at night, fighting on rivers and mountains and fighting carried out in
particular terrains such as forests, deserts, land covered with gaoliang and
so forth. While giving military training, we.also paid attention to training
officers and soldiers so that they possessed the combat spirit of valor and
vigor. We put forth the slogan "Tasks are more important than lives." At
the same time, we also ran training classes, training units and study classes
for cadres at brigade and regiment levels so that cadres above squad level
might have an opportunity to focus their attention on military training and
study. In such a way, the combat effectiveness of our troops was considerably
enhanced. This ensured that we could achieve one victory after another in
real battles.
After the start of the war of resistance against Japan, the conditions in the
Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region were extremely complicated. Bandits ran
rampant inside the border region. To the east of the Huanghe, the Japanese
troops faced us across the river and the other three sides of the border region
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
were encircled ring upon ring by several hundred thousand KMT troops. However,
with the support of the main force at the front and the people of the border
region, the rear corps of the Eighth Route Army repulsed the enemy attacks one
after another and successfully defended the border region and the party Central
Committee.
In the early days of the war of resistance against Japan, because the main
force,of the Eighth Route Army was sent to the front, the KMT and the Japanese
invaders made use of bandits to harass the border region. At that time, apart
from bandits operating alone, there were 43 gangs of bandits including Xue
.Zhimao, Li Qinwu, Zhao Laowu and so forth. They had more than 4,000 men and
2,000 guns or so. They made a practice of looting, raping, slaughter and
arson, assassinated our working personnel, sabotaged our local administrative
organs and stopped at nothing in doing evil. Therefore, people at the border
region could not live a stable life and social order was in chaos. Expedi-
tiously eliminating bandits became an urgent task in defending the border
region. The rear corps concentrated a superior force and adopted tactics of
combining the practice of "vigorously pursuing and intercepting and making a
joint attack" with the act of mobilizing the masses in order to disintegrate
the bandits politically and suppress them militarily. Within a period of
less than a year, we basically wiped out those bandits after a score of big
and small battles. When I reported the news to Comrade Mao Zedong, he felt
pleasantly surprised and immediately drafted a telegram and sent it to various
anti-Japanese base areas throughout the country to cite the rear corps.
From March 1938 to 1940, the Japanese aggressor troops attacked our front at
the flood prevention zone of the border region on scores of occasions. By
relying on their superiority in airplanes and artilleries and using gas shells.,
they tried to fight their way across the Huanghe River to launch a decisive
war to quickly destroy the border region. However, the rear corps, and the
359th brigade which reinforced it, closely united with the people of the
border region and exerted joint efforts to build strong defense works stretch-
ing more than 1,000 li along the flood prevention zone. With the powerful
support of the main force of our troops stationed at the northwestern part of
Shanxi Province, we defeated the attack of the Japanese aggressor troops after
78 big and small battles.. They did not dare to march forward even an inch.
While fighting those battles, we did not merely adopt defensive tactics. In-
stead we vigorously made a flank attack on the enemy. For instance, when the
enemy was marching toward the flood prevention zone for the first time, our
troops launched a night attack on the enemy battalions from the Wanglaopo
Mountain near the Fenli Highway. After fighting with bayonets, which lasted
for several hours, we defeated an enemy's unit, wiped out more than 200 sol-
diers and seized a lot of booty. In the battle of Songjiachuan, more than
15,000 enemy troops tried to fight their way across the river behind the
artillery screens and air raid. Our troops and people at the border region
held fast to their positions day and night. After a fierce battle, which
lasted for 3 days and nights, the enemy's plot of fighting their way across
the river did not succeed and they were compelled to retreat. In the battles
to check the enemy's attack on Jiaxian County, its attempt to seize crossing
sites and prevent it from crossing the Huanghe River, we met its attack calmly
and adopted the tactic of "crossing half of the river to strike blows at the
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
enemy." In the meantime, we sent our troops to penetrate into the enemy's
rear area to carry out a flank attack. The Japanese troops were crushed and
defeated and their plot to fight their way across the Huanghe River did not
succeed.
To the fighters of the rear corps, their most frequent and complicated task
was to carry out the struggle to counter the friction created by the KMT.
After the fall of Wuhan in 1938, the diehards of the KMT were inactive in
fighting the Japanese aggressors. However, they actively pursued a domestic
anti-communist policy and set off an anti-communist upsurge on three occasions.
They harassed, sabotaged and blockaded the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region.
Under the personal direction of Comrade Mao Zedong, our rear corps carried out
a series of struggles to counter the friction. When we were launching such
struggles, Comrade Mao Zedong taught us that we should stick to the principles
of "with good reason, with the advantage and with restraint," "we will not
attack unless we are attacked; if we are attacked, we will certainly counter-
attack," "we will not fight unless we are sure of victory" and "stop when we
reach the limit." I still remember that when Yan Xishan was frantically
carrying out anti-communist activities in 1939 to attack the new army in
Shanxi led by the party, the party Central Committee sent Comrade Wang Ruofei
and me to the town of Qiulin to talk with Yan Xishan. We brought with us
Comrade Mao Zedong's personal letter to Yan Xishan. Comrade Mao Zedong wrote
in the letter the principle of "we will not attack unless we are attack;
if we are attacked, we will certainly counterattack." Yan Xishan was scared
after reading it and demanded that the last sentence be changed into "we will
defend ourselves." Comrade Mao Zedong insisted that not a single word could
be changed and that we should firmly stick to the principle "if we are
attacked, we will certainly counterattack."
In the struggle to counter the friction created by the KMT, there were several
things which left a deep impression on me. They enabled us to realize Comrade
Mao Zedong's superb skill of struggle.
The first thing was that from the end of 1939 to the spring of 1940, when the
Japanese aggressor troops were strengthening their attack against the Shaanxi-
Gansu-Ningxia border region, the diehards of the KMT began their first anti-
communist upsurge. Chiang Kai-shek ordered the KMT reactionary troops, which
encircled the border region, to attack and occupy 5 counties including Chun-
hua, Xunyi, Zhengning, Ningxian and Zhenyuan, and 6 districts and 43 villages
at the border region. Just at this critical juncture, the party Central Com-
mittee decided to transfer the 359th brigade to reinforce the border region.
When Comrade Wang Zhen led the brigade to march toward Suide, the Japanese
aggressor troops were fighting their way across the river. He Shaonan, the
KMT commissioner in Suide, was terror-striken at the news and ran away. Our
party Central Committee ordered Comrade Wang Zhen to take the concurrent post
of the commissioner of Suide to maintain social order there. However, when
the Japanese troops were defeated by us, He Shaonan came back again to try to
seize the domain and create friction. Of course, he was resolutely counter-
attacked by us. The KMT reactionaries seized this opportunity to give enor-
mous publicity to the incident in order to discredit us. To tell people of
the whole country about the truth of this incident and expose the'anti-
communist plot of the KMT, Comrade Mao Zedong did a very clever thing. He
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
personally drafted a telegram of commendation on behalf of Comrade Wang Zhen
and sent it to the KMT authorities in my name. While citing.the great achieve-
ments of Comrade Wang Zhen in resisting the Japanese troops, the telegram also
exposed He Shaonan's crimes of taking bribes and bending the law as well as
abandoning Suide. The KMT and Chiang Kai-shek did not know how to reply.
This was a method of using attack as a means of defense.
Another thing was that in January 1941 diehards of the KMT created the "South-
ern Anhui incident" and began the second anti-communist upsurge. More than
400,000 troops of the units of Hu Zhongnan, Ma Bufang and Ma Hongkui, and 3
peace preservation brigades and 10 peace preservation corps strictly sealed off_
the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region. Again Comrade Mao Zedong wrote the
article "On the situation of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Nangxia border region." After
his personal revision, the article was translated into foreign languages and
published. The article told the world about the political, economic and mili-
tary development of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border region and revealed how
the KMT troops created friction at the border region and enforced a triple-
depth blockade. It also made known to the public the designations of the KMT
troops which sealed off the border. This laid completely bare Chiang Kai-shek's
anti-communist plots.
During the second half of 1942, as required by the development of the situa-
tion of the war of resistance against Japan and the struggle to repel the
attack of the troops of the KMT diehards against the border region, the party
Central Committee decided to establish joint defense forces of the five
provinces including Shaanxi, Gansu, Ningxia, Shanxi and Suiyuan. The rear
corps was led by the joint defense forces of the five provinces. Thus the
military strength of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia region was greatly expanded.
This created favorable conditions and contributed to shattering the massive
military attack of Hu Zhongnan.
The production campaign of the rear corps started as early as in 1938. At
that time, fighters of the rear corps led a very hard life. On an average,
each fighter had only five fen a day for meals and wore shabby clothes. Some
of them wore cotton-padded coats in summer and shorts in winter or even went
barefoot on ice. To overcome economic difficulties, improve the livelihood
of our troops and lighten the burden on the people, Comrade Mao Zedong told
us that we should learn to carry out production and that we should combine
production, study and combat. In accordance with the instruction of
Comrade Mao Zedong, at the second meeting attended by leaders of the corps
held in July 1938, we put forward the slogan of "Production and Study." At
a party congress held in December of the same year, we put forth the slogan
"Adopt a posture of fighting to speed up production and turn our military.
units into a place for collective production." Thereafter, we regarded pro-
duction as a constant task of our army units. At that time, the purpose of
our production was to improve the livelihood of army troops and our main
efforts were devoted to planting vegetables, raising pigs, making straw
sandals, spinning wool, weaving cotton cloth and so forth. Although the scale
of our production was not large, we achieved marked results. Our fighters'
food, uniforms, daily necessities and so forth were greatly improved. This
provided experiences and set a good example for the future mass production
campaign.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
After 1939, the diehards of the KMT stepped up their attack, enforced a strict
economic blockade on the border region stopped regular pay for the Eighth
Route Army and began one anti-communist upsurge after another. This caused
extreme difficulties in the financial supplies of the border region. We had
enormous difficulties in supplying food and clothing to the army and people
at the border region. At that time, people at the border region had to bear
heavy burdens and the masses complained about this. Comrade Mao Zedong told
all comrades everywhere that the people would support us if we attached impor-
tance to the development of production,and.lightened the burden on the masses.
Otherwise, they would not support us and the revolution would collapse half-
way. One day, Comrade Mao Zedong called Lin Boqu, Gao Gang and me together
and asked us: What is our purpose in coming to the northern part of Shaanxi
Province? He then said: We came here to make revolution. Now the Japanese
imperialists and the diehards of the KMT are trying to bottle us up and starve
us to death. What should we do? There are three paths we can follow: first,
since it is no longer possible to carry out the revolution, we had better
give it up halfway and go home. Second, if we are not willing to give up and
cannot adopt effective methods, we had better wait and starve ourselves to
death. Third, we can use our hands to develop production and overcome diffi-
culties by relying on our own efforts. After hearding Comrade Mao Zedong's
humorous remarks, we agreed to his method of developing production by relying
on our own efforts. After that, the party Central Committee and Comrade
Mao Zedong called on the party, government, army, civilians and schools at
the border region to exert a concerted effort to launch the mighty campaign
of mass production.
In the mighty campaign of mass production, the broad masses of the officers
and men of the rear corps were the most active and scored the most marked
achievements in production. In 1943, they opened up 210,000 mu of wasteland
and reaped 30,000 dan of refined grain. They operated 11 wool workshops and
52 other mills which produced clothing, shoes and stockings, leather, wooden
articles, large handcarts and so forth, in addition to coalpits, charcoal
kilns, brick and tile kilns and ceramic kilns. We wove 13,000 bolts of cloth
and carried out animal husbandry, transportation, business and so forth. A
number of advanced and exemplary figures such as Zhao Zhankui, Wu Shenghua,
Hu Qingshan, Zhang Zhiguo, Feng Guoyu, Zhao Zhankui and so forth, from all
fronts of industrial and agricultural production and army units, came to the
fore. After the mass campaign of production, we gradually solved the problems
of the supplies for the army units and self-sufficiency.
Right at the beginning of the mass campaign of production, the 359th brigade
put forth the slogan "We do not want a single piece of grain, a can of cloth
and a fen of money from the state." They marched to Nanniwan and other places
to reclaim wasteland and begin farming. Some companies went straight to barren
hills to open up wasteland. When they had no place to live, they slept in the
open on the barren hills. When they had nothing to eat, they allayed their
hunger with wild herbs and grass roots. They worked hard for several months
at a time. Cadres and fighters used their own hands to turn the desolate and
uninhabited Nanniwan into "fertile land of the northern part of Shaanxi." In
1944, "half of the grain they produced was surplus grain" and the objective
of one pig for two persons and two goats for one person on the average was
attained.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
The enemy enforced its economic blockade with an attempt to bottle us up and
starve us to death. However, their goal was not attained. On the contrary,
under the wise leadership of the party Central Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong,
we developed production and brought forth a prosperous economy through the
campaign of mass production. We had ample food and clothing and created
wonders which have rarely occurred in the world. Our American friend Snow
and patriotic overseas Chinese Chen Jiageng came to Yanan. They highly praised
the scene of hard struggle and prosperity at the border region. Under such
arduous circumstances, we never bowed to difficulties. On the contrary, we
c overcame them. What did we rely upon to conquer those difficulties? I think
that we mainly relied on the correct leadership of the party Central Committee
and Comrade Mao Zedong. The whole party and army kept in line with the party
Central Committee and united as one and all of us were inspired by the lofty
ideals of serving the people and the spirit of working hard for the prosperity
of the country. In this way, difficulties gave way. Comrade Mao Zedong said
that people needed a bit of spirit. At that time, we were of one heart and
one mind to defeat the Japanese imperialists and to build a prosperous and
strong new China. We fought for these common objectives. Therefore,-no dif-
ficulties could daunt us. Today, on the new long march of carrying out the
four modernizations and making China rich and powerful, we particularly need
the "Spirit of Nanniwan!"
In 1945 when I was to leave Yanan for the northeast to take up a new post,
Comrade Mao Zedong talked with me for a long time. He said that the rear corps
was a good force which had resolutely implemented the correct line of the, party
Central Committee and the task entrusted by the party. He fully affirmed all
the achievements scored by the rear corps and its contributions to defending
the party Central Committee and the border region. Actually, all these achieve-
ments could not be separated from his personal direction and concern! On the
occasion marking the 55th anniversary of the founding of our army, we par-
ticularly cherish the memory of Comrade Mao Zedong., who made tremendous con-
tributions to the building of our army. Comrade Mao Zedong's military thought
on the people's army and people's war will always be our source of strength
for winning victory.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
HEIGHTEN PARTY SPIRIT, IMPROVE THE STYLE OF STUDY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 16-18
[Article by commentator]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, we
have taken a big stride forward toward heightening party spirit and improv-
ing the style of study. In order to victoriously shoulder the ever more
arduous and strenuous tasks entrusted to us by the party and the state, it
is still necessary for us to make greater efforts in this respect. On the
ideological, theoretical, educational, news, literary, art and publication
fronts, not only the comrades in leading positions but every cadre and
every research worker, including the comrades who have moved to the second
line and who have temporarily left their jobs for recuperation or retired,
are confronted with the problem of constantly heightening party spirit and
improving the style of study.
Heightening party spirit is inseparable from improving the style of study.
Comrade Mao Zedong linked heightening of party spirit with the Marxist
style of study. It is chiefly due to sabotage by the Lin Biao and Jiang
Qing counterrevolutionary cliques--this historical reason--that until now
we have not succeeded in fundamentally improving party work style.
Although party work style in quite a few localities, departments and units
is much better than it was in the past and is getting better and better,
there are still considerable gaps compared with the best level ever
recorded. In 1943, Comrade Chen Yun, who was head of the organizational
department at that time, delivered a speech to the literary and art workers
due to leave for the rural areas. It is almost 40 years since then and
yet the truth contained in that speech is still applicable today with
respect to comrades who engage in literary and art work. It is likewise
applicable with respect to comrades who engage in propaganda, cultural and
other work. He said, whether you are a specialist in a certain field or a
person engaged in some sort of work, you should first regard yourself as an
ordinary CPC member. Every CPC member should conscientiously think over
this problem. As a CPC member, whether you have scored great achievements,
hold a high position or have been in the party for a long time, do you first
of all think that you are an ordinary CPC member when you are speaking,
writing and doing work? We express our readiness to obey the party
organizations when we take the oath on being admitted to the party.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
However, when the organization assigns work to us, can we always resolutely
abide by the assignments and, strive to accomplish the tasks? Naturally, it
is permissible, by stating the reasons, to ask the organization to consider
assigning us another job so that we can work more and better for the party.
However, from the erroneous words and deeds of some party members we can see
that they have forgotten even the basic rules a party member should abide by.
With respect to this matter, we should not be excessively accommodating.
When a party member exceeds what is proper in both his words and deeds, he
should make self-criticism and correct his mistakes. Otherwise, the dis-
cipline of our party will become lax and corrupted. At present, there are
indeed a small number of party members who regard themselves as infallible
and who, when writing articles or delivering speeches, do not consider
whether their articles and speeches conform to the party's line, principles
and policies. They only remember that they are specialists in certain
fields or heads of some sort but forget that they are first of all CPC
members. This is very bad indeed.
The leading system of our party must be reformed and the forms of party
organization may also undergo some changes. However, there is no change in
the fact that every party member should abide by the party rules and regu-
lations. So long as you are a CPC member, whether you are a head of a
certain department or a specialist in a certain field, you must be honest
and faithful to the CPC branch, the general CPC branch and the CPC com-
mittee and to the organization. You should abide by the party rules and
regulations and should not violate them. You should obey the leadership,
supervision and education of the organization in which you are in'and
should not reject this leadership, supervision and education.
The CPC Central Committee has on many occasions raised the question of
consolidating the party. It is first of all necessary to conduct
ideological education in order to raise ideological consciousness and, on
the basis of the ideological education, carry out consolidation of the
organization step by step. In the course of the ideological education,
every party member should conscientiously judge if he conforms to the
requirements for a party member. If he does not come up to the require-
ments, he should strive to achieve them. If he does not want to exert
himself and if he is really unqualified, it is. no good letting him stay in
the party. It is necessary for every party member to constantly consider
this question: Am I a qualified or an unqualified party member? What
should I do if I am unqualified? There are only two ways out: One is to
strive to become qualified and the other is to refuse to make any efforts
and so have to give up party membership. It will not do for a person who
is unqualified to stay in the party for this will implicate the party and
and undermine the party's image. This is a very serious question with
respect to comrades who are already party members now and comrades who
have applied for party membership. In order to be a qualified party
member, it is imperative for our words and deeds to conform to the
requirements of the party constitution.
