CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100220001-3
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 97
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: March 30, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 80431
30 March 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 2, 16 January 1982
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CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 2, 16 January 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Study History, Display Patriotic Spirit (pp 2-5)
(Wang Zhen) .......................................................... 1
Acquire a Clearer Understanding of Guiding Thought Concerning
Correct Rural Work (pp 6-10)
(Chen Pixian) ........................................................ 8
The Progressive Forces Are Bound To Triumph Over the Decadent Forces
(pp 11-12)
(Shi Jian) ........................................................... 17
Enhance Theoretical Cultivation, Raise the Ideological Level--Study
Volume 1 of the 'Selected Works of Liu Shaoqi' (pp 13-15)
(Wu Liping) ........................................................... 21
It Is Necessary To Pay Great Attention to the Study of Marxist Theory--
After Reading Liu Shaoqi's 'Reply to Comrade Song Liang' (pp 16-18).
(Yu Haocheng) ......................................................... 27
Socialist Human Resources System Engineering.(pp 19-22)
(Qian Xuesan) ........................................................ 31
Give the Peasants More and Better Spiritual Nourishment (pp 23-26)
(Zhou Weishi) ........................................................ 39
Persist in Studying Modern Chinese History Under the Guidance of
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought--Comments on 'From the Opium
War to the May Fourth Movement' (pp 18, 27-29)
(Qi Longwei) ......................................................... 46
- a - [III - CC - 75]
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CONTENTS (Continued)
Lay a Good Foundation for Theoretical Study by Cadres (p 30)
(Li Xu) ........................................................... 53
An Important Document Guiding the Restructuring of the Economic
System--Studying Comrade Chen Yun's 'New Problems After the
Basic Completion of Socialist Transformation' (pp 31-34)
(You Lin) ......................................................... 55
Question: In Our Present Efforts To Implement the Economic
Responsibility System, We Emphasize Integrating Responsibility,
Power and Interests; How Does This Relate to Integrating the
Three Interests of the State, the Collective and the Individual
of Which We Usually Speak? (pp 34-35)
(Li Guangyuan) ....................... ............ ..
Theoretical Study by Cadres in the Early 1950's (pp 36-37)
(Hu Qilin) ........................................................ 66
Rely on the Collective Economy To Build Material and Spiritual
Civilization in the Rural Areas--The Superiority of the Socialist
System Seen From the Vast Changes in Nanhai County (pp 38-41)
(Workers in the Propaganda Department of the Guangdong
Provincial CCP Committee) ........................................ 71
Carry Forward the Spirit of Revolutionary Heroism (pp 42-44)
(Liu Junqi) ....................................................... 79
Learn From the Collective Spirit of the Women's Volleyball Team
(pp 44-45)
(Sun Shijie) ...................................................... 83
The Impact of the Energy Question on the Economies of the Developed
Capitalist Countries (pp 46-48)
(Qian Jinxi) ...................................................... 86
How Did Liu Shaoqi Comment on 'The Inside Story of the Qing Court'
(Inside back cover)
(Wu Zhitang) ...................................................... 92
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STUDY HISTORY, DISPLAY PATRIOTIC SPIRIT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 2-5
[Article by Wang Zhen [3769 7201]]
[Text] Editor's note: Recently Comrade Wang Zhen invited a few comrades
from the Propaganda Department of the CCP Central Committee, the Research
Office of the CCP Secretariat and the CYL Central Committee to a discus-
sion meeting at which he expressed his views on studying the modern
history of China. In his talk, Comrade Wang Zhen recommended a new book
by Hu Chen entitled "From the Opium War to the May 4th Movement," stressing
the importance of studying modern history and calling on all people to
promote cadres' and youths' study of history and to boost the upsurge of
the fine general mood of the society related to book learning, so as to boost
the people's morale, inspire their fighting will and display the patriotic
spirit of working hard for the growth of the Chinese nation. This talk is
of great significance in promoting among the broad ranks of cadres and youths
the study of history, the building of socialist spiritual civilization
and the strengthening of education on patriotism. We hereby publish the full
text of it.
Today, I am going to have a talk with you.
During the past 2 years, I spent the time when I was recuperating after
operations by reading a few books on the history of Russia's aggression
against China, the biographies of a few historical figures, such as
"Biography of Sun Yat-sen," "Biography of Lin Zexu," "The Chronicle of
the Life of Huang Xing" and a biography on Yan Fu's life. Later I rela-
tively carefully read a new book by Comrade Hu Chen entitled "From the
Opium War to the May 4th Movement." The book contains 27 chapters and a
total of 700,000 characters. I originally planned to read it in 2 months,
but I finished it in 1 1/2 months. Comrade Hu Chen is a scholar in our
party and is an old friend of mine. His book narrates the 80 years of the
Chinese nation's history of repeated serious disasters and gives a clear
description of every historical event. For us who have taken part in the
struggle when our nation's existence was in peril, we feel ever greater
pride when we read the history of that period. Historical books of this
kind are very useful, especially in educating cadres and youths about
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history. Such books will make them understand the history of the imperialists'
oppression and the Chinese people''s resistance, strengthen their sense of
patriotism and make them know better why they should support socialism and
the party's leadership.
I have had no schooling and little learning. However, I am quite familiar
with the history from the Opium War to the May 4th Movement. The history
of this period is not only recorded in history books but also spread far
and wide among the people. None of my forefathers were scholars either.
My father was, a farm laborer. In my childhood, I heard him tell us stories
about the Taiping army, called "long hair" at that time, who fought against
the Qing army and stories about Tao Shu, an official of the Qing Dynasty
(editor's note: Tao Shu, a native of Anhua County, Hunan Province, was
appointed governor of Jiangsu, governor of Anhui and viceroy of Liangjiang.)
I also heard legends about the Hongjiang Hui (Hongjiang River Society),
the Ge Lao Hui (Society of Brothers). and other revolutionaries from my
father. However, it was not until I joined the revolution that I gained a
relatively correct understanding of the history of this period. Chairman Mao
once told me that Lin Biao had not even the least knowledge of Chinese
history. He told me to draw a lesson from Lin Biao and learn some history.
Therefore, I am very pleased when I read a good history book.
The China today has been developed from the China of the past. In the preface
of his book, Comrade Hu Chen gives a simple outline of the Chinese feudal
society before the Opium war. The whole book narrates and analyzes how China
was reduced, step by step, to a semicolonial and semifeudal country due to
the aggression of the capitalist powers and narrates and analyzes the
several upsurges and setbacks in the revolution in China in the time period
of acentury. A history book of this kind can be used as a textbook to
teach people to understand the law governing the development of the Chinese
history and understand the origin of China's present situation. Reading
a history book of this kind can relatively systematically teach people to
be aware of the difficulties in founding the PRC and, at the same time, help
us to understand many problems raised in the "Resolution on Certain Questions
in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC." For example,
the question on the evaluation of Chairman Mao. If we have studied modern
history and have a complete view of the great changes during the time period
of little more than a century, we will find that compared with other histori-
cal figures, Chairman Mao was a statesman of rare gifts and bold strategy,
of extensive knowledge,.of deep insight and of strong will and a statesman
who achieved great merits. We all know that Comrade Chen Yi was a man of
great talents and that it was difficult for people to win his admiration;
nevertheless, he said that he did admire Chairman Mao. Of course, there
have been quite a few outstanding figures in China's modern history, such
as Zhou Enlai, Liu Shaoqi and Zhu De, who were all outstanding leaders of
our party and our people. Besides, there have been many well-known thinkers,
politicians and generals and excellent scholars and artists. We must say that
without these outstanding historical figures and particularly without
Chairman Mao, the Chinese nation could not be what it is today. We should
not negate Chairman Mao's immortal contributions in Chinese history because
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he committed mistakes during the "Great Cultural Revolution"' When we have
read some history books and have got some understanding of China's history
over the last century, we will naturally and logically affirm Chairman Mao's
historical position.
This book by Comrade Hu Chen contains a great amount of materials and makes
a historical materialist analysis of people and events. This shows Comrade
Hu Chen's meticulous scholarship. We should hold such scholars in respect.
Regarding China's modern history, there are quite a few books available,
even when not including this one written by Comrade Hu Chen. Moreover,
there is not merely a single area of historical research in all of the
academic and theoretical circles. For many years, many comrades have done
a great deal of hard work in various academic fields and have achieved great
results. What they have done is very necessary and very valuable for our
socialist modernization and for our struggle for world peace. Any scientific,
literary or artistic works and any effective creative labor that contribute
to the four modernizations and contribute to arousing the people's fighting
will and their patriotism for our great motherland must be affirmed. Whether
we have adopted a correct policy in treating our intellectuals and whether
we have adopted a correct attitude toward the excellent results of mental
labor and spiritual production is a major issue that concerns the success
and failure of the socialist cause. When I was young, I had many contacts
with intellectuals. After the May 4th movement, I was a janitor for some
railway senior clerks. Because of the ideological influence of the May 4th
movement and because of the influence of the workers movement, these clerks,
school-aged children, had changed their attitude toward workers. They not
only did not look down upon us workers or treat us as servants, but also
made friends with us. The times were progressing and so were the intellectuals.
I should say that since my first contact with such progressive intellectuals,
they have made a good impression on me. In the long-term revolutionary
struggle since then, I have never committed mistakes related to intellectual
problems. Chairman Mao once said to me, "Wang Shiwei would not have been
killed if he had been in a place in your charge." Naturally, there have been
reactionary and bad intellectuals, but their number has been small.
My purpose in inviting you to come here today is to recommend Comrade Hu Chen's
history book and to propose to you that our cadres and youths should read
some books about China's modern history. We all keenly feel that our social
morality has been much corrupted since the "Great Cultural Revolution." Our
party has done a great deal of work in order to change this situation.
Comrade Deng Xiaoping's speech on the adherence to the four basic principles
and Comrade Ye Jianying's speech at the 30th anniversary of the founding of
the PRC contributed to bringing about such a change. The "Resolution on
Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the
PRC" approved by the party's sixth plenary session, Comrade Hu Yaobang's
speeches at the 60th anniversary of the founding of the party, at Lu Xun's
100th birthday and at the 70th anniversary of the 1911 revolution, and
Comrade Zhao Ziyang's report concerning the 10 principles for economic construc-
tion also contributed to bringing about such a change. In order to bring
about such a change, the All-China Federation of Trade Unions, the CYL Central
Committee, the All-China Women's Federation and other organizations have put
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forth the "five stresses" and "four points of beauty" and the PLAhgs raised the
call for "four haves, three stresses and two nonapprehensions" [having
lofty ideas, good morality, knowledge and good health; stressing the army's
standard on appearance and bearing, good manners and good discipline and
not being apprehensive about either hardship or bloodshed and sacrifice].
By all the above and in addition to the PLA's Fakashan and Koulinshan
battles for national defense and against the Vietnamese aggressors, by the
heroic struggle against floods and drought in many provinces and areas last
year, by the arduous efforts made by the public security and judicial
departments in order to safeguard public security, by achieving great results
on the agricultural front and in all the sectors which make up the economic
front, by making tremendous progress in scientific, educational, cultural,
hygiene and sport fields and by opening up a new situation on diplomatic
front, we are displaying our nation's heroism and revolutionary spirit. A
nation must have its own healthy national trend which constitutes a great
strength in uniting the masses and encouraging everybody to actively make
progress. Comrade Hu Yaobang said that he particularly upheld livening
things up and inspiring and developing our national spirit and morality. A
good national spirit and a good national morality marks the prosperity of
a nation. Encouraging book learning and establishing a good style of study
will open up a path for establishing a good national spirit and a good
national morality. We should guide our broad ranks of cadres and youths
to study hard, and that includes studying history. One usually has some
leisure time after 8 hours of work, labor or study. We should teach people
to spend more of their leisure time in reading instead of taking part in
recreational activities, and thus create a new social mood of book learning
and a new social trend of study. Ours is a socialist country. In this
country, unhealthy trends in whatever form are not allowed to run rampant,
to pollute the society, to corrupt the people's morality or to hinder our
four modernizations. We should mobilize the whole party and the whole people
to pay attention to encouraging the practice of studying, especially to paying
attention to the studying by youths. The CYL, the trade unions, the women's
federations and all other social organizations should strive, under the
leadership of the party, to promote a new upsurge in the practice of studying.
As Lenin pointed out, "First, study; second, study and third, study." This
will remain a slogan that we will lay great stress on.
We should learn modern science and technology and, at the same time, we should
learn the social sciences including history. We should not forget the arduous
course our nation has undergone and we should not forget our past. In the
past, our country was a semicolony divided up at will by other countries.
But today our status has been greatly changed. For example, in Comrade Hu Chen's
boo, he mentioned the fact that a few imperialist powers scrambled for the
right to build railways in China. Today, we not only have the full
sovereignty in building railways, but also have a strong technical capacity in
this respect including hundreds of thousands of railway corpsmen. I was
once commander in chief of the PLA Railway Corps and, at that time, I was
opposed to situating our headquarters in Beijing.. Comrade Peng Dehuai agreed
with my view and said to me that we should build our railway up the Himalayas
and be buried on the spot that we died. Today, our country has not only
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completely taken its destiny into its hands and has not only gained inde-
pendence in deciding its own policies, but is also having political,
economic and cultural contacts with various countries and nations in the
world on the basis of the principle of equality and mutual benefit. More-
over, we are playing our role in the just cause of world peace and human
progress.
The enemies at home and abroad caused grave disasters to the Chinese people.
Could there have been such a new situation as today if the Chinese people
of all nationalities had failed to carry out their prolonged brave struggle,
if they had failed to firmly unite or if they had failed to display their
great national heroism and patriotism of striving for the prosperity which
has been forged through struggle? Today we have raised our magnificent
target of realizing socialist modernization and have charted a path for
socialist modernization that suits the national conditions of our country.
The strong response this target has aroused from our people has proved that
there has been a profound objective basis that underlies this national
spirit. We can completely affirm that our socialist system will certainly
be able to develop the Chinese national spirit to an ever-higher standard.
Of course, in our country, besides the sabotage activities of counterrevolu-
tionaries and various kinds of criminals, there are still quite a few
corrupt, backward and unreasonable practices. These include graft, embezzle-
ment, smuggling, speculation, bribery, confiscating public property for
personal use and other activities that violate laws or discipline. They
also include unhealthy practices, such as superstition, gambling, extravagant
weddings and funerals, worshiping-;and having blind faith in things foreign,
under-the-counter relationships and. using one's official position to achieve
private ends. There are also the bureaucratic phenomena of organizations
being overstaffed, shirking responsibility and having low work efficiency.
Some people employed in natural scientific undertakings have nothing to do,
but on the other hand, people are loudly complaining that they lack scientific
personnel. All these phenomena must be changed or brought to an end. Never-
theless, these phenomena are not something to be feared or to be disappointed
about, for our party is resolutely and unswervingly fighting against such
phenomena and is making progress in the course of fighting against these
phenomena.
The progress of modern China's history is the best evidence that we will
certainly be victorious in our struggle. That is why we should encourage
the study of history; especially China's modern history. In analyzing
historical personalities, we should avoid simplicity and one-sidedness.
Generally speaking, officials in a feudal society oppressed the people.
But regarding specific persons we should not fail to see that they differed:
some were hard working and others lazy, some were good and others bad and
some were corrupt and others honest. Some officials were incompetent and,
in addition to their high salaries, seized land, exploited the people,
extracted extra levies and led extravagant and lewd lives. But there were
others who had some insight and had achieved some merits. For example, in
the Han Dynasty, we had heroes such as Zhangqian and Banchao, and in modern
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times, we had such national heroes as Lin Zexu, Feng Zicai and Deng Shichang.
Even a personality such as Zuo Zongtang should be concretely analyzed. On
the one hand, he committed the crimes of suppressing the people, but on the
other hand, in his later years, he contributed to our nation and country
by defending China's sovereignty and territory, safeguarding China's unity
and resisting the expansion of Britain and Russia. We should make con-
crete analyses of-historical personalities and should even affirm the
outstanding roles of some personalities of the ruling classes. This is
by no means contradictory to the thesis that history is created by the people.
Chairman Mao in a speech at Yanan said that we should not only know the China
of today but also the China of yesterday. He called on us to study the
present situation as well as history and Marxist theory. This call is
even more important for today's youths. I believe that by conscientiously
reading, by making reading a constant practice so as to be armed with the
weapons of social sciences and the science of history, our youths will not
only increase their knowledge, talents and competency, but can also firm up
their confidence in the revolution and set high aims and lofty aspirations.
Of course, whatever subjects our youths choose to major in, we should encourage
and support them. However, through the study of history, our youths will
see that it was owing to the undaunted and heroic struggle of our great
people and their bravery in the face of bloodshed and death that our country
has survived so many national disasters and so many aggressors. In this
course, we had undergone innumerable failures and setbacks until we finally
found Marxism, set up the CCP, led the people to overthrow the three great
mountains and founded the PRC. This took us more than a century to achieve.
We should treasure what we have achieved and strive for prosperity on the
basis of what we have achieved.
Only by intensifying their study will our youths be able to be devoted to
their work and to have a sense of responsibility. Not only the youths who
major in social sciences should study history, but those who major in natural
sciences should also study history. Youths who pursue whatever profession
should learn something of history. Stalin said that a Leninist should not
be a specialist only in the subject of a science he likes,; he should, at the
same time, be a politician and a social activist and he should concern
himself with the destiny of his country, understand and know how to make good
use of the laws governing the development of society and do his best to take
an active part in the political leadership of his country. For this, one
should study Marxist theory and study history. We should conduct education
in history and in patriotism among the youths in a better, more flexible
and more lively manner. Naturally, in order to build socialism and make
China prosper, we must study and strive to master and introduce foreign
advanced science, technology and management and, moreover, we must study
them for our socialist motherland and must resolutely fight against the
disgraceful practice of worshiping and having blind faith in things foreign.
It is necessary for an old, weak man like me to resign all his posts and
retire from his office. Though retired, a man like me can find some work
he is capable of doing. As an old CCP member, one should do what one should
do. In this sense, no official titles or authorization are needed. Maybe
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what is left of my life are only a few months or days, but as long as I can,
I will go around, look around and do the present urgent task of training
successors. For example, I will take up the task of working with youths,
such as guiding them in the study of history. This is a very important task.
My aim in having you talk with me today is that you will boost the study
drive to a new upsurge. I hope that I can do, together with other retired
old comrades, what we can do in our remaining years. Old comrades can
draw on rich experience. Some of them are experts in some special fields,
for example, some of them have some special technical or academic knowledge,
some have good penmanship and some are skilled in painting. They are all
precious wealth of our party. Though owing to their health they cannot be
engaged in the busy posts in the first line, they can use what they are good
at in training the coming generation and play their role to the full in
building the socialist spiritual civilization throughout the country. The
world is vast. As far back as in the Eastern Han Dynasty, Ma Yuan said, "A
man who dies in the border area and whose body is wrapped in horse hide
should be carried back to be buried in his homeland. How can he die in
the arms of a woman?" Today, we need not wrap our bodies in horse hide
nor be buried in our homeland. As long as our health permits, we must regard
the vast world as our home and never should we madly cling to Beijing and
other big cities.
I believe that so long as the Propaganda Department of the CCP Central Commit-
tee and the Central Committee of the CYL take the lead, so long as the old
generation, and that includes me, goes all out to make more efforts, so
long as scholars like Comrade Hu Chen carry out their studies and research,
and so long as the many specialists in the theoretical circle and our colleges
in the arts play their roles to the full and jointly promote as one the
book learning of our youths, we are sure that we can set the fine style of
study and the healthy trend in our society.
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ACQUIRE A CLEARER UNDERSTANDING OF GUIDING THOUGHT CONCERNING CORRECT
RURAL WORK
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 6-10
[Article by Chen Pixian [7115 0012 7309]]
[Text] In the past few years, like other rural areas of the country, the
countryside of Hubei has all along witnessed a very favorable situation.
Fast progress has been achieved. This has been a source of great inspira-
tion. But amid progress, certain new conditions and new problems have
appeared. This requires us to further understand guiding thought con-
cerning rural work. Otherwise, the development of the very favorable
situation in the countryside is likely to suffer.
What is the guiding thought that we must further understand in our current
rural work? Generally speaking, we must further properly handle the rela-
tions among the state, the collective and the individual; insist on taking
the planned economy as the primary factor and regulation by market mechanism
as the secondary one; direct peasants' enthusiasm toward the study of agri-
cultural science and technology; the proper introduction of scientific farm-
ing and the improvement of management and operations; blaze a new trail of
overall development and attention to economic results; do a better job in
increasing agricultural yields and income; and make the countryside get rich
in a. gradual and healthy manner. All this we must do in the process of
continuously carrying out a series of economic policies in the countryside
introduced since the 3d Plennary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee
and in the process of steadily perfecting the production responsibility
system. Under the guidance of national plans, we must lead the masses of
peasants in an effort to develop production and tap the potential in their
own enterprises. We cannot always look to the higher levels and count on
the state to give the peasants more benefits at present by further raising
purchase prices. In this respect, we must have unified awareness. We must
make the countryside rich but this should be achieved in a healthy manner.