In a socialist country like ours, the party is in a leading position. The
composition, organization and conditions of the party are extremely
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
important not only to the party itself but also to the entire cause of the
socialist modernization program, the. destiny of the state and the prospects
of the nation. Recently a leading comrade of the CPC Central Committee
said that efforts should be made to enable our party members to become
qualified party members and our cadres to become qualified cadres so that
the combat effectiveness of the party not only comes up to but also sur-
passes the highest level in the party's history. If the party organiza-
tions at various levels and all party members come up to the requirements
of the party, we shall be fully confident of greatly pushing our work for-
ward and smoothly accomplishing the historic task of the socialist mod-
ernization program. No matter how many difficulties and obstacles we may
meet, we shall have sufficient strength to vanquish them. Confronted with
such a serious problem, no party member should. adopt the attitude of
"letting things drift if they do not affect one personally." We should not
only strive to become a qualified party member but also be responsible for
supervising other party members and find out if they are qualified as party
members. With respect to unqualified party members, it is necessary to
criticize and help them. If they turn a deaf ear to criticism and refuse
to accept help, we must be bold to speak out and make suggestions on deal-
ing with them to the party organization. This is a manifestation of hold-
ing ourselves responsible to the party, the people and the cause of
socialism and communism.
The question of heightening party spirit is the lifelong duty of every
party member and its requirements must be increasingly higher. First of
all, we should strive to be a qualified party member. If we fail to become
qualified, how can we raise the requirements? Now we do not set demands
from the highest standards but from the requirements of the party rules and
regulations. As far as a CPC member is concerned, these are the minimum
requirements. If a party member fails to abide by the party rules and
regulations, how can he fight for the cause of communism all his life and
place the party's interests in the first place?
Every party member must be subject to supervision. The CPC committee,
general CPC branch and CPC branch and every party member must first of all
supervise the leading responsible comrade of their department and see
whether he carries out or violates the principles and policies of the CPC
Central Committee. If violations have been noticed, criticism can be made
to his face. If a party member has been, subjected to retaliation on this
count, he can lodge complaints with the CPC committee at the higher levels
up to the Central Committee.
Heightening party spirit intrinsically involves the necessity of improving
the style of study.
Propaganda work is a task imbued with strong party spirit and scientific
nature. Broadly speaking, it is in the category of social science. In the
past few years, tremendous achievements have indeed been scored in the
research work of social science. Especially in the economic and political
aspects, the numerous social science workers have taken an active part in
the discussions of relevant questions and the many views they have raised
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
have played a good role in practical work. They have also done much better
than before in conducting investigation and study and in collecting data
and their consciousness is also higher than before. This constitutes
progress.
However, it is still necessary to greatly improve our style of study. For
example, in the past few years, great changes have taken place in the-rural
areas and the situation is excellent. The peasants heartily welcome the
policies of the CPC Central Committee and everyone is jubilant. However,
some research workers refuse to go to the rural areas. They are reluctant
or unwilling to listen to the voice of millions of people and the views of
the worker and peasant masses. This cannot be considered as good style of
study. Even if we make cursory observation for a very short time, it will
greatly help our work and contribute to our understanding. It is very
important to ask the departments concerned to supply some material. How-
ever, no matter how rich the material may be, it is still material gained
in the past or secondhand material. As far as people who engage in research
work are concerned, it is necessary to gather secondhand material. However,
where conditions permit, it is more important to gather firsthand material.
After all, there are.great disparities between the material gained from
written documents and actual life. If we manage to find time to go to
various provinces, prefectures, counties, communes and production brigades
and have a look at the peasants' homes, we shall feel that we have gained
much more substantial and abundant material than we did from written mate-
rial. This greatly helps to increase our knowledge and broaden our thinking.
Ours is a very, big country. The natural and economic conditions and the
cultural levels in various localities of the rural areas are different and
the economic developments are very uneven. It is therefore necessary to
have various forms of agricultural production responsibility system. Even
the same type of responsibility system, such as the implementation of the
contract system in an overall way, often varies a great deal in localities
of different economic development. In developing agriculture, it is also
necessary to rely mainly on the planned economy and supplement it with
regulation by market mechanism; and, with respect to the peasants' freedom,
if we do not handle it well, it will affect the state plan. If we go to the
grassroots to conduct investigation and study, we shall be able to confirm
that the principles laid down by the CPC Central Committee conform to
reality and thus deepen our understanding. There are many branches of
learning in social science and so the requirements for getting in touch with
reality cannot follow the same pattern. A person who engages in the study
of history comes into contact with material quite different from that
studied by a person who engages in solving practical problems. Even if you
are a person who engages in the study of history, it will also do you a lot
of good if you go to the grassroots and have a look. Owing to different
historical conditions in the past and different economic development in
various localities, the implementation of public ownership of the means of
production and the agricultural production responsibility system also
frequently bear the imprint of history. This historical imprint cannot
but exert an influence on current work and practice.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
The CPC Central Committee and the State Council are dealing with practical
problems every day. If the comrades who engage in the study of social
science do not understand new situations and fail to put forward good
proposals for solving new problems, it is impossible to do our work well.
Even if we manage to knock together some opinions, they will not be
accepted. We have a number of economists, some of whom have played a
very good role in helping the CPC Central Committee and the State Council
to determine the principles and policies. Now the party and state attach
great importance to social science and place tremendous hopes on it. So
long as there are good suggestions, the party and state will give serious
consideration to them. This situation has never occurred since liberation.
However, have we put forward programs, plans and suggestions which have ?
original ideas and analysis and which are really capable of solving prob-
lems? Yes, but not very many. Are there people who can put forward such
proposals? Yes, but they are not very many either. How shall we change
this state of affairs in order to meet the needs of the party and state?
It is necessary to gradually make efforts, to go deep into the realities of
life and to get in touch with the masses. If, by 1985, most of the recipes
devised by people who engage in the study of economics are suited to the
case and are capable of curing the sickness and the number of such recipes
is getting greater and greater, this proves that we have improved our style
of study and that we have made great progress in our work.
In order to reform the economic system in an all-round way, it is necessary
for us to conscientiously understand and give consideration to foreign
experiences. However, this can only serve as a reference. There are
1 billion people in China, 800 million of whom are peasants. It just does
not work to copy indiscriminately the most successful experience from any
country or locality. What is most important is that we should constantly
seek and sum up our experience in our practice. It is necessary to attach
sufficient importance to our own experiences, both positive and negative.
In reforming the economic system, it is necessary to fully study the suc-
cessful experiences during the 1950's and, in light of the current situa-
tion, go on advancing and making a breakthrough. With respect to these
questions, have our comrades who engage in economic and research work made
a thorough study of them? Have they placed them on the agenda? These
matters are closely related to the improvement of our style of study.
Improvement of the style of study has become the key to doing a good job of,
and improving the level of, the entire propaganda and social science work.
It has become the key to playing our role in the socialist modernization
program. To this end we must make unremitting efforts.
CSO: 4004/46
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
ON MASS SUPERVISION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 19-24, 30
[Article by Xiaong Fu [3574 1788]]
[Text] The principle of mass supervision is a fundamental principle in the
political affairs of our party and state. Respecting and safeguarding the
masses' right of supervision, bringing the role of mass supervision into
full play and seriously raising the level of mass supervision are a very
important aspect in improving and. perfecting socialist democracy. After
talking about the principle of democracy in the relationship between the
leaders and the masses (see RED FLAG No 9, 1982), it is still necessary
to specially discuss this problem.
Our socialist system is a highly democratic social system. Under it, the
people, who are makers of history, have basically changed their status and
become masters of their country and society as a whole. People's rights,
interests and will are supreme. Any words and deeds harmful to the
people's rights and interests and violating the people's will are imper-
missible. As stipulated in the general principles in the draft of the
revised constitution: "The people have the right to administer the affairs
of the country and its economic, cultural and social affairs, according to
provisions of the law, through various channels and in various forms."
Under the socialist system, there are various forms in which the people
exercise their rights to be master of the house. The NPC and the local
people's congresses at various levels which are produced through election,
the workers' (or commune members') congresses of primary organizations,
the mass autonomous organizations at the basic level, the organs of self-
government of national autonomous areas, and the administrative organs at
various levels ranging from the State Council to the grassroots and
elected and supervised by these organs of power are the basic forms in
which the people administer the state affairs. They are the very basic
forms reflecting the essential distinction between socialist democracy and
bourgeois democracy. The essence of socialist democracy is that the people
are the masters of their country and the state functionaries are "servants"
supervised by the people. The, various aspects of the political, economic
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
and social affairs of the state are administered according to the principle
of democracy, and the relationship between man and man (including that
between the leadership and the masses) is also established and developed
according to the principle of democracy. It must be emphatically pointed
out that extensive mass supervision of state affairs is an extremely
important form of socialist democracy. For example, under the socialist
system, through their mass organizations and various social bodies, through
various channels such as meetings, letters, visits, newspapers and other
publications, and broadcasts, and by such means as discussion, proposal,
investigation, criticism, reporting an offense.to the authorities, exposing
an offense, and. making inquiries and complaints, and even by instituting a
lawsuit, the people may fully express their will, aspirations and demands.
It should be said that the most extensive mass supervision from below such
as this is one of the essential characteristics of socialist democracy, is
the most extensive, most regular and most direct form for exercising the
people's rights to be masters of the house and plays a very important role
in guaranteeing that our country will advance along the road to socialism.
Only by taking this approach to the position and role of mass supervision
in state affairs can we really and comprehensively understand the content
and meaning of the people's rights to be masters of the house.
However, there really are people who not only shut their eyes to the basic
forms in which the Chinese people exercise their rights to. be masters of
the house but also neglect mass supervision, which is an important form.
They hold that since the people are the masters of the house, everyone
should directly exercise the right to administer state affairs, otherwise
it is useless to talk about the people's right to be masters of the house.
Basing themselves on this understanding, they say that democracy guided
by centralism cannot really embody the will and interests of the people
and that democracy guided by centralism or exercise of power by entrusting
it to a few representatives will "inevitably" lead to "alienation" of
people's power. For this reason, they demand that the state affairs be
directly governed by the trade unions. This view is very wrong and
harmful.
Democracy and centralism constitute the unity of opposites. Under the
conditions of socialism, administration set up in an organized way, that
is, the form of exercising the administrative power by the representatives
elected voluntarily by the people, is a condition for turning society into
a united, organic whole. People's rights, will and interests cannot be
expressed by the form in which everyone directly administers state affairs
and becomes a direct administrator of state affairs, just as not all on a
boat can be helmsmen at the same time. Otherwise, if everyone steers the
boat as he wishes, this boat cannot advance along a charted course. There-
fore, no matter to what extent democracy in our country has been developed
and no matter to what extent our democratic system has been improved, the
necessity of assigning a few representatives to exercise the administrative
power cannot be basically negated. That is to say, there should always be
a distinction between the administrators and those governed by them.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
Of course, when we acknowledge the necessity of the division of labor
between the administrators and those governed by them, we do not mean that
a few people or a certain group of people may manipulate state affairs
according to their subjective wish. Under the conditions of socialism,
only the people's united will and purpose formed in the principle of demo-
cratic centralism can manipulate the state affairs. If and when the
people's will and purpose have been centralized on the basis of democracy
and become a firm and correct orientation, they should be carried out in a
unified and organized way by a few representatives--this is the most
effective form of administration. The people will have directly exercised
their rights to be masters of the house when their united will and purpose
have not been distorted and can be fully and comprehensively realized under
the supervision of these representatives. The essence of being masters of
the house can only be and must be expressed in the form in which the
people's will and purpose are centralized on the basis of democracy and
carried out under centralized guidance, so as to ensure that they are
realized completely and thoroughly. It is unrealistic and is even worse
than a fantasy to argue that the people's right to be masters of the house
means each individual may directly administer state affairs. We have
learned very impressive lessons on this point during the turmoil of the
"Great Cultural Revolution."
Some people cherish the idea of letting people directly administer state
affairs through the trade unions. This idea is equally unrealistic. -
Doubtlessly, as the belt or bridge between the party and the masses, as an
organization attracting and guiding the masses to participate in adminis-
tration and as a school where the masses learn to administer affairs, the
trade unions play a very important role in the whole course of exercising
the people's rights to be masters of the house. However, organizing the
masses through the trade union to participate in administration of state
affairs is different from letting every member of the trade union directly
administer state affairs. The trade union is a mass organization of the
working class. It is not an administrative organ. Even after an enter-prise has established its trade union, all divisions of work and the
various functions resulting from these divisions of work in the enterprise
cannot be written off. A trade union does not have administrative power.
Led by the party committee, the congress of staff and workers and its
administrative committee are administrative organs and the factory director
and his office under their supervision have administrative power. In an
enterprise, the trade union can only play its role in attracting and
guiding the staff and workers to participate in administration and to learn
to administer affairs. This is more true in the administration of state
affairs. It is the NPC, the local people's congresses at various levels:
and their administrative offices, and not the trade unions, that have the
power to administer state affairs. The trade unions can only play a role
in attracting and guiding the staff and workers to participate in the
administration of the affairs of the state and its economic, cultural and
social affairs.
In short, the people's democratic dictatorship is our state system.
Democratic centralism is our government system. That means the unity of
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
democracy and centralism. Democracy must be guided by centralism and is
not anarchy divorced from centralism; centralism should be based on
democracy and is not personal arbitration divorced from democracy. Only
by combining democracy with centralism, combining leadership from the top
with supervision from below, correctly exercising the people's right to be
masters of the house and correctly handling and solving the dialectical
relations between democracy and centralism in practice will it be possible
to guarantee that the people's right to be masters of the house may be
really exercised.
An important question is how to guarantee the overall realization of the
people's will and purpose under the condition where a few representatives
exercise administrative power. Apart from the party's leadership, mass
supervision is an important factor.
Under the conditions of socialism, a few representatives (including repre-
sentatives of congresses of grassroots organizations, representatives of
people's congresses at various levels and the leaders of administrative
organs at various levels established by these congresses) must have a good
mass base before they are promoted to the leading positions. However, in
no way should a leader regard himself as a natural representative of the
masses even if he has been elected according to the most rigid democratic
principles and procedures. A genuine representative of the people not only
should "receive order" from the people but also must constantly maintain
flesh-and-blood ties with the people and consciously and unconditionally
put himself under mass supervision. This is the condition for guarantee-
ing that these representatives have the most important political quality
of maintaining ties with the masses and being faithful and responsible to
the people and is also the base for guaranteeing that the people's will
and purpose can be realized.
We must realize that ours is a country with feudal autocratic traditions
of more than 2,000 years. Therefore, the ideas of the feudal landlord
class are still pestering the people in varying degrees. These ideas are
accompanied by the influence of the small producers' backward ideas and
bourgeois decadent ideas. Ideas of this kind often influence some people
imperceptibly. Some people holding leading positions also find it difficult
to completely extricate themselves from these ideas. Once their positions
have changed, some comrades seem to have a sudden,rise in social status.
They get swollen-headed, stand high above the masses and take their place
as the "patriarch" of a unit or department. Others are arrogant, have too
high an opinion of themselves, act arbitrarily, are heedless of the
people's demands and sufferings and become "overlords" sitting on the backs
of the people. What is more, some of them even go to the extent of abusing
the power given them by the people, using public office for private gain,
stealing what is entrusted to their care, violating the law, deceiving the
people and committing crimes. At present, a great deal of information on
hitting at economic crimes has shown that some people who could not resist
the attack by the bourgeois "sugarcoated bullets" have fallen, become
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
insects boring into the socialist undertakings and betrayed the interests
of the people. There are many reasons why these people have degenerated.
An important reason is that the role of mass supervision has been weakened.
Our leading comrades should of course be the first to set high demands on
themselves, consciously maintain the purity of communism and at the same
time consciously accept mass supervision. An important use of mass super-
vision is to restrict our leaders and prevent them from degeneration.
Whoever he may be, a leader lives in a particular environment, that is, he
lives among the masses within a certain scope. The leaders' undesirable
tendencies and behaviors, such as seeking privileges and practicing
bureaucratism, and even their violations of law and discipline cannot
escape the sharp eyes of the masses. We do not deny that the binding
force. of law and discipline and the investigation by the higher authorities
will effectively prevent the leaders from degeneration. However, such
binding force and investigation cannot be divorced from mass supervision.
Mass supervision is the base on which the binding force and investigation
play their role. It is an important condition for preventing the leaders
from degeneration.
However, we should in no way interpret the meaning and role of mass super-
vision in a simple, narrow sense, and create the impression that mass
supervision aims only at preventing the leaders from degeneration. If so,
is it correct to say that mass supervision is no longer needed if the
leaders do not seek privileges and go in for unhealthy practices? No, we
cannot say that! Leaders of all departments and units must maintain
flesh-and-blood ties with the masses even if they have a mind to serve the
people wholeheartedly. The understanding of anyone is subject to certain
limitations. A leader's understanding, intentions and planning have to be
supplemented and revised by the wisdom and experience of the masses.
Whether his deeds and measures are correct and effective has to be tested
by practice among the masses. To minimize the limitation of his under-
standing, a leader must strengthen his ties with the masses to the greatest
possible extent, feel the pulse of the masses, listen to their voice and
represent the interests and demands of the masses. In this sense, we
should not confine the role of mass supervision to the scope of preventing
some leaders from degeneration, or to the scope of preventing the conse-
quences caused by the personal character of certain leaders, or the scope
of passively preventing some leaders from degeneration. A more important
aspect of mass supervision is its active role as a.tester and rectifier,
that is, it will enable the leaders to receive education from the masses
and also will broaden their scope of vision, enlighten them and tell them
experiences based on vivid practice, so that they will go deep into the
realities of life, keep in close contact with the people's struggle and
subsequently avoid or correct their deviations and mistakes in imple-
menting the party's line, principles and policies and their shortcomings
and faults in representing the people's basic interests. Therefore, the
leaders on all fronts and of all departments and units are involved in the
question of receiving mass supervision in all fields of work.
To the broad masses of people, extensive mass supervision throughout the
society is a form of education and self-education with tremendous moral
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
strength. The relationship between man and man under the socialist system
is a comradely relationship of equality, unity, friendship, mutual
assistance and cooperation. It.is based on loving the motherland and the
people, cherishing labor and science, protecting public property, uphold-
ing socialism and supporting the party's leadership. In establishing and
developing this relationship, it is necessary to improve the general mood
of society, cultivate socialist ethics and create persistent and powerful
public opinion of justice, that is, it is necessary to create a social-
environment where good morals prevail over all undesirable practices.
Extensive mass supervision throughout the society is a moral strength
which is present everywhere. It is a prerequisite for the creation of
such a social environment. In administering state affairs, while efforts
are made to bring the role of mass supervision from below into full play,
attention should also be paid to developing and strengthening mass super-
vision over the relationship between man and man and bringing its role in
education and self-education into full play. This is of great importance
in improving the general mood of society, protecting social ethics, main-
taining good order in society and in work and daily life and subsequently
ensuring the normal development of state affairs and realization of the
people's basic interests.
In short, under the socialist system, practicing and persisting in mass
supervision participated in by the greatest possible number of people is
an important measure for preventing our leaders from degeneration and
ensuring that the political hue of our party and state will never change.
It is also an important link in improving and strengthening the leadership
work of our party and state in various fields. At the same time, it is
an important condition for developing and perfecting the comradely rela-
tionship between man and man under the socialist system. Only by proceed-
ing from these three aspects to understand the meaning and role of mass
supervision and by practically and not emptily, concretely and not
abstractly, consciously and not passively establishing and developing a
powerful mass supervision which-covers the whole society, takes the
people's basic interests as its core and embraces all spheres and aspects
of state affairs, can we develop socialist democracy in an all-round
manner, ensure the prosperity of our cause and forever be in an invincible
position.
To ensure exercise of mass supervision, it is imperative to handle
properly the relationships in the following aspects:
First, the relationship between full reliance on the leaders' consciousness
in accepting mass supervision and application of the law and system in
ensuring mass supervision.
We must believe that the majority of our cadres and leaders who have been
educated for many years by our party understand deeply our party's nature
and tasks and their duties and obligations. Most of them are highly
conscious in accepting mass supervision. This is the mainstream among our
leaders and cadres.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
However, there are actually some people who lack consciousness in this
aspect. They regard the solemn duties assigned them by the party and
people as the power which enables them to do whatever they like. They
also regard the masses as "subjects" governed by them. They pose as
"special citizens" and "special party members" and simply ignore mass
supervision, and no one dare to criticize them, educate them and take
disciplinary action against them. Some of them even suppress mass super-
vision, make things hard for those who make criticisms or proposals, and
go to the extent of publicly retaliating against them.
Under these circumstances, while arousing, relying on and developing the
consciousness of the leaders in accepting mass supervision, we must use
the law and system to ensure mass supervision, so that those who ignore
and trample on the people's democratic rights will be kept within bounds
and even be punished. Under the socialist system, this is a question of
fundamental importance and a question of principle. For this reason, the
new constitution (draft revision), the new party constitution (draft
revision) and "Guiding Principles for Inner-Party Political Life" specified
the people's rights to exercise mass supervision and stipulated that the
leaders must accept mass supervision. At present, we are taking further
steps to improve the socialist economic and political systems and various
administrative systems. The question of safeguarding the people's rights
to supervise state affairs in various fields has attracted general atten-
tion. The point now is to institutionalize the ways, methods, forms and
means of exercising mass supervision. For example, the departments and
leaders concerned must give replies within a specified period of time to
proposals, criticisms and opinions put forth by the masses except the
troublemakers; concrete rules should be laid down governing the forms and
methods whereby the leading cadres at various levels periodically and
directly hear the criticism and opinions of the masses; the system govern-
ing handling of letters and reception of visitors by the leading organs at
various levels should be improved; newspapers should go further to conduct
mass criticism from below, and so forth. At the same time, it should be
specially emphasized that the laws and systems regarding the exercise of
mass supervision must be strictly implemented. Only in this way will it
be possible to carry out mass supervision on a solid basis and to prevent
the people's right to exercise mass supervision from becoming an empty
promise or an abstract principle.
Second, the relationship between the leaders' acceptance of mass super-
vision and their correct attitude toward the opinions of the masses.
Every leader must accept mass supervision. However, accepting mass super-
vision does not mean blindly accepting the opinions of the masses. As far
as this question is concerned, it is necessary to further wipe out the
pernicious influence of the so-called theory that mass movement is "natural
and reasonable" advocated by the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolu-
tionary cliques. As we all know, not all opinions, appeals and demands
from the masses are correct. Some of the masses may be advanced and others
backward. As members of the masses, they are subject to limitations in
acquiring understanding. Under different conditions, they may be subject
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
to influence from various quarters so that they may be inclined in different
directions. For this reason, a leader must make overall, concrete analysis
of the sentiments, opinions and demands of the masses, not only humbly,
extensively and comprehensively listening to the opinions of the masses,
especially those working on the forefront of production, scientific
research and social services, but also aptly grasping the reasonable factors
and components of these opinions and daring to discard the unreasonable
factors and components. That is to say, he must not only "incorporate
things of diverse nature" but also go through a course of considering the
opinions by "discarding the dross and selecting the essential, eliminating
the false and retaining the true, proceeding from the one to the other and
from the outside to the inside." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 1,
p 268) If he does not make efforts to seriously think about the essence
and contents of the opinions in an overall manner, he will invariably be at
a loss as to what to do, be influenced by various kinds of opinions and
tendencies and be bogged down in a contradiction. This is true with some
leaders. In the face of complicated conditions, they often dare not come
into contact with the masses and contradictions, not knowing what course
to take but always trying to take the course of least resistance. Or, they
passively accede to some unreasonable demands of the masses-and blindly
accept the opinions of the masses. This is not a correct attitude toward
mass supervision. The essential demand, the premise and the principle of
mass supervision are to express the basic interests of the masses. The duty
of a leader is to adopt the reasonable factors of the different opinions of
the masses, including opinions contradictory to each other and biased and
extreme views, and at the same time to guide the masses through persuasion
and education and apply higher principles and higher demands in uniting the
masses on a still higher plane. This conforms to what Comrade Mao Zedong
said: "With respect to the question of the party's relationship with the
masses, the party must lead the masses to carry out all their correct ideas
in the light of the circumstance and educate them to correct any wrong ideas
they may entertain." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," Vol 4, p 1253)
Third, the relationship between the masses' spontaneous exercise of rights
of supervision and their conscious exercise of rights of supervision.
The masses' spontaneous exercise of rights of supervision means the masses'
direct reaction to a problem or matter according to their personal intui-
tion, feelings and gains. This kind of reaction often cannot comprehen-
sively and accurately embody and reflect the general, long-term and basic
interests of the masses, so that in most cases, it is narrow in scope, one-
sided and partial. For example, we may often hear grievances, complaints,
criticisms and reproaches. This is sometimes because our leaders have not
considered their work in an overall manner and have not handled it
properly. However, in most cases, this is because the masses do not have
an overall understanding of the situation?or because their personal wishes
and demands have not been satisfied. A leader should patiently listen to
their voices. He should solve the personal problems of some individuals if
these problems arise because he has not considered his work in an overall
manner and has not handled it properly. However, as far as the masses are
concerned, mass supervision has not been exercised sufficiently if it
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
remains at this level. If the masses proceed only from personal feelings,
they cannot correctly exercise their rights of supervision and, on the
contrary, they will easily be swayed by personal feelings and fail to play
their role in exercising supervision.
The masses' conscious exercise of rights of supervision means the masses'
making of criticisms, proposals and plans, their efforts to expose the
passive, backward and gloomy phenomena in everyday life and their adoption
of legal measures to carry out active intervention by proceeding from
their sense of responsibility as masters of the whole country and society,
from their concern for the future and destiny of the party and state and
from their consciousness in the general, long-term and basic interests of
the masses. The "law of civil procedure" stipulates that one has the right,
through lawsuits, to actively interfere with any action which does not con-
cern oneself and one's unit but happens to other people or other units and
harms the interests of the state, the collective and the society. This
means the right of social supervision. Strictly speaking, only by standing
on such a high plane can we genuinely reflect the original meaning of mass
supervision, really display the power of mass supervision and truly express
the rights of the people to be masters of the house. We should not reject
or negate the former kind of supervision, that is, spontaneous supervision,
and its meaning and role because, after all, it is a direct reflection of
the masses' feelings and thinking. However, we should encourage the latter
kind of supervision, that is, conscious supervision. Only this kind of
supervision can play an enormous educational role and have tremendous moral
strength. We should continuously and vigorously carry out propaganda and
education and organize and lead the masses to continuously arouse their
consciousness and understanding so that mass supervision may gradually rise
from the level of spontaneous supervision to the level of conscious super-
vision. For this reason, when we talk about mass supervision, we should
set demands not only on the leaders but also on the masses.
In order to raise mass supervision to the level of conscious supervision,
the masses should be enabled to attain a very high conscious and moral
level, to break away from their personal, partial interests and to refrain
from taking their personal feelings, gains and likes as the criteria for
deciding what is right and what is wrong and what attitude they will adopt.
toward various problems. In short, the masses must attain a lofty realm
of thought and become mature citizens, that is, citizens cherishing a lofty
ideal, attaining a high moral and cultural level and observing discipline.
If the masses can reach this stage of maturity, the quality of mass super-
vision will be greatly improved, the leaders' subjectivism, bureaucratism
and undesirable personal character will be strictly supervised and curbed
and the masses will also receive education and training. Undoubtedly,
hardships will be involved in attaining this goal. To attain this goal,
the masses must take hold of the most powerful ideological weapon,
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought; they must continuously increase their
scientific and cultural knowledge; and they must adopt a strict scientific
attitude of seeking truth from facts. The masses must treasure their
rights to supervise the administration of state affairs and take a serious
attitude toward these rights. While exercising these rights, they should
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
make investigations, acquire detailed information and obtain all-round
understanding of the situation. In no way should they talk irresponsibly,
do as they please, act on hearsay evidence and believe in rumor, lest they
abuse their rights of supervision. Only in this way will it be really
possible to bring the role of mass supervision into play as a restriction
and precaution, as a tester and rectifier and in education and self-
education.
More than half a century ago, Lenin made a well-known remark: "A state is
strong when the people are politically conscious. It is strong when the
people know everything, can form an opinion of everything and do everything
consciously." ("Collected Works of Lenin," Vol 26, p 234) Let our leaders
take deep root in the fertile soil of the masses! Let all the people
quickly become politically conscious and mature and earnestly shoulder
their tasks as masters in administering state affairs!
CSO: 4004/46
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
A CRACKDOWN ON ECONOMIC CRIMES AND CLASS STRUGGLE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 25-30
[Article by commentator]
[Text] At present, the struggle to crack down on serious criminal activities
in the economic field is proceeding smoothly. This is an important guarantee
for upholding the socialist road and realizing the great goal of socialist
modernization. Concerning the situation, nature and importance of this strug-
gle and the steps and general and specific policies to be followed in connec-
tion with this struggle, the party Central Committee and the State Council
have made scientific analyses and provided clearcut stipulations in the
"decision on cracking down on serious criminal activities in the economic
field" and other documents. These analyses and stipulations are playing
important roles in unifying everyone's ideological awareness and guiding the
deepening of the struggle. But it should also be noted that some comrades
have certain vague and incorrect ideas about this struggle and the current
class struggle. Continuously making things clear and rectifying these ideas
are still tasks that cannot be neglected in our' ideological and theoretical
work and in our actual work.
Some comrades have noted serious criminal activities in the economic field in
the past few years, such as smuggling, illegal trading, corruption, bribery,
profiteering, deception, the theft of state and collective property, and so
forth, and have thus doubted the correctness of our party's policy on opening
the door to foreign countries and enlivening domestic economic activities.
They have even regarded these phenomena as a product of the realization of
this policy itself. This doubtful attitude or view just does not hold water.
Opening the door to foreign countries and enlivening the domestic economy is
a major policy adopted by our party on the basis of the objective laws govern-
ing socialist construction, on the basis of painful lessons learned from
serious setbacks suffered as a result of a long period of carrying out "left-
ist" guiding ideas, and on the basis of the actual needs of modernization.
Experience in the past few years has provided eloquent proof that the imple-
mentation of this policy is conducive to the readjustment, reform, reorganiza-
tion and improvement of the national economy and is also conducive to the
development of various economic undertakings, and agriculture and light industry
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
in particular. In the past few years, there has been a great increase in our
foreign trade. What the state spent on improving the people's stan2arddro28
living from 1979 to 1981 reached 140 billion yuan. These 3 years,
million people in towns and cities arranged employment. We made these
achievements because, first of all, we have upheld the consistent guideline
calling for independence, self-reliance and planned economy and developed the
fine tradition of fighting amidst hardships. But it should also be noted
that if we had continued to follow the policy of isolating the country from
the world and imposing too-rigid controls on economic activities, and had
refrained from carrying out and upholding
domestic opening
foreign countries and enlivening
been imposssible to score these achievements.
True, serious criminal activities in the economic field have taken place under
new historical conditions following our implementation of the policy of open-
ing the door to foreign countries and enlivening the domestic economy. But in
no way can we interpret these activities as the product of the implementation
of this policy itself. Similarly, we cannot put the blame on socialist com-
modity production and commodity exchange just because some speculation and
profiteering cases exist in our country's process of commodity circulation at
its current stage. There is no doubt that only where there is a commodities
and currency relationship can there be speculation and profiteering. But
speculation and profiteering is not a product of socialist commodity produc-
tion or commodity exchange itself. Instead, it is attributable to the poor
development of commodity production, to an inadequacy of commodities, and to
drawbacks and weak links existing in regard to commercial management systems
and management measures. Only under these conditions can phenomena like
speculation and profiteering turn from possibilities into realities. To
energetically develop socialist commodity production., increase the total vol-
ume of social commodities and improve the circulation of commodities--this is
an effort to create adequate conditions for digging out the economic soil
that gives rise to crimes like profiteering and speculation. Under the new
historical conditions, where we open the door to foreign countries and seek
to enliven domestic economic activities, the appearance of serious criminal
activities in the economic field is attributable to social historical factors
in many fields. Our implementation of the policy of opening the door to
foreign countries and enlivening economic activities has taken place against
a general historical background resulting, from 10 years of destruction against
our party, state and society by Lin Biao and the "gang of four." Various eco-
nomic sectors have been out of balance. Serious difficulties have been experi-
enced in economic life. The pernicious influence of the ideas of extreme
individualism and anarchism spread by Lin Biao and the "gang of four" is deep-
seated. Great damage has been done to the party.'s work and its prestige,
social moral practices and people's sense of discipline. In addition, cer-
tain kinds of ideological and political work and management measures in the
process of implementing the policy of.opening the door to foreign countries
and enlivening domestic economic activities have failed to catch up in time.
Given the combined effects of these social historical factors, certain nega-
tive and disruptive social phenomena are very likely to be revived and grow
in the economic and other areas.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
The objective fact that serious criminal activities appear in the economic
field tells us that in the new historical period of promoting modernization,
we must take two measures. The first is to uphold the policy of opening the
door to foreign countries and enlivening domestic economic activities. The
other is to resolutely crack down on serious criminal activities in the eco-
nomic and other fields. These two measures complement each other, and neither
is dispensable. Only by resolutely waging the solemn struggle to crack down
on serious criminal activities in the economic and other fields can we remove
obstacles and interference and ensure the correct implementation of the policy
of opening the door to foreign countries and enlivening domestic economic
activities. And only by firmly and unswervingly carrying out the policy of
opening the door to foreign countries and enlivening domestic economic
activities can we speed up the building of socialist material civilization
and spiritual civilization and create conditions for continuously getting rid
of all kinds of criminal activities.
Some comrades believe that such activities as corruption, bribery, speculation,
deception, smuggling and illegal peddling are in the category of general
illegal and criminal activities and are general anti-social acts. The rulers
of feudal and capitalist societies in history ably waged struggles against.
these activities. Therefore, a crackdown on these criminal activities cannot
be interpreted as class struggle. Is this a view correct or not? We feel
that it is not right to hold this view.
True, such social phenomena as corruption, bribery, speculation, deception,
smuggling and illegal trading have not existed only today. They were evident
long ago. They were the products of private ownership and the system of
exploitation. These phenomena that now still exist in our economic life are,
in the final analysis, historical legacies from the old society. In the
class society in the past, feudal,and bourgeois rulers did wage a struggle
against corrupt officials and corrupt practices within a given scope and to
a certain extent. The aim was to regulate relations within the ruling class
and maintain the interests of the rule of the whole exploiting class and the
order of rule. Never would this strike at the foundation of the exploiting
system and the exploiting class. Nor was it possible to do so. For example,
in the feudal society, there were indeed differences between honest and cor-
rupt officials and contradictions and struggles between them. Marxism has
never negated the differences existing between honest and dishonest officials
in history and has never negated the positive social significance of the
struggle of honest officials against corrupt officials and corrupt practices,
or the role that such struggle objectively plays to a certain extent in help-
ing the development of productive forces and social progress. But at the same
time Marxism holds that no matter how honest they may appear, so-called honest
officials were still political representatives of the exploiting class and
still supporters of the exploitation system. Their struggle against corrupt
officials is of course not the struggle between classes and is instead in the
category of a contradiction or a struggle within the exploiting class. There-
fore, this struggle is basically different from the struggle that we wage
today to crack down upon serious criminal activities in the economic field
or the remnants of this old exploitation system--a struggle to maintain the
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
socialist system that allows the people to be the masters. The two struggles
just cannot be lumped together.
Our socialist society is still in an initial stage of development. In social
life and among social members, there inevitably exist various negative and
disruptive factors. There exist wrong ideas that run counter to Marxist and
socialist principles, and anti-social acts detrimental to social order, social
discipline and social interests. There also exist activities of hostile ele-
ments designed to disrupt the socialist system. These ngative and disruptive
factors are all obstacles standing in the way of the progress of our society
and the development of social civilization. But they are a different kind,
of factor, as far as circumstances and nature are concerned. They should
be distinguished in a strict and scientific manner. We can never unanalyti-
cally equate all these ngative and disruptive factors with class struggle.
But we also can never treat the disruptive activities of various hostile
elements that really fall into the category of class struggle as general
negative phenomena and general anti-social acts.
Since the 3d plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the party
Central Committee has on many occasions clearly pointed out that in the areas
of our country where socialist transformation has been completed, after the
elimination of the exploiting class as a class, class struggle will still
exist for a long time within a given scope. What does this class struggle
within a given scope chiefly mean? Or what is its main content? We believe
that its main content is the struggle between the people and various hostile
elements. (Needless to say, the so-called main content of course does not
mean all its contents; it has other contents. For example, the struggle
against the remnants of feudalist thinking left over from the old society,`
decadent capitalist thinking, and so forth, that continue to have an effect
or influence on people of this kind or that, has partaken of the nature of
class struggle in some cases to different degrees. But generally speaking,
such struggle still falls into the category of contradictions among the
people). These hostile elements include counterrevolutionaries, enemy agents,
criminals that seriously disrupt socialist order, an extremely small number of
exploiters of the past that continue to adhere to a reactionary stand and
also new exploiters involved in corruption, theft, speculation and profiteer-
ing. They carry out various disruptive activities in political, economic,
and cultural fields and in social life. The purposes of their activities
and their results are detrimental to our socialist system and socialist cause.
Their interests are diametrically opposed to the interests of the masses of
people and socialist interests. Therefore, the struggle of workers, peasants
and intellectuals against them is still a kind of class struggle.
Our crackdown on serious criminal activities in the economic field means wag-
ing a solemn struggle against new exploiters involved in corruption, theft,
speculation, profiteering, smuggling and illegal trading. These criminal
elements have resorted to various means to expropriate the results of social
labor without compensation. There criminal activities not only seriously
disrupt our socialist economy and impair the socialist relations of produc-
tion but also seriously upset social order, corrupt social practices, deprave
our party, state and society, and poison the people's spiritual world.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
Moreover, their activities are often related to exploiting classes. in foreign
countries. Therefore, these are by no means general criminal activities and
general anti-social acts, but are instead an important manifestation of class
struggle in the economic field under the new historical conditions where we
open the door to foreign countries and seek to enliven the domestic economy.