Can we get rich by allowing the peasants to act as they please and to take
expedient measures that are of benefit only to themselves? No. This would
only interfere with national plans and impair the overall interests of the
country, thus injuring the peasants' fundamental interests. Can we just
rely on the state to make the peasants rich? No. This is because the
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existing resources of the state are limited. Prices for agricultural pro-
ducts have in the past few years been raised greatly and much has been
done with regard to agricultural subsidies. Therefore, we must insist on
taking planned economy as the primary factor and regulation by market forces
as the secondary one, and integrate the interests of the state, the collec-
tive and the individual. Only in this way can we achieve the aim of getting
rich in a healthy manner.
Agricultural production for Hubei Province last year, generally speaking, was
satisfactory. It was a year that can be considered far better than the
average. Output of grain, cotton, edible oil and agricultural and sideline
products in the second and third categories, except for live pigs, rose
compared with the preceding year. The province's diversified economy
registered relatively fast growth. There was also relatively great progress
in developing communes' family sidelines. Peasants' income chalked up a
general increase. However, some time ago, the business of purchasing and
turning over agricultural and sideline products to the state was not done
well enough in some respects. 1) Everyone reported an increase in grain
output, and there was really a big increase in some cases. But when it came
to the purchase and marketing of grain, there was always a demand for pur-
chasing less and selling more on the market. 2) There were increases in
second and third category agricultural and sideline products, in regard to
both output and purchases. But the job of turning over products to the
state was not done well enough. There was a demand for turning over more
of what is unsalable to the state or keeping less of it, and a demand for
turning over less of what is salable to the state or keeping more of it.
3) Where there had been a drop in the number of live pigs, state purchases,
or sales to the state, showed a still poorer record. There were many causes
for this situation, both objective and subjective. There was the problem of
inadequate attention having been paid to work and a display of laxity and
weakness on the part of the leadership. There was also the problem of
certain people having a weak sense of planning and a weak concept of viewing
the situation as a whole and not acting according to state plans.
This situation appears to be a concrete problem concerning the matter of
purchasing and turning over agricultural and sideline products to the state.
Actually, it is a problem of guiding thought concerning our current rural
work. The core of it is how to properly treat the relations among the
state, the collective and the individual. In a speech at a conference marking
the centenary of the birth of Lu Xun, Comrade Hu Yaobang said: "In certain
departments and, primarily, in economic departments, some comrades lack a
concept of viewing the situation as a whole. Anything that does not serve
their partial interests or appeal to their own taste is shunned or not acted
upon. This is a wrong departmental act injurious to the overall interests
of the state." Comrade Hu Yaobang also pointed out: "Among the cadres of
certain industrial and mining enterprises and' certain rural communes and
brigades, the practice of acting against the concept of viewing the situation
as a whole and taking the interests of the state, the collective and the
individual into consideration--a concept hitherto advocated by the party
and the state--and the practice of flaunting the banner of acting in the
interests of the masses actually represents a backward idea among some workers
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and peasants. At the first opportunity, they make claims upon the state
and demand a high price. This is a wrong act injurious to state interests."
Comrade Hu Yaobang's speech tells us that we must thoroughly implement the
guideline of paying simultaneous attention to the interest of the state,
the collective and the individual. We must conduct relevant education among
the cadres and the masses. We cannot one-sidedly stress individual interests,
to the neglect of state and collective interests. Between September and
October last year, we began to take note of the problem of purchasing and
turning over agricultural and sideline products to the state, and directed
quite an effort to this matter. In November, we again emphasized discussing
the problem of simultaneous attention to the interests of all three sides
at meetings of secretaries of prefectual and municipal party committees,
and succeeded in raising awareness. After such meetings, the whole province
upheld this spirit. The situation quickly turned for the better, as far
as the matter of purchasing and turning over products to the state was
concerned. At the end of last year, purchase quotas for grain and oil seeds
were overfulfilled. The pace of purchasing cotton lived up to expectations.
The number of live pigs purchased and turned over to the state showed a big
increase compared to before November. Facts show that so long as we have
a clear idea of guiding thought, the masses of cadres and people in the
countryside will support us. Of course, we have now only raised the level
of thinking and awareness initially. In future, we must conduct education
in a penetrating and sustained manner, enabling such guiding thought to
permeate all the province's rural work.
In the past several years, our country chiefly relied upon three ways to re-
vive and develop our agriculture: 1) correcting "leftist" mistakes and
relaxing restrictions; 2) raising the prices of agricultural and subsidiary
products; 3) importing a given quantity of grain every year. These three
policies were aimed at arousing the peasants' enthusiasm, developing a
diversified economy, raising the commodity rate and enlivening the rural
economy. As far as the future is concerned, the first must be adhered to.
In no way can we relax attention to grain production and the energetic
development of a diversified economy. Various versions of the production
responsibility system and such practices as keeping private plots, promoting
family sidelines, holding country fairs, and so forth must not be changed.
The third policy of importing grain must also be continuously carried out
within given limits, so as to facilitate the readjustment of the structure
of agricultural production. As to the second policy, the prices for
agricultural and sideline products must be basically stabilized and cannot
be further raised. In the past few years, the state has spent much on
subsidies for raising the prices of agricultural and sideline products,
for selling prices, and on subsidies for the prices of imported grain, cotton,
sugar, and so forth. This is entirely necessary. But at present, the
state cannot afford to further raise purchase prices and subsidies. If we
just raise the prices of agricultural and sideline products without a great
development in industrial production, and if we thus fail to satisfy the
peasants' demand for industrial goods and cannot withdraw currency from
circulation in a normal manner, this will not help stabilize the prices of
industrial products. What benefits the peasants derive from the state will
also end up being lost. Therefore, given the existing resources of our state
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and the level of industrial production, a further big increase in the prices
for agricultural and sideline products is unrealistic. In improving the
living standard of the peasants in future, we must not chiefly rely on
raising the prices for agricultural and sideline products. Instead, we
must rely on policy and science in the overall development of agriculture,
forestry, animal husbandry, sidelines and fishing. We must thus energeti-
cally raise the commodity rate and improve economic results. In this respect,
guiding thought is very important. If the matter of guiding thought is not
properly taken care of, problems will arise in purchasing and turning over
agricultural and sideline products to the state. If what should be purchased
is not procured and what should be turned over to the state is not handed
over, this will directly affect industrial production and affect the-life of
urban residents, the worker-peasant alliance and even the economic construc-
tion of the state as a whole. Therefore, we must strengthen socialist and
patriotic education among rural cadres and commune members, so that they can
understand the great importance of paying simultaneous attention to tri-
partite [state-collective-individual] interests, consciously make greater
contributions to the state, strive to fulfill state plans and support cities,
industry, export promotion and socialist construction.
It should also be noted that if our guiding thought concerning rural work is
not correct, the development of agricultural production itself will suffer.
For example, regarding the cultivated area, we must stress the need of
guidance from state plans. On this basis, we must bear local features in
mind and make rational arrangements for the distribution of crops. As far
as the area sown to grain is concerned, the province had 83.17 million mu
in 1978:and 79.01 million mu last year, a drop of 4.16 million mu. Such a
readjustment, generally speaking, is rational. But it must also be noted
that the sown area must not be further reduced. Given not a big increase in
per mu output, an excessive reduction in the total area sown will affect
the total output of grain. Also, the area sown to cotton must also be kept
at a steady level. Another problem is'a serious situation of good land
being occupied to build rural housing. According to incomplete statistics,
the communes and brigades throughout the province have occupied a total of
1.65 million mu of land for building housing since 1970. For a commune in
a certain county, the area occupied for building housing averaged nearly
2 mu per household. This was 8 times the 0.25 mu for a general residential
unit. We must pay great attention to this problem. We must set great store
by every inch of land. We must strengthen education and inspection and
strictly act according to regulations laid down by the State Council and
the provincial people's government. We must change the situation of freely
occupying and using cultivated land. The situation of freely appropriating
vegetable fields in urban construction is also very common and must be
brought under strict control. Also, we must perfect the production
responsibility system. One of the important principles to be followed in
this.regard is that the responsibility system must embody and contribute
toward the proper handling of the relations among the state, the collective
and the individual. We must pay particular attention to guarding against
and resolutely overcoming the erroneous practice of distorting the produc-
tion responsibility system and destroying and occupying collective property.
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The problems mentioned above have a bearing on the correct handling of the
relations among the state, the collective and the individual. Since the
third plenary session, we have corrected "leftist" mistakes in the country-
side, turned chaos into order, introduced a policy of relaxing restrictions
and enlivened the economy. This guideline is entirely correct. In the
future, we must continue to firmly and unswervingly carry out our party's
various economic policies toward the countryside and further perfect various
versions of the production responsibility system. In certain fields, such
as the area of circulation, we must further study policies and measures
for better handling rural commerce. The problem at present is by no means
one of changing policy or retracing the old road toward rigid control.
Instead, the problem is to realistically carry out the guideline of taking
planned economy as the primary factor and regulation by market mechanism as
the secondary one and to flexibly use:the market as a regulation factor
within the limits of a planned economy. This is to say that what should be
controlled should be realistically controlled. What should be enlivened
should be persistently enlivened. We should never freely make changes.
At present, we must resolutely overcome anarchism, departmen.talism and the
erroneous viewpoint of one-sidedly stressing mass interests. Within the limits
of planned economy, we must enliven the economy in a more healthy manner. We
must correctly handle the relations among the state, the collective and the
individual, divert peasants' attention to the development of production and
the tapping of the potential in.given enterprises. We must direct energetic
efforts toward scientific farming and the improvement of management and
operations. The earlier this guiding thought is made clear and the more
conscious we are, the greater initiative we will have in our work. Otherwise,
our leadership over rural work will be marked by laxity and weakness, hampering
the healthy growth of the rural economy.
As far as the existing actual conditions of the countryside of Hubei Province
are concerned in light of this guiding thought, several important problems
must be put forth for discussion and study.
1. Planned cultivation. In guiding agricultural production,.we must respect
the autonomy of the production team, so that it can, with local features in
mind, properly arrange for the distribution of crops and act according to
objective laws. This is a prerequisite for the proper handling of agricul-
tural production. But we must also be guided by state plans. This principle
must not be given up. State plans are based on the actual conditions of the
country as a whole. We must integrate different conditions, as far as both
the whole and parts are concerned. Only in this way can we really get down
to earth. In arranging for grain production, we must take into consideration
the needs of the whole province and the whole country and must guarantee a
sown area of 80 million mu. As to cotton, we must likewise consider the needs
of the whole province and the whole country and guarantee a sown area of
8.5 million mu. We must make plans after discussions among cadres and the
masses and see to their firm implementation at every level. We must also
strengthen planned guidance concerning other economic crops and multiple
undertakings, especially certain principal items of production. This is to
avoid doing things blindly, submitting conflicting reports about production
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figures, effecting sudden big changes and thus causing great economic losses
to the state and peasants. Therefore, we must strive to do a proper job of
forecasting economic development. We must make forecasts item by item, con-
cerning the social demand for certain main products and the relevant pro-
duction capacity. This will provide a scientific basis for drawing up plans
and guiding production.
2. Purchase and sale of grain. In the future, we must continue to intensify
our efforts toward grain work and cannot relax our efforts. Concretely
speaking, we must keep the cultivated area at a steady level, as far as
production is concerned. We must pay primary attention to per mu production
and an increase in total output. In regard to distribution, we must adhere
to the policy of planned purchase and marketing by the state. We can in no
way show the least hesitation for that matter. Nor can we rely upon in-
creasing purchases obtained as a result of negotiations and reducing planned
purchases to solve the food problem. It should be clear that planned pur-
chase and marketing by the state is a fundamental policy in our distribution
of grain. Given a continuous development of production, we must properly
increase purchases and rationally control sales, fulfilling quotas for pro-
ducts turned over to the state and adding gradually to stocks in reserve year
after year. Thus, the aim of a balanced budget and a surplus can be achieved.
3. The purchase and transfer of second and third category agricultural and
sideline products to the state. According to the stipulations of the State
Council, the general principle should be that we insist on taking planned
economy as the main factor and regulation by market mechanism as the
secondary one; pay simultaneous attention to the interests of the state, the
collective and the individual and coordinate the autonomy of the production
team, the peasants' initiative and the requirements for the state's planned
economy; and correctly handle the relations between the state and the
peasants, between the central and local areas and between the producing
area and the area where sales are effected. This is to facilitate the
readjustment of the national economy, further develop production, and enliven
the economy. The leadership at all levels must exercise supervision and
make inspections. Those products that should be turned over to the state
must be turned over, with both quantity and quality requirements guaranteed
and with the fulfillment of the quota resolutely guaranteed.
4. The problem of live pigs. Pork in Hubei Province is in relatively short
supply. On the one hand, the increased income of urban and rural residents
h,js resulted in a great demand for pork. On the other, there was a drop in
the province's figures last year for live pigs raised, purchased and turned
over to the state. There were many causes for the drop in the number of live
pigs raised, purchased and turned over to the state. Two years ago, Hubei
Province experienced an unusually serious flood disaster which caused a sharp
drop in grain production. This was an important factor. But we cannot simply
blame everything on this one factor. With the introduction of the responsi-
bility system in the countryside, new measures for encouraging pig breeding
and the fulfillment of purchase quotas were not carried out in time. This
was also one important factor. Therefore, to basically solve the problem
of live pigs, we must stress doing our work well in the following two respects.
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a. We strive to guarantee the normal supply of pork to meet urban needs.
This is an important problem concerning the life of urban residents. We
must constantly conduct education among cadres and peasants, so that they
can strengthen the concept of the state and the concept of viewing the
situation as a whole and ensure the fulfillment of quotas for products
turned over to the state. The city, for its part, must also strengthen
control over the supply of pork and achieve the aim of making rational
arrangements for supply.
b. From now on, we must direct vigorous efforts toward pig breeding and
bring about a big increase in the number of live pigs raised this year.
Party committees and governments at all levels must strengthen leadership.
We must devote considerable efforts and several meetings a year to the study
of a solution to the problem of breeding, purchasing and turning over live
pigs to the state. We must realistically draw up plans for the breeding of
live pigs and adapt ourselves to such practices as basing remuneration on
output, with each laborer and each household held responsible--practices
followed since the introduction. of the production responsibility system.
We must see to it that purchase quotas are duly fulfilled by each household.
We must conduct education among rural cadres and commune members, so that
they can understand that the fulfillment of purchase quotas is a proper
contribution to the state.
We must continuously carry out the guideline of combining collective and
private pig breeding with the main emphasis on the latter. We must seriously
carry out the party's policy of encouraging private pig breeding among commune
members. We must encourage raising as many pigs as we can and refrain from
obstructing the pig-breeding effort or limiting the number raised. We must
pay particular attention to taking good care of those households that con-
centrate on pig breeding or specialize in the effort. The "responsibility
plot" fixed must be allowed to stay on a stable basis, so that the commune
members can stop worrying and display enthusiasm in raising pigs and collect-
ing and applying manure. Meanwhile, we must advocate the collective raising
of sows and the breeding of piglets by the production team, so that the
source of pigs can remain stable and the species can be improved upon. Every
effort must be made so that we can independently breed and raise pigs ourselves.
Collective pig breeding must also be guided by a contract or responsibility
system, with the team, the household or the individual held responsible.
We must firmly carry out the policy concerning fodder. In raising pigs, we
must use various kinds of fodder. But we cannot do without a fixed main kind
of fodder. We must understand the principle "the more pigs raised, the more
manure and the more grain." On the surface, it seems that raising pigs calls
for more grain. Actually, by raising pigs, more manure is made available.
This in turn leads to a greater output of grain. In solving the fodder prob-
lem, not only must the production team contribute a little collectively but
the state must contribute a little. Fodder is sold to pig-breeding house-
holds at special prices fixed by the state, so that the peasants can profit
by raising and selling pigs. Peasants must take care of the state's needs
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and interests. The state for its part, must also take care of the. peasants'
rational interests. The interests of all three sides must be really.. taken
care of. Only in this way can pig breeding be developed.
We must also improve management and operations in purchasing live pigs. The
commercial departments must energetically support the development of pig
breeding and give the masses every convenience in selling pigs. In the
season when fat pigs can be taken out of the pen for sale, we should never
repeat the previous practice of stopping collection and limiting the number
purchased. Meanwhile, we must strengthen control and take immediate action
to stop the sale of pork by unlicensed vendors in the market. Licensed
vendors can also only deal in the pork that the peasants keep for themselves.
5. The problem of vegetables. In the past few years, various cities in
Hubei Province have attached importance to vegetable production and have
achieved some results. A trend toward growth has marked the variety and output
of vegetables. The problem now is that things sometimes improve and sometimes
deteriorate. Market supplies are unbalanced. Prices of vegetables traded
at country fairs are often relatively high. The masses have much to complain
about. The supply of vegetables represents a major event in the life of urban
residents and concerns millions of households. Therefore, we must pay adequate
attention to this work. We must adhere to the guideline of calling for the
suburbs of a city to concentrate on vegetables in its agricultural production.
The area planted to vegetables must be put on a fixed basis. A protected
vegetable area must be defined and kept from being appropriated. Those fields
not belonging to the protected area must also be subjected to strict control
and properly treated, if they should be appropriated. All vegetable teams
must resolutely uphold the principle of "basing output on needs and producing
slightly more than is sold." Under the guidance of state plans, they must
introduce the economic contract system and strictly fulfill contracts,
giving awards for those performing well and imposing economic sanctions on
those violating a contract. They must do well in planned production (including
planned variety), planned marketing and planned pricing. No matter what
the version of the production responsibility system introduced, the vegetable
teams must help with planned production and planned marketing. They should
also improve the control and handling of vegetables, introduce the commercial
operation responsibility system, overcome the idea of eating out of a "big
pot," gradually improve operating conditions, cut losses and waste, reduce
costs and improve economic results.
6. The base taken for products purchased and turned over to the state.
How should we pay simultaneous attention to tripartite interests in pur-
chasing and turning over agricultural and sideline products to the state?
It seems that fixing a base and letting it stand for several years at a time
is a relatively satisfactory method. There has been a base for planned
state grain purchases. This has produced a good effect. Now some areas
report that the masses hope that a base should also be fixed for purchases
exceeding given quotas--a base that should not be discussed yearly. This
approach is worth consideration. Not only grain but also agricultural and
sideline products--products where conditions permit--can also be provided
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with a fixed base for planned state purchases or allotted purchases. This
base must be firmly upheld not only at the production team level but at the
household level. Only in this way can we adapt ourselves to new conditions
arising after the introduction of the responsibility system with output link-
ed to labor and to each household. There is also the problem of turning
over products to the state. Where conditions permit, we should also adopt
the method of fixing a base. Concerning what exceeds a given quota for
second category agricultural and sideline products turned over to the
state--products that sell well--we may adopt the method of fixing proper
proportions for distribution. Of course, when it comes to a fixed base
in concrete practice, there are many complicated problems calling for serious
study and rational solution.
We must acquire a clearer idea of guiding thought concerning current rural
work. We must set straight the relations among the state, the collective
and the individual. We must first of all properly solve ideological problems
within the party and rectify the party's work style. Our party represents
the interests of the people. It must not only show concern for the immediate
and partial interests of the people but also take care of their long-term
and fundamental interests. It must unify interests in these two respects.
However, at present, some cadres do not understand that only on the basis
of developing production can we gradually improve the living standard of the
people. Instead, they fix their eyes on the state thinking that only with
money from the state can something be done for the people. Some turn to the
state for help under the signboard of showing concern for the interests of
the people. Some act against the interests of the state and the collective
and one-sidedly stress individual interests. Some even abuse their authority
to serve private ends. Other similar cases may be cited. The party
organizations in some areas have failed to persistently conduct socialist
and patriotic education. They have lacked the courage to criticize erroneous
ideas and to fight unhealthy, practices. This has reflected laxity and
weakness on the part of the leadership. Therefore, the party organizations
at all levels of the province must seriously study the spirit of "Comrade
Deng Xiaoping's speech on rectifying the party work style," Comrade Chen Yun's
"Tell the Truth, Do Not Save Face," and the central forum on problems on
the ideological front. They must put rectifying the party's work style
and strengthening ideological leadership high on the party committee's
agenda. So long as those within the party have a clearer idea of the guid-
ing thought concerning current rural work and rectify the party's work
style, we can surely lead the masses of cadres and people of the countryside
of the whole province in scoring still greater achievements in socialist
construction and making proper contributions toward rejuvenating China.
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THE PROGRESSIVE FORCES ARE BOUND TO TRIUMPH OVER THE DECADENT FORCES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 11-12
[Ideological commentary by Shi Jian [0670 6015]]
[Text] Over 5 years ago, our party carried out the people's will by smash-
ing the counterrevolutionary clique of the "gang of four," which had com-
mitted countless crimes and deserved to be brought to judgment. This was
a great victory of historic significance for the progressive forces over
the decadent forces in China's socialist period. Since the downfall of
the "gang of four," especially since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th
CCP Central Committee, our party has led the people in bringing order
out of chaos on various fronts. Thus our country has become stable, the
people are united, production has developed and an excellent situation, the
likes of which have not been seen since the 1960's, has emerged. The broad
masses of people and some people of insight abroad unanimously have praised
this excellent situation. However, there are still a small number of
people in our ranks who are perplexed ideologically and who are beset with
worries that the "gang of four" will "rise again" and "stage a comeback."