Such class struggle is not just class struggle left over from the history of
our country. It is also, at the same time, a reflection of international
class struggle. We must thus soberly realize the nature of the struggle to
crack down on serious criminal activities in the economic field. We must
resolutely wage such a struggle and win victory. Only in this way can we. in
the new historical period, uphold the socialist road and ensure the develop-
ment of our modernization effort in the correct direction.
Some comrades say that since the'crackdown on serious criminal activities in
the economic field is an important manifestation of class struggle in our
socialist society in the economic field under new historical conditions, and
since such struggle will also continue for a long period, does this not prove
that it is still correct to "take class struggle as the key link"? Of course
not. There is no objective basis for such worries, or this way of thinking.
Everyone knows that the fundamental meaning of "taking class struggle as the
key link" is not to recognize that after the fundamental completion of the
socialist transformation of the private ownership system of the means of
production and the fundamental elimination of the exploiting class as a class
in our country, the main contradictions to be solved in social life have
undergone fundamental changes, and not to recognize that the contradiction
between the ever-growing needs of the people in their material and cultural
life and backward social production has become the main contradiction, and
the focus of party and state work must be shifted to socialist economic
construction. Instead, it is still held that the contradictiorr between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie is the so-called main social contradiction
and that class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie will al-
ways exist in the entire history of socialism. Therefore, all economic and
social work must revolve around class struggle as a key link or a center and
be made to serve it. Under the guidance of this theory, political movements
were continuously launched within the party and in society. As a result, a
large host of social contradictions not partaking of the nature of class
struggle were handled as the contradictions of class struggle. Many contra-
dictions among the people were treated as contradictions between the enemy
and ourselves, causing the serious enlargement of class struggle. Things were
carried so far that there was a search for the so-called bourgeoisie within
the party. The "great cultural revolution" broke out, a so-called "great
revolution" of one class overthrowing another, which lasted for as long as 10
years, causing great damage and disaster to the political life of the party
and the state, to the interests of the people, and to economic construction
and the whole socialist cause. Hard historical facts have amply proved that
the theory and act of "taking class struggle as the key link" under socialist
conditions run entirely counter to the reality of class struggle in our.
society, to the objective laws governing the development of socialist society
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
and to the strong desire of hundreds of millions of people for the building
of a modern socialist country.
The 3rd plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee resolutely stopped
the implementation of the slogan of "taking class struggle as the key link"
and resolutely shifted the focus of party and state work to socialist
modernization centering on economic construction. Since the 3rd plenary
session, to eliminate the influence of "taking class struggle as the key link"
in various fields, the party Central Committee has unified awareness of the
reality of class struggle in our society on a scientific and correct basis--
awareness on the part of the comrades of the whole party and the people of
the entire country. It has done a great deal of effective work regarding both
theory and practice. The "decision on certain questions in the history of the
party since the founding of the -PRC" adopted at the 6th plenary session of the
11th CPC Central Committee pointed out: "After the elimination of the exploi-
ting class as a class, class struggle is no longer a main contradiction. Due
to domestic factors and international influence class struggle will exist for
a long period of time within a given scope and may intensify under certain
conditions. We must oppose not only the viewpoint of enlarging class struggle
but also the viewpoint that class struggle has died out." This is a funda-
mental conclusion about class struggle in socialist society reached scien-
tifically by our party on the basis of a profound summing-up of historical
experiences and lessons. It is also a fundamental guideline that in the future
we must follow in observing and handling problems concerning class struggle.
What we mean by class struggle existing within a given scope is that after
the elimination of the exploiting class as a class, the kind of class antagon-
ism previously existing between hostile classes within the whole society will
disappear. Class struggle that continues to exist in the whole social life
is no longer in a dominant position, or is no longer the main contradiction.
As mentioned above, such class struggle within a given scope finds expression
chiefly as the struggle of the people against hostile elements bent on dis-
rupting the socialist system. It is a far cry from a historical class strug-
gle in a class society. With the system of exploitation eliminated and the
socialist system established, these hostile elements have forfeited the kind
of economy (reactionary relations of production), politics (a reactionary
state regime) and ideology (the reactionary ideology occupying a dominant
position in society) and other conditions that the exploiting class as a class
in the past relied upon for survival. They could not possibly form into a
perfect class. As far as general trends are concerned, with the development
of our socialist cause, the scope of their activities will naturally and
gradually narrow. Their numbers and their strength will of course be gradu-
ally weakened. Therefore, we cannot make light of the objective fact of the
existence of such class struggle, let down our guard and give up the necessary
struggle. Nor can we freely magnify it and repeat the previous mistake of
enlarging class struggle.
The slogan of "taking class struggle as the key link" applies only to a class
society and the historical period of transition from capitalism or new demo-
cracy to socialism. It does not apply to a socialist society where the system
of exploitation and the exploiting class have been eliminated. In the future,
we must at all times ahdere to this fundamental Marxist principle that has
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
been proved entirely correct in practice. In observing and analyzing criminal
activities in the economic field and the disruptive activities of hostile ele-
ments in other fields, our party has never deviated from this fundamental
principle. Though the criminal activities of these hostile elements have
assumed very serious proportions in some areas, they still fall into the
category of class struggle within a given scope. Our party and government
have taken this very principle as a starting point in putting forth tasks of
struggle and in defining steps, methods and policies in struggle. We have also
repeatedly stressed the necessity of learning from previous experiences and
lessons and have strictly defined the line of distinction between class strug-
gle and large hosts of social contradictions that do not fall into the category
of class struggle and the line of distinction between the contradictions be-
tween the enemies and ourselves on the one hand and contradictions among the
people on the other. We have stressed the need not to launch a mass movement
in the course of struggle and have also stressed the need to act strictly
according to legal and judicial procedures in cracking down on and handling
criminal elements who have seriously disrupted the economy. Meanwhile, we have
conducted this class struggle in a correct and effective manner. The aim is to
eliminate interference and obstacles in a timely manner and ensure the smooth
progress of socialist modernization as the central task of the party and the
country. Therefore, this is fundamentally different from the theory and prac-
tice of "taking class struggle as the key link."
Some comrades also say that since, in our country, the exploiting class. has
been eliminated as a class, why is it that class struggle will still exist in
the economic and other fields within a given scope for a long time to come
and will likely intensify under certain conditions?
Let us discuss and analyze this problem as follows:
Marxism holds that socialism calls for eliminating classes and paving the way
for the ultimate transition to a proletarian communist society. The elimina-
tion of classes means not only eliminating the exploitation system and the
exploiting class but also eliminating all class differences, or any phenome-
non of society being divided into classes and social strata. In our country,
the elimination of the exploitation system and the exploiting classes and
thus the elimination of class struggle between the exploiters and those sub-
jected to exploitation as members of hostile classes undoubtedly represents a
major step forward of decisive significance, as far as the historical task of
realizing the elimination of such social phenomenon as class struggle in our
social life is concerned. But this in no way means that the historical task
has been completed. Though the exploitation system and the exploiting class
have been eliminated, various hostile elements related to them, who seek to
disrupt the economic, political and cultural activities of the socialist
system, have yet to be wiped out. Therefore, the peculiar kind of class
struggle centering on the people's struggle against these hostile elements
under socialist conditions will continue to exist in our social life. This
point has been stressed by us above. In our country, from the elimination
of the exploiting class to the elimination of all, class differences, it is a
fairly long historical process. From the elimination of the exploiting class
to the elimination of all hostile elements who discriminate against and dis-
rupt socialism, it is also quite a fairly long historical process. This is
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
to say that from the elimination of class struggle between hostile classes to
the complete elimination of all phenomena of class struggle under socialist
conditions (including such phenomena as struggle between the people and hos-
tile elements and other struggles of a class nature), it is by no means an
achievement that can be realized in a short period of time. Why? In sum,
this because, as the most advanced social form in history--the first stage
of the communist form of society--our socialism has only just broken away
from the old society and is not based on an adequately developed and mature
society. Concretely speaking, this is determined by the following domestic
and international social historical factors.
First, the poison of the exploitation system and the exploiting classes in
history that has remained in socioeconomic, political and cultural fields and
especially in the field of ideological awareness cannot be eliminated in one
stroke. In our society, Marxist and socialist awareness has occupied a
dominant position and is becoming the guiding ideology for more and more
commune members. Decadent feudalist and capitalist ideas have been stripped
of the class that serves to consolidate and support them and have become
remnants of ideology, which are being continuously criticized and attacked
by socialist ideology. But the substance on which their existence is based
and their social foundation have still not been completely removed. Combined
with the remnant poison of the exploitation system and the exploiting class in
other fields, they will continue to have an effect or influence on various
aspects of our social life for a long time to come. Influenced by such
remnant poison, some commune members may degenerate and lapse into anti-
socialist acts. Moreover, our motherland has still not accomplished the great
cause of.finally unifying the country. In a part of the territory, the
exploitation system has still not been eliminated. The groups hostile to
socialism there have stopped at nothing to corrupt the thinking of the people
on our mainland. They have at the same time resorted to various means,
cluding the establishment of espionage agencies and the cultivation and woo-
ing of hostile elements, to carry out disruptive activities of all kinds
against our socialist enterprise.
Second, on the international scene, imperialism and hegemonism still exist.
So do the exploitation system and the exploiting class. For a long time to
come we will carry out socialist modernization under such international con-
ditions. In developing the socialist cause, we cannot keep to ourselves and
must be oriented to the world, upholding the open-door policy and promoting
extensive economic, cultural, scientific and technical exchanges and coopera-
tion with all countries, including many capitalist ones. In. the process of
these proper exchanges, some people will inevitably act in collusion with
certain illegal elements in our society and seize the opportunity to carry
out smuggling activities against us in the economic and cultural fields. They
will subject our social life and social members to infiltration and corruption
in the political and ideological fields and in our way of life. Some hostile
foreign forces will also inevitably avail themselves of the opportunity to
carry out disruptive activities against our socialist system. In sum, the
influence of the capitalist world and the hostile foreign forces' sabotage
against our country represent important objective conditions that make it
difficult to eliminate in a short period of time the vestiges of the exploi-
tation system and the activities of hostile elements inherent in our society.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
Third, our socialist system is still very young. Though it has initially and
effectively demonstrated its great superiority and vitality and has chalked
up many great achievements impossible of being attained in old China, the
level of development of social productive forces is after all relatively low.
Social economy and culture are after all relatively backward. Socialist means
of production and the superstructure are still unsound and imperfect in many
respects. Therefore, it is inconceivable that in a short period of time, we
could create labor productivity and social material wealth at levels com-
parable to those of developed capitalist countries and fully satisfy the
o material and cultural needs of all social members. In these circumstances,
it is very difficult to prevent certain irresolute elements in society and
within the party from developing negative feelings and from being so affected
by the propaganda and influence of the capitalist world that they become cap-
tives of capitalism and even embark on the road of serving their own ends at
the expense of the public and opposing socialism. There are still many draw-
backs and weak links in our management system in the economic, political and
cultural fields. These drawbacks and weak links can, under given conditions,
become loopholes that various hostile elements count upon for their growth
and their activity. This is to say that our socialist system is far from
being so mature and perfect that some social members can be completely pre-
vented from degeneration and various hostile elements can be completely pre-
vented from emerging. Our system still lacks economic, political and social
conditions. To make our system fully mature and perfect and make it reach
such a stage and live up to the necessary conditions still involves a fairly
long period of struggle.
On the very basis of a scientific analysis of the above national and interna-
tional factors, the party Central Committee has reached a correct conclusion
that class struggle will continue to exist in our society for a long time to
come. So long as class struggle in social life still has not finally dis-
appeared, we cannot relax our vigilance, weaken the dictatorial functions of
the country of the people's democratic dictatorship, or give up the Marxist
class viewpoint and methods of analysis. If under conditions where class
struggles still exist, we should use the viewpoint of so-called abstract
"people" to observe and handle social phenomena in a departure from the social
and class nature of people, this would be very dangerous, and we would inevi-
tably make historical mistakes.
CSO:. 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
NEW QUESTIONS WHICH HAVE CROPPED UP IN GRAIN PRODUCTION IN SUZHOU PREFECTURE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 31-34
[Investigation report by Sun Ming [1327 2494] and Zhu Gang [2612 48541, Kang
Jian [1660 02561, Mei Xingbao [2734 5281 0202], Bu Xinmin [0592 2450 3046],
Ma Fuxiang [7456 4395 4382], Zhou Baosheng [0719 1405 3932] and Jie Hung
[6043 4767]]
[Text] Editor's Note: This investigation report was
written by several students of the seventh and eighth
grades of the agricultural economics department,
People's University of China, on a field survey they
made in Suzhou Prefecture. The report highlighted
several viewpoints on questions of grain production
and diversified operations in Suzhou Prefecture. The'
viewpoints are worth studying by the relevant depart-
ments.
Suzhou Prefecture comprises 8 counties and 222 people's communes. It has a
total population of 6.55 million people, of which 3.38 million are peasants,
and 6.61 million mu of cultivated land. The prefecture is bounded-on the
north by the Changjiang River and on the south by Lake Taihu. The.'land is
vertile while sunlight, heating and water resources are plentiful. It is
one of the principal rice producing areas in the country. Since the middle
period of the 1960's, following the promotion of the triple-cropping system
(wheat and 2 crops of rice) and the use of chemical fertilizer, it has
achieved an enormous development in grain production. During the 1970's,
its average annual contribution of commercial grain to the state was 2.35
billion jin. In particular, in 1979, the prefecture produced 8.25 billion
jin of grain and contributed 2.51 billion jin of commercial grain to the state.
Although the cultivated land of the prefecture is only about 9 percent of the
total cultivated land of the provinces, its grain output was 17 percent of
that of the procince and the state purchases of grain from the prefecture
constituted 21 percent of those from the whole province. Thus, in the read-
justment of the agricultural production structure, how to maintain this
prefecture's good standing in grain production and how to make it contribute
more to the state, is an important problem.
From the following tables, we can see the great changes in the agricultural
production structure of Suzhou Prefecture in recent years:
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
Table 1. Composition of Sown Area of Major Crops
Unit: 10,000 Mu
of which
Total Grain Economic crops Green manure Others
sown Sown % of Sown % of Sown % of Sown % of
Year area area total area total area total area total
1976 1,679 1,338 79.7 147 8.8 176 10.5 18 1
Q 1981 1,521 1,178 77.4 191 12.6 107 7 45 3
? 1981 compared
with 1976 -158 -160 +44 -6.9 +27
Table 2. Composition of Output Value: Agriculture, Forestry,
Animal Husbandry, Sideline Production and Fisheries
Total output
value
Year Amount Percent
1976 18.19 100
1981 32.14 100
Unit: billion yuan
of which
Animal Sideline
Agriculture Forestry Husbandry Production Fisheries
(percent) -(percent) .:(percent) (percent) (percent)
61.8 0.4 12.86 22.6 2.34
31.6 0.3 9.3 56 2.8
Table 3. Composition of Income of Communes, Production Brigades
and Production Teams
Unit: billion yuan
of which
Gross Income
(All 3 levels) Communes Production Brigades Production Teams
Year Amount Percent (percent) (percent) (percent)
1981 55.94 100 44.0 31.3 24.7
1976 23.17 100 24.5 18.42
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
The changes in the agricultural production structure of Suzhou Prefecture
have the following basic special features:
(1) A gradual reduction in the relative weight of the plantation industry.
In 1976, the output value of the plantation industry of the prefecture was
61.8 percent of the gross output value of agriculture. In 1981, it dropped
to only 31.6 percent and was 50 percent lower than the national average level.
(2) Rapid development in industrial and sideline production (mainly in the
communes, brigades and production teams). This has given rise to joint
agricultural-industrial-sideline operations and industry and sideline produc-
tion supporting agriculture. In 1980, the gross receipts from agriculture,,,
industry and sideline production of Suzhou Prefecture amounted to 5.098 bil-
lion yuan, of which agriculture occupied 19.61 percent; sideline production,
13.24 percent; and industry, 67.15 percent. Although industry and sideline
production accounted for but 32 percent of the total labor power consumed by
all three branches, their output value amounted to 70 percent of the total;
whereas the plantation trade consumed 68 percent of the total labor power
and its output value was but 23.1 percent of the total. During that year, in
the entire prefecture, average per capita income amounted to 164.79 yuan, of
which 74.29 yuan, or 45.1 percent, was derived from industry, 41.09 yuan, or
24.9 percent, from sideline production, and 49.36 yuan, or only 30 percent,
from agriculture. Over the last 2 years, due to grain output being reduced
by 2.5 billion jin, the net receipts were reduced by 375 million yuan. Never-
theless, as a.result of the rapid development of industry and sideline produc-
tion, the income of the commune members not only did not decrease but actually
increased steadily. In 1981, the average income of the peasants was 175.5
yuan per person, an increase of 19.4 yuan over 1980. The rapid growth of
industry in the communes, production brigades and production brigades and
production teams has provided plentiful funds for the development of agricul-
tural production. According to statistics compiled by the bureau of statistics
of the prefecture, during the 4 years from 1977 to 1980, the funds provided by
the industries of the communes, production brigades and production teams of
the prefecture to agriculture amounted to 415 million yuan, of which the
amount provided in 1980 alone was some 104 million yuan. This was 120 percent
more than the state's investment in agriculture in the prefecture. In addi-
tion, the industries provided agriculture with a large quantity of material
resources and took up the burden of producing, for the prefecture, medium-size
and small farm tools as well as equipment for water conservancy projects.
Also, a large force of agricultural technical personnel was trained. All this
clearly has helped in promoting the development of agricultural production and
modernization.
(3) Animal husbandry, fisheries and forestry have also achieved development to
varying degrees. Suzhou Prefecture is located between Shanghai and Nanjing.
In order to cater to the growing needs of the urban areas for animal husbandry
products.and fishery products,.both of these trades have enjoyed relatively
great development there in recent years. In 1981, compared with 1976, the
population of pigs increased by 510,000 head, the number of pigs taken out of
the farms increased by 1 million head and the rate of pigs leaving the farms
was raised by 37 percent. As for fishery products, the volume of output
increased by 7,613 tons, or 14.6 percent. At the same time, the number of
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
herbivorous animals such as rabbits and sheep, reared on the farms likewise
showed a steady increase. Forestry occupies a relatively minor position in
the prefecture but, compared with 1976, a large increase was seen in the
number of mulberry trees, tea plants, fruit trees and wooded forests.
Seen from the above and looking at the prefecture alone, the evolution in
the agricultural production structure of Suzhou Prefecture has been compara-
tively rational. The major manifestations of this are: Industry and side-
line production are closely joined together with agriculture; while forestry,
animal husbandry and fisheries have attained a certain development, and the
growth of industry and sideline production has been faster. The rural eco-
nomy is steadily shifting from the traditional single-line or unitary opera-
tion to agriculture, industry and sideline production joining hands in
comprehensive operation. This evolution is an indication of enhancement in
the level of economic development.