This reflects their lack of confidence in the ability of our party to lead
the people in the drive to accomplish the four modernizations as well as
their insufficient understanding of the law of historical development.
According to the viewpoint of a historical materialist, human history in-
variably develops in a way in which the progressive forces are bound to
triumph over the decadent forces and the newly emerging classes are bound
to replace the declining classes. This is an objective law independent of
man's will. Engels said: "In the course of development, all that was pre-
viously real becomes unreal, loses its necessity, its right of existence,
its rationality. And in the place of moribund reality comes a new, viable
reality." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," vol 4, p 212) Has not
all human history developed in this way? The slave-owning class and the
landlord class were a reality in history, but what happened to them? With
the development of history, the newly emerging landlord class triumphed
over the decadent slave-owning class and the newly emerging bourgeoisie
triumphed over the decadent landlord class. The capitalist system is
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likewise a "reality," but it will eventually become "unreal" and the
socialist system will eventually replace the capitalist system. This change
has become an important modern historical process. From the end of the
1920's to the 1940's, Chiang Kai-shek ruled over the country. He command-
ed massive forces and, with a butcher's knife in one hand and a murderous
look on his face, itched to wipe out all of the revolutionary and progres-
sive forces overnight. However, after 22 years of bloody battles, our
party led the Chinese people in eventually defeating the most reactionary
and decadent force in China's modern history. That the revolutionary and
pro gress.ive forces should succeed in vanquishing the decadent forces is,
fundamentally speaking, due to the fact that the former conforms to the
historical trend of the times and reflects the interests and demands of
the people while the latter goes against the trend of the times and
violates the interests and will of the people.
Naturally, the developments of history do not follow a straight line but
have their twists and turns. In the course of historical development, as
a result of the decadent forces being temporarily stronger than the
progressive forces or the leaders of the progressive forces committing
serious mistakes of line, it often occurs that the progressive forces
suffer setbacks or even defeats. With respect to the emergence of this
tragedy in history, we must be good at seeing through appearances to get at
the essence and not be misled by false impressions. The defeat of the
progressive forces and the decadent forces holding; the upper hand can only
be temporary phenomena which will. never last long. "A bad experience is
the best teacher." So long as the progressive forces conscientiously sum
up and draw experiences and lessons and rally their forces, it is not only
possible but also unavoidable for. them to "rise again" and "stage a comeback."
Here we call to mind an interesting argument in ancient China. Over 2 cen-
turies B.C., Xiang Yu who was known as the "conquerer of Western Chu" was
defeated by Liu Bang who was born to a petty official family. Xiang Yu
did not have the face to meet the elders and brethren east of the Chang
Jiangandso committed suicide by cutting his throat.:by the Wu Jiang. A
lot of comrades know of this historical event. Over 1,000 years later, a
poet of the Tang Dynasty, Du Mu, and a politician of the Song Dynasty,
Wang Anshi, held two diametrically different views on this historical event.
Du Mu wrote a poem entitled "An Inscription on the Wu Jiang Pavillion,"
expressing his sorrow for Xiang Yu who committed suicide at the Wu Jiang
pavillion. The poem read: "For a military commander, winning or losing a
battle is a common occurrence that is often unexpected; it is in the nature
of a man to bear shame and humiliation. There were a lot of talented persons
among the elders and brethren east of the Chang Jiang; who knows? One
could stage a comeback some day." According to Du Mu, Xiang Yu should not
have committed suicide. There were a lot of talented persons east of the
Chang Jiang. If he had not committed suicide, he could have returned to
the east of the Chang Jiang and recruited a large number of qualified per-
sons. There was still a possibility of "staging a comeback." However,
Wang Anshi did not agree with Du Mu's view. He also wrote a poem entitled
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"The Wu Jiang Pavillion" in which he said: "After repeated battles both
commanders and fighters were sad and exhausted; the defeat in the central
plain made it difficult to turn the tide. Although the brethren were
still east of the Chang Jiang, were they willing to stage a comeback with
the ruler?" Wang Anshi was worthy of the name "China's reformist of the
11th century" as acclaimed by Lenin, for he noticed that Xiang Yu's defeat
was a trend of the times that was irreversible. Although there were still
a large number of talented persons to the east of the Chang Jiang, they
would not be willing to reverse the inexorable trend of historical develop-
ment. Xiang Yu was the representative of a major anti-Qin force after the
failure of the great peasant uprising led by Chen Sheng and Wu Guang at
the end of the Qin Dynasty. He had won numerous battles but he failed
because he lavishly granted titles to the nobles and attempted to again
enslave the peasants under the feudal lords. Although Liu Bang had suffer-
ed numerous defeats, he achieved the final victory because he represented
the interests of the newly emerging landlord class and adopted some
policies that met some of the peasant's demands. The reason for the
differences in their fates lie in the fact that one was the representative
of the progressive forces and the other was the supporter of the decadent
forces. Wang Anshi and Du Mu reached different conclusions because they
had different appraisals of the situation at that time. One understood
clearly the "inexorable" trend of historical development while the other
completely failed to notice it. Naturally, there were also instances where
the decadent forces "rose again" and "staged a comeback," but that was
due to the force in power at that stage being more decadent than the one
that had been defeated earlier. Thus we can see that a correct analysis
of the situation in a given historical period is a fundamental basis for a
correct understanding of the possibility of the decadent forces "staging
a comeback."
Will the counterrevolutionary clique of the "gang of four" that has been
smashed by the party and the people return to power? In the last few years
many people showed great solicitude about this question. However, our party
Central Committee is always very sober and has constantly kept great vigi-
lance. In order to prevent the "gang of four" from staging a comeback,
our party has led the people to adopt a series of resolute measures.
Politically, we have thoroughly exposed the "gang of four" in its true
antiparty and antipeople counterrevolutionary colors and have carried out
just historical trials of their countless crimes. Ideologically, we have
thoroughly criticized and eliminated the "gang of four's" reactionary
fallacies and are continuously eliminating their pernicious influence in
various fields. Organizationally, we have thoroughly destroyed the "gang
of four's" factionalist setup and have stipulated that anyone who began
his career by following the "gang of four" in rebellion and anyone who
entertains serious factionalism or who has participated in beating, smash-
ing and looting must not be admitted into the leading groups at various
levels. If already admitted, he must be resolutely dismissed from the
leading groups. As for those who have committed mistakes by following the
"gang of four," we have handled their cases in different ways in accordance
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with the specific natures of their cases and in accordance with the party's
policies. By so doing, we have educated and reformed them rather than
beating them to death with a big stick. Thus, we have united the majority
of them and isolated a few obstinate elements. Now we can safely say that
we have already thoroughly destroyed the foundation on which the "gang of
four" depended for its existence. Through exposing and criticizing the
"gang of four" and handling their cases, we have vigorously educated the
broad ranks of cadres and the broad masses of people and made them
understand that in our society those who entertain ambition and use schemes
and intrigues to achieve this ambition will certainly come to no good end.
Now the key lies in whether we who are in power will live up to the expec-
tations of the people. It will be dangerous, if we who are in power prove
to be more rotten than the rotten force we have overthrown or if we commit
irreversible mistakes. If we do not do so, it is only a dream that any
rotten and degenerate force could try to stage a comeback and restore their
rule. How can the "gang of four" be an exception! Therefore, we should
educate the broad ranks of our full-time cadres in this historical material-
ist viewpoint, pay close attention to maintaining our political conformity
with the party Central Committee, ensure that we do not commit serious
mistakes concerning the political line, strive to prevent and overcome
various corrupt practices and maintain our loyalty to the party and the
people. By rectifying the party style, we mean essentially that all the
cadres in power should have good party style. We should do this educational
work well. Once the party style is really rectified, who will follow the
"gang of four," even if the ghost of the "gang of four" is still wandering
here and there? We must see that the leading group of our party Central
Committee is strong and powerful and enjoys the confidence of the masses
of people and that our party's line is correct and is supported by the
masses of people. This constitutes a reliable guarantee against the come-
back of any corrupt force. There certainly are some people in the party
who do not live up to the expectations of the people, but their number is
small. So long as we, the cadres who are in power at various levels now,
maintain conformity with the party Central Committee and steadfastly combat
various unhealthy trends so as to bring about a radical change in the
party style, our party and state will have a great future and the pros-
pects for socialism will be infinitely beautiful. "History will never
retrogress." We should forever remember these well-known words of Mr Lu Xun.
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ENHANCE THEORETICAL CULTIVATION, RAISE THE IDEOLOGICAL LEVEL--STUDY
VOLUME 1 OF THE 'SELECTED WORKS OF LIU SHAOQI'
[Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 13-15
[Article by Wu Liping [0902 7812 1627]]
[Text] The recent publication of the first volume of the "Selected Works
of Liu Shaoqi" by the Editorial Committee on Party Literature is a major
event in the political life of our country. As an excellent textbook for
the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, it provides favorable
conditions for further study of Marxist theory and for the raising of the
ideological level. Reading the first volume of the "Selected Works of
Liu Shaoqi" as an old student of Comrade Liu Shaoqi's, I was deeply
touched.
Comrade Liu Shaoqi was one of the outstanding important leaders of our
party and country. He dedicated all of his life's energy to the Chinese
people's revolutionary cause. During his lifetime he fought resolutely
to combine the universal theories of Marxism with China's revolutionary
practice. He was both a practitioner of revolution as well as a theorist
of revolution. His major achievements in the unification of theory and
practice made a great contribution to the formation and development of
Mao Zedong Thought. Works such as "How To Be.a Good Communist," "Response
to Comrade Song Liang," "Liquidate the Menschevist Ideology Within the
Party" and "Speech to First Year Students of the Marxist-Leninist Institute"
all devote considerable space to the discussion of how cadres, particularly
leading cadres, should enhance their theoretical cultivation. The study
of these works in the light of practice in the four modernizations is
undoubtedly of great practical significance.
Comrade Liu Shaoqi believed Marxist theory to be a weapon that could be
used to investigate and resolve all questions. A leader who fails to
enhance theoretical cultivation will be unable to correctly recognize and
resolve problems encountered in the course of revolutionary struggle and
there arises the danger of confused bearings and deviation from the
proletarian revolutionary stand. This is to say that the existence or
absence of Marxist theoretical cultivation is an important question that
relates to the success or failure of revolution. In March 1943,
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Comrade Shaoqi and I went to southern Jiangxi to organize an upsurge of
production in the tungsten mines. After arriving at the mines, Comrade
Shaoqi used ordinary language to explain Marxist theory to the workers
and used correct ideology to guide the workers' actions. Production at
the tungsten mines was quickly raised, which helped to support the revolu-
tionary cause. Comrade Shaoqi often said: Only when the party is led
by an advanced ideology will it be able to fulfill its role as an advanced
fighter. Since revolutionary action is guided by revolutionary theory,
if the theory is correct the action will be correct and the revolution
will succeed. Otherwise, the revolution will be doomed to failure. How-
ever, there are a few comrades who do not entirely understand Comrade
Shaoqi's viewpoint. Some comrades believe that as long as the fighting
is courageous and the work enthusiastic there is really no need to study
revolutionary theory. To counter this viewpoint Comrade Shaoqi would
always carry out earnest and patient education. After affirming that
revolutionary tenacity and fighting courage are valuable qualities that
every Communist Party member should have, he would also point out that
only when the question of how effective revolution is to be made and how
correct struggle is to [be] carried out have been correctly resolved through
the study of theory is it then possible to achieve revolutionary victory.
During the initial period following the foundation of our party, there
developed in the party an atmosphere of opposition to theoretical research
generated by an excessive emphasis on the experiences of actual combat. It
was also as if there were no need for theoretical study and as long as there
existed some experience of actual combat the revolution could be guided
toward victory. The existence of this erroneous thinking seriously in-
fluenced efforts to raise the ideological level within the party.
Comrade Shaoqi often used the lesson learnt from this period of party his-
tory to arouse cadres' enthusiasm for theoretical cultivation. He said:
Our party has one major weakness, which is that ideological preparation and
theoretical cultivation are insufficient. The repeated defeats suffered
by our party in the past have all been due to failures in guidance. Mis-
takes in the guidance of the revolutionary cause have caused us to suffer
grievous losses and have led to partial and sometimes unnecessarily serious
damage to the revolutionary cause. It is because of this that from the
Yan'an period onward Comrade Shaoqi repeatedly raised the question of
enhancing the theoretical cultivation of cadres. It was to enhance the
theoretical cultivation of cadres that on the eve of the founding of the
People's Republic the party Central Committee established a high-level party
school. that was named after the Marxist-Leninist Institute in Yan'an and
had Comrade Shaoqi as its president. From the speech given by Comrade Shaoqi
at the beginning of the school term to the first class of students, we
can see the importance he attached to the raising of the cadres' theoretical
cultivation. In the speech Comrade Shaogi related his own personal experiences,
giving a moving and profound explanation of the importance of theoretical
cultivation. He said: During the course of the revolution there have been
many regrettable moments; what we must do now, however, is not regret past
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events but prepare and study for the future. The Chinese revolution has"
now succeeded and it simply will not do not to study. Before in the
mountains things were still simple; now that we have come down from the
mountains and entered the city the questions are far more complex. If
we want to run the whole of China, things will be even more difficult.
Now that the revolution has succeeded it is especially important that we
do more reading of the works of Marx and Lenin and the works of
Chairman Mao, and further familiarize ourselves with revolutionary theory;
otherwise, it will be impossible to do our work well and we may even make
mistakes.
If one studies the teachings of Comrade Shaoqi in the light of the practice
of the 32 years that have passed since the founding of the People's
Republic, one cannot help but feel admiration. It cannot be denied that
during the period before and just after the founding of the People's
Republic our cadres made considerable theoretical preparation and were
exceptionally successful in their work to manage the whole of China. In
general, however, our cultivation of the theory of socialist reconstruction--
including the cultivation of knowledge in the fields of politics, economics
and culture--has been less than complete. This is an important reason for
us having taken several wrong turns over the past 30 or so years. Happily,
since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee our party
has revived the fine tradition of emphasizing the study of theory, cleared
up the influence of leftist errors on our party's guiding ideology, and
pointed out a correct road for socialist reconstruction that suits the
conditions in our country. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of. Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC," adopted by the sixth
plenary session, gives a scientific summary of our party's merits and
demerits, gains and losses since the founding of the People's Republic.
The recently held 4th Session of the 5th NPC also adopted Comrade Zhao Ziyang's
government work report and put forth the ten principles for future economic
construction. This shows the great concern our party has for Marxist
theoretical cultivation and expresses the relatively mature knowledge the
party has of our country's socialist construction.
At the same time as emphasizing the need to enhance cadres' theoretical
cultivation, Comrade Shaoqi also stressed that theory must be both connected
with reality and united with practice. He said: "Marxist theory is a theory
that was formed in revolutionary practice and also a theory that serves
revolutionary practice. As long as revolutionary practice is closely inte-
grated with our study, use and mastery of theory it will be possible both
to understand the internal connections of things around us and to determine
the correct line of action. Comrade Shaoqi offered incisive criticism of
certain representatives of dogmatism, pointing out that they have acquired
only a superficial knowledge of certain Marxist phrases and had completely
failed to study the essence of the spirit of Marxism. While they may have
read Marxist works, they are neither able to use the theories and conclusions
of these Marxist texts as a guide for action nor to employ them in their
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real and concrete work. They derive satisfaction from being able to recite
selected theories and conclusions and pose as "real" Marxists. In actual
fact, however, they are not real Marxists at all as their methods of action
have nothing in common with those of Marxism.
For Comrade Shaoqi successfully study and investigation were the most im-
portant aspects of the unity of theory and practice. He believed that only
by carrying out down-to-earth study and investigation, by attentively
listening to the suggestions and criticism of the masses, by carefully
examining actual problems in life and work and by carefully summarizing
lessons drawn from practice is'it possible to discover whether one's
understanding and use of Marxism are correct or to discover and correct
one's own failings and mistakes. Only in this way can one's work be improved.
Comrade Shaoqi solemnly criticized the inability of dogmatists to use Marxist
theory in accordance with the changes in objective conditions; and pointed
out that their decisions on policy and direction derived not from an examina-
tion of the surrounding situation but from identical or similar events found
in books or history. In practice they are idealists. Comrade Shaoqi's
criticism of dogmatism still has instructive significance for us today.
As Comrade Qiaomu has pointed out, failing both to acknowledge the historical
necessity and victorious practice of China's revolutionary development and
to accept a series of discussions by Lenin before and after Russia's October
Revolution and the new development of international socialism in the 20th
century, some people have over the past few years made dogmatic statements
that socialism must be built on a foundation of highly developed socialized
production and must eliminate the production of commodity products. On the
basis of this, they conclude that China's economy is backward and that it
is neither possible nor desirable to establish socialism. Surely people,
who propagate such mistaken views might have something to learn from
Comrade Shaoqi's criticism.
Comrade Shaoqi believed that it was not at all easy to successfully integrate
theory and practice as it required an end to all lazy thinking. He said:
If one is to understand a complex question or a truth, it is essential that
one be both rigorous and independent in spirit and work. Whenever
Comrade Shaoqi judged whether a leading cadre was qualified or not he would
always use the ability to make independent decisions as an important criterion.
lie often said that if one wants to be a good cadre qualified for leading
work, one must be able to make independent decisions. Anyone who is unwilling
to take on hard work alone will be unable to do a good job of anything. For
this reason, in addition.to firmly upholding the guiding principles of
Marxism and resolutely implementing the line, principles and policy of the
Central Committee, it is necessary to go deep among the masses, to do pains-
taking investigative work, and to do one's utmost to closely integrate
Marxist theory and the principles of the Central Committee with the actual
conditions of each area and each unit. This unity of Marxist theory and
practice is an ideological approach and method of work that was consistently
and steadfastly upheld by Comrade Shaoqi. During the early period of the
war of resistance against Japan, Comrade Shaoqi first made a rapid break-
through in the north China region, mobilizing the broad masses of the
people against the Japanese. This was achieved through an examination and
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understanding of favorable opportunities. Afterward he went to central
China, where he formulated a correct political and military policy on the
basis of the correct principles of the Central Committee and the actual
conditions in the area, and managed to rapidly establish firm democratic
bases of resistance against the Japanese in Jiangsu, Zhejiang, Anhui,
Henan and Hubei provinces. All this was the result of Comrade Shaoqi's
efforts to firmly uphold the unity of Marxist theory and practice and
his full use of the spirit of individual creativity.
Comrade Shaoqi also placed a great deal of emphasis on the question of
combining theoretical cultivation with ideological cultivation. He believed
that a truly qualified leading cadre must have both theoretical and ideo-
logical cultivation and should be able to combine transformation of the
objective world with the transformation of the subjective world. He said
that we must change ourselves and develop our proletarian ideology not
only through revolutionary practice, but also through the study of Marxist
theory. Soon after the beginning of the war of resistance against Japan,
our party grew in strength and these party members were undoubtedly the
outstanding daughters and sons of the Chinese people and were the advanced
element of the proletariat. However, in old China there existed an
exploiting class as well as a vast class of small capitalists and, owing
to the differences in background and motives of those entering the party,
all kinds of nonproletarian thinking unavoidably entered the party. For
example, some cadres are always seeking the limelight or hoping to be
individual heroes, others are individualistic or selfish in their thinking
and there is even a minority who share the ideology of the exploiting class.
In this way various ideological differences have emerged within the party and
unhealthy trends and evil practices have begun to spread, causing controversy
and dissension to arise within the party. How party members, particularly
party cadres, should overcome all types of nonproletarian thinking is now an
important problem that must be solved. Comrade Shaoqi did considerable work
on this question of overcoming nonproletarian ideology within the party.
Comrade Shaoqi said: When studying Marxist theory one must correctly combine
this study with ideological cultivation and should use Marxist-Leninist
thinking to resist and overcome all forms of nonproletarian thinking.
Comrade Shaoqi often said that only when one has a correct viewpoint is it
possible to study and use Marxist theory. The correct viewpoint is the
proletarian viewpoint. Without a clear and firm proletarian viewpoint and
without a correct and pure proletarian ideology it is impossible for a
Communist Party member either to thoroughly understand and truly master the
methods and theory of Marxism or to use them as weapons in revolutionary
struggle. That is to say, for one to have relatively good cultivation of
Marxist theory a steadfast proletarian viewpoint is absolutely essential.
Or put in another way, if a Communist Party member neither diligently
studies the theory and methods of Marxism nor uses Marxism to guide his
own thinking and action it will be impossible for him to either resolutely
uphold the proletarian viewpoint in all revolutionary struggle or to ever
embody proletarian ideology. Only through a serious understanding of
Marxist theory is it possible to consciously consolidate, strengthen and
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develop this kind of proletarian viewpoint. We should approach all types
of thinking and suggestions within the party by first clarifying which is
correct and favorable to the party and revolution and which is incorrect
and damages the party and revolution. In this way we can decide what to
praise and what to oppose, how to raise and develop proletarian righteous-
ness and how to resist all unhealthy trends; we will learn not to fear
necessary struggles within the party and not to tolerate the development
of any form of mistaken thinking or unhealthy tendency but will struggle
resolutely against them; we will be able to combine a clear unwillingness
to compromise on matters of principle with flexible methods of struggle
and the spirit of patient persuasion, and in the course of long-term
struggle we shall be able to educate, criticize, train and transform those
comrades who have committed errors but are not completely incorrigible.
Comrade Shaoqi's discussions on the need to overcome all forms of non-
proletarian ideology through the enhancement of leading cadres' theoretical
cultivation not only played a positive role in the establishment of our
party but also have important practical significance today.
While 10-odd years have passed, the important question still lies in the
study of Marxist theory. In the past Comrade Shaoqi urged us to study
Marxist theory in order to "run the whole country"; today in this new
historical period the four modernizations and the "renovation of China"
also demand that we act according to Comrade Shaoqi's demands and study
Marxism. Only by continuing to raise the level of cultivation of Marxist
theory will we be able to guarantee that all our future work is successful,
that we do not repeat past mistakes and that the cause of our country's
socialist construction moves forward steadily and effectively.
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IT IS NECESSARY TO PAY GREAT ATTENTION TO THE STUDY OF MARXIST THEORY--AFTER
READING LIU SHAOQI'S 'REPLY TO COMRADE SONG LIANG'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 16-18
[Article by Yu Haocheng [0060 3185 2052]]
[Text] In his article "Reply to Comrade Song Liang" written 40 years ago,
Comrade Shaoqi stated that our party was not well prepared in theoretical
work. He held that in addition to the general practice of opposing theo-
retical study which existed inside the party in its early stage and which
had prevented our party's theoretical level from improving, there were
three other factors which had given rise to this problem: 1) The period
since the introduction of Marxist works itito China was not long, whereas
Marxism had already been disseminated in Europe for nearly a century;
2) The moment after it was founded, the Chinese party was drawn into a great
and practical revolutionary struggle, not having enough time for doing
theoretical study and for summing up its experience in carrying out struggle;
3) Not much about China was mentioned in the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin
or Stalin. Therefore, it was especially difficult to use the principles of
Marxism to explain and guide the historical practice of Chinese society.
Comrade Shaoqi held that for these reasons, and especially because our
party had not made sufficient efforts to this end, it had not been able to
overcome its weakness of lack of theory even though our party had had rich
experience in practical struggle.
"Reply to Comrade Song Liang" was written in 1941. This was followed by
the rectification campaign throughout the whole party. Party members and
cadres were educated in Marxism-Leninism, and revolutionary experiences
and lessons were summed up in the light of the party's history. Making
investigations and studies, seeking truth from facts and integrating theory
with practice became our party's work style. Consequently, a foundation
for winning the victory of the new democratic revolution was laid. However,
viewed from the situation of all the cadres of our party, we could not say
that we had basically done away with the weakness of la&k of theory.
After the founding of the People's Republic of China, our party, guided by
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, led the people of the whole country in
the socialist revolution and socialist construction and made tremendous
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achievements. However, as stated in the "Resolution on Certain Questions in
the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC," "new China has
not been in existence for very long, and our successes are still preliminary.
Our party has made mistakes, owing to its meager experience in leading the
cause of socialism and subjective errors in the party leadership's analysis
of the situation and its understanding of Chinese conditions. Before the
'Cultural Revolution' there were mistakes of enlarging the scope of class
struggle and of impetuosity and rashness in economic construction. Later,
there was the comprehensive, long-drawn-out and grave blunder of the
'Cultural Revolution.' All these errors prevented us from scoring the
greater achievements of which we should have been capable."
Since the smashing of the "gang of four," especially since the party's,
third plenary session, things have indeed taken on a new aspect in theoreti-
cal work. Marx said, "How well theory is realized in a country depends on
how well theory meets the needs of this country." ("Collected Works of
Marx and Engels," vol 1, p 10) The reason theoretical work has made such
headway is entirely because it has been suited to the needs of the revolu-
tionary struggle and practical work.
At present, our party has been gradually establishing a correct road to build
the socialist modernizations that is suited to our country's conditions. The
10 basic points of this road have been expounded in the "Resolution on
Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC."
These 10 points are basically a summary of the positive and negative exper-
iences gained since the founding of our country, particularly of the lessons
drawn from the "Great Cultural Revolution." Under the present circumstances,
does the situation of our lacking theoretical preparation and cultivation
as mentioned in Comrade Liu Shaoqi's article "Reply to Comrade Song Liang"
no longer exist? If all the cadres are taken into consideration, we should
not be too optimistic in our estimation. We should understand that when we
say that our party has already fulfilled the task of bringing order out of
chaos during the period from the third plenary session to the sixth plenary
session, we are talking about the party's guiding ideology. Viewed from
the whole party's practical work in different fields, we have to continue
to fulfill the task of bringing order out of chaos. Therefore, we cannot
say that Comrade Liu Shaoqi's opinion is outdated. When we reread "Reply
to Comrade Song Liang" today, we still find that it touches our hearts.
First, theoretical work still falls far behind the needs of practical work.
We have not yet gone deep into many aspects of the great practice of realiz-
ing the four modernizations in our country and of the new situations and new
problems we encounter in this practice, nor have we worked out solutions that
are of great significance in giving guidance. We have not carried out
thorough study of many important. theoretical questions. We have not even
done enough work in making comprehensive investigations and surveys and in
systematically accumulating materials.
Second, the tendency to look down on theoretical study and research still
exists to varying degrees among some comrades in some places. As pointed
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out by Comrade Liu Shaoqi in his article "Reply to Comrade Song Liang,"
these comrades seem to think that they can be content and lead the revolu-
tion to victory so long as they have experience in practical struggle and
that they do not need profound theoretical study. They seem to think that
the Marxist theory can be mastered without being seriously and thoroughly
studied over a long period of time. Some comrades think that theoretical
study, especially theoretical study of social sciences, is not of much
use and that it is not essential. The phenomenon of "attaching importance
to science and engineering and looking down upon literature and history"
in the society may be related to this. Some people seem to think that the
four modernizations need only natural sciences and not social sciences. It
seems that it will be enough just to carry out economic readjustment and
to develop production, whereas political reforms and promoting democracy
are of no consequence. It seems that it is enough just to build a material
civilization and the building of a spiritual civilization is an unnecessary
move. This kind of understanding is apparently one-sided and erroneous.
Third, discussion and debate of theoretical problems have not been suffi-
ciently carried out. There is a kind of habit formed over many years. It
seems that only a certain leader is responsible for developing revolutionary
theory. Whenever we come across a problem, we can only try to find a ready
solution to it in classical works. We need not use our brains at all. Even
if we have some ideas, we dare not put them forth. This study style of
"daring only to repeat the words of saints" has caused theoretical work to
stagnate or even shrink. Marx once said, "Truth is established through
debate." ("Complete Works of Marx and Engels," vol 28, p 286) Comrade Mao Zedong
also said, "Only by comparing can one distinguish. Only by making distinctions
and waging struggle can there be development." Without controversies with
different views, truth cannot be found, nor can it be developed. In his
speech given at a meeting to discuss ideological guidelines for theoretical
work, Comrade Deng Xiaoping said, "We must resolutely implement the policy
of 'letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought
contend' in studying and discussing ideological and theoretical problems.
We must resolutely implement the policy of not seizing on mistakes, not
sticking political labels on others and not using the big stick. We must
resolutely implement the policy of emancipating the mind, doing away with
superstitions and proceeding from reality in everything. All these aspects
were decided at the third plenary session. I have now restated them, and
no wavering is permitted." Truly implementing the above policies is the
key to the prosperity and development of science and theory.
In our country, upholding the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
is incontestable. But is it permissible to probe into and discuss Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought? The answer should be positive. The reason is
that if we want to uphold Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, we must
answer the question what is Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. People's
understanding of this question varies. Therefore, much discussion is needed.
Not only discussion but also criticism is permitted. Comrade Mao Zedong
said, "Since Marxism is accepted as the guiding ideology by the majority of
the people in our country, can it be criticized? Certainly it can. Marxism
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is scientific truth and fears no criticism. If it did, and if it could be
overthrown by criticism, it would be worthless." "Marxists should not be
afraid of criticism from any quarter. Quite the contrary, they need to
temper and develop themselves in the teeth of criticism and in the storm
and stress of struggle." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," vol 5, p 391)
The main problem on the theoretical front today is that the discussion
of theoretical problems has not been correctly carried out. Some comrades
regard themselves as infallible and will not listen to any criticism. The
moment some comrades hear views which differ from theirs, they usually
silence them in an oversimplified and crude way and will not solve a problem
by means of discussion on the basis of equality. This attitude runs counter
to Marxism and is harmful to defending and developing Marxism.
In order to ensure that theoretical work can be carried out more normally
and healthily and without interference, we must pay attention to differentiat-
ing theoretical study from theoretical propaganda. Newspapers and radio
stations should, under the leadership of the party, unfold lively and
feasible discussions on correctly understanding and implementing various
policies and principles of the party. This is conducive to carrying out
thorough propaganda and education among the cadres and the masses. But
this kind of discussion should not become an open debate of
the
right and
wrong of the party's basic policies and principles, in order
to
avoid
causing confusion among the masses. Similarly, for the sake
of
listening
to opinions from all quarters, questions involving policies
and
principles
or some important political questions that have not yet been decided on by
the Central Committee may also be openly discussed in newspapers if the
Central Committee has agreed to do so. But we must be ready to make con-
clusions within a certain period of time during this kind of discussion so
that the cadres and the masses will not be at a loss as to what to do or
to act as they think correct. Otherwise, it is not advisable to have such
discussion. Even greater prudence is needed in publicizing policies and
important measures which are still in an experimental stage. We must
objectively and comprehensively reflect the situation and should draw
hasty conclusions.
The "Resolution of Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the
Founding of the PRC" has pointed out, "It is imperative for the whole party
to engage in a more diligent study of Marxist theories, of the past and
present in China and abroad, and of the different branches of the natural
and social sciences." Let us seriously study the works of Marx, Engels,
Lenin and Stalin and the works of Comrades Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai and
Liu Shaoqi, strive to go deep into theoretical problems that emerge one
after another in reality and make new contributions in making use of and
developing Marxist theory, studying new situations and solving new problems.
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SOCIALIST HUMAN RESOURCES SYSTEM ENGINEERING
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 19-22
[Special commentary by Qian Xuesan [6929 1331 2773]]
[Text] In our socialist country, the people are the masters. The state
is responsible for the people and has the duty to cherish the entire people,
organize the people, bring the enthusiasm of the people into the fullest
play, give scope to the intelligence and wisdom of the people, and build
socialism in the interests of the people. What we mean by the people is
the workers, peasants, intellectuals and other patriotic people. Thus the
concept of talented people has been expanded. What we mean by talented
people refers to the talents and capabilities of the people in all trades
and professions among the people rather than the so-called geniuses. Such
a question of talent did not exist in any society in the past and only
under socialism can it be put to the fore. So it is a brand-new question.
On this important and wide-ranging question, what I am going to touch on is
naturally limited and premature. However, I would like to air my view so
that everyone can discuss the question together.
Where do man's abilities come from? Are they inborn or acquired after birth?
The studies of modern psychology and physiological psychology have shown
that most of man's abilities are acquired gradually after his birth, namely,
acquired step by step through practice. An animal is different from man.
Its abilities are mostly hereditary. A cat's instinct is to catch mice and
a worker bee instinctively gathers honey. Man's "natural gift" lies, as
it is said, in the extremely great plasticity of man's brain. A man studies
and enhances his abilities and wisdom all his life. Comrade Zhou Enlai
said: "Learn, work and remold yourself as long as you live." Facts are
really like this. This is a scientific thesis. Then do we hold that there
is no difference between one man and another? Certainly not. For instance,
a man is possibly born with hereditary or embryonic defects, but this case
constitutes a tiny minority. What is more important is that the immense
variety of things and practice a man undergoes after his birth and the
varied education and practice he receives later are the chief causes of the
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difference in men's abilities. It is a pity that up to now psychology and
pedagogy have not found out a complete set of laws. Very often people
say that this child is clever and that child is stupid, but they do not
know why. To find out this law,, it is necessary to engage in the study
of the science of thought. At present we have to rely on some incomplete
"wise remarks of experienced persons" and on things like autobiographies
of some people who have had very successful careers and famous scientists
in developing the intelligence of children. Therefore, the science of
thought as well as psychology and pedagogy are really the foundation for
developing intellectual resources. We must attach great importance to
the study of these sciences. It is unfortunate that during the 10 years
of internal disorder the work in this field was attacked and wrecked in
varying degrees and the bad influence has remained to be felt up to this day.
Apart from intelligence, man's ability consists of knowledge. That is to say,
the recorded practice and experience of mankind and the knowledge of the
objective world derived therefrom are summarized into branches of learning.
This knowledge concerning branches of learning can be taught to the new
generation and to those who need it. Either the teachers give lectures on
the knowledge and the stud=ents attend these lectures, or the students
master it through self-study. By education, we mean chiefly this matter.
The importance of education in developing man's ability is intimately known
to all.
By dividing intelligence and knowledge into two separate parts, I mean to
stress that there is a difference between the two. How to develop man's
intelligence has remained an obscure problem up to now, but it is relatively
easy to increase one's knowledge. There is a complete set of effective
measures in this respect. Of course, intelligence and knowledge are related.
Those people who show a lot of intelligence can acquire knowledge very
quickly. Substantial knowledge contributes to the improvement of intelli-
gence. In increasing his knowledge and experience, instead of depending
mainly on his intelligence, a man has to study.
After a man is born, no matter how, his ability varies owing to different
experiences and different conditions for study. The difference is manifested
in two fields: one is that man's ability might be great or small, and the
other is that men's abilities are different. The former refers to the
fact that the results of work in a certain field are different, different
in both quality and quantity. The latter refers to the fact that men's
abilities are different. Some people can do certain work well in both
quality and quantity, but they might do work in another field badly in both
quality and quantity. Therefore, so far as the state is concerned, it is a
big problem how to put the most suitable people in the most suitable work
posts. This is a question of using people and central to this question is
judgment of people. People like to mention the historical story of Bo Le's
spotting a horse that could cover 1,000 li a day, and even call it the
theory of Bo Le. Quite a few young people consider themselves to be
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1,000-li horses in the march toward science and always complain that they
have not been spotted by a Bo Le. For this reason, they take delight in
talking about this question. We must take a scientific approach to it.
First, a 1,.000-li horse is only one type of horse. A horse that covers
1,000 li a day might not necessarily compare favorably with a draft horse
in drawing a heavily laden cart. Building socialism requires all kinds
of talented people. So a 1,000-li horse is not necessarily more superb
than any other horse. This depends on the type of work. The so-called
"geniuses" trumpeted by the old society frequently did not recognize
the talents in all trades and professions among the people. This is a
manifestation of narrow-mindedness and can also be said to be a class
prejudice. We need not only 1,000-li horses and Bo Le's who can spot them
but also other types of horses and people who are good judges of them.
Second, was Bo Le's ability magical? Of course not. Invariably, objective
things have their own laws. We must understand these laws. Is it so
difficult to understand the laws? It does not seem so. In the scores of
years of revolutionary struggle, has our party not discerned and selected
large batches of cadres from among,tens of thousands of revolutionaries
and not promoted fine leaders from among them? Has it not been very
successful? The success in the promotion of revolutionary cadres and
revolutionary leaders shows that it is possible to master the laws of
judging fine people who are engaged in revolutionary work. If we can
understand one aspect of a thing, we will be able to understand two or
three other aspects.... The question of knowing people covers the study
of the characteristics of able people in all trades and professions in
the course of building socialism so that we can discern these characteristics
promptly and accurately. This is the real task of the theory of human re-
sources. The scope of study of the theory of human resources is extensive,
and it must not be confined only to discerning people qualified in scientific
research.
Above, we have studied the differences and changes between one man and
another in terms of the process of the development of man's ability. That
is so not only in terms of experience and practice but also in terms of
physiology. A middle-aged man is different from a young man, and needless
to say, being physically weak, an old man is naturally different from a
middle-aged or young man. Therefore, the ability of one man and another
is not only different, but changes as a man ages. The work which best
suits a young man will not necessarily suit the same man in -his middle
or old age. In order to suit a person to his work and put the most suit-
able persons in work posts, a flow of personnel must be allowed. This
state of affairs is commonly seen in foreign countries, where no one remains
for a lifetime in one position.
There is another reason for changes in work, viz, that science and technology
are advancing and society is developing, thus resulting in the constant
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evolution of the affairs that man must handle. With the changes in work
fields, those departments which formerly needed many hands have become
departments which need only a few hands, and posts which did not exist in
the.past have now emerged. This state of affairs might not have been
noticeable in feudal society, for history progressed slowly at that time and
there were few changes in a man's lifetime. Now, things are new and different
every day. Changes take place in the period of scores of years and even in
a very few years. Great changes are expected to take place in our country
between now and the year 2000.
Owing to the above-mentioned reasons, to put the most suitable persons in
the most suitable positions, the positions of personnel must not be fixed.
In our socialist country, the problem is how to realize the flow of
personnel. Must there be a spontaneous flow of personnel and must people
look for jobs themselves? This will lead to social chaos and is therefore
not desirable. This work should be rationally arranged by the state in a
planned way by taking into consideration the situation as a whole.
Another problem in China's personnel work which requires a solution is
how to arrange the retirement of cadres in their old age and how to take
care of their livelihood and arrange appropriate activities for them after
retirement. At present, China has about 200 million cadres and they will
possibly grow in number with the development of the socialist cause. If
we say that a cadre will retire after he has worked for the people and the'
country for 40 years and live, on average, 10 more years after retirement,
the ratio will be 4 to 1. Hence, there will be 5 or 6 million retired
cadres in our country. This figure does not include the retired staff and
workers plus the retired workers of the enterprises under the system of
ownership by the whole people. In the near future the number of retired
personnel that the state will have to take care of will increase. Our
present rules and regulations in this regard are imperfect. The arrangement
of life and appropriate work for the retired personnel is mostly delegated
to the units they belong to, thus becoming a burden to the units and result-
ing in failure to give full scope to the roles of the retired personnel
and to let them really have a new life and serve the people within their
power while spending their remaining years in jubilation. The state
assumes full responsibility for providing for the retired personnel.
This is a manifestation of the superiority of the socialist system. We
must take a step further and look upon these personnel with rich experience
as the valuable treasure of the country rather than as a negative burden.
Only in doing so can the inherent superiority of socialism be brought into
full play.
The existing state of affairs in China in which the various units separately
handle their own affairs in personnel work exist not only among the retired
personnel but also among the youths waiting for jobs. Drawbacks have
cropped up with this method. In fact the phenomena of decentralized manage-
ment can be found widely. For example, apart from a small number of.senior
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cadres who are subject to the centralized administration of the central
authorities, the overwhelming majority of cadres and the whole body of
workers should be taken care of by their respective units. The institu-
tions of higher learning which train young people are only partially
subject to the direct jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education, and
quite a few institutions of higher learning are put under the management
of the various departments under the State Council and various provinces,
municipalities and autonomous regions. The overwhelming majority of
technical schools at the secondary educational level are managed by the
various departments themselves. On-the-job study has become the exclusive
business of the departments concerned. Assignment of jobs or positions to
people who have received an education is, therefore, also put under decen-
tralized management. So the practice of "a waterfront pavilion getting the
moonlight first"--benefiting because of the favorable position one is in--
is difficult to avoid.
In my opinion, the emergence. of this state of affairs is understandable.
After all, our country was established directly on the basis of the feudal
society with more than 2,000 years of history and on the basis of a semi-
feudal and semicolonial system with more than 100 years of history. In the
interval, there was no social system based on mass production. Only 20 years
or more have elapsed since the basic completion of socialist transformation;
this is too short a time. In between there were also the "10 years of
internal disorder." However, the drawbacks of this decentralized management
system have become very pronounced. I had previously appealed that reforms
should be made, that the training, promotion and use of personnel be put
under centralized management, that a good job be done in cherishing as
well as organizing and taking care of 1 billion people, and that the people's
abilities should be enhanced, on the one hand, and that suitable posts be
arranged for everyone, on the other hand, so that everyone could make the
best use of his ability. This is also a matter of prime importance in
building socialism and also an important matter which did not exist in the
past society and other countries and which demands our pioneering efforts.
To train, promote and use 1 billion people and arrange their retirement and
life after retirement well, it is imperative for the state to establish a
unified, centralized and graded management system. Is this work too compli-
cated? Can it be managed well? Let us make a concrete analysis of the
following things:
First, our party has 60 years of experience in governing the cadres, of
which quite a few experiences have been successful, as we mentioned above.
There has also been quite a lot of experience in the 32 years since the
founding of the PRC. We must earnestly sum up these experiences.