However, new conditions and new questions have cropped up in the course of
readjusting the agricultural production structure of the prefecture:
(1) A steep rise in the sown area of economic crops and a drastic decrease
in the sown area and output volume of grain crops. In 1981, compared with
1976, the sown area of economic crops increased from 1.47 million mu to
1.97 million mu, an increase of 30 percent, whereas the sown area of grain
dropped from 13.38 million mu to 11.78 million mu, a decrease of 12 percent.
The area for double-cropping rice dropped from 4 million mu to 2.04 million
mu, a drop of 49 percent. The ratio occupied by the triple-cropping system
dropped from 85.9 percent to 46 percent. Grain output dropped from 7.4 bil-
lion jin to 5.7 billion jin, a decrease of 1.7 billion jin. Compared with
1979,, the drop in grain output was 2.5 billion jin, which was equivalent to
44 percent of the 1981 grain output. In 1976, the net outward transfer of
grain from the prefecture amounted to 1.951 billion jin, but in 1981 the trans-
fer has less than 700 million jin, a decrease of 1.3 billion jin.
(2) Increased use of chemical fertilizer, reduction of areas using green
manure and a reduction in the fertility of the soil. According to the demand
of the laws governing agricultural production, the prefecture should reduce
the area for summer grain, stabilize the area for double-cropping rice, and
increase the area using green manure. This will not only stabilize grain
production but also raise the fertility of the soil and create conditions
for a sustained high stable yield. However, in an effort to divert the flow
of labor power to industry and sideline production, both of which are highly
remunerative, and to avoid the seasonal shortage and acuteness in labor.sup-
ply due to the double-cropping rice planting system, the prefecture resorted
to the measure of reducing the scale of the two-season rice planting. In
1981, compared with 1976, the sown area for early rice decreased by 1.97 mil-
lion mu. At the same time, because the application of chemical fertilizer
requires less labor but produces quick results, the use of chemical fertilizer
has steadily increased through the years. In 1981 compared with 1976, the per
mu application of chemical fertilizer increased from 99.7 jin to 270 jin, an
increase of 170 percent, while the area used green manure dropped from 1.76
million mu to 1.07 million mu, a drop of 39 percent. The reduction in the
use of organic fertilizer, plus the increased use of chemical fertilizer,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
caused steady deterioration in the permeability of the soil and also in its
physical chemistry. The mu output of grain dropped from 1,287 jin in 1976 to
1,019 jin in 1981, a drop of 20.8 percent. Consequently, the continuous in-
crease in the use of chemical fertilizer. and the increase in other production
expenses have raised the cost of production of grain to a great extent. This
has rendered the economic effect of grain production much lower than that of
industry and sideline production. It has diverted people's attention to
industry and to sideline production.
(3) The tendency of peasants leaving agriculture is becoming daily more
serious; the principal labor power is not interested in agriculture; cadres
of communes, production brigades and production teams are devoting their
energy mainly to grasping industry and sideline production; scientific and
technical work in agriculture is unable to develop well. In 1981, in Suzhou
Prefecture the average output value created by each agricultural worker was
435 yuan but the output value increased by each worker in industry and side-
line production amounted to 4,215 yuan. Of the 3.38 million full-time and
part-time workers in the prefecture, two-thirds worked in the agricultural
sector, but of these, the portion who had any cultural or educational train-
ing was very small. By far the greater take r up of the young sideline production
some educational training preferred to P industry or
for a living. In our investigation in Jiangyang County and Wujiang County, we
found that not only were those engaged in the farms mostly old and weak people
and women or children, but also in the work-time arrangements the "3-shift"
system in industry was more attractive than ehavelong becomefarming
a sideline produc-
tion morning to dusk. Grain production appeared to
of agriculture. As a result of the major portion of the manpower, mate-
rial resources and financial power being shifted to industry and sideline
production and the industrial units of the communes, brigades and teams con-
tending with big industry for raw materials and fuels and serious contamina-
tion of the environment, grain production has been greatly affected.
For 2 years in succession in 1980 and 1981, the prefecture suffered a decrease
in grain production. As a result, the grain ration of the commune members
was reduced and feed grain for animals was likewise reduced. The latter
naturally affected the development of animal husbandry. In 1981, the popula-
tion of pigs dropped to 6.62 million head from 8.31 million head n 1979, aa
d
drop of 20 percent. The number of pigs taken out from the pig farms dropped
by 480,000 head, a decrease of 13 percent. This also affected grain production
to a certain extent.
The causes for the decrease in grain production were many. The principal ones
were the following:
(1) For 2 years in succession in 1980 and 1981, the prefecture suffered from
a disastrous weather and from typhoons, low temperature and early frost. The
single-season rice crop sown over a vast area resulted in a poor harvest, much
lower than that of early rice. This caused a serious decline in rice produc-
tion. Fortunately, a small number of communes, such as the Tao Yuan people's
commune and others, insisted on carrying out the slogan of so-called "the 3
water products promoting the 3-raisings; the 3-raisings promoting the triple-
cropping and triple-cropping reaping a bountiful harvest." (The 3 water
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
products refer to the water peanut, water gourd and drifting water duckweed;
the 3-raisings refer to hog-raising, sheep-raising and rabbit-raising). As a,
result, over the past years the extent of their decrease in production was
rather limited and, actually, in 1981, they accomplished the feat of reaping,
a bountiful harvest, with grain production surpassing that in 1980.
(2) Following the changeover from the triple-cropping system to the double-
cropping system, the double-crop of rice should each show an increased output.
But due to the neglection, for a long time in the past, of the study and
raising of high-yield rice strains, high-yield seeds were lacking for the
single-cropping of rice and this naturally restricted the rice output.
(3) In recent years, divergent views have been held in the discussions on
the question of the triple-cropping system. One view held that, seen from
the angle of helping the soil to recuperate and to regain its vitality, the
triple-cropping system should be restricted. Another view argued that from
the angle of procuring more income receipts and of avoiding too great a strain
on the labor supply, grain production should be restricted. Still other views
referred to the proportionate relationship of the triple-cropping system in
Suzhou Prefecture and argued that net income should be the sole target. All
these views precisely coincided with the mentality of a portion of the com-
munes, brigades and teams who were afraid of incurring losses or deficits
and were not too willing to invest in grain production or plant too much grain.
Some of-the communes, brigades and teams were mainly interested in industry
and in sideline production because of their larger output value and greater
profitability. They preferred to plant economic crops such as cotton, edible
oils, hemps, tobacco and so forth although these may not have all been suitable
to local conditions. This adversely affected grain output.
In order to quickly overcome the situation of the drastic fall in grain produc-
tion, we wish to make the following recommendations:
(1) Definitely fixing the grain production task and state purchase commit-
ments of the commercial grain base areas. At present, our country has been
yearly importing a certain quantity of grain. This is for the purpose of
readjusting the agricultural structure and is therefore necessary. But due
to our limited amount of foreign exchange and the limitations in transport
capacity, it is not possible to increase the importation of grain. Therefore,
our national policy should be to build up domestic production, construct
pivotal commercial grain centers and thus ensure grain supply. In the read-
justment of the agricultural structure, an important commercial grain produc-
ing center like Suzhou Prefecture should take stability in grain production
as a logical premise, should have regard for the situation as a whole, tightly
grasp grain production and thus make more contributions to the state. Con-
cerning grain production, it should not only make known to its constituents
the gross projected output and the commitment for state purchases, but also
strengthen"its planned guidance over the size of the sown areas. In view of
the divergent,forms of the production responsibility system in practice among
the communes, brigades and teams at present, concrete plans and measures for
grain production should be formulated and implemented. As for those communes,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
brigades and teams which are carrying out the system of assigning responsibili-
ties to each laborer and linking remuneration to output or the system of assign-
because the
ing the households full responsibility for task completion,
relationship between the households of the commune members and the production
teams are rather loose, the production team should send the grain production
plan to each and every household and should resort as much as possible to
establishing formal contractual relationships between the parties concerned
in order to ensure the realization of the grain production plan.
(2) In view of the weak financial position of the country, it will not be
possible for a certain period to stimulate grain production by means of such
measures as greatly raising the price for state grain purchases, or to lower
the basic figure for grain purchases, or to expand the scope of excess-quota
purchases. Hence, we should approve and actively encourage the use of the
profits from industry and sideline production to subsidize grain production.
Agriculture, industry and sideline production are the three different produc-
tion departments of the collective economic organs of the rural villages.
Between them there exists a close organic relationship. The reallocation of
profits between the three departments is a manifestation of the superior
character of a collective economy. The questions of labor power, investment
of funds and economic benefits of the three departments of agriculture, indus-
try and sideline production should not be treated in an isolated way. It is
entirely necessary for the communes, brigades and teams to use, for grain
production, a portion of the state's subsidies to agriculture, in the form
of cheaper prices for industrial products (such as special prices for electri-
city and diesel oil for farm use). It is also entirely correct to use a por-
tion of the profits from industry and sideline production to subsidize
agriculture. Neither of the above should be criticized. As for the question
of the peasants' unwillingness to plant grain and their willingness to expand
the production of the economic crops because of the irrational price differen-
tial between the economic crops and grain, it can conceivably be regulated by
means of the economic lever of credits and loans.
(3) We should strengthen scientific research and promotion of technical work
in agriculture and develop scientific farming activities of a mass nature.
We should speedily introduce or breed and cultivate superior strains of
single-cropping or double-cropping rice which are suitable for local conditions
and possess the good features of high and stable yield. We should reinforce
our weather forecasting work and make it cover the whole year. We should make
good use of the superior qualities of the rice.strains to overcome the adverse
effect on production of unfavorable weather conditions. We should foster the
experiences of using farmyard manure, planting and cultivating green manure,
and restoring soil vitality. We should promote the experience of the "3 water
products promoting the 3-raisings, the 3-raisings promoting triple-cropping,
and triple-cropping reaping a bountiful harvest," and establish a good farm-
land ecosystem which is characterized by a sustained high and stable yield.
We must, by various means, raise the cultural level of the farmers and popu-
larize scientific farming.
Additionally, we should pay attention to the rational distribution of energy
resources and the rational use and disposition of the different kinds of
chemical fertilizer. As for the communes, brigades and teams characterized
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
by the symptom of using much chemical fertilizer but achieving little actual
results in grain production,.we should break the locality barrier and trans-
fer their stocks of chemical fertilizer to those localities which have a low
grain production level but can derive greater benefits from the application
of chemical fertilizer on their.soil. This tallies with the principle of
making the best use of everything.
The new problems concerning grain production which have cropped up in the
Suzhou Prefecture in the readjustment of its agricultural structure may also
arise in other localities. They may even have already appeared there. They
deserve to be paid close attention to by agricultural leadership departments
in various localities.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
PAYING SPECIAL ATTENTION TO DIALECTICS IN ECONOMIC RESEARCH WORK
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 35-36
[Short commentary]
[Text] An important method of further deepening the study of economic
theory and achieving good results is to pay special attention to dialectics
in economic research work on the basis of mastering the basic theoretical
viewpoints, integrating them with practice and digesting them all.
The socialist economy is founded on the basis of socialized mass produc-
tion. One of its characteristics is that the various departments, enter-
prises and links rely on each other, are closely related, and are in the
midst of continually developing changes. Both the close ties and the
unceasing movement are different from the natural economy and the petty
peasant economy in the past. In the past, both the natural economy and
the petty peasant economy were also related but the ties were very loose.
They were also moving but the movement was rather slow. As for the modern
economy, the ties are countless and rather haphazard. Modern economic
movement is always changing and is different with each passing day. This
characteristic of the modern economy requires us to study economic prob-
lems. In guiding economic work, one must have a material dialectical
scientific mind, and must be on guard against subjectivism and metaphysics.
Engels pointed out: "Dialectics, while investigating matters and their
reflection in the mind is, in essence, making investigations from their
ties, their jointed links, their movement, their production and their dis-
appearance." ("Collected Works of Marx and Engels," Vol 19, p 222) It is
quite obvious that only by observing problems in such a way can our under-
standing meet with the objective process of economic development.
A socialist economy is a planned economy. The party and the state can
conscientiously make use of objective laws to guide economic work so that
it will develop harmoniously and proportionately. However, the process of
development is filled with conflicts and the dialectic relations of the
unity of opposites, such as those between productive forces and productive
relation, accumulation and consumption, planning and freedom, concentra-
tion and dispersion, quantity and quality, speed and effect and so on and
so forth. All these are contradictory relations which often occur in
economic work. It is the continuous recognition and solution of these
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
conflicts that pushes our economic work forward. We should often con-
scientiously study the movement of conflicts in the economic realm and
study the dialectic relationships of the unity of opposites of the various
conflicts. Only by doing so can one correctly stipulate and implement
principles and policies and give sound-guidance in work so as to avoid
one-sidedness.
Marxist economic theory and the party's economic principles and policies,
in the final analysis, reflect and summarize the dialectic relations of
objective matters in the economic realm. "Das Kapital" by Marx begins
with the analysis of the internal conflicts between commodities and the
exchange of commodities. The thread analyzing the movement of conflicts
from beginning to end in the developing process of capitalism goes through
his entire works. From Comrade Mao Zedong's works such as "On Ten Major;
Relations" and Comrade Chen Yun's works on the economy, such a thread,
which analyzes the movement of conflicts in the economic realm and is
good at grasping the dialectical relations between the two sides of a con-
flict, is evident. These works still have their theoretical power despite
their being published a long time ago. This is because they have the
scientific way of thinking--materialist dialectics--as their guidance and
soul. We should not just earnestly study the dialectics in the classical
Marxist works, but should also be good at studying the dialectics of
economic works. In this way, we can widen our horizon, and have a deeper
understanding, so as to better understand and master the theory and the
laws of the economy.
For 30 years, our economic work has acquired many successful experiences.
We have also learned quite a few lessons from our faults. Both the positive
and the negative experiences and the lessons indicate that respecting
materialism and dialectics, and avoiding subjectivism and metaphysics are
important conditions guaranteeing the smooth development of socialist con-
struction. Disrespect of materialism and dialectics will surely be
punished. A cadre, especiallya leading cadre, cannot do well in economic
work if he does not master and employ materialist dialectics, and does not
study the complex dialectic relations of the multitude of things in the
economic realm.
At present, some places and units are now organizing the cadres to study
philosophy. Whether it is the study of economic theory or philosophy, the
study of the movement of conflicts in the economic realm and the dialectics
in economic work should be encouraged. We hope that those comrades, who
take part in the study, especially those engaging in economic work should
make a timely summary of the fruits of their studies and write articles
that have raw material and analysis.
CSO: 4004/46
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
CORRECTLY HANDLE THE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN THE PART AND THE WHOLE IN ECONOMIC
WORK
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 36-39
[Article by Wu Kaitai [0702 0418 3141], Lu Baifu [7120 4102 3940] and
Gu Xuerong [7357 1331 2837]]
[Text] A problem that is often met in socialist economic construction is how
to correctly handle the relationship between the part and the whole. In eco-
nomic life, the relationship between the part and the whole is mainly shown
in the interrelationship between local and central authorities, between
enterprises and the state, and between the interests of part of the members
of society and the interests of the whole people. The socialist economy is
based on the public ownership system and the system of ownership by the
whole people is in a dominant position. The state represents society and
manages the whole national economy and by proceeding from the interests of
the whole, it also regulates the economic activities of the whole society.
The whole represents the common and basic interests of the various parts
while a harmonious whole provides the conditions for the various parts to
develop smoothly. On the other hand, the part is an organic part of the
whole and the whole national economy develops through the development of the
various parts. To give consideration to partial interests and fully mobilize
the initiative of the various parts is the foundation for a vigorous develop-
ment of the whole. Therefore it can be seen that the basic interests of the
whole are identical with the basic interests of the part and there is no
antagonistic contradiction between them.
But there exist contradictions between the part and the whole. During the
socialist stage, there exist two kinds of public ownershp system, there exist
commodity production and commodity exchange and individual consumer products
still have to be distributed according to labor. Various regions, depart-
ments and enterprises have relatively independent economic interests. In
most cases, the economic activities that are indulged in by the various parts
for their own relatively independent economic interests are identical with
the interests of the whole; but some activities are not in line with or even
damage the interests of the whole. This situation represents the contradic-
tion between long-term interests and intermediate interests and between the
interests of the part and the interests of the whole. This contradiction is
a contradiction among the people with identical basic interests but it will
hinder the smooth development of the national economy if we fail to correctly
handle it.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
The correct principle for correctly handling the relations between the part
and the whole in economic work is overall consideration. That is to say, on
the one hand, the part must obey the whole with the whole as the key.
Various regions and enterprises must in no way purely seek their own partial
interests, nor must they put partial interests above overall interests. On
the contrary, they must take the whole country into account and actively
make their contributions in realizing the interests of the whole. In par-
ticular, when partial interests come into conflict with overall interests,.
they must adhere to the principle of the part obeying the whole and take the
interests of the whole into account. On the other hand, the whole must also
give consideration to the part. Under the common goal of realizing the over-
all interests of the country, it is imperative to consider the interests of
various regions and enterprises so as to promote the development of their
economy.
In our economic construction, there appeared a tendency of one-sidedly stres-
sing the importance of overall interests and neglecting partial interests and
a tendency of giving consideration to partial interests and neglecting overall
interests. The reasons for these tendencies stemmed from the economic manage-
ment system and cadres' ideology and understanding. Excessive centralization
of the economic management system can easily give rise to a shortcoming of
neglecting partial interests while decentralization of what should be central-
ized can easily give rise to the situation in which no consideration is given
to the whole. From the viewpoint of understanding, some cadres consider
things from different angles and say different things because of their differ-
ent.positions..and consequently they cannot correctly handle the relations
between the part and the whole. Therefore in truly following the principle
of taking the whole situation into account it is imperative to pay attention
to improving the economic management system as well as improving the level of
cadres' ideology and understanding.
Excessive centralization of the economic management system and the situation
in which local localities and enterprises do not have relative autonomy will
eventually affect the initiative of localities and enterprises and is not in
the interests of the development of the national economy. Since the convening
of the 3d plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, the party and
government have implemented the principle of readjusting, restructuring,
reorganizing and upgrading, implemented the policy of enlivening economic
activities, paid attention to partial economic interests, delegated more
financial power and flexibility to the localities and expanded the autonomy
of enterprises, and to a certain degree, all these measures have changed the
situation in which enterprises are rigidly controlled. At the same time,
various forms of production responsibility system have been introduced in
rural areas while the autonomy of production teams has been expanded. These
measures have played a tremendous role in mobilizing the initiative of locali-
ties, enterprises and laborers as well as in developing the national economy.