Second, we can use our good experience in using people and the experience
of foreign countries in training, promoting and using talented people for
reference.' Because the social systems are different, these experiences must
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not be copied and applied everywhere indiscriminately and mechanically.
However, the experiences of the capitalist countries in using people have
been obtained under the conditions of socialized mass production and of
highly developed science and technology. For instance, personnel are
released from their regular work to take part in short-term training and
are promoted to higher positions based on the results of their studies.
This method goes around and begins again. Thus more professionally
competent people are selected time and again. Those who have failed to do
their work satisfactorily are transferred to new posts where they can
give scope to their specialities. This method is scientific and we must
use it for reference.
Third, the management technique of keeping dossiers on cadres. Once a
centralized and graded management system is in force, it will possibly
be necessary to concurrently assess tens of thousands of people and to
select the most suitable from the dossiers of tens of thousands of people.
It does not really work to use the old method of leafing through the
dossiers file after file. Now, there are electronic computerized systems
for reviewing archives, and thus looking into archives becomes automatic.
It works 10 million times faster than the method of looking into archives
manually. So long as the conditions for selecting cadres are fixed,
electronic computers can automatically select the most suitable people.
Archives are recorded on tapes, which can be constantly replenished. The
conditions of a man's work and the reactions and comments of the masses,
his colleagues and leadership to him can be sent to the archives and added
to his dossier through normal channels. This complete set of techniques
has now been fairly well perfected and is available for use. So there is
no need to worry about falling short of one's wishes and about being
unable to manage the work well.
Fourth, to really begin this system in education work, not only must primary
schools, middle schools, secondary technical schools, secondary vocational
schools and institutions of higher learning be greatly developed, there must
also be a great variety of all kinds of short-term training classes attended
by people not engaged in production or not withdrawn from production. Is the
organizational work of centralized management too elaborate? Like the pre-
vious question, the answer to this question is that the work can be wholly
done by electronic computers and there are no difficulties at all.
Fifth, the modernization of teaching work can substantially raise efficiency
and save money. This "education with electronic audio-visual aids" is
already known to all. Lectures given by an experienced teacher with great
learning who is an excellent teacher can be recorded and then broadcast
throughout the nation with thousands upon thousands of students hearing them.
Our television has now begun to adopt this method and has achieved marked
results. In fact, this work is expected to be done better in the future.
We can use synchronous earth satellites over the equator to rebroadcast
television programs or we can go more directly and use the direct broadcasting
television satellites on a synchronous orbit to broadcast educational programs
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with electronic audio-visual aids to any border region. This technology
is readymade. Besides, the number of television sets is increasing in
the countryside. Putting into practice this modern teaching method is
no longer a matter within sight but beyond reach.
Sixth, the ability to discern talented people. This can also be summed up,.
The key to this question lies in finding out people who know the business.
Bo Le could spot a horse that could cover 1,000 li a day, but he might not
necessarily be able to distinguish other types of horses. It is not
difficult for a professor of physics to spot a physics postgraduate student
and to judge whether to enroll him as his student, because he knows the
characteristics which a postgraduate of physics should possess; even if he
fails to find the characteristics from the answers in the postgraduate's
examination papers, he will solve this problem easily by speaking to the
student face to face. So face-to-face speaking between experts and pros-
pective candidates is a good method to discern talented people. This has
been proved for a long time. Then must specialists in all kinds of fields
be on the spot to judge and assess the detailed archives in using the
techniques in the third and fourth points mentioned above? Of course not.
There is now a new manmade intelligence technique operated by electronic
computers called a "specialist system." This specialist system can draw
on the methods of judgment and assessment of experts being fed into the
computers and let the computers learn to manage the abilities of the experts.
When the experts are not on the spot, the computers can do the work for
them. So the question of judging people is not difficult to handle.
Seventh, systems science and systems engineering. It is an unprecedentedly
large-scale organizational and administrative task to have the state assume
all-round responsibility for training, promoting and using 1 billion people
from birth to death. If this question were raised 40 or 50 years ago, people
would have thought that the question was so extensive that they would not
know where to begin. Now we have already entered the 1980's. The systems
engineering developed during this stage and its pure operational research
have become a mature discipline and are gradually forming a branch of
learning--systems science. Wiith systems science it is not difficult to
face the questions of governing socialist human resources which I have
mentioned above. Our objects are in fact a giant system with 1 billion
units. This. system consists of a number of components, namely, educational
subsystem, archive storage and retrieval subsystem, and retired personnel
subsystem. Every subsystem consists of some levels. For example, the
province is a level and the state is the highest level. Problems can be
solved first in the lower level, but the solution of problems must not be
confined to one level. When no satisfactory solution is arrived at, the
problems can be advanced to a higher level and be handled there. So the
whole system, the giant system, is still unified under the state's cen-
tralized management. Establishing and operating such a human resources
system can be called socialist. human resources systems engineering. By the
term socialist we mean that this human resources system is based on the
fundamental principles of socialism.
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With the above-mentioned seven things which can be used to establish our
human resources system and do concrete work, in my opinion, provided we
realize the importance of the question of human resources to the building
of socialism and are resolved to promote this work, then this brand new
undertaking can be fulfilled in not too long a time because we have ready-
made science and technology to use. Of course, in doing so we need some
new equipment, and some investment is indispensable. Compared with the
investments poured into the state's various capital construction projects,
the investment in the completion of socialist human resources systems
engineering itself is much smaller.
What can be attained is not necessarily just around the corner, but rather
will take a certain amount of time. Besides, everything cannot always be
perfect, leaving no problems to be solved. It will take time to start
our socialist human resources systems engineering. Once it is established,
it will still require constant improvement. The country is advancing and
so is the socialist cause. Any established system invariably fails to keep
abreast of the changes in reality. That is to say, the socialist human
resources systems engineering can solve the problems of substantial
importance, but it cannot solve all problems in the work of training, pro-
moting and using talented people, and there exist contradictions in it.
What should be done concerning the contradictions? In handling the con-
tradictions, we must still rely on ideological consciousness and on taking
the interests of the whole into account. In other words, it is of great
importance to always persist in ideological and political work among the
people. People look upon ideological and political work as the work of
building the socialist spiritual civilization, and in fact the training,
promotion and proper use of people's talents is also the work of building
socialist spiritual civilization.
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GIVE THE PEASANTS MORE AND BETTER SPIRITUAL NOURISHMENT
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 23-26
[Article by Zhou Weishi [0791 1550 1492]]
[Text] Amid the sound of gongs and drums to jubilantly celebrate bumper
harvests in the vast countryside, the Ministry of Culture held a national
meeting in recognition of advanced collectives and advanced workers in
rural cultural and art work, thus ushering in a year of new developments
in rural culture and art undertakings.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, there has
been now a vast panorama full of vitality in the rural areas throughout
the nation, and the large numbers of commune members have been full of joy
because of the gradual implementation of rural economic policies and the
continuous perfection of the production responsibility system. Agricultural
development is now on. the upswing. This is an excellent situation rarely
seen in many years. With the development of production and improvement in
the people's livelihood, the broad masses of peasants have continuously
raised new demands for improvements in cultural life. This has brought
about a new situation in our country's rural cultural work and also has
imposed new tasks on us.
Under the correct leadership and kind attention of the CCP Central Committee,
the leadership at various levels and the vast numbers of literary and art
workers have adopted positive measures to enrich the cultural life of
800 million peasants through all kinds of forms, have carried out education
on collectivism and patriotism among the peasants and have encouraged them
to struggle to build a new socialist countryside with a prosperous economy
while enhancing their lofty spirit. In the past few years, the rural
cultural and art undertakings have been greatly restored and developed and
the rural cultural activities have been relatively enlivened. At present,
there are nearly 90,000 rural film projection units, 3,000 county cultural
palaces, over 1,500 libraries at county level and 27,000 commune cultural
centers throughout the country. Over the past 2 years, financed by the
state, 3,000 more commune cultural services have been set up and more than
3,000 cinemas and theaters in rural market towns have been rebuilt or built
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by relying mainly on the strength of the collective economy of the communes
and their subdivisions. Between January and September of last year, the
rural film projection units and the cinemas and theaters in rural market
towns provided more than 16 million film shows to a total audience of
13.3 billion, which averaged 16 film shows per person. The vocational
performing art troupes went to the countryside and put on 560,000 or more
performances in 1980 and the number of performances staged by commune art
troupes and amateur peasant troupes was even greater. Many cultural
palace centers, and in particular cultural services, provide every cultural
activity imaginable, including entertainment and study. There are not
only recreational activities but also study guidance provided and technical
research and sports meets in the cultural palaces and service centers.
Their programs are substantial and colorful and are, therefore, warmly
welcomed by the peasants. These cultural activities have met not only
the demands for the cultural life of the peasants and enhanced their
political consciousness, but also have played a positive role in developing
agricultural production, consolidating the situation of stability and unity,
changing the general mood of society and bringing up a new generation in
the countryside. So, generally speaking, the rural cultural situation is
good and substantial results have been made in rural cultural and art
work. However, it must be soberly realized that the rural cultural work
is still far from meeting the needs of the cultural life of the vast
numbers of peasants. The peasants in some mountainous border areas have
sighed that "We have no worries about food and clothing, but what we worry
about is that there are no films or plays to see." This state of affairs
exists rather widely. The peasants who have some cultural activities have
voiced the opinion that "we do not have to worry about food, clothing
and housing, but what we are anxious about is that the cultural activities
are not adequate." The peasants in regions where the cultural activities
are fairly rich also raise the demand: "We have become prosperous. We
eagerly hope to see performances by leading and famous actors and actresses
of the big troupes." Thus, it can be seen that to satisfy the new demands
of the large number of peasants at the new stage is an urgent task confronting
the leadership of the party committees at various levels and the departments
concerned, and also a bounden glorious duty for the broad masses of literary
and art workers who are determined to serve the people.
Ours is a big socialist country with a population of 1 billion, of which
800 million are peasants. Doing a good job of rural cultural and art work
is of great significance to overall socialist construction and especially
to the building of a spiritual civilization. Serving 800 million peasants
is where the future of the development of various literary and art under-
takings lies. There exists a large audience and body of readers and a vast
cultural and art "market," and there is ample scope for utilizing the
abilities of literary and art workers there. Only when a genuine and proper
job is done in rural cultural and art work can we be regarded as having taken
care of the peasants in satisfying the people's needs for spiritual nourish-
ment. Developing rural culture and art work is not only a question of
culture but also a question of politics. Only if rural culture and art
work are done well can we create the necessary spiritual conditions for
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promoting cooperation between city and countryside, strengthening the worker-
peasant alliance, and gradually reducing the difference between city and
countryside and between industry and agriculture. Our multitudinous
minority nationalities mostly reside in the vast countryside, mountainous
areas and border regions. Only when a better job is done in rural culture
and art work can the backwardness in the cultural development of the minority
nationalities be brought to an end; this is a problem left over from
history. In building culture in the border rural areas and pastoral areas,
there is a serious need to resist capitalist and social imperialist cultural
infiltration and to struggle against antagonistic ideologies and culture.
This task is extremely arduous and requires long, hard struggle. Only in
so doing can success be achieved.
In his report on government work delivered at the 4th session of the 5th NPC,
Comrade Zhao Ziyang made a profound exposition of the relationship between
socialist cultural and material development: "In the work of socialist
modernization, we must strive for a high level of both material and cultural
development. The two are inseparable. Only by doing this can we ensure
the sustained growth of the national economy and the socialist orientation
of material development." The experiences of quite a few rural communes
and their subdivisions have proved, both positively and negatively, that
doing a good job of cultural development is a guarantee for material develop-
ment and can play a motive and promotive role; when things do. not go well,
it might play a negative role; abandoning cultural development means letting
capitalist and feudal cultural trends spread unchecked. This will inevitably
play a disruptive role in the rural situation of stability and unity. The
view and opinion that regard rural cultural work as "singing and dancing,
chatting and laughing, playing and fooling around and of being of no importance"
and neglecting it are extremely harmful and detrimental to the all-round
construction of a new countryside. We must proceed from a strategical per-
spective and from the great task of bringing up new socialist peasants who
can get a good grip on the building of rural culture step by step. In
particular, we must not ignore the building of rural culture in remote
districts where feudal and superstitious activities are rampant and in
frontier areas where the cultural struggle is acute.
In the present rural culture and art work, one striking new problem is un-
balanced development; one prominent demand is to closely combine populariza-
tion with the raising of standards and to correctly handle the relationship
between popularization and the raising of standards both in ideology and
work. Comrade Mao Zedong pointed out: "By the raising of standards, we
mean the raising of standards on the basis of popularization; by popu-
larization, we mean popularization under the guidance of the raising of
standards." The popularization of rural culture and art means giving more
healthy, progressive and revolutionary nourishment to the broad masses
of peasants and, proceeding from this, it is necessary to enrich their
cultural life, foster their ideology and morality, arouse their revolutionary
spirit, and at the same time raise their levels of science, education and
health so as to bring into full play their roles in building the socialist
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material civilization and spiritual civilization. Our culture and art must
not only suit the acceptance and appreciation abilities of
the
great
numbers of peasants but also continuously foster and raise
the
levels
of their acceptance and appreciation abilities so that they
can
steadily
widen their realm of thought to include knowledge of aesthetic
perception,
By doing this we can achieve genuine popularization and really
raise
standards. The practices of indulging in self-admiration and cutting
oneself off from the masses will not play any role at all. We mean this
in terms of the interrelations between popularization and the raising of
standards and the general goal. In terms of work, it is necessary to treat
the relations between popularization and the raising of standards according
to different cases, each having its own stress. Seen from the present
situation in which rural cultural life is relatively animated but is
developing unevenly, first and foremost, much work is still required in
order to popularize it extensively. Take the structure of rural culture
and art work for example. Throughout the nation there are still some
prefectures, (municipalities, autononmous prefectures and leagues) which
have no mass cultural palaces; a considerable number of counties have no
libraries and cultural palaces; more than half of the communes have not
yet set up cultural centers, and the communes which have set up cultural
centers and initially formed cultural services are very few in number.
Quite a few counties and communes and particularly those in mountainous
border areas, the areas where minority nationalities reside, and the
frontier regions have no cinemas and theaters; quite a few production
brigades and production teams have no cultural rooms or clubs; in quite
a few regions there are no places for the peasants, herdsmen and fishermen
to read books and newspapers and no places for them to engage in recreational
activities. Owing to the lack of genuine cultivation of the idea. of serving
the countryside, some localities and departments. have attached insufficient
importance to rural. cultural and art work. For instance, some localities
pay excessive attention to the construction of cinemas and theaters in
market towns. This is of course correct, but they relax the leadership and
management over rural film projection units, thus giving rise to the phenomena
in which some film projection units only concern themselves with revenue
and only want to show films in economically prosperous places which have
good transportation services. There are also phenomena in which some
vocational performing art troupes as well as actors and actresses are afraid
of difficulties and hardships and unwilling to put on performances in the
rural areas. Under these circumstances, although the localities with
fairly good conditions have built new cultural facilities such as rural
cinemas and theaters, they have not played their proper role in rural
cultural services because there is no way to guarantee fixed performances
or cultural activities. Therefore, it is imperative to proceed from actual
conditions and get a good grip on popularization work. In accordance with
the principle of adapting demands to possibilities, it is necessary to
gradually develop more rural cultural facilities by relying chiefly on
the strength of the collective economy of the communes and their subdivisions.
Special consideration should be given to the needs of regions where peasants
find it difficult to enjoy cultural life. The state should support them
in this respect as much as possible. When performing art troupes go to the
countryside, they must try their best to give performances in these regions.
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The localities where the popularization work of the rural culture and art
is done fairly well must put on their important agenda the raising.of the
standard of art cultivation of the cultural and art workers and the
quality of art production. "The people want popularization and then the
standards raised. They want the standards to be improved year by year and
month by month." If we invariably cling to the pattern of "men, hands,
mouths, knives, cows and sheep" and have. not for a long time improved the
ideological contents and the quality of art and technical level, our work
will deviate from the practical requirements and from the people, and the
masses will not want to see it and will voice many complaints.
The raising of the standards of culture and art, first and foremost, means
improving the ideological content, the creative quality and the level of
aesthetics. In regard to cultural administrative departments, it is
imperative to exert strenuous efforts together with the various associations
of the China Federation of Literary and Art Circles to grasp well creations
and provide the vast numbers of peasants with more and better nourishment.
Last year the Ministry of Culture called a symposium on creating rural
subject matter and sponsored performances of traditional operas and quyu
(folk art forms including ballad-singing and storytelling) before fellow
artists, encouraged creations on rural themes and awarded a number of fine
works. The propaganda and cultural departments of the CCP committees of
various localities have paid close attention to creation in this field and
are mobilizing and organizing writers and artists to go deep in the country-
side, go down to grassroots units and immerse themselves among the masses
to learn about the situation, observe and learn from real life and engage
in creation. Many rural amateur writers are also enthusiastically carrying
out creative work. In the past few years, great changes have taken place
in the countryside. In the countryside a host of new people and new things,
good people and good deeds have emerged, a scene of inspiring people with
enthusiasm which can help up broaden our horizon and expand the ideological
realm, thus creating very favorable conditions for creating rural subject
matter and constantly improving the ideological contents and the quality
of art. We believe that under the guidance of the policy of letting a
hundred flowers blossom and weeding through the old to bring forth the
new, large numbers of fine works that reflect rural real life will constantly
emerge.
Another question is the improving of professional skills. The ways and means
for raising professional skills are multifarious. Over the past few years,
various localities have selected a number of key leadership and professional
members of the art and cultural palaces, county vocational performing art
troupes, libraries and film projection units and allowed them to engage in
advanced studies in their cultural areas, sponsored various vocational
training classes or training classes in rotation so as to improve the
vocational levels of the key members of the grassroots literary and art
activists; the vocational cadres of the art palaces, libraries and film
companies have directly gone down to give guidance in vocational study of
training to the communes and their subdivisions. These practices are
desirable. It is necessary in the future to sum up the experiences in this
respect and push these practices forward a step further on the existing
foundation and carry them out in a better way.
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Here I would particularly like to'discuss the questions of the vocational
performing art troupes persisting in going to and performing in the country-
side and mountainous areas and to the raising of level professional work.
The distribution of China's performing art troupes is very irrational owing
to historical and practical causes. The vocational performing art troupes
are too concentrated in some big and medium-sized cities. Over the past
few years, although the performing art troupes of the big and medium-sized
cities have more frequently given performances in the rural areas, they
have not paid due attention to this work, resulting in an abnormal pheno-
menon in which there has been a fall in the attendance at performances in
cities put on by some opera troupes, very few vocational performing art
troupes have staged performances in rural areas and the peasants have not
been able to see any operas. In the future, all kinds of vocational
performing art troupes at various levels must organize a contingent of
handpicked actors and actresses of great attainment and go to the country-
side to give performances to the large numbers of peasants with simple
and convenient stage properties and good programs. This must be made a
regular practice and systematized. We hold that the troupes at central,
provincial, municipal and autonomous regional levels should devote
15 to 30 percent of their time in a year to giving performances in the
countryside and mountainous areas; those at municipal level, about half
of their time, and those at prefectural and county levels at least two-thirds
of their time to putting on performances mainly in the countryside (pastoral
areas). Since the art types are different, the number of performances might
also vary. The performing art troupes have at present difficulties acquiring
revenue. Together with the concerted efforts of the financial, agricultural,
and forestry departments, quite a number of provincial and municipal cultural
departments have drawn a certain amount of undertaking funds with which they
gave awards or policy subsidies to the troupes which have done well in the
work of giving performances in the countryside and mountainous areas. These
methods and experiences deserve study and recommendation.
In going down to the countryside, the vocational performing art troupes have
three tasks: to meet the cultural needs of the peasants, improve their
ideological level and the level of art appreciation; to provide vocational
coaching to professional art personnel and the key amateur literary and
art activists and raise their professional skills; and to learn from the
vast numbers of peasants, grassroots cultural and art workers and amateur
literary and art activists and improve their ideological quality and artistic
levels. Of course, the aim for the vocational performing art troupes to
go down to the countryside is chiefly to do popularization work, but this
does not, in the slightest degree, mean that they can weaken their own
tasks and roles in the work of raising standards. The performing art troupes
of big and medium-sized cities, in particular, must all the more put the
tasks of the raising of standards to an important position. These kinds of
performing troupes have numerous famous actors and actresses, strong creative
forces and high level of performance. They must not only give the peasants
brilliant programs but also play an exemplary role for the prefectural,
county, commune and amateur opera troupes and shoulder the tasks of improving
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professional skills of the actors and actresses of these opera troupes. As
for the performing art troupes of the big and medium-cities themselves,
there is also a problem of raising standards. It is of great use for laying
a .foundation for portraying and performing well the life of the peasants
and raising vocational work to go to the countryside and mountainous areas
to perform for the peasants, to learn from the peasants and society, to
acquaint oneself with the new look of the countryside and to substantiate
one's own ideological cultivation. In short, doing a proper job in the
work of vocational performing art troupes in the countryside and mountainous
areas is both a must in upholding the party's literary and art orientation,
doing well the work of popularization and the raising of standards and meet-
ing the growing needs of the peasants and an important measures to raise
one's own ideological quality and the quality of art. This kills many
birds with one stone. We must have an adequate understanding of this matter.
The practice over the past few years has proved that doing well and develop-
ing the rural cultural and art undertakings require vigorous support from
all trades and professions, and the key to this work lies in whether the
local party committees attach great importance to it or not. Wherever the
party committees attach great importance to rural cultural work, cultural
and art undertakings spread, develop and improve at a fast rate. Therefore,
future rural cultural work depends mainly on local party committees. Here
I would like to stress that in times of difficulties, instead of remaining
inactive to wait for something to happen and grumbling, our rural cultural
and art workers must try their best to win the concern and support of the
local party committees and do their utmost to overcome difficulties and
do their work satisfactorily of their own accord as the vanguard fighters
and model workers who are active on the rural cultural and artistic front
have done. We fervently expect that the vast numbers of writers and artists
and literary and art departments will make new contributions to the building
of a rural socialist spiritual civilization and of cultural and art
undertakings that will serve 800 million peasants with new practical actions
in the new year.
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PERSIST IN STUDYING MODERN CHINESE HISTORY UNDER THE GUIDANCE OF MARXISM-
LENINISM-MAO ZEDONG THOUGHT--COMMENTS ON 'FROM THE OPIUM WAR TO THE
MAY FOURTH MOVEMENT'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 18, 27-29
[Book review by Qi Longwei [4362 7893 1218]]
[Text] Comrade Hu Sheng's monograph "From the Opium War to the May Fourth
Movement" has been published by the People's Publishing House. This work
is an achievement of an author who persisted in studying the history of
modern China under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought.
I really benefited from reading this book.
In old China, there were almost no works on the history of modern China
written from the viewpoint of Marxism-Leninism. At that time, I read many
books on modern Chinese history which covered the period since the Opium
War. These books can be classified into two groups on the basis of content:
The first group consists of "histories in which the strong preyed on the
weak" written by apologists for imperialism. The second group includes
"histories of internal disturbances and foreign aggression" written by
landlord and bourgeois literati. In going all-out to vilify and attack
the Taiping Rebellion, the reform movement of 1898, the Yihetuan Movement,
the Revolution of 1911, ... These writers aimed at opposing the people's
great revolution led by the CCP. Landlord and bourgeois literati always
oppose studying history from the viewpoint of class and class struggle.
For example, the old specialist Jian Youwen, who had studied the history
of the Taiping Rebellion for over 50 years, flatly denied that there were
classes and class struggles in the modern China and simply negated the
nature of the Taiping Rebellion as an antifeudalist agrarian revolution.
Fallacies like this always divorce the reader from the truth of history
and make him feel as if he is lost in a thick fog.
While leading the Chinese revolution to win the great victory of liberating
hundreds of millions of people, Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought also
put historical studies on the right track. In seeking the laws of the
Chinese revolution, Comrade Mao Zedong made use of historical materialism
to draw a series of scientific inferences in the light of the actual situation
in China. This forced people to reinterpret Chinese history, which stretches
back several millennia, especially the history of the last 100 years since
the Opium War.
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Comrade Mao Zedong said, "We are historical materialists who oppose his-
torical idealism." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," vol 4, p 1452) The
basic principles of historical materialism are the class analysis of class
society and the analysis of problems from the viewpoint of class struggle.
The Chinese communists headed by Comrade Mao Zedong found two major con-
tradictions in modern Chinese society: the contradiction between imperial-
ism and the Chinese nation and the contradiction between feudalism and the
broad masses of people, the former being the most important. It is against
the background of these two contradictions that the anti-imperialist, and
antifeudalist revolution of the Chinese people was sparked and developed.
Just as Comrade Mao Zedong put it, "The process by which imperialism,
together with Chinese feudalism, turned China into a semicolony and then a
colony can also be regarded in another way as the process by which the
Chinese people resisted imperialism and its running dogs." ("Selected
Works of Mao Zedong," vol 2, p 595)
Only by upholding the viewpoint of class struggle in interpreting the
history of the last 100 years since the Opium War can we expound scienti-
fically the objective laws governing the historical development of modern
China and thus teach the people and serve proletarian politics.
Comrade Hu Sheng has made great contributions in this aspect.
In the early 1950's, the People's Publishing House published "Imperialism and
Chinese Politics" by Comrade Hu Sheng. In this book, he focused on the most
important contradiction in modern Chinese society, linked it to extremely
complicated historical phenomena and thus thoroughly revealed the fact that
imperialism was the number one enemy of the Chinese people.
Soon after that, Comrade Hu Sheng published his article "On the Problem
Concerning the Division of Modern Chinese History Into Periods" in the
first issue of HISTORICAL STUDIES. In this article, inspired by the trend
of anti-imperialist and antifeudalist struggle of the Chinese people, the
author put forth the original concept of three revolutionary high tides
reflecting the progressive historical trends of modern China.
On this basis, Comrade Hu Sheng gradually accumulated the results of his
research on modern Chinese history and finally managed to write the book
'.'From the Opium War to the May Fourth Movement."
Apart from the "preamble," the book is divided into five parts in accordance
with the concept of three revolutionary high tides: part 1--"The Opium War
and the Taiping Agrarian Revolution," covering the two opium wars and the
Taiping agrarian movement and reflecting the rise and fall of the first
revolutionary high tide; part 2--"The Shaping of the Semicolonial and Semi-
feudalist Ruling Order," covering the period from the defeat of the
Taiping Rebellion in 1864 to the end of the Sino-Japanese War of 1894-1895,
and during which a new high tide of the Chinese revolution was developing;
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part 3--The Reform Movement of 1898 and the Yihetuan Movement,,"which reflects
the rise and fall of the second revolutionary high tide; part 4--"The
Revolution of 1911 Led by the Bourgeoisie," which reflects the third
revolutionary high tide; and part 5--"The Transition to the New Democratic
Revolution," which marks the turning from darkness to light.
There is no doubt that historical science research in our country has made
unprecedented progress under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought since the smashing of the "gang of four," in particular since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee. The publication of
Comrade Hu Sheng's new works is significant proof of this. However, owing
to the pernicious influence of the "use of innuendo in writing about
history" by the Lin Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques and
the infiltration of foreign bourgeois thinking, the authors of some articles
published in newspapers and journals in the last few years have deviated
from Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought and have thrown away the method
of class analysis in interpreting modern Chinese history. Under these
circumstances, the publication of Comrade Hu Sheng's new work is greatly
needed. Back in 1951, when discussing the film "The Life of Lu Xun,"
Comrade Mao Zedong did criticize some writers for "not bothering to find
out what new economic formations of society, new class forces, new personali-
ties and ideas had emerged in China during the century and more since the
Opium War of 1840 in the struggle against the old economic formations and
their superstructures (politics, culture, and so on), before they decided
what to commend and praise, what not to, and what to oppose." ("Selected
Works of Mao Zedong," vol 5, p 47) Comrade Mao Zedong called for upholding
class analysis in making this serious criticism, and this is the right
method and principle for the study of the history of class society, includ-
ing the study of modern Chinese history. This method and principle were
illustrated throughout the works of Comrade Hu Sheng, where the most
prominent part is his important insight into the problem of the key to
modern Chinese history.
Who represented the progressive trend in modern Chinese history? A number
of arguments have been advanced in the historiographical circle in recent
years. One of the schools upholds class struggle as the key and advocates
that modern Chinese history was characterized by agrarian wars, bourgeois
movements (including reforms and revolutions) and proletarian revolution.
The other school upholds the abstract hypothesis of the "movement to learn
from the West" as the key, and puts forth the new concept of "Westerniza-
tion-reform-revolution." According to the logic of the latter, agrarian
wars such as the Taiping Rebellion, the Yihetuan Movement and so on should
be excluded from the main trend of modern Chinese history and be replaced
with the Westernization movement which was promoted by the feudal rulers.
Comrade Hu Sheng stuck to his clear-cut stand in opposing such logic.
In the preamble of "From the Opium War to the May Fourth Movement," he
solemnly declared, "The author of this book does not think that there is
any reason to depict the progressive historical trend in this period in
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the light of the trend of 'Westernization movement--reform movement of
1898--revolution of 1911."' I wholeheartedly agree with Comrade Hu Sheng
on this point and realize that his opinion conforms with Mao Zedong Thought
and the viewpoint of class struggle.
It is necessary to make a class analysis of the hypothesis of the "movement
to learn from the West." In the course of modern Chinese history, the
peasant class, the bourgeois reformers and the bourgeois revolutionaries
all learned from the West. As pointed out by Comrade Mao Zedong, "Since
the defeat of the Opium War of 1840, progressive Chinese underwent
innumerable-hardships-in seeking the truth from Western countries. Hong
Xiuquan, Kang Youwei, Yan Fu and Sun Yat-sen were the representatives of
those personages who sought the truth in the West's experiences before the
founding of the CCP." ("Selected Works of Mao Zedong," vol 4, p 1406) The
four historical personages mentioned here were precisely the representatives
of the Chinese peasant class and the national bourgeoisie (including reform-
ers and revolutionaries) during the period of the democratic revolution
of the old type. Leading the progressive trend in history, they "learned
from the West" in order to save China. Why did not Comrade Mao Zedong
classify the representatives of the feudal nobility, warlords and bureau-
crats such as Yixin, Li Hongzhang, Zhang Zhidong and so on, who promoted
"Westernization," in the same group? The reason is that these people did
not follow the progressive trend of history but went against it.
The focus of the problem is that we must use the viewpoint of class struggle
to assess the Westernization group and the Westernization movement. We
should not compare the present to the past and thus "prettify" the Westerni-
zation group and the Westernization movement, under the pretext that our
country is now importing technologies and equipment from foreign countries
to promote the "four modernizations." The Westernization movement occurred
after the Second Opium War ended. To assist the Qing government in
"exterminating the Taiping and Nian rebels,"the foreign imperialist invaders
tried by every means to arm the Qing army with "foreign rifles" and
"foreign cannons." The Hunan army and the Anhui army fighting against the
Taiping army in Jiangsu and Zhejiang used weapons supplied by Britain and
France; the "Eight Banners Army" guarding the Beijing and Tianjin region
used weapons given by Russia. The people in authority in the feudal ruling
class then began to split into two groups: the diehard group persisted in
"closing the country to international intercourse," while the Westernization
group called for "self-strengthening by learning foreign ways." The
latter group met the needs of the invasion of foreign capitalists better
than the former group. As pointed out by Comrade Hu Sheng in chapter 10 of
the new book, "The Westernization group emerged under the historical condi-
tions of the feudal landlord class turning into a pillar supporting the rule
of imperialism in China." How should we respond to imperialist aggression?
The Westernization group flaunted their tactics of "pitting the foreigners
against each other." However, as pointed out by Comrade Hu Sheng in
chapter 14 of the new book, "The so-called tactic of 'pitting the foreigners
against each other' was by no means a tactic in which the country made use
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of the contradictions between the imperialist powers independently and on
its own initiative, but rather a practice of trusting the country's sur-
vival to the contradictions between the imperialist powers." The tactic
of "pitting the foreigners against each other" was in essence a kind of
capitulationism. The Westernization group promoted first the "training of
army" and then the "manufacture of armaments." Their efforts not only
gave birth to a number of armies armed with new-type weapons, but also
brought about the establishment of a small number of industrial branches
which used foreign machines for production. However, we cannot claim that
these developments were new in modern China although none of them had
ever been seen in feudal China. We cannot label one of the two belligerent
parties in a war as a rising force and the other as a decaying force solely
on the basis of the state of their armaments. Can we say that the
Westernization group, which was showing off its "foreign rifles" and
"foreign cannons" and controlling the modern war industry was new, while
denouncing as old the peasant armies, which were resisting invasion and
fighting against feudalism with long spears and broadswords? There is no
doubt that the Westernization group borrowed a few "new things" from foreign
countries. However, just like the diehards, the Westernization group was
in fact a decaying force in a certain society and was not qualified to
represent the progressive trend in history, as they made use of all those
"new things" to oppose the people's revolution.
During the period of the Revolution of 1911, Sun Yat-sen, the great revolu-
tionary forerunner of China, named himself "Hong Xiuquan number two" and
publicly declared that he was carrying on and developing the cause of
the Taiping Rebellion; while his antagonist, Yuan Shikai publicly proclaimed
himself the successor to Zeng Guofan and Li Hongzhang. Such a vivid contrast
reveals very profoundly the existence of two historical trends of different
natures in modern China; one of them was Red while the other was Black.
Therefore, the elements of the so-called "Westernization movement-reform
movement of 1898-Revolution of 1911" can never be linked.
The academic argument on the trend of modern Chinese history reflects a
difference in methodology. Should we uphold class analysis or replace it
with abstract analogy? This question deserves a thorough discussion.
Comrade Hu Sheng's new work is a splendid extract of the rich collection
of historical materials in which he gives full play to the scientific style
of "interpretation based'on facts." For example, owing to the lack of
material sources, there has long been a difference of opinion on the issue
of whether Wei Changhui killed Yang Xiuqing under the "secret edict" sent
by Hong Xiuquan. Some writers who did not want people to criticize
Hong Xiuquan emphasized that the "secret edict" was an out-and-out fabrica-
tion. On the other hand, some comrades at the other extreme affirmed the
veracity of the "secret edict" so as to bolster the claim that Hong Xiuquan
was responsible. In the light of the historical materials which have
been found so far, Comrade Hu Sheng honestly narrates the course of the
"internal strife between Yang Xiuqing and Wei Changhui" without making any
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subjective judgment. In chapter 5 of the new book, he writes, "Some sources
said that he was instructed by Hong Xiuquan to kill Yang Xiuqing. This
is probably true. As for the issue of whether he did make use and in what
way he made use of Hong Xiuquan's name in magnifying the murder of
Yang Xiuqing into a large-scale massacre, there is no proof at all."
What a serious attitude this is: In the eyes of Comrade Hu Sheng, we can
only correctly sum up historical experiences and make them serve the con-
struction of socialist modernization today as long as we strictly adhere
to historical materials and respect facts. In the foreword of the sixth
edition of "Imperialism and Chinese Politics," he wrote, "Only by completely
liberating itself from the rule and oppression of imperialism and thoroughly
overthrowing the Chinese reactionary classes which were the tools of
imperialism could China 'genuinely achieve unity of the country, democracy
for the people and prosperity of the country's economy. Imperialists would
never give up their goal of destroying by every means the revolutionary
cause of the Chinese people. The national independence of China could never
be achieved under the leadership of the bourgeoisie but only under the
leadership of the proletariat. In order to make all these matters clear to
readers, the author of the book does not need to distort the truth of
historical facts. On the contrary, the deeper he goes into the essential
and regular aspect of historical facts, the more clearly he can expound on
history." This is really a splendid exposition, and his new book "From the
Opium War to the May Fourth Movement" is based on such a scientific spirit.
By his own practice, Comrade Hu Sheng shows us that historical materials can
never take the place of historiography; historical materials must undergo
class analysis. However, historiographic practices must be based on a rich
collection of historical materials and must be. adhered to so as to achieve
an integration of historical materials and historical interpretation.
Historical interpretations made on the basis of historical analogy and
under the guidance of pragmatism are always groundless.
Comrade Hu Sheng's book is written in a vivid and compendious style. For
example, he reveals the traitorous nature of the Westernization group's
diplomatic policy of "pitting foreigners against each other," using the
Chinese idiom "inviting wolves into the house." Under the the title "The
Old Viceroys Under the New Cloak of Commanders-in-Chiefs," he profoundly
exposes the true colors of some reactionary bureaucrats who, in order to
preserve their own strength, used the revolution for their own ends during
the stormy period of 1911. He also uses the saying "prohibiting others
from participating in revolution" from "The True Story of An Q" by Lu Xun
to sharply denounce the criminal deeds of those bureaucrats who pretended
to be revolutionary and those warlords who put down the people's uprisings.
The theories of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought are integrated with
abundant historical materials and presented in a fluent and vivid writing
style--this is the distinguishing feature of the new book by Comrade Hu Sheng.
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Of course the book does have some defects. A more profound elaboration is
necessary on certain theoretical problems; and there are some inaccuracies
in the verification of certain historical. facts. We suggest that the
author revise all these points before the book is reprinted.
The number of printings of this book's first edition was too small and
supply fell short of demand. However, books such as the "Detective Stories
of Sherlock Holmes" and so on are flooding the market! We hope that our
publishing units will make an adjustment.
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LAY A GOOD FOUNDATION FOR THEORETICAL STUDY BY CADRES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 p 30
[Article in "Comment and Study" column by Li Xu [7812 2485]]
[Text] In a cadre's theoretical study, it is necessary to emphasize the
laying of a good foundation in the theory of Marxism.
Marxism comprises philosophy, political economics and scientific socialism.
These are interrelated and embody each other. These three components make
up the complete scientific system of Marxism and equip the proletariat and
the revolutionary masses with an ideological weapon and a guide for action
in the course of understanding the world situation, transforming the world
and accomplishing the great goals of communism. Mao Zedong Thought is the
application and development of Marxism in China. Its main content and
lively spirit have already been expounded on in the resolution of the 6th
Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee. Laying a good founda-
tion means primarily mastering the fundamental knowledge of Marxism-Leninism-
Mao Zedong Thought and understanding the fundamental principles. A further
requirement is mastering the Marxist stand, views and approaches which run
through the principles, enabling them to become our own guiding ideology and
the criteria for judging our words and deeds. The fundamental. task of our
cadres at all levels is to popularize Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought
among the masses, organize and arm the masses with Marxism-Leninism-Mao
Zedong Thought, and lead the masses in implementing the party's line,,
principles and policies and in realizing the targets of struggle put forth
by the party. Therefore, whether a good theoretical foundation has been
laid is of primary significance for whether a cadre can do a good job in
his practical work and fulfill all his obligations.
Some people might think that this is a "platitude" and may even object to
it. However, reality has proved once again that without a theoretical
foundation, or without a firm one, people will waver, be led astray or even
make mistakes. For instance, some people treat emancipating the mind and
upholding the four basic principles as two contradictory things. To them,
emancipating the mind means discarding the "four uphold's" and promoting
bourgeois liberalization. On the other hand, some think that advocating
the "four upholds" means advocating a rigid way of thinking and negating
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the need to emancipate the mind. Some people tend to neglect centralism
when they stress democracy; some neglect discipline when they stress free-
dom; some neglect ideological and political work when they stress material
interests, or vice versa. In summing up historical experiences, people
either affirm or negate everything. As far as the question of ideology
is concerned, it seems that opposing all "left" things and not doing
things in simplified and rude ways means being weak and lax and abandoning
leadership, and so on. All these are, in fact, closely related with a
shaky theoretical foundation. As some comrades say: "When people cannot
tell what is right or wrong in theory, they are bound to waver, politically,
and they will act blindly." Only by working hard to lay a good foundation
and actually improve one's Marxist theoretical level can we overcome such
wavering, one-sidedness and blindness and avoid making "left" or right
mistakes.
Economic construction is now the focus of all our work. Whether there is
a Marxist economic theoretical foundation is closely related to whether
we can do a good job in economic work. In the past, we did not attach
importance to research on the Marxist theory of reproduction or research
on the laws governing a socialist economy. As a result, we could not avoid
making those mistakes which could have been avoided. Now, there is still
a number of cadres playing leading roles in economic construction who lack
the basic knowledge of economic theory. It is undeniable that this is a
major factor accounting for the backward situation, low productivity and
poor economic results in certain units.
In order to lay a good foundation, it is essential to conscientiously study
some basic works on Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, to uphold the
principle of integrating theory with practice, and to integrate the study
of theory and summing up of experiences with the transformation of our
world outlook. Many of our comrades adhere to all these things in their
actual practice. However, owing to the long-term sabotage of Lin Biao and
the "gang of four," the sinister trend of paying no attention to theoretical
study or to transforming their world outlook still exists among some comrades.
It is for this reason that their words and deeds are always different or
even'deviate from the Marxist stand, views and approaches. Such a situation
does not accord with the obligation of each cadre or the demands of socialist
construction, and we must strive to overcome it.
5!.
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AN IMPORTANT DOCUMENT GUIDING THE RESTRUCTURING OF THE ECONOMIC SYSTEM--
STUDYING COMRADE CHEN YUN'S 'NEW PROBLEMS AFTER THE BASIC COMPLETION OF
SOCIALIST TRANSFORMATION'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 31-34
[Article by You Lin [2589 2651]]
[Text] Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, with
economic readjustment as the core, we have undertaken local and experimental
reforms on the system of economic management, and have made remarkable
achievements. Now, our task in this regard, just as Comrade Zhao Ziyang
pointed out in his government work report, lies in summing up the reform
experiences of the previous period, undertaking thorough and careful
investigations and studies, and conducting repeated scientific discussions
and demonstrations in order to formulate in the shortest time possible an
overall plan for reforming the economic management system and to gradually
implement such a plan. Under such circumstances, it is especially heart-
warming when we read once again Comrade Chen Yun's talk "New Problems After
the Basic Completion of Socialist Transformation" at the Eighth National
Congress of the Communist Party of China.