But during the reform of the economic system over the past few years, some
related measures were not complete and some comrades lacked the understanding
and method of how to correctly handle the relations between the part and the
whole. Therefore the tendency of departmentalism and separatism in economic
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
work that only considers partial interests and neglects the overall interests
of the country has grown. For example, in agricultural production, some
places did not follow the requirement of state planning and instead they
decreased at will the acreage for the production of grain crops and expanded
the acreage for the production of industrial crops; in production construc-
tion, some regions and enterprises did not follow the unified state planning
and blindly carried out production and construction in their bid to increase
local financial revenues or get more retention of profits; in distribution of
financial power, some enterprises decreased at will the basic profit from
assigning production quotas and the basic profit retention, increased profit
retention and provided awards at will while in the sector of circulation, some
regions blockaded each other in economic matters, interfered with and divided
the socialist unified market, arbitrarily lowered the quotas for state pur-
chase and purchase by assignment of agricultural products and arbitrarily
expanded the amount of goods purchased in excess of the quota at negotiated
prices. These problems are not major problems, but if we do not pay enough
attention to and resolve these problems in due time, they will eventually
affect the readjustment of the national economy, the healthy development of
the reform of the economic system and the improvement of economic effects and
cause unfavorable results economically and politically.
In order to handle well the relations between the part and the whole it is
necessary to take measures both in understanding and policy and to solve the
following problems.
First, handle well the relations between mobilizing the initiative of locali-
ties and enterprises and persisting in the planned economy. In order to
overcome the shortcoming of rigid control, we. have over the past few years
expanded the autonomy and interests of localities and enterprises and as a
result, the initiative of the various parts has been mobilized. This
measures is absolutely correct. But we cannot consequently think that when
the initiative of the various parts has been mobilized, the whole national
economy will be able to develop harmoniously. Comrade Chen Yun pointed out
in 1957: it is totally necessary to expand the autonomy of localities, but we
must also step up the work of balancing the whole country because economic
units are dispersed and without overall balance, the economy is not a planned
economy. In the past if the various departments of the central authorities
neglected the localities and when autonomy is handed to localities, there may
be a tendency for these departments to neglect the overall situation. There-
fore it is imperative to properly decentralize autonomy and at the same to
strengthen centralization. Following decentralization of autonomy, balancing
work must in no way be weakened; on the contrary, it must be stepped up.
These words of Comrade Chen Yun are still of great significance for us today
in correctly handling the relations between the part and the whole. When we
are carrying out the open-door policy and enlivening domestic economic
activities, we must spare no effort to improve planning work and strengthen
planned management. On the one hand, it is not necessary to carry out rigid
control. That is to say, we must be good at consciously making use of the
law of value and displaying the supplementary role of regulation by market
mechanism. On the other hand, we must strengthen strictness of planning and
persist in the principle of taking the whole country into account. Any
important product and any major construction project that is related with the
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
national economy and people's livelihood must be included in unified planning
and must be unifiedly balanced by the state. The investments in capital con-
struction and projects that require important technical measures must be put
under the guidance of state planning and the situation of carrying out blind
construction and duplicate construction must be resolutely stopped. Locali-
ties and enterprises must strictly follow the related planning and fulfill
the production tasks and the tasks of transferring the industrial and agri-
cultural products that are included in state planning; they are not permitted
to blindly turn out such products and to retain at will for their own use or
sell at negotiated prices the goods and materials that are in short supply.
The system of planned economy and tax must be strictly followed, the price
and tax of the products that are under state management must be put under
the unified control of the state while localities, departments and enterprises
are not permitted to change them at will. It is only under the premise of
persisting in the planned economy and the principle of taking the whole coun-
try into account that we are able to correctly handle the relationship between
the part and the whole, display still better the initiative of the various
parts and combine these two aspects properly.
Second, correctly handle the relationship between displaying the advantages
of the part and improving the economic effects of the whole. The expansion
of the autonomy of localities and enterprises and the auxiliary role of regu-
lation by market mechanism have mobilized the initiative of various aspects
and have enabled many places and enterprises to fully display their economic
advantages. Taken as a whole, this situation is good. The question is that
there often exists a contradiction between displaying the advantages of
localities and enterprises and improving the economic effects of the whole.
From the viewpoint of the part, some production and construction undertakings
may be feasible and beneficial but from the viewpoint of the whole they may
not be totally rational or they may even be harmful. For example, some places
have disregarded the whole, blindly carried out duplicate construction,
retained the raw materials that are produced locally for their own use and
cut down and even suspended the traditional supply among regions and as a
result, the productivity of the existing advanced enterprises has become idle.
In fact, such activities are not moves for displaying advantages and overcom-
ing shortcomings. We uphold that the advantages of the part must be fully
displayed but before we are able to do so, we must be able to correctly judge
what are the real advantages of.regions,.departments and enterprises. In
addition, we must be able to comprehensively analyze the advantageous and
disadvantageous conditions of various aspects. In particular, we must be able
to proceed from the position of the whole and select. the correct orientation
and method for displaying advantages. If we one-sidedly stress the importance
of the advantageous conditions of certain aspects of the part and neglect or
even damage the overall economic interests., such advantages of the part are
undesirable.
Under the present situation in which the economic system, economic structure
and price system are far from rational, it is imperative in displaying the
advantages of the part and improving the economic effects of the whole to
fully display.the role of economic means and to step up the necessary adminis-
trative intervention. In order to overcome the situation of blind production
and construction, it is imperative to proceed from the overall situation and
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
to readjust the enterprises with high consumption, low quality, bad management
and low economic returns through closing down, suspending, merging and shift-
ing to other modes of production. At the same time, under the principle of
coordination among specialized departments and economic rationality, it is
necessary to develop in a big way the various forms of union and carry out
technical cooperation and economic union between the processing industry and
producers of raw materials, between advanced regions and backward regions and
between state-owned enterprises and collective enterprises.
Third, correctly handle the relations of distribution between the state and
the localities, and between enterprises and individuals. Various aspects will
be able to display their initiative only when we are able to handle well the
relations of distribution and give consideration to the interests of various
aspects. At present, it is imperative to handle well the relations of the
following aspects. First of all is the relationship of the distribution of
financial revenues and expenditures between the central authorities and
localities. It is necessary to stress that the revenues of central finance
must grow stably and under this condition it is necessary to increase the
financial revenues of localities. As the central authorities got less in
the distribution of financial power over the past 2 years, it is necessary
to take measures to appropriately increase the financial power of the central
authorities. At the same time, it is necessary to stress the importance of
tightening up financial discipline and blocking any financial leaks so as to
guarantee that state finance will get its due revenues. Second, rationally
define the level of retention for enterprises. The financial autonomy of
enterprises can only be expanded under the premise that the needs of state
finance are guaranteed. In the process of introducing the economic responsi-
bility system in industrial enterprises, the basic amount of profit quotas
that are assigned to enterprises cannot be set too low. The growth of the
profits of enterprises must be distributed according to the principle that
the state gets more and enterprises get less. That is to say, a certain
proportion of the profits is retained for the enterprises according to the-
results of their business while most of the profits are handed over to the
state. Third, stabilize the purchasing price of agricultural and sideline
products. The basic amount for the state purchase and purchase by assignment
of agricultural and sideline products must be rationally defined while
increased prices for purchases in excess of the quota at negotiated prices
and various other subsidies must be transformed and put under control.
Fourth, issue of awards must be strictly controlled while the sources, amount
and conditions for issuing awards must also be put under planned control.
The mistakes of giving awards and subsidies at will must be resolutely cor-
rected while egalitarianism in awarding must be overcome.
Fourth, do away with regional economic blockades and persist in unifying the
socialist market. To divide the market, restrict people's activity to a
designated area, protect the backward and oppose the advanced represent a
backward and short-sighted policy. Such an administrative method for protec-.
ting the backward is very harmful to the development of the whole economy.
Outwardly, such a method appears to be in the interests of the regions con-
cerned; but. it is not in the interests of either the technology or the economy
of the regions themselves. In order to correct this wrong method, the State
Council has made the following decision recently: enterprises and supply and
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
marketing departments have the right to selectively purchase various indus-
trial products from other regions and departments within the sphere of the
limit of state planning and no regions, departments or individuals are per-
mitted to limit or hinder such activities; all the products that are up to
the national standard may be sold across the country and they are entitled
to receive orders from any part of the country without interference from any
region or department. In minority nationality regions and economically back-
ward regions, no control must be imposed on the sales of products in the
regions other than the daily consumer goods for which the regions are self-
sufficient and light industrial products. These two aspects will be able to
develop rationally only when we are able to handle well the relationship
between the part and the whole in the sector of circulation.
In the matter of economic relations with foreign countries, it is necessary to
correctly handle the relations between expanding the autonomy foreign trade
of various regions, departments and enterprises, and persisting in a unified
policy for foreign countries. In carrying out economic activities with
foreign countries it is necessary to properly expand the autonomy of regions,
departments and enterprises but at the same time, measures must be taken to
solve the problem of unifiedly selling products of the same kind to other
countries. We must take export ports as the center, organize export joint
ventures, strengthen coordination and management and overcome such wrong
tendencies as self-contained systems, each department carrying out its own
foreign trade activities, competitive price cutting and striving against one
another.
The relationship between the part and the whole in economic work involves dif-
ferent problems at different times. The most outstanding problem at present
is the tendency of considering the part and neglecting the whole. Therefore
it is important to pay attention to advocating the importance of paying atten-
tion to the whole and of the part obeying the whole. As economic workers, we
must spare no efforts to improve our understanding. Under the guidance of
state planning, we must unify our actions, consciously protect the overall
interests of the country, work hard to overcome departmentalism and egali-
tarianism and make an effort to guarantee that our national economy develops
smoothly. .
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
HOW TO LOOK UPON RESULTS OF THEORETICAL STUDY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 39-41
[Article by Liu Jiaen [0491 0857 1869]]
[Text] In the course of strengthening
totthesresults of theoretical.
necessary to take a correct approach Since the "leftist" thinking was cleared away, by summing up experiences and
drawing lessons from the "cultural revolution," the people have deeply abhored
those empty dogmas which are completely irrelevant to life. They demand that
theoretical study must really help solve some actual problems. This is cer-
tainly correct. But at the same time, some comrades tend to demand that
theoretical study should, like the fulfillment of production tasks, yield some
"tangible" fruits within a set time; others like to say, without regard to how
theoretical study is conducted, that, as long as the work or production
assignments are duly fulfilled, a good result of theoretical study will have
been achieved. All this shows that a correct approach must be taken to
results of theoretical study. Otherwise, it will be impossible to systemati-
cally study and grasp the theory of Marxism.
The purpose of our study of Marxist theory is to transform the objective
world and our subjective world in a scientific way. Theory itself cannot
bring about any effects. Only when theory is linked with practice and helps
people to deepen their understanding and thus realize the change from con-
sciousness to matter, can theory play its guiding role. This is aocommpplicated
process of change which can never be completed at one stroke or produce any
instant results. In looking upon results of theoretical study, it is not
proper to demand that, like.the fulfillment of production norms, each period
of study must result in a certain material fruit. In material production,
products can be divided into intermediate products and finished products;
similarly, theoretical study can directly or indirectly promote our actual
work. Sometimes, through enhancing people's consciousness, deepening people's
understanding on objective laws and thus promoting the fulfillment of work and
production tasks, theoretical study can directly show the material fruits it
brings about. Yet, more usually, the results of theoretical study are only
manifested in potential enhancement of consciousness. Only through continuous
accumulation in a given period and under given social conditions, can this
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
potential factor be turned into a tangible result. Thus, we should not look
down on those results of study which take a spiritual form. The influence of
the narrow mentality of small producers on this problem should be shaken off.
It is not correct to judge the advantages of theoretical study by only look-
ing at whether it has brought any immediate and tangible benefits.
The spiritual nutrition and the progress in their world outlook, which the
people achieve through theoretical study, are very valuable. Why? It is
first because, under given material conditions, man's conscious dynamic role
C under the guidance of Marxist theory is of decisive significance to the vic-
tory of socialist revolution and construction. This is precisely the place
where the theory shows its power. If our party did not work out correct
lines, principles and policies by combining the basic theory of Marxism with
specific practice in our country, there would not have been victories in
China's revolution and construction. If our cadres do not study stands,
viewpoints and methods from Marxism and apply them to the practice in various
specific work in the modernization drive, it is also impossible to success-
fully conduct the building of socialist material civilization and spiritual
civilization. For plucking up for morale and strengthening our confidence
when we are facing difficulties, Marxism, as the guiding principle, is of
imperative importance. In this sense, socialism would not be successfully
achieved without enlightening people's consciousness. Secondly, the progress
of a man's consciousness and world outlook is of fundamental significance to
his growing-up and to his entire work practice. Once a correct world outlook
is set, rather than functioning temporarily, it will determine all words and
deeds of a man as well as his objective of struggle, thus propelling him to
create more material wealth. Finally, the influence of the spiritual realm
and social practice of a man with the communist world outlook can never be
measured by material wealth. For example, can the achievements of those
revolutionaries, like Lei Feng and Jiao Yulu, in their lifework and the com-
munist morality displayed by them be merely measured by the material fruits
in the common sense? Obviously. not. Whether in the hard years of war or in
the period of socialist construction, numerous proletarian revolutionaries,
by showing their ardent faith and dedicated spirit, have played a role that
no material wealth can replace. Their heroic and moving deeds have always
been encouraging us to forge ahead.
It is of immediate importance to realizethe characteristics of results of
theoretical study and to set store by the enhancement of people's conscious-
ness. Directing it at the current situation where some people are seriously
eroded by bourgeois ideology and the evil tendency of only paying attention
to money is prevailing in some people, we should propagate the dynamic role
of the communist spirit as justly and forcefully as we propagate the prin-
ciples of distribution according to work and material interests. By creating
public opinion from above to below, efforts should be made to encourage peo-
ple to cultivate noble ideals, high morality and a revolutionary spirit
through theoretical study. Of course, the pattern of development of mentality
and consciousness differs from that of material development. The process of
"changing consciousness to matter" cannot be understood in an oversimplified
way. It is an imperceptible process to make progress in one's world outlook
through theoretical study. In some aspects, results can be seen only through
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
a long-term effort. But, as Marx says, "once the theory grasps the masses,
it will become material strength." If our cadres and masses are really armed
with Marxist theory and encouraged by the great communist ideal and the noble
revolutionary spirit of absolute selflessness, there will be a burst of
immeasurable revolutionary strength which will speed up our socialist moderni-
zation drive.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
WHY MUST WE STRESS MAKING MAJOR EFFORTS TO DEVELOP COMMODITY PRODUCTION AND
COMMODITY EXCHANGE?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 40-41
[Article by Hu Jun [5170 6874]]
[Text] When talking about the necessity of practicing a planned economy on
the basis of public ownership and at the same time giving play to the supple-
mentary, regulatory role of Marxist mechanism, the "resolution on certain
questions in the history of our party since the founding of the PRC" points
out: "Major efforts should be devoted to developing socialist commodity
production and commodity exchange." Why must we stress making efforts to
develop commodity production and commodity exchange? What does this mean?
Commodity production is a kind of production relation, under which, the ex-
change of producers' labor is effected through the exchange of their products.
In this course, products take the form of commodities and labor is reflected
in the value of commodities. The equivalent labor is manifested in the
equivalent value of commodities. The income of both sides involved in
exchange is directly determined by the result of exchange.
There are two different public ownership systems existing at China's socialist
stage. The state-owned economy, which encompasses large-scale modern indus-
try, holds a dominant position in the national economy. The collective eco-
nomy also accounts for a fairly large proportion in the national economy.
Particularly in agriculture, the collective ownership system is a major owner-
ship form. The production relationship between the state-owned economy and
the collective economy mainly takes the form of commodity exchange, for the
peasants will not be willing to accept other forms. The state cannot directly
transfer and distribute the means of production and products of the collective
enterprises as it does those of the state-owned enterprises. Industry and
agriculture are two major production sectors in the national economy. By
energetically developing commodity production and commodity exchange between
industry and agriculture, the state-owned economy and the collective economy
can mutually provide the means of production and consumer goods needed by the
other side. Under the condition that the collective economy exists, it is
actually impossible to weaken or abolish commodity exchange between urban and
rural areas. Weakening or abolishing commodity exchange would inevitably
impair the development of social production and the consolidation of the
worker-peasant alliance.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
Energetically developing commodity production and commodity exchange within
the collective economy includes two aspects: 1) Increasing the quantities of
agricultural and sideline products.to the maximum. When production in plant-
ing, animal husbandry and other diversified undertakings grows, the quantities
of commodities will increase and thus commodity exchange will also develop.
Agriculture will provide more agricultural and sideline products for cities
and industry; and correspondingly, more industrial products will be sold to
rural areas. 2) Gradually reducing autarkical natural economy in rural
areas and trying to convert more products into commodities, thus raising
the commodity rate of agricultural products. This is related to the develop-
ment of social division of labor. Marx said: "Due to social division of
labor, the market. for commodities expands day by day; the division of produc-
tive labor converts each laborer's products into commodities and equivalents
of other's and thus each is converted into a market for the other." ("Complete
Works of Marx and Engels" vol 25, p 718) Developing social division of labor,
first of all, means developing the division of labor between industry and
agriculture. In this process., agricultural products, which are originally
produced as well as consumed by the peasants themselves, will be turned into
commodities and sold to industry as raw materials; then, the peasants can
purchase manufactured goods on the market, which are cheaper, better and
richer in varieties than those they process for themselves. On the other hand,
the further specialization of agriculture can not only expand commodity ex-
change between industry and agriculture, but also expand commodity exchange
within the collective economy and between the peasants.
A vigorous development of commodity production and commodity exchange in
rural areas may strengthen the economic ties between urban areas and rural
areas and between industry and agriculture and stimulate collective economic
units and peasants to make full use of local resources and develop diversified
undertakings according to local conditions, as to speed up peasants' enrich-
ment.
All the socialist stage in China, commodity exchange still extensively exists
in the distribution of both consumer goods and the means of production within
the economic field under the system of public ownership by the whole people.
All products there take the form of commodities. Though commodity exchange
of this kind is somewhat different from that conducted between economic units
under different ownership systems, it still should not be taken lightly. By
conducting commodity exchange at equal value and linking enterprises' business
fruits with workers' material interests, enterprises can be spurred to improve
their business management and to handle stringent business accounting of their
consumption of labor, so as to achieve better economic results.
As for the state-owned economy, vigorously developing commodity production
and commodity exchange mainly means trying every means to expand the scale of
production, to increase quantities of various products, to enrichen product
varieties and designs and to improve product quality, so as to provide the
society with more and better means of production and consumer goods. At the
same time, this also means that the sate and enterprises must fully take into
account and utilize the role of the law of value--a law governing commodity
production and commodity exchange. Stalin once pointed out that the law of
value can "teach our economic personnel to keep on improving production methods,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
lowering production costs and practicing economic accounting, so as to enable
enterprises to gain profits. This is a good school of practice. It can help
our economic cadres become more mature in their work and rapidly become real
leaders of socialist production at the present development stage." ("Ques-
tions in the Soviet Socialist Economy") . In addition, in order to overcome
the previous shortcomings reflected in plans over rigidly controlling every-
thing, unitary circulation channels and the inconvenience thus caused to
production and consumption, it is necessary to carry out reforms, under the
precondition of taking the planned economy as primary, appropriately expanding
the sphere and volume of free purchase and free marketing handled by enter-
prises, so that the economy can be enlivened.