Since this talk of Comrade Chen Yun's was given 20-odd years ago, the actual
situation has undergone great changes. However, the problems pointed out
in his talk still exist, the measures conceived are still applicable, the
basic perceptions regarding economic management are still of realistic
significance. For these reasons, this talk should be regarded as an important
document for guilding the restructuring of our economic management system
and be very well studied.
In his talk, Comrade Chen Yun affirmed the great achievements of the socialist
transformation, analyzed the problems that had emerged, elaborated the
measures that should be taken, and in particular he presented the basic
perception regarding the would-be conditions of the socialist economy of
our country at the present stage. He said: "The conditions of our socialist
economy will be as follows: in industrial and commercial management, the
state and collective operations will comprise the main part, but with a
certain amount of individual operations. Such individual operations are a
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supplement to the state and collective operations. Regarding production
planning, the majority of the industrial and agricultural products of the
whole country will be produced according to plans. In the meantime, however,
a part of the products will be produced freely according to the variations
of the market and within the scope permitted by the state plans. Planned
production will be the main part of industrial and agricultural production,
while the free production dictated by market variations and permitted by
the state will be a supplement to the planned production. For this reason,
the market of our country will never be the free market of capitalism,
but a unified market of socialism. In the unified market of socialism,
the state market comprises the main part, supplemented by a free market
of certain scope under the guidance of the state. Being under the guidance
of the state and a supplement to the state market, such a free market is a
component of the socialist unified market." In the following, I would like
to present my understanding of three aspects of the above passage of high
generality with reference to Comrade ChenYun's whole article as well as
other articles.
Here, first of all, Comrade Chen Yun very clearly points out that at the
present stage in our country the basic form of social economy comprises the
socialist state economy and the collective economy with a certain amount
of individual economic entities participating in labor as a necessary supple-
ment to the socialist public ownership system. In a socialist country like
ours, the state economy must predominate. Otherwise, economic life will be
thrown into confusion and the overall interests of the state will not be
ensured. However, it is impossible and unnecessary for the state to take
charge of all enterprises regardless of their size, whether large, medium,
or small, and to take charge of all their products regardless of their
importance, whether primary products or secondary products. If the state
takes charge of all such things while barely having the strength to do so,
very unfavorable consequences will follow, as. shown by facts of the past.
The conditions of the relations of production depend upon the conditions
of the productive forces. The large enterprises represent socialized
large production. As determined by their very nature, they need to be
possessed and controlled by the whole society and should be, or rather
must be, operated by the state, the representative of the society. As to
the small enterprises and a part of the medium-sized enterprises which
basically employ manual labor and have a low level of mechanization, they
are suitable for collective operation and some are only suitable for
individual operation. However, we did not make such distinctions in the
past. In the latter stage of the three great transformations mistakes appear-
ed in demands being too urgent, crude and careless work, excessive speed
of change, oversimplification and unification of forms, and so on. The
above generalization made by Comrade Chen Yun was directed at such situations.
Then, we persisted in "promotions" and "transitions" and hastily "promoted"
the handicraft cooperatives to state factories and the cooperative stores
to state stores. Even the newly established collective ownership enter-
prises were also "promoted" without a moment's thought. This "promoted"
the genuine collective ownership enterprises owned and run by the broad
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masses of the people to enterprises belonging to the neighborhoods, districts,
and municipalities, or in other words, to enterprises of "collective" owner-
ship possessed and controlled by various levels of local governments. With
such a situation, the state economy became almost the sole economic form
in the cities. Consequently, this was very unfavorable to mobilizing the
enthusiasm of all concerned, causing the decrease in varieties of products
and the down-grading of quality and causing the diverse and ever-changing
demands of the consumers to fail to be better satisfied.
As indicated by the conclusion of historical experience and the analysis of
the actual situation of our country, in the cities it is not only necessary
to work hard to develop the collective ownership economy of the laboring
masses and the individual economy of the working people in a proper way,
but also to carry out the necessary reform of state enterprises. The small
enterprises as well as part of the medium-sized enterprises that produce
general products should be allowed to operate on the basis of responsibility
for their own profits and losses. The important departments such as banking,
railway transportation, civil aviation, posts and telecommunication, and so
on, should be operated by the state. The same is true of the large enter-
prises as well as a part of the medium-sized enterprises in such fields as
the iron and steel industry, nonferrous metal industry, the fuel industry,
electricity generation, machine building industry, chemical engineering,
construction materials, textiles, and light industry, as well as other
industries. Only by commanding these departments and industries can the
state control the economic lifeline and play its leading role over the
diversified economic forms. The owner of this category of enterprises
should be the entire working people, and the workers of these enterprises
are only a part of the entire working people. Since the managers of these
enterprises run these organizations in the capacity of representatives of the
state, the enterprises must produce and operate in conformity with the plans
of the state, and profits must be handed over to the state as stipulated.
Of course, in order to encourage the enthusiasm of the enterprises the
state should also give the enterprises certain authority and profits. However,
they cannot produce and operate independently, nor be responsible for their
own profits and losses, as are the small enterprises and a part of the medium-
sized enterprises mentioned above.
Next, Comrade Chen Yun pointed out that planned production should constitute
the main part of industrial and agricultural production and be supplemented
at the same time by free production as dictated by variations of the market
and permitted by the state plans. It is upon the foundation of public
ownership that we must bring about our planned economy and give play at the
same time to the supplementary function of regulation by market mechanism.
The planned economy, the national economy run consciously in accordance
with present plans, is closely related to the system of public ownership.
It comes into being with the system of public ownership as its foundation
and shows an important side of the economic essence of socialism. It is
undeniable that the socialist economy must be developed in a planned way.
However, the scope and extent of planning depends upon the degree of public
ownership. With the present level of productive force in our country, we
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are far from the completion of the socialization of the entire means of
production, as a commodity production still exists, making it impossible to
include the entire social production in a single unified plan and to carry
on production and operation entirely according to plans without regulation
by the market mechanism. The following procedure is more in line with the
actual situation: first, the important economic departments, the large
enterprises and a part of the medium-sized enterprises should be owned by
the state. It is these enterprises which produce and operate according
to the unified plan of the state. As these departments and enterprises
predominate in the national economy with their production and operation
carried on according to plans and coupled with the unified purchasing and
assigned purchasing of farm produce which in practice constitute production
by plans, planned production is ensured as the main part of our industrial
and agricultural production. Second, the other category of enterprises
(the collective ownership enterprises and state enterprises with
responsibility for their own profits and losses) should produce and operate
freely according to the fluctuations of the market and within the scope
permitted by the plans. Should these enterprises be guided by the state
plans? Very much so. In addition to such measures as taxation, credit,
pricing, and soon, reference targets can also be passed down. All these
measures are used to channel the production and operation of these enter-
prises as much as possible into the state plan and to subject the regulation
by market mechanism to the guidance of state planning. The trouble with our
planned management system is that everything is listed in the plans and
everything is controlled by plans. As a result, the economy becomes very
rigid. In brief, what should have been put under strict planning has not
been so planned and controlled, whereas what should not have been included
in the plan was. Comrade Chen Yun has always been opposed to such practices.
In his article, he pointed out that products such as consumer goods for
everyday use, handicraft products, small local products and so on, with only
very few exceptions, should not be included in state plans. The requirements
of the state plans regarding the output value of these products, the reduc-
tion of costs of the consumer goods for everyday use, and the enhancement
of labor productivity, as well as other requirements, are only taken as
reference targets. The producers are allowed to fix their own targets in
relation to the market conditions to carry on their production without being
committed to the reference targets. These measures, as viewed, are basically
applicable.
Recently, when speaking of the relationship between planned economy and
regulation by market mechanism in his report on government work, Comrade
Zhao Ziyang quoted the following words of Comrade Chen Yun's in his article
under discussion: "Planned production will be the main part of industrial
and agricultural production, while the free production dictated by market
fluctuations and permitted by the state plans will be a supplement to
planned production." Comrade Zhao Ziyang also pointed out: "This idea of
Comrade Chen Yun's is still of realistic and guiding significance to our
present reform." Comrade Zhao Ziyang also said: "We envisage that different
management methods should be applied to different groups of enterprises in
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terms of the different positions they occupy in the national economy, in
their ownership system, the importance and categories of their products,
and the varieties of their specifications. Generally speaking, there are
four categories. To the first category belong those enterprises which
produce according to the directives of the state plan. These are the back-
bone enterprises which command the economic lifeline of the country and
produce the main products for the national economy and the people's liveli-
hood, and their output value accounts for the majority of the total output
value of industry and agriculture despite the fact that the varieties of
their products are not numerous. Under the second category are the products
which are produced according to the fluctuations of the market and within
the scope permitted by the state plan. These are the small commodities of
many different varieties, scattered among and produced by numerous small
enterprises and individual workers. It is impossible and inconvenient to
subject them to unified planning and management. They only account for
a small part of the total output value of industry and agriculture. Between
these two major categories, there are two more categories of enterprises
and products. One category produces most of its products according to the
state plan and leaves the minority of its products to small enterprises
which have a free hand in organizing their production. This category is
basically similar to the first major category, though not without dissimi-
larities. Another category leaves most of its products to enterprises
which organize their production according to the fluctuations of the market,
and the minority of its products to the planned production of the state.
This category is basically similar to the second major category, also with
certain dissimilarities. A management like this differs not only from the
one we had, which was far too rigid, but also from the market economy of the
capitalist countries. It combines the centralized and unified leadership of
the state and the enthusiasm of the enterprises, and ensures the result of
control with flexibility, flexibility free of disorder, greater economic
benefits, and organization and development of production in accordance with
the needs of society." This is a very important step with crucial signi-
ficance to the reform of the management system.
Lastly, Comrade Chen Yun also pointed out that the state market must comprise
the main part of the socialist unified market, and be supplemented by the
free market under the guidance of the state in stipulated terms. The main
part of our industrial and agricultural production is planned production.
Similarly, the main part of our commodity circulation must also be planned
circulation. The important departments and the backbone enterprises must be
run by the state. The backbone enterprises of commerce and large stores
also must be run by the state. The state market is operated according to
plans. In fact, many products such as grain, cloth, and so on, are distributed
through the market according to plans. However, the state market can only
be the main part, but never the whole. This is to say, aside from the state
market, there must also be a free market. Without such a market, the produc-
tion and development of industry and agriculture will be unfavorably affected
and the people will be inconvenienced.
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However, very frequently we failed to give such all-round considerations
to our problems in the past, always thinking that the more unitary our
ownership system the better, and the less the circulation channels the
better. As a result, both the unitary aspect of our ownership system and
the paucity of circulation channels have been achieved only to be accom-
panied by the monotony of the market and the economic life of the people.
Actually, such troubles were burgeoning when the three great transforma-
tions were basically completed. The measures that were adopted to restrict
capitalist industry and commerce and proved to be unnecessary after the
completion of the three great transformations, as mentioned by Comrade
Chen Yun in his article, all had a bearing on this problem. All those
measures needed transformation, and they did undergo alteration at the
suggestion of Comrade Chen Yun. However, under the subsequent influence
of the "leftist" guiding principle, no problem was really solved and
instead problems piled up to give rise gradually to the situation in which
planned production and distribution ruled with regulation by market mechanism
reduced to nil and with the commercial sector accepting whatever the
industrial sector produced, not only in regard to the kind of products but
also their quantity. During the readjustment period from 1961 to 1963,
things were slackened to a certain extent, the rural fairs were revived,
the commodity circulation under the unified leadership of state commerce
and with the coexistence,of state commerce, cooperative commerce, and
rural fair trade was approved, and some municipalities allowed free
purchasing of handicraft articles. However, the transformation did not per-
sist. As the "Great Cultural Revolution" came along, even worse rigidity
ruled.
While pointing out the existing problems, Comrade Chen Yun presented his
measures to overcome them. One measure was to replace the processing orders
placed by the commercial sector on the factories by letting the factories
purchase the materials and sell the products themselves. Another measure
was to replace the monopolistic unified purchase of a part of the unimportant
agricultural and sideline products such as small local products by the supply
and marketing cooperatives with free purchasing and free selling by the
state stores, cooperative stores, cooperative teams, and the supply and
marketing cooperatives. If a shortage of supply should occur due to compe-
titive purchasing, the supply of the goods should be allocated under the
guidance of the local government according to the order of urgency in regard
to the needs of the various units. Still another measure was to implement
price policies that stimulated production, which included pricing by quality,
free purchasing, free fluctuation of prices of small local products which
were allowed to be peddled freely, and so on. We should carefully study the
measures presented by Comrade Chen Yun to provide solutions for the problems
that existed, and then substantiate and develop them in the light of the
new situation in order to ensure the practical and reliable implementation
of the principle that the state market should comprise the main part and be
supplemented by the free market.
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To sum up, in his article, Comrade Chen Yun has laid the fundamental basis
for the reform of our economic system in respect of ownership structure,
production management and circulation management. We should put his
concepts into a concrete form in the light of the specific situation at
present, and plan our reforms in the several aspects of planning and the
management systems of finance, taxation, prices, banking, commerce and
wages.
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QUESTION: IN OUR PRESENT EFFORTS TO IMPLEMENT THE ECONOMIC RESPONSIBILITY
SYSTEM, WE EMPHASIZE INTEGRATING RESPONSIBILITY, POWER AND INTERESTS; HOW
DOES THIS RELATE TO INTEGRATING THE THREE INTERESTS OF THE STATE, THE
COLLECTIVE AND THE INDIVIDUAL OF WHICH WE USUALLY SPEAK?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 34-35
[Article in "Questions and Answers" column by Li Guangyuan [2621 0342 6678]]
[Text] Answer: The integration of the interests of the state, the collec-
tive and the individual worker is the basic principle in accordance with
which the relationships of socialist economic interests are handled. The
integration of responsibility, power and interests, as embodied in the
socialist economic responsibility system, is a means of effecting the
integration and simultaneous growth of the interests of the state, the
collective and the individual worker. The integration of responsibility,
power and interest must be subordinate to the requirements of the principle
of the integration of the interests of the state, the collective and the
individual worker. Why do we say this?
Socialist public ownership is a system whereby individual workers jointly
exercise ownership. Workers are masters of the state and the collective.
Therefore, the interests of the state are tantamount to the common interests
of all individual workers, and also tantamount to the common interests of
all workers' collectives. The interests of a collective are tantamount to
the common interests of a specified group of workers. The ultimate aim of
all activities of the state and the collectives is to bring about the
constant growth of the interests of all individual workers. This objective
relationship of interests gives rise to the principle of the integration
of the interests of the state, the collective and the individual. The main
substance of this principle includes the following: First, due consideration
must be given to the interests of the three parties, because although the
interests of the three parties coincide there are also conflicts of interests
between them. Therefore, we can and we should give due consideration to
their interests. Second, the individual's interests must be subordinated
to those of the state and the collective. The interests of the collective
must be subordinated to those of the state. This is because the common
interests of a community are above and more important than the interests of
any individual or any part of the whole community.. The former is the basis
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on which the latter can be safeguarded. For example, the strengthening of
the state and the development of the national economy constitute the basis
on which improvement of the individual's livelihood can be ensured. Third,
enhancement of the interests of the collective and the state serves the
ultimate purpose of promoting and safeguarding the enhancement. of the
interests of all individual workers. What is "taken from the people" must
ultimately be given to the people." .
Generally speaking, the 'integration of responsibility, power and interests
is not a principle peculiar to socialist economic relationship. It is a
principle universally applicable to all categories of relationships of
commodity exchange, because any commodity exchange relationship is tantamount
to a contract relationship. Whether contracts are written or not, this
relationship always, determines some sort of integration of the. responsibility,
power and interests of the two parties under consideration. When one party
assumes responsibility for supplying commodities to the other party, it will
correspondingly acquire the power to obtain a supply of commodities from the
other party and will hence gain certain benefits. Various essentially
different commodity exchange relationships give rise to essentially different
ways' of integration of responsibility, power and interests.
The integration of-responsibility, power and interests in the socialist
economy is radically and essentially different from the integration of
responsibility, power and interests of commodity exchange relationships
under private ownership. The difference is that in the exchange of commodities
under private ownership, such integration is a means of safeguarding the
conflicting private interests of various owners of private property; whereas
in the socialist economy, such integration is a means of achieving the inte-
gration of the interests of the state, the collective and the individual
workers as well as a means of safeguarding the simultaneous enhancement of
these three parties' benefits. In the exchange of commodities under private
ownership, the two opposing parties are owners of private property with con-
flicting interests., Each of them only cares about its own private gain, and
supplying commodities to the other party is only a means of achieving private
gain. Therefore, each party strives to give as little as possible and take
as much as possible. Transactions are concluded after bargaining between
the two parties. because they are forced to do so by the spontaneous compe-
tition in the market. In socialist economic-relations, the parties between
whom conflicts exist are three parties whose interests coincide, namely,
the individual worker, the worker's own collective and his own state. Each
party cares about the integration of the three parties' interests, aside
from its own interests. In. the socialist economy, responsibility, power
and interests are integrated. They are also divided between various parties
in the light of the specific circumstances of the development of the socialist
cause and in the light of various specific conditions of the state, the
collective and the individual. Such integration and division are aimed at
the simultaneous enhancement of the interests of?the three parties, and are
decided and carried out in'a planned way. If so, then how does the integration
of-responsibility, power and interests serve the integration and enhancement
of the interests of the state, the collective and the individual?
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First, in practicing the economic responsibility system, we must specifically
determine the responsibility, power and interests to be assigned to various
parties and also determine the mutually restrictive relationship between
responsibility, power and interests. Thus, we can have specific criteria
and methods for integrating the interests of the state, the collective and
the individual. With these criteria and methods, everyone will know how
he can make contributions and how greater contributions will benefit both
the whole community and himself. Thus, we will be able to do away with
egalitarianism and "eating out of one big pot," which is characterized by
confusion about what responsibilities each should shoulder, ignorance of
what is right or wrong, unclear rewards and punishments, and equal pay to
all regardless of the amount of work done. When these things are done
away with, the enthusiasm of all parties can be mobilized so that they will
all do their best to make greater contributions to the simultaneous enhance-
ment of the interests of the three parties.
Second, when we determine the responsibility, power and interests to be
assigned to various parties in practicing the economic responsibility
system, we must proceed from the principle of integrating the interests of
the three parties and avoiding one-sidedness. For example, why must we
specify comprehensive targets for assessing the work of industrial enterprises
that practice the economic responsibility system? In addition to targets
for profits, why must we also require the enterprises to produce marketable
products, raise product quality, reduce the consumption of resources and
promote industrial safety? In practicing the reward system, why must average
advanced quotas be taken as the basis? The reason is that these are required
by the basic principle of the integration of the interests of the three
parties. In instituting the system of responsibility in rural production,
what forms should be adopted? What should be centralized? What should be
decentralized? Should the basic figures in contracts be high or low?
These should all be determined according to what measures will be conducive
to the integration and enhancement of the interests of the three parties
in various circumstances.
Lastly, we must more vigorously educate the cadres and the masses in the
ideologies of patriotism and collectivism. We must both overcome the
tendency of neglecting the individual interests of the masses and oppose
individualism and departmental selfishness. Thus everyone can really realize
the coincidence of the interests of the three parties and consider themselves
to be masters of society. The majority of peasants and rural cadres not
only hope for increased individual income, but also want to make the greatest
possible contributions to the state and the collective. The majority of
workers and cadres of enterprises wish to share the burden of the state and
enhance the state's gains, and they consider the retention of profits by
the enterprises and the distribution of bonuses to workers to be of less
importance. This is the main trend. It is precisely this socialist ideology
and collectivist spirit of the masses and the cadres that enables the
practicing of the responsibility system to bring about the fine situation
of continuous development in production and simultaneous enhancement of the
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interests of the state, the collective and the individual. However, we
must also note that a minority of people still do not consider themselves
to be masters. In viewing socialist economic relations, they are still
accustomed to those concepts concerning responsibility, power and gains
that are characteristic of commodity exchange relationship under.px4vate
ownership. They only want to gain greater benefits for themselves. They
disregard the overall situation of the socialist cause and even try by
all means to exploit, to their own advantage, "loopholes" in the policies
and systems formulated by the state. They practice fraud and violate
public interests for their own private gain. In view of this, we must
persist in educating people in the integration of the interests of the
state, the collective and the individual. Thus, we can ensure that the
responsibility system involving the integration of responsibility, power
and interests develops healthily along a socialist orientation.
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THEORETICAL STUDY BY CADRES IN THE EARLY 1950'S
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 36-37
[Article by Hu Qilin [5170 0120 2651]]
[Text] Under the leadership of the party, an upsurge in theoretical study
by the cadres and masses emerged in the early 1950's. The upsurge in
theoretical study at that time was an inevitable product of the development
of the revolutionary situation; it was an important ideological preparation
for the cadres and masses in fulfilling the revolutionary and construction
tasks in the new period.