When more channels for commodity circulation are introduced and the planned
market coexists with free markets, it is possible that some negative
phenomena, such as the activities of speculation, will arise. So, the
departments concerned should strengthen their leadership and management.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
WE MUST ATTACH IMPORTANCE TO FAMILY EDUCATION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 42-45
[Article by Yu Xinyan [0151 1800 6056]]
[Text] When one examines the education of young people, one must realise that
family education, school education and social education are all integral and
vital facets of this education.
Countless facts and figures illustrate the necessity of attaching ample impor-
tance to family education.
During the 10 year period of 'social chaos and instability, the spirit and
vitality of many young people suffered severe punishment and one of the main
reasons for this was the fact that many families suffered attacks, persecution
and even destruction during this period, thus many young people did not
receive normal family education.
In addition, statistics also illustrate that a fairly high proportion of young
people who commit criminal offences have family problems. Such problems might
be unfortunate accidents having occurred in the family, or parents not having
carried out their duties of educating their children for a variety of reasons,
or problems connected with the low moral standards of the parents, while
others are the result of unsuitable educational methods within the family.
In contrast, a healthy attitude in many young people can often be traced back
to positive influences from their family education.
China has a tradition of attaching importance to family education. The Chinese
saying "an uneducated child is the fault of the father" is a clear reference
to this problem of family education. Many sayings and stories which refer to
family education have been passed down through Chinese history. In particular,
the working masses have always been admired and seen as models for the way in
which they educated their children with honesty, diligence and industrious
ness. People have always referred to bad children as "lacking family educa
tion . Naturally, the long period in Chinese history during which a feudal
society existed unavoidably tainted family education with a feudalistic touch.
Both in.its content and in the method of teaching, influenced as it was by the
low level of productive forces, the limitations of individual economy and the
autocratic rule of the feudal family system.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
In the new society, the establishment of production relations has brought
about changes in family relations. The development of productive forces, the
popularization of school and cultural and educational undertakings as well
as the constantly developing socialist consciousness of the people have caused
the people to criticize the feudal content of family education and indeed
gradually abandon it, while at the same time the roles of school education and
socialist education within the socialist society are becoming more and more
important. These facts reflect the basic superiority of the socialist system.
However, for quite a considerable period of time in the past, we have tended
to overlook the role of family education. In some people's eyes, the condi-
tions of socialism imply that the responsibility for the education of children
lies mainly with the school and society, while family education is considered
dispensable or perhaps as supplementary only and having, therefore, a virtually
non-existent role. This is not an overall view of the situation and at the
very least is a far too simplistic view.
In our socialist society and under present day conditions, the family is no
longer a complete single production unit (some individual workers' families
are still single production units. The majority of peasants, wanting to
manage their own private plots of land, within the larger group, approach
collective contracts for production work as family units, but in this sense,
the family may be regarded as a part of the production unit). Nevertheless,
the family has certainly not died out and it is still very much a consumer
unit, while the family members comprise a living unit and a unit for bringing
up and educating children. For a relatively long period of time it will not
be possible to hand over complete responsibility for education children,
especially to society.
When a child is born, it normally stays with its parents, who quite naturally
take on the role of teacher. The parents' every word and action,become models
for the learning child. If one looks at the country as a whole, one sees that
no more than 20 percent of young children go to child care centres or kinder-
gartens and, of these children, most are only in day attendance. Even when
children begin primary and go on to secondary school, they still spend most
of their time at home. Thus one cannot minimize the influence which the
family has on the child's character, direction, feelings, school work, moral
character and physical health, or on the child's future choice of job,
marriage partner and creation of a new family.
Thus it has been said that the education of children in a socialist society
is not the affair of one individual. This is not only because the country and
society in general has been, and still is, implementing various schemes to
improve and strengthen the work of educating children and young people; what
is of greater importance is that the children of today are tomorrow's citizens
of the socialist society, they will take on the role of masters of the society
and will continue to build and protect our country. They will become the
decisionmakers for the future of our country and our peoples in all aspects
such as morality, knowledge and physical well-being. Thus, any couple who
have a child immediately have a duty to society; that of bringing up and edu-
cating the child well, so that the child may grow to become a respectable
member of the socialist society.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
As far as communists are concerned, they should have an even greater sense of
responsibility towards the education of their children. Our greatest ideal
is to realize true communism and this cannot, of course, be achieved in one
or two generations. Thus, in order to achieve this ideal, we must, naturally,
entrust our wishes in the minds and bodies of our children and therefore train
successive generations as successors to the cause of communism. With this
viewpoint in mind, it is the firm duty of every Communist Party member to
educate his or her child with communist thinking and morality.
Many comrades are already doing this and in particular, some older comrades,
in response to strict demands from their children, have done well in patiently
educating their youngers. The stories of such people have been spread and
dissiminated everywhere, becoming examples for both high-powered cadres and
the masses.
However, there are some comrades who do not sufficiently appreciate the impor-
tance of family education and who do not handle this question well. Neverthe-
less the vast majority of young people display good or relatively good charac-
ters and behaviour, while the proportion of youngsters who display bad
behavior and even commit criminal offences is very small. Hence it is important
not to ignore the question of family education. Here it would be very worth-
while to consider the question of cadres educating their children. Because
cadres of every level are the backbone and motive force behind socialist
modernization and construction, the good or bad behaviour of their children
reflects the extent to which the cadres have fulfilled their duties of edu-
cating their children. Indeed, amongst the children of cadres, only a very
small number display bad traits, but, because of the position in society which
their parents occupy, the general masses quite naturally link the children's
actions with their parents, thereby provoking criticism of and doubt about
our cadres. Not only does this damage the prestige of the party, it also
influences the mood of society and hence the determination of the people to
strive for the four modernizations. Thus every party member and every cadre
must consciously and strictly demand of himself or herself that he or she ful-
fill the role and duty of educating his or her child and thereby disperse
misconceptions of all kinds which exist in regard to this problem.
A popular excuse amongst those who do not take enough care in the education
of their children, is to say that they are too busy and therefore have no time
to attend to this question. But, with the exception of a few special circum-
stances, this excuse is simply unacceptable. Good or bad family education
is not dependent on the length of time that the father and mother spend
directly talking with their child. To a far greater extent it depends on'
the educational effectiveness of the parents self-accomplishments. As the
saying goes, "example is better than precept". Of course, the more time spent
with a child the better, but even in the case of parents who have little time
to spare, their child can absorb a proper education from watching the way the
parents behave, the way they treat people and handle situations and from the
attitude with which they confront every kind of situation and problem. Marx
greatly stressed the important effect of self-accomplishment on children. He
wrote, "we must be extremely gentle and cautious in our actions, for the sake
of our children." Lenin's father spent much time travelling around the country
talking and educating people in the villages and thus he had few opportunities
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-01460R000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
to spend time with his son. Despite this, however, Lenin learnt from his
father's actions to be faithful to the quality of the work he was undertaking.
Such questions as the state of parents thinking, their moral integrity, their
attitude towards the work they do, their progressiveness in learning, whether
they treat other people honestly and the extent of their politeness will all
exert a subtle influence on the development of their child's character. It
is not a question of time available, but of the keen sense of responsibility
that the parents do or do not have, and whether they see their duty of edu-
cating their child as a responsibility not to be shirked. If one takes a
serious look at the question from an ideological viewpoint, the problem of
available time isn of an insurmountable obstacle. Indeed, under most circum-
stances, parents and children have a quite considerable amount of contact and
to say that one doens't have a chance to spend time educating one's child is,
in fact, merely an excuse.
In today's world, our whole society is faced with many new situations and new
problems, including that of family education. If we have no concise and clear
knowledge about these new situations and new problems and no appropriate
methodology for these new situations, then education will not achieve good
results.
For example, the living conditions of nearly every family have improved over
the last few years, especially when compared to before liberation. Such changes
are good, especially in terms of their beneficial effects on the education of
children. However, if the situation had changed for the worse, it would have
created an ideology of suffering and struggle for the next generation and
consequently would have had a bad influence on that generation too. Many of
our cadres, particularly the older generation of proletarian revolutionaries,
although they live under relatively favourable conditions, still make fairly
heavy demands on their children. Before his son Dong Lianghe [5516 5328 2976]
went down to the countryside, Comrade Dong Biwu [5516 1801 2976] urged him,
"you are a successor to the revolution and you must make strict demands on
yourself. You must lead a life of simplicity and hardship and suffer together
with the masses and under no circumstances may you join the higher ranks."
Such revolutionaries of the old generation are a model for us all in terms
of educating our children. However, some families are not like this, they
are over-accommodating in regard to the demands of their child's material life,
which in turn gives the child a feeling of superiority in life and ideology.
Some parents even pursue pure enjgyment., commit all sorts of outrages and take
a very laissezfaire attitude, virtually inciting their child to eventually
take the road to crime. We should learn a lesson from bitter experiences such
as these. Family education cannot help but become an important task for us
all in order to help our offspring and descendants maintain the true spirit
of the working people in this constantly improving life we lead.
Another example is the present policy of bearing only one child. As more and
more people have only one child, the beenf its of this policy for family
education become more obvious. In a one child family, the child is able to,
receive more care and attention from its parents, both on a material and
spiritual level. However, on the other hand, on one child families, the
parents often tend to spoil the child, creating a number of problems, such as
stubbornness and self-centredness. This is also damaging to the future growth
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
and development of the child. Thus the question is raised, how should one
love a child? How should one be close but not weak, love the child but not
pamper it, how should one combine the processes of "raising" and "educating"
the child? None of these questions can afford to be ignored.
A further example is illustrated with the changes after the smashing of the
gang of four, when eventual order was restored out of the chaos and a new
upsurge in technological and cultural studies occurred. This phenomenon was
extremely positive and was in keeping with the necessary task of socialist
modernization and reconstruction. But, some parents wrongly saw a university
education as the only direction for their child, with the result that they,
forced their child to bury himself or herself.daily in academic work. Even
3 and 4 year-olds were forced to learn ancient poetry by heart and do
arithmetic, with the result that the child's freedom to play, excercise, enjoy
itself and involve itself in cultural and social events was severely restric-
ted. Household chores, even the most trifling of the child's own duties,
were all taken over and carried out by the parents. The result of such action
was often to destroy the child's otherwise increasing vitality of life, damage
the child's health and make the child grow up disliking physical labour and
.lacking the ability to take care of itself. Furthermore, in terms of cul-
tural and technological development, the child's knowledge would often be so'
restricted, due to inflexible and rigid study, that it was very difficult for
him or her to. truly achieve anything. Most of the parents of such children
tended to have extremely ambitious ideas for their child and did not realize
the damage they were causing to their child's health and development.
Paying close attention to one's child's studies is of course necessary, but
the parents who only consider the child's academic education and ignore or,
have a relaxed attitude towards the child's moral upbringing and physical
health and development, are causing damage to the child's all-round develop-
ment. If one does not pay careful attention to this question, the child may
grow up with excellent academic standards but a very low moral standing and
such an attitude may even produce degenerates of the likes of Feng Daxing
[4659 1129 52811. For this reason, it is necessary to begin moral education
right from the earliest age. From the time when a child begins to understand
things, one must begin with the education of the fundamental reason behind
man's deeds and actions so that from the very beginning the child may under
stand the distinctions between yes and no, good and evil, honor and disgrace
and beauty and ugliness. The parents must teach the child to love the home-
land, the people, physical labour., technology and socialism. The child must
learn idealism, morality and discipline and must learn to become accustomed'
to an honest and simple life. Thus if family education begins when the child
is very small, the parents will find that they will get twice the results
with half the effort.
Existence determines consciousness. People's ideology is, in the final analy-
sis, determined by the social conditions of their material life. The most
important. of the conditions of material life are the means of production. Of
course, other factors, such as political life, cultural life and religious'
life also influence one's ideology to an extent. If the conditions are not
similar, then the resulting ideology will not be the same. Since you have
experienced things that your child has not, your. child cannot have the same
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
thoughts and feelings as you. The effect of the same fact or event on two
people with dissimilar experiences., will often not be the same. Thus the
parents must be skilled. in guidance and assistance, and.when faced with the
greatest problems we cannot sit back and yield to them.. We must stand by our
principles, we must observe and take note of our children`s characteristics
and respect their rational and legitimate opinions. Of course, to do this
requires some learning. While many parents have been successful in teaching
their child to have aspirations, the child often ends up with very subjective
aspirations. This is simply a problem of teaching methodology; in teaching
a child, it is wrong to pamper and to give in easily, while treatment which
is too severe or too weak is also wrong, as is an over simplistic or over
complex approach. If one looks at the feudal family lines, believing that
later generations do not improve their lot in comparison to past generations
is not a "strict" way of thinking, but extremely restrictive and binding for
the child. It is often not realised that scolding, cursing and hitting a
child who has done something wrong, has very little beneficial effect. It
was proved a long time ago that the saying "the rod is the best teacher" is
not true at all. On the other hand, to shield a child from its mistakes and
even side with him or her, is not only to shirk one's responsibility to
society, it also damages the child's development. This is because this type
of behaviour only encourages the child to continue along the road of mis-
demeanors and the further along that road the child travels, the deeper into
the abyss the child will go and eventually it will be too late to regret it.
The education of children is a.question of fostering and raising human beings
and is an extremely complex procedure. Therefore it is very important that
one understand and recognise the characteristics of modern youth and thus,
with patience, give them an effective education. Family education may be
regarded as a scientific subject, requiring an understanding of psychology,
the theory of education, logic and sociology. Naturally, one cannot demand
of every adult that he or she have an intimate knowledge of all these sciences
and furthermore, with the popularization of the one child family policy, it
cannot be expected of every potential parent that they have practical first
hand experience in educating children. Hence it is up to society to exert its
powers and examine, study, sum up and propagate scientific facts about and
experience in the education of children and thereby help people to gradually
learn to adopt a communist ideology in handling the problems of educating
children. Only in this way will it be possible to eradicate both feudal and
capitalist influences within family education. And indeed we should be happy
that the number of people who are realizing this fact is continuously on the
increase. Several party organizations have included examination of family
education by their own party members on their study agenda, while many schools
are beginning to reestablish or strengthen parent-teacher relation. Many out-
standing teachers are not simply keeping the families informed of the child's
situation and progress in school but are more actively involved in explaining
the child's physiology and psychology to the family and at the same time
promoting and explaining suitable methodology and guidelines for educating
the child and therefore illustrating to the families how to coordinate
family education with the demands of scholastic education. This approach
has been applauded by many families. The last 2. years have seen the publica-
tion of several periodicals and books which tackle the question of family
education, while special columns have been started in several newspapers,
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
dealing with the same topic. In addition,. several regions of China have seen
research committees set up to examine family education and these committees
run seminars on the topic as well as running model family competitions.
Such activities are at the moment only in their primary stages and still
require expansion and popularization. However, with such a promising begin-
ning, we have every reason to hope and believe that family education will
have increasing importance attached to it in all aspects of society and will
become an important and integral part of the cultural development of the
spirit of socialism.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
DO A GOOD JOB IN WRITING ABOUT NEW PEOPLE IN RURAL AREAS DURING THE PERIOD
OF TRANSFORMATION
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 pp 46-48, 45
[Article by Li Yuming [2621 3768 6900] and Han Zhijun [7281 1802 0689]]
[Text] Literature is a reflection of social life. Social life is like an
incessantly rolling river, continuously flowing and endlessly moving and
changing rather than being a pond of stagnant water. Life during periods
of great social change is particularly so. Therefore, in reflecting social
life, literature should follow the footprints of practice and throb with the
pulse of the times.
Since the smashing of the "gang, of four,"Nand particularly since the 3d plenary
session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, a great historical change has taken
place in this land of ours, a land of 9.6 million square kilometers.
Extremely profound changes have taken in the fields ranging from the economy,
politics, law and ethics to the interrelationships between man and man and
even to the features and soul of the people. Old things are withering away
and new things are growing around us and the course of elimination goes hand
in hand with the course of creation. Many situations have not been seen be-
fore. Quite a few problems, even problems which have never been thought of,
have been actually emerging before us and around us. This drastic change in
social life cannot but arouse the attention and deep thinking of the writers
and bring about all sorts of changes in both literary contents and forms.
Seen from the works of literature and art published in recent years, one of
the distinct changes is that the situation at one time of works on rural
subjects being relatively few is being changed and the works portraying rural
life and especially the works of depicting the great changes in mountainous
areas during the period of transformation are increasing in number.
In these works on rural subjects which have emerged as the times require, the
writers have not only succeeded in creating multifarious images of ordinary
peasants, such as Li Shunda in "Li Shunda Builds a House," Feng Xiangba in
"On a Village Ground," Pan Laowu in "On a River Without a Navigation Mark,"
Chen Huangsheng in "Chen Huangsheng Goes to Town," Xu Mao and the four girls
in "Xu Mao and His Daughters" and Wang Laoda in "Wang Laoda, the Foolish Man."
They have also, with their sharp eyes and trenchant touch, produced lively
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
descriptions and a highly artistic summary of the new prospects of rural life
during the current transformation and portrayed, in thick and rich colors,
the images of a batch of new people in rural areas during the period of trans-
formation in thick and rich colors, such as Li Qiulan.in "The Manager of House-
hold Affairs," Lao Niujin in "An On-the-Spot Wedding Gathering," the little
girl in "Selling Crabs," Luo Xiaoshan and Kang Xiuyun in "The Love of Moun-
tains and Rivers," Xu Lingjun in "Soul and Flesh," Luo Kun in "Confidence,"
Han Baoshan in "Han Baoshan, the Handle of a Pickaxe," older brother Ming-
quan and Rong Er in "The Mountain Moon Fails to Read Our Innermost Feelings,"
Zhang Yuda in "The Submarine Obstacles" and Li Shuxia in "Capable Daughter-
in-Law" and so on. These characters are distinctive and vivid in image,
utterly different in disposition and fairly weighty in ideological content.
These characters radiate with the splendor of the era and represent the posi-
tive force calling for making progress and a change amid the diverse and
complicated contradictions during the period of transformation.
These new people in rural areas during the period of transformation are the
men of keen perception and of action which the times require. Compared with,
the new people at the previous historical stages, the conflict of contradic-
tions they are facing and the problems they want to solve bear a variety of
sossolve
sthe
noonly
different characteristics. Marx said that
forth. canfalalways
tasks which history and the times have put
people are concerned, they are naturally no exception. This is because they
are not saints who are above the average and tower over man's world. Only
when they are put in the real land and in the conflict of various contradic-
tions which are real, concrete and strictly accord with facts, rather than
being illusory, fantastic and abstract, can the new qualities and graceful
bearing of these characters be manifested.
The conflict of contradictions in real life is ubiquitous and incessantly
present and moreover, the contents and characteristics of this conflict of
contradictions and the relative strength of the different sides of contradic-
tions will change with the development of the times. This is the dialectics
inherent in life itself. As a reflection of life, literature on the one hand
must not evade contradictions and indulge in the "theory of there being no
conflicts" and on the other hand must not proceed from an abstract concept
to fabricate conflicts of contradictions or regard the conflicts of
contradictions in the previous period as the actual conflicts of contradic-
tions. It must proceed from real life to allow the characters to move about
in a real and typical environment and advance while solving new contradictions
and problems. On this question, in a letter to M. Harkness, Engels made
fairly clear expositions. The "City Girls" by M. Harkness was written in
the 1880's when the European working class had changed from the "class-in-
itself" into the "class-for-itself" and had mounted the political arena as
an independent political force. However, in this work, the people around
the principal character appeared as masses with a negative outlook. It thus
failed to correctly depict the strength of the new class in the then current.
conflict of social contradictions and the spirit of the times. For this
reason, Engels criticized it as failing to really reproduce typical characters
in a typical environment. Therefore, it can be seen that depicting the
characteristics of the times and accurately displaying the conflict of
contradictions are of vital importance to creating typical characters.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 a, ;"r
: ~r .~. _e -r.~ r rii',I.'.. '. i. ~. r--l~-r7^..~a, ?7
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
In regard to the new people in rural areas who have been successfully por-
trayed in literary works in recent years, their surrounding, the problems
which they are facing and what they think and do are all different from Liang
Shenbao in "A History of the Pioneers," Deng Xiumei in "A Great Change in
Mountain Areas," Wu Shulan and Zhang Layue in "The Newly Acquainted Companions"
and from Li Shuangshuang "The Profile of Li Shuangshuang." They are all
stamped with the brand of the new historical period. This characteristic is
manifested in the two following aspects in a striking way: One is that the
conflict of contradictions they are facing are contradictions which are
a derived from the principal contradiction within the country at the present
stage, that is, "the contradiction between the demand of the people for rapid
economic and cultural development and the existing state of our economy and
IF& culture which falls short of the needs of the people" and therefore, large
numbers of contradictions are contradictions among the people. The other is
that most of these conflicts of contradictions are centered on and develop
around the implementation of the party's various rural policies including
the various forms of production responsibility system which have been imple-
mented since the 3d plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee. It
is justifiable to say that these works are a resounding echo of the new changes
which have taken place in the rural areas at the present stage.
The short story "Selling Crabs" describes the contradiction-between the
beautiful and the ugly and between the public and private interests which
clash on the crab market in a small coastal town after the party's rural eco-
nomic policies have been implemented. The crab-selling little girl who "is
like a flower bud under the light of the early morning sun" engages in
individual operation. In the previous literary works, this was very often
regarded as the "spontaneous tendency towards capitalism" which was bound to
be criticized and negated politically. But in this work, on this crab market,
the deep sympathy she has for and the generous gifts she presents to the thin
old.man and the dramatic dispute between the little girl and the fat man
manifest her crystal transparent heart and appropriate political conscious-
ness. What is presented in "Confidence" is another new problem which the
people during the period of transformation are confronted with, that is, how
should we treat the comrades who opposed and attacked us and who have been
proved by practice to have made mistakes in the twists and turns and who took
the wrong path in history. After Luo Kun, party branch secretary of the Luocun
brigade, was reinstated, his son Luo Hu and the sons and daughters of the
cadres who were targets of criticism and attack during the movement, gathered
together to pick a quarrel and as a retaliation, to make trouble and hurt the
son of the old man Meng Tian, chairman of the brigade's poor and lower-middle
peasants' association, who made others suffer during the movement. This
incident makes the "relationship" between those who made others suffer and
those who suffered "unprecedentedly tense" and "an uneasy feeling spread all
over the streets and lanes of Luo Village." At this moment, proceeding from
the overall situation of political stability and unity, Luo Kun properly and
fairly handles this incident without bearing previous ill will, thus putting
an end to the disorderly situation of Luo Village. He says: "Those who made
mistakes will gradually draw a lesson. We, once the targets of criticism and
attack during the movement should be unprejudiced rather than planting
grievance in the hearts of our later generations." The works, such as "The
.Manager of Household Affairs" and "The Love of Mountains and Rivers," give a
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
vivid description of the change in the party's class policy and the conflict
of contradictions centering around this change since the focus of the party's
work was shifted on the four modernizations program and thus creates the
images of new people in rural areas who radiate with splendor, such as Li
Qiulan, Luo Xiaoshan and Kang Xiuyun. Under the grey hair of Li Qiulan--the.
principal character--there is still "a scar,left by the water pipe" of her
master Liu Jingui. But when Liu Jingui comes to visit as a patriotic over-
seas Chinese, taking the interests of the whole into account, she treats him
with due respect and thus criticizes with her concrete deeds the mentality
and actions of a small number of people in real life, who in disregard of
moral integrity and national dignity, worship foreign things and fawn on
foreign powers. She is simple, unadorned and open-minded, mature while
shrewish and resourceful while honest. She reflects as ordinary working
women's confidence and sense of pride of being the master of the country in
the socialist motherland. The environment where the above-mentioned new
people in rural areas during the period of transformation live and the con-
flict of contradictions they are facing all are new. It is precisely in this
new social environment and in the conflict of new contradictions that they can
fairly sharply perceive and put the demands of the times into effect,
enthusiastically participate in solving the present.questions concerning
politics, the economy and ethics and struggle to advance the course of the
four modernizations.
These new people in rural areas during the period of transformation have not
only gone through a path full of difficulties and setbacks but are also facing
the dawn of a new life. Therefore, we can find in them a projection of the
struggle between the past and the future. Compared with the images of new
people reflected in the previous literary works, their disposition seems to
be more distinctively arranged, their experience seems to be more extraordinary
and their feelings seems to be richer.
Hegel said: "Every man is an integral whole. He constitutes himself a world.
Every man is a man in the full sense and full vitality rather than a fabled
abstract thing with isolated features of disposition." ("Aesthetics" vol 1,
p 303) Whether it is Xu Lingjun, Luo Xiaoshan, Li Qiulan, Brother Mingquan and
Rong Er Lao Niujin, Luo Kun, or Han Baoshan, they all have their own unique
ways of thinking and action, their own successes and failures, honors and dis-
grace, joys and sorrows, their own special career and course of development
of disposition and also their own complicated world of feelings, and there-
fore they are all "men in the full sense and full of vitality." Xu Lingjin
in "Soul and Flesh" is a boy who was forsaken by a rich man and is also a
"young pioneer" who was brought up in the very warm breast of the motherland.
When he becomes full-grown, he is subjugated to unredressed injustice in the
tortuous gradual progress of history and for this reason he falls into dire
straits and disappointment. However, in the beautiful and rich land of the
motherland, amid the rough but warm masses of the people and in the ordinary
but lofty work, "his depression, his sorrows and his grievance about the fate"
are eventually dispelled. Moreover, he has the deepest and the most sincere
love for his motherland, pastureland and wife and for the good and honest
people who gave him warmth during difficult times. When he is confronted with
two roads: one to go to the United States of America and the other to stay in
the pastureland which is relatively poor for the time being, he determinedly
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
makes a correct decision of returning to the land which brought him up. This
character embodies not only a profound pondering of history but also the per-
sistent pursuit of the future. This profound pondering and persistent pursuit
constitute a pronounced characteristic of the images of new people during the
period of transformation--as the dovetailing point of two historical stages.
The contradiction and struggle between the new and the old in social life dur-
ing the period of transformation will be more acute than those in ordinary
life. This contradiction and struggle will also find expression in new
socialist people. In their veins, there similarly runs "the original blood
of the mother's body" and there is similarly the contradiction between the
new and the old in them. What is different is only that the two aspects of
contradiction are uneven, the new holding a leading position. Lao Niujin in
"An On-the-Spot Wedding Gathering" was a militiaman during the war of
resistance against Japan and an activist during the land reform. He is "of
good class origin, capable of doing manual labor and honest and upright."
But he is self-willed. "If he is supposed to go eastwards, he will insist
on going westwards. Sometimes, he will be at odds at himself." When his
elder daughter got married, "he actually gave her some dresses and a pair of
broad-bottomed bamboo baskets as a dowry rather than asking for any betrothal
gifts." Now it had come to his second daughter Er Lan's turn to get married.
At first he promised not to accept any betrothal gifts but later realizing
that other people did not accept any.betrothal gifts in the open but accepted
them in secret, he himself asked for 500 yuan of betrothal gifts. This almost
made it impossible for On-the-Spot Wedding Gathering to be convened. When
the county party secretary personally did persuasion work to convince him, he
said plausibly and at length: "Over the past years, we have all along been
cutting the capitalist tails, the private plots, sideline occupations and also
animal husbandry," "If we marry.off our daughters without accepting any
betrothal gifts, what will we give to our sons when they get married?" When
the county party secretary put forth the measures for helping commune members
become prosperous as soon as possible in accordance with the spirit of the 3d
plenary session of the 11th CPC Central Committee, Lau Niujin actually allowed
the boyfriend of his second daughter Er Lan to sign an IOU for 500 yuan of
betrothal gifts on which he wrote a remark reading "repay it in the next
generation," and then let them take part in the wedding ceremony, each wearing
a large bright red flower. The leading aspect of the disposition of this
typical character is to enthusiastically keep forging ahead and reflects the
warm yearning for the implementation of the party's rural economic policies.
His disposition is relatively distinctively arranged rather than being vaguely
generalized. The author's description of those old things and shortcomings
in his principal character makes Lao Niujin further become an integral whole
full of vitality and more genuinely reflects the features and psychology of
the new people in rural areas during the period of transformation rather
than damaging his image. The appearance of the images of new people in rural
areas which are full of blood and flesh and are relatively successfully
reflected is, fundamentally speaking, determined by the changes in the rural
life, in the interrelationships between man and man and in the features and
psychology of the people. At the same time, it is also the inevitable result
of thoroughly criticizing the idealistic patterns of literary or artistic
creation, such absurdities as the "three stresses" and the "three contrasts"
which were trumpeted by the "gang of four."
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
These new people in rural areas during the period of transformation are both
the pioneers who stand in the forefront of social changes and propel the-four
modernizations program and the ordinary laborers who work in a down-to-earth
manner. Their high level of socialist consciousness and the fine moral values
are mainly manifested in the implementation of a series of the party's rural
economic policies, in the ordinary and arduous work of the four modernizations
program and in the correct handling of all sorts of contradictions among the
people. Moreover, with the development of the times and the change in life,
and particularly with the recent introduction of multifarious forms of pro-
duction responsibility system, the development of diversified undertakings,
the promotion of market prosperity and the advancement of rural cultural
undertakings, the contacts between the countryside and cities have increased,
their relationships have become closer and social life has thus become integral
in the fuller sense. Therefore, the scope of new people in rural areas during
the period of transformation must include not only such ordinary rural cadres
as Luo Kun, such ordinary peasants as Lau Niujin, Han Baoshan and Li Qiulan
but also such intellectuals as Xu Lingjun, such individual operators as the
little girl who sells crabs and people from all walks of life, such as the
workers of the enterprises run by the communes and their subdivisions, doc
tors and teachers. Some of the destinies and the psychology of these new
people in rural areas and their new features of having both revolutionary
ideals and a scientific attitude,.both lofty moral values and the ability to
create and both a broad field of vision and a spirit of seeking truth from
facts are already familiar to us; some are insufficiently familiar to us or
relatively strange to us; some have been reflected in literary works and some
have not, and some are even fields where no one has set foot, so to speak.
In other words, in the rapids of the time, there are many melodies which have
not been seized and in the open country of life, there are still many ore
beds which have not been discovered.
The rural life during the period of transformation and the profound changes in
the features and psychology of the peasnats have obviously put the question of
going deeper into and familiarizing oneself with rural life before us. Going
deep among the masses plunging into and familiarizing oneself with the thick
of life is an important link and necessary prerequisite for doing a good in
writing about new people in rural areas during the period of transformation.
This is because the strength of realism comes from extensively surveying and
studying and intensively absorbing matters concerning life and from stressing
accumulation, not expansion. A deep-rooted tree bears luxuriant leaves. When
it deviates from the soil of life, literary and artistic creation will lose
its vitality. If he did not plunge into the thick of rural life for long
years, and make contacts with the masses, Zhou Libo would not have been able
to intimately know the fate of the poor peasants and farm laborers of Yuanmao
village; it would have been impossible for Li Zhun to write the interesting
farmily episode in which Li Shuangshuang and Xi Wang got angry for the 'sake
of love; and Wang Wenshi would have been unable to reflect such magnificent
thoughts and feelings of newly acquainted companions. At present, those
writers who have succeeded in portraying new people in rural areas are rela-
tively familiar with the life they reflect, with the voices and smiles of the
peasants and understand their psychology during the period of transformation.
This is one of the very important reasons why they have gained successes in
their career of creation.
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
Since the period of Yunan, our writers have had a good tradition of going deep
into the thick of rural life. Particularly since the mid-1950's, a "colony of
writers" who give prominence to reflecting rural life gradually formed. For
example, the "Potato" School in Shanxi Province, which was represented by
Zhao Shuili and the "Hehuadian" School in Hebei Province and Beijing which is
represented by Sun Li. In addition, there were also many famous writers,
such as Liu Qing and Li Zhun. Following Zhou Libo, in recent years, there
have emerged in Hunan Province a batch of young and middle-aged successful
writers with great vitality who give priority to writing works of "literature
of the native soil." These writers who give priority to reflecting rural life
have for long years gone deep into the countryside, had close ties with the
masses, created a lot of good literary and artistic works loved by the masses
of the people, depicted the tableau of life bright with many colors and created
new socialist people and multifarious images of peasants. In the current great
period of transformation, we must inherit and carry forward this good tradition
of going deep into the thick of rural life.
At present, the times, the people and the social life which is undergoing a
drastic change are calling us. We must enthusiastically plunge into the thick
of life, conscientiously absorb the source materials, subjects, plots, language,
poetic flavor and painting qualities from the life of the people, nurture our-
selves in the spirit of working hard, a spirit of the people being the makers
of history, further raise the quality of the literary and artistic works
reflecting rural life and strive to do a good job in writing about new people
in rural areas during the period of transformation while creating multifarious
characters.
CSO: 4004/45
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
BE SURE NOT TO CHOOSE A VILLAIN FOR A JOB
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 15, 1 Aug 82 inside back cover
[Article by Zong Rong [1350 2837]]
[Text] In some, economic criminal cases, quite a few of the criminals have
criminal records or were sentenced before. For example, the notorious
swindler Chen Menghu had been sent to receive reeducation through labor;
and the "automobile magnate" Chen Xihai had been punished by law twice
before. According to the statistics in a province, 85 percent of the
economic criminals in 12 cities and prefectures had previous criminal
records. However, almost all of these people had enjoyed a different
degree of trust and had been put in some important positions before their
recent cases. were revealed. This is a problem which we should take
seriously.
It is certain that we have made some mistakes in handling personnel matters.
Previously, owing to the influence of "leftist" guidelines, we did not make
a concrete analysis of people's family backgrounds, social relations or
personal history and did not take their present performance into account,
but just kept picking on them when problems were found. This practice has
badly frustrated the enthusiasm of some of the comrades. This profound
lesson is worth bearing in mind. But it is inadvisable to make use of and
put trust in any person without taking their political attitude and personal
history after the "leftist" mistakes were corrected into consideration. It
should be seen that class struggle still exists in a certain sphere and
that the reactionary forces hostile to socialism are still living in the
society. We can never make blind use of personnel.
"Anyhow, we should give them opportunities." Of course, that's true. It is
incorrect to keep picking on these people because of their previous criminal
cases and refuse to give them opportunities to mend their ways. But,
correcting the previous errors and turning over a new leaf needs a pains-
taking process of mending their ways in a thorough manner by those people
concerned. As to the people in leading positions, this calls for their
painstaking work in setting strict demands and conducting intensified
education. Some people are well versed in currying favor with people in''
authority and thus securing gains, but they do not really show repentance
for their previous crimes. To these people, if we give up ideological and
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
 Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9
political work and merely allow them to work freely or even trust them with
important work, this will not force them to abandon evil and do good but
only help them slip back into their old ways. This is not "giving them
opportunities to mend their ways," but in fact a practice providing them
with an opportunity to "go.on a familiar road."
Some people say these people are all "able persons." It is true that our
modernization construction needs a large number of able persons with real
ability and learning. Efforts should be made to seek more gifted people
and create necessary conditions for giving full play to their abilities.
Those stupid things, like inhibiting talented people by cooking up various
pretexts, can by no means occur any more. But this does not include those
"able persons" who harbor hatred for socialism and always intend to sabotage
it. Who is able to say that those criminals who have committed big crimes
are all big fools without any abilities? But is it not true that the
bigger abilities they have, the worse scourge they will bring to our party
and our nation? Wei Zheng of the Tang dynasty said: "Misusing an evil
person who carries out perverse acts by issuing false orders will bring on
enormous troubles." This is worth taking as reference.
"Ability" should also be subject to analysis, and we should see what kind of
ability it is. Those "automobile magnates" did not know well the normal
operation of the socialist automobile industry. What they were able to do
was nothing but the tricks, like practicing graft and speculation, which
used to be played by the previous lawbreaking capitalists. This ability can
only harm our socialist cause. Isn't it a fact that the money and material
they have the "ability" to make available for their units come at the
expense of the socialist cause as a whole, and in this course, with their
own pockets first being lined by means of graft? How can they be regarded
as "able persons" for our socialist nation? They are nothing but a handful
of moths and borers.
It is strange that some of our comrades have failed to see the real features
of these notorious figures who acted not only surreptitiously but more
often, overtly. There are, perhaps, at least two reasons: 1) These people
are so good at flattering people and currying favor with them, that people
cannot help but being taken in by them as time passes. 2) More importantly,
our comrades have lost the correct guideline. When you have paid all
attention to money and put the socialist orientation out of your mind, how
can you perceive the problems of these resourceful "wealth gods," to whom:'
you never feel you have given excessive support and commendation? Thus, it
can be seen that the key in properly handling personnel matters lies in
keeping a firm and correct guiding principle in the mind of leading com-
rades.
Personnel matters must be handled very cautiously, for these matters
directly concern the success or failure of our cause. The struggle of
cracking down on serious criminal activities in the economic field has
given us a political lesson on these matters. In the course of this
struggle, not only have we seen our own defects, we will also bear this
familiar sentence with new meaning more deeply in our mind: Take politics
into consideration when making use of personnel!
CSO: 4004/46
END
87
Approved For Release 2008/03/19: CIA-RDP04-0146OR000100350001-9