The Chinese revolution was won under the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-
Mao Zedong Thought. Therefore, the people naturally had an urgent desire
to study Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought when they hailed the victory
of the revolution. Although many comrades who had worked in the liberated
areas had valuable experience in the revolutionary struggle, they were
unable to carry out systematic theoretical study under the conditions of
hard struggle. So they felt the need to study again when confronted with
the new situation and tasks which were unfamiliar to them. In the light
of specific conditions, our party did a great deal of ideological and
organizational work concerning theoretical study, so that the study campaign
at that time could develop healthily throughout the country and achieve
remarkable results.
The theoretical study in the early 1950's began with the study of the history
of the development of society--the study of historical materialism, and it
lasted for several years. In the study, by closely referring to the develop-
ment of the situation, they carried out the principle of combining theory
with practice; energetically mastered some basic viewpoints of historical
materialism such as the attitude to labor, the attitude to the masses, the
class viewpoint and the Marxist theory of state; and conscientiously remolded
their ideology. They initially or further understood some basic principles
of Marxism. All this laid a good foundation for a profound theoretical study.
On the above basis, the study of Marxist political economics was launched
in various places throughout the country, and in respect of socioeconomic
relations, the cadres and masses further understood the law governing social
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development, especially the inevitability of socialism replacing capitalism.
This had great significance for understanding the character of Chinese
society, solving the problems that emerged in the construction of the new
democratic economy, conscientiously implementing various economic policies
of the party and forming a revolutionary outlook on life. The study of
political economics-was a step forward in the theoretical requirement's'
of the cadres and masses, as well as the need to solve our practical'
problems. Therefore, it further stimulated the people's initiative to
study. During the study of the above-mentioned subject, everyone, in
accordance with their own theoretical level and by means of various organiza-
tional forms, studied Lenin's "On Imperialism," Stalin's "Problems of the
Socialist Economy in the Soviet Union" and "Textbook of Political Economics"
and some important documents concerning economic problems issued by the
party Central Committee. In the study and discussions, they energetically
combined theory with practice and achieved good results.
In 1952, the party Central Committee put forward the general line for the
transitional period. In 1953, China began its first 5-year plan and entered
the period of large-scale economic construction. What was the transitional
period? How should we carry out industrialization and the socialist trans-
formation of the ownership of the means of production? How should we unfold
our large-scale economic construction in a planned way? The people were
eager to have a correct theoretical explanation of these questions so they
could suit their own work to the requirements of the new situation. There-
fore, our party timely organized the study of the 9th to 12th chapters of
"The History of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (Bolshevik)" and
Lenin's and Stalin's works concerning socialist economic construction, while
extensively organizing the study of the general line for the transitional
period. Many people who had such an experience still remember how large
numbers of people energetically took part in the study.
The above-mentioned theoretical study was carried out in combination with
the study of Comrade Mao Zedong's works. After the victory of the revolu-
tion, hundreds of millions of people, with energetic propagation by the
party, studied Comrade Mao Zedong's works with great eagerness. Before
the publication of the "Selected Works of Mao Zedong," people in various
places mainly studied such basic works of Comrade Mao Zedong's as "On
Practice," "On Contradictions" and "On the People's Democratic Dictatorship."
From 1951 to 1953, volumes 1, 2 and 3 of "Selected Works of Mao Zedong"
were published successively, and a systematic study of each volume was
energetically organized. In this way Mao Zedong Thought was popularized
on an unprecedented scale.
As far as organizational and leadership work was concerned, the theoretical
study at that time was noted for its regularity. In the early period of the
founding of the People's Republic of China, study committees and study groups
(generally divided into two grades) were set up in various institutions and
organizational bodies. Sufficient time was devoted to theoretical study
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because the cadres earnestly wanted to master basic theoretical knowledge.
After 1951, the theoretical study of employed cadres began to gradually
embark on the road of regularization. Part-time political schools were set
up one after another in various places throughout the country; centralized
unified study plans were carried out; and the regular system of roll call,
asking for leave, making up missed lessons, examinations, and rewards and
punishment was implemented. A strict method of grouping more employed
cadres into classes was beginning to be implemented according to their
educational levels and basic theoretical knowledge, instead of according to
their rank or position. The cadres who took part in the study were divided
into Group A, Group B and Group C (which were changed to advanced group,
intermediate group and elementary group after the latter half of 1952). They
had different contents and requirements for their study and implemented a
system of giving regular tests and examinations and of making promotions.
Various institutions, organizational bodies and units at the battalion level
and above in the army were gradually provided with theoretical instructors,
theoretical teachers and study advisers. Lecture groups were also formed
in some regions. After the party Central Committee's instructions concerning
the cadres' theoretical education from 1953 to 1954 were transmitted
throughout the country, attention was further focused on the training, pro-
vision and grouping of theoretical teachers. Large numbers of Marxist-
Leninist evening schools and training courses were set up to train theoretical
teachers. A network of theoretical study by employed cadres was formed in
some regions. In addition, high-ranking cadres in many regions who were
comparatively highly self-cultivated in theory were required to independently
study in a systematic way the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Stalin and
Comrade Mao Zedong, especially works that were closely related to the work
in their own departments. They were to write study theses and reports,
regularly help common cadres with their study and explain to them the questions
they might come across during their study. Because the study system was
regularized, the cadres' theoretical study was further carried out under
unified leadership, in a planned way and with checkups. This was an important
reason why the study campaign at that time could last so long and achieve such
good results.
Another characteristic was that party organizations at all levels paid exten-
sive attention to giving guidance with specific aims. Party organizations
at all levels placed the cadres' theoretical education in an important
position in the party's work. The Propaganda Department of the party Central
Committee, the branch bureaus of the party Central Committee and party
committees in various places often made a study of the situation of theoreti-
cal study, worked out study plans and issued, with specific aims, instruc-
tions for intensifying and improving the cadres' study. They also compiled
teaching materials in a timely manner. The outline for the study and
propaganda of the party's general line in the transitional period compiled
by the Propaganda Department of the party Central Committee played an
important role in pushing forward the political theory study at that time.
Study rooms, research rooms and special institutions in charge of employed
cadres' theoretical education were formed in many provinces.
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Here I would like to mention the guidance work of the magazine XUEXI [STUDY]
in the study campaign at that time. As a periodical which gave instruc-
tions concerning cadres' theoretical study and which was under the direct
leadership of the Propaganda Department of the party Central Committee, this
magazine was extensively welcomed by the cadres and masses for its guidance
on specific aims. Its main role was as follows:
1. In the light of the study content and the people's actual ideological
condition, it repeatedly explained the necessity for all cadres tp?study
Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought while familiarizing themselves with
their own professional work. It used various forms (such as commentaries
and study comments) to energetically propagate various important instructions
issued by the party with regard to theoretical study and to guide the
localities in implementing the instructions. It actively propagated the
important significance of various study contents. It particularly emphasized
that the study had to focus on the actual problems of the revolution and
construction in China, and took Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought as
the guiding principle. It issued large numbers of articles with regard to
the major problems in various courses and with regard to the theoretical
problems the cadres were concerned about in order to make it convenient
for everyone to study, refer to and discuss them.
2. It provided teaching and reference materials. For instance, for the'
study of the history of social development, the magazine XUEXI gave wide
coverage to the "forum on the basic knowledge of social sciences." For the
study of chapters 9 through 12 of the "History of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union (Bolshevik)," it not only provided the study reference outline
for the intermediate group, but also provided systematic reference materials
for reading. In order to help the elementary group, staff and workers,
and young students to study basic knowledge concerning social sciences and
economic construction, the magazine publishing house, from 1951 onward,
edited and published the elementary edition of XUEXI, the "Book of Political
Knowledge" and "Book of Knowledge for Economic Construction." It also
provided the study outline, answers to questions, explanations of terms
and phrases and the relevant materials for each chapter in each book.
3. It energetically did a good job in answering questions. XUEXI attached
great importance to this work. The magazine regarded this not only as its
basic responsibility for helping the cadres with their theoretical study,
but also as an important method for understanding the situation and improving
its editorial work. Letters kept coming in from readers expressing their
questions answered. This fully reflected their study and the need for study.
XUEXI had a group specially responsible for answering the readers' questions
sent to the magazine. It seriously handled all questions put forward by the
readers and answered them after careful consideration. Some answers were
given individually, some were carried in the "Questions and Answers".column
of the magazine. This was well received by the readers.
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There were various shortcomings in the cadres' theoretical study at that
time, but on the whole the success was remarkable. The theoretical study
enabled the cadres and masses to receive a profound education on Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, and trained a group of cadres who had a firm
theoretical basis, who had formed a proletarian world outlook and who had
lofty ideals. It promoted the realization of the unprecedented change
China was experiencing at that time.
The study campaign showed that great changes are the best ways to make people
learn new things and study new problems. So long as we are good at arousing
and promoting the consciousness of the people in their theoretical study
by educating them to have lofty ideals and realistic aims, we can stimulate
the people's enthusiasm for theoretical study and create an atmosphere in
which the people study hard for the revolution and construction.
The study campaign showed that the study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong
Thought, organized according to the development of the situation and the
cadres' different conditions, is well received and can achieve the best
results, and therefore it is most vigorous. In addition, giving guidance
with specific aims in study is an important link in doing a good job,in
study.
The study campaign showed that it is of extreme importance to have the
attention and firm leadership of party organizations at all levels. Without
strong ideological and organizational leadership, it is not conceivable
that thousands of people could take part in the study campaign profoundly,
persistently and effectively.
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RELY ON THE COLLECTIVE ECONOMY TO BUILD MATERIAL AND SPIRITUAL CIVILIZATION
IN THE RURAL AREAS--THE SUPERIORITY OF THE SOCIALIST SYSTEM SEEN FROM THE
VAST CHANGES IN NANHAI COUNTY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 38-41
[Investigative report by Lin Hong [2651 3163], Zhou Jingying [0719 4842 5391],
Wu Chifeng [0702 6375 6912] and Yang Jianrong [2799 1696 2837], workers in
the Propaganda Department of the Guangdong Provincial CCP Committee]
[Text] Nanhai County is located in the northern part of the Zhujiang delta,
near Guangzhou municipality. It has a population of 800,000 people. A land
of fish and rice, it has 800,000 mu of farmland, including mulberry tree
plantations and fish ponds. Since liberation and particularly since
cooperativization, people in Nanhai County have successfully built a material
and spiritual civilization by means of the strength of their collective
economy. Vast changes have taken place in industrial and agricultural pro-
duction, in the people's standard of living, and in their spiritual appearance
and social habits.
The vast changes in Nanhai County are, above all, manifested in the rapid
development of industrial and agricultural production. In 1980, the gross
value of the county's industrial output amounted to over 473 million yuan,
an increase of 11 times over that of 1949; the gross value of its agricul-
tural output amounted to over 415 million yuan, an increase of 36 times over
that of 1949; grain production increased from 250 million jin in 1949 to
780 million jin and the per mu yield increased from 492 jin to 1,500 jin,
an increase of over 25 times; and production of peanuts, sugarcane, silk-
worms, pigs and pond fish increased respectively by 8 times, 5.9 times,
13.6 times and 3.9 times. On average, the per capita industrial and agri-
cultural output value was 1,105 yuan (not including the household sideline
income of the commune members), or $624.
What is the principal reason for the rapid increase in the industrial and
agricultural production of Nanhai County?
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First, the county has relied on collective strength to continuously change
production conditions, to develop large-scale capital construction in farm-
land water conservancy, to build up large tractors of high-yield farmland
which is resistant to drought and waterlogging, and to carry out basic
farm mechanization to ensure a continuous high and stable yield in agricul-
tural production.
Before liberation, water conservancy conditions in this region were in a very
bad shape. Whenever a flood occurred, the river embankments would collapse
and large tracts of good farmland would be inundated. In the two relatively
large floods in 1947 and 1949, river embankments collapsed in a score of
places and in these years respectively, 250,000 mu and 60,000 mu of ricefields
were inundated. The disaster-stricken peasants had nothing to eat but chaff
and wild herbs. Some of them had to leave the county to escape the famine
while countless numbers died of hunger.
After liberation, the party led the peasants to take the road of cooperativiza-
tion and to carry out, in a planned manner and step by step, water conservancy
construction work in the farmland. First, beginning in the 1950's, a large
number of river embankments were built. In all, 35 river embankments with
a total length of over 400 kms were completed. This protected the largest
part of the farmland from flood. In 1968, the biggest flood in history
occurred in the region, but not a single river embankment collapsed. After
the 1960's, an electically powered irrigation system covering the entire
county was gradually completed. Nowadays, rains as heavy as 200 mm in a
single day can be drained off within 3 days. In the 1970's, work was mainly
concentrated on levelling land so that garden-style cultivation of the great
proportion of land in the whole county could be achieved. At the same time,
much progress has been made in farm mechanization. At present, the county
owns nearly 4,000 tractors of various kinds and over 1,000 electric motors,
in addition to a large assortment of processing machines for agricultural
products and mechanical conveyances for water and land transport; 75 percent
of the farmland has now been put under mechanized farming. Mechanization of
the processing of farm products and of farm transport has basically been
realized, as has the electrification of irrigation. The level of scientific
farming has also been noticeably improved and, as a result, the labor pro-
ductivity rate in agriculture has been greatly enhanced.
Obviously, if they did not rely on the powerful strength of the collective
economy but relied solely on the small economy of the individual farm house-
holds, it would have been impossible within a short period of time to complete
such a huge scheme of farmland water conservancy and the initial stage of
agricultural mechanization.
Second, the county has brought into full play the superiority of the systems
of unified management and rational division of labor under the collective
economy, "firmly grasping the main structure (grain) and developing the two
wings (industrial sideline occupations and the planting of rearing trades),"
and continuously developing the scope and depth of production.
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Nanhai County has a plentiful supply of labor power. Because of its
proximity to large cities and towns, it possesses advantageous conditions
for the development of industrial sideline production and the commodity
economy. But it was only after the populace had been organized that this
superiority was brought into full play. Following the cooperativization
of agriculture, and particularly since the 3d Plenary Session of the-,llth
CCP Central Committee, people in the county have emancipated their minds,
rationally readjusted the structure of their agricultural economy, and
gradually implemented the guideline of "grasping the main structure,
developing the two wings, and bringing into play the combined operations
of agriculture, industry and commerce." That is to say, under the logical
premise of ensuring a gradual increase in grain production, freely develop-
ing industrial sideline production and multiple operation forms. In
addition to the large-scale production of agricultural sideline products,
industries such as those producing chemical fertilizer, hardware, electronics
articles, household electrical machines, textiles, garments, plastics,
printed matter, leather goods, metallic products, machines and construction
materials all started from scratch and were swiftly developed. Some of these
industrial products have been marketed in other parts of the country and
abroad. As a result, the whole rural economy has steadily been enlivened.
The income of the communes and production brigades from the collective economy
has swiftly increased while their income from industrial sideline occupations
and from the planting and rearing trades, and the proportion these occupy
in the collective economy gross income, have also greatly increased. In
the year before last, the composition of the collective income of the county
as a whole was as follows: grain, 27.9 percent; industrial sideline occupa-
tions, 39.1 percent; and the planting and rearing trades, 33 percent.
As a result of specialization and division of labor in industries run by the
communes and production brigades and the growth of cultural and educational
enterprises in the rural areas, a large number of peasants have become
workers or personnel with specialized training. At the same time, the small
cities and towns where the people's communes are located have become the
political, economic and cultural centers of the rural areas. The disparity
between worker and peasant and between city and countryside has gradually
shrunk. Thus, the development of such social maladies as overpopulation,
unemployment and a high crime rate caused by the influx of a large number
of poor or bankrupt peasants into the large cities and towns, frequently
seen in capitalist countries in the course of their industrialization, has
been avoided. This is of deep and penetrating significance.
Following the rapid growth of the collective economy, the peasants have quickly
become affluent. In 1980, the average per capita income of the rural commune
members in Nanhai County was 341 yuan, the highest in Guangdong Province and
equivalent to 4 times the national average. At present, in the countryside
of Nanhai County there are three signs of plenty: plenty of savings deposits,
plenty of new houses, and plenty of purchases of high-grade commodities.
In the year before last, the gross amount of bank deposits of commune members
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in the whole county was 83.3 million yuan, averaging 128 yuan per peasant.
The majority of new houses built in the countryside of Nanhai County consists
of two-storied brick and tiled buildings with attached veranda. Many families
of commune members have electric fans, radios, dining sets and sofas. Some
have television sets, radio-recorders, steel and wooden furniture, and
electric rice cookers. When talking about their present living standard,
the affluent peasants are all smiles. They say that if the present policies
of the party are continued for another 3 to 5 years, their standard df living
will be even better.
These facts are incredible unless they are seen or heard personally. Before
liberation, because of the heavy taxation levied by the reactionary govern-
ment and the many natural disasters, the broad masses of peasants in Nanhai
County lived under the tragic circumstances of not having enough to eat
and hardly any clothing to wear. For example, what is now the Nansha
production brigade of Xiaodong people's commune was so poverty-stricken
that there was a common saying that "no girls want to marry into a Nansha
family." But now, Nansha is greatly changed in appearance. In the year
before last, the gross rice output of the whole brigade amounted to
2.25 million jin, averaging over 1 ton of grain per mu. Collective income
amounted to over 5 million yuan, averaging 996 yuan per commune member.
Twenty households had an income of over 10,000 yuan each. The collective-.
accumulated funds of the brigade amounted to over 3.7 million yuan. Over
recent years, this production brigade, which has some 500 households and a
population of over 2,100, has built 535 new residences and bought over
1,000 wristwatches, 482 bicycles, 375 electric fans and over 70 television
sets. Its members have deposits of 1.42 million yuan in the savings society.
The former tragic era of "not marrying a daughter into a Nansha family" has
gone and will never return.
Under the spiritual guidance of the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP
Central Committee, the Nanhai County party committee and the Nanhai County
people's government, on the one hand, actively encouraged communes and brigades
favored with better conditions to become affluent first, and, on the other
hand, vigorously supported communes, brigades and teams in difficulties to
quickly extricate themselves from their impoverished condition and proceed
toward affluence. Over each of the last few years, the county has granted
loans to impoverished teams or made investments amounting to 6 to 7 million
yuan. The relevant departments accorded to these teams "seven priorities."
These relate to: the supply of the means of production; arrangements for
bank loans; providing facilities for mechanized farming; repairs of damaged
farm machines; purchase of agricultural sideline products; absorption or
employment of personnel in industrial sideline occupations; and supply of
transport facilities. These measures were of immense help to the impoverished
units. As of the end of the year before last, in the whole county there
remained only four production brigades which had average per capita incomes
of less than 150 yuan. These constituted only 1.6 percent of the total
number of production brigades in the county.
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Concurrently with the swift growth of the socialist collective economy and
the noticeable improvement in the standard of living of the people, the
spiritual state of the populace has also changed considerably. Proceeding
arm in arm on the road to affluence, the people have gradually evolved
common ideals and new moral concepts. A new type of relationship between
human beings has taken shape. Following the call by the party Central
Committee to help the peasants become rich as soon as possible, cadres at
various levels shared the same thoughts and the same feelings of urgency
as the peasants. They devised various ways and means to help the produc-
tion teams enhance production. For this they were greatly welcomed by the
commune members. As a result, the relations between the cadres and the
masses became increasingly friendly. Between the commune members them-
selves, the spirit of unity, comradeship and mutual help was also greatly
enhanced. Based on the continuous development of the collective economy,
collective welfare work progressed steadily. Cooperative medical care
was introduced into all communes and production brigades in the county.
Many of the comparatively affluent communes and production brigades
instituted a retirement scheme for aged commune members. Under the system,
the pensions of retired members are equivalent to 50 to 70 percent of
their average work points over the 3 years immediately prior to retirement.
In the year before last, 83 retired members of the Nansha production brigade
received, on average, a pension of 504 yuan per person. The maximum amount
received was 859 yuan. In addition, there are no charged for infants attend-
ing nurseries, for children going to school (up to senior middle school)
or for commune members seeking medical care. At the same time, firewood,
tap water and movie shows are provided free of charge. Funerals for deceased
commune members are subsidized. All these things caan be summarized as
follows: nurseries for the infants, schools for the young, medical care
for the sick, provision for the aged, and funeral services for the dead.
The socialist economy has brought enormous material benefits to the peasants
of Nanhai County. In turn, the peasants have closely tied their destiny to
the socialist enterprises and to collective production. They have only one
objective, namely, how to make the collective economy grow and prosper so
that all can become affluent in the shortest time possible. When the
collective meets with difficulties, everybody will try by all ways and means
to resolve the difficulties. For example, when a commune or production
brigade plans to start industrial sideline production but is short of funds,
the commune members enthusiastically raise the necessary funds. Some offer
money from their own reserves that were put aside for marriage or house
building, while others loan their surplus grain to the production team at
a discount. The richer they become, the more concerned they are with the
state and the greater are their contributions to the state. In 1980, the
county supplied over 378 million jin of grain to the state. Of this amount,
some 100 million jin was surplus grain which the peasants voluntarily sold
to the state. An increasing amount of other agricultural sideline products
has also been sold to the state.
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The development of material culture has changed certain old habits in the
countryside. The commune members have begun to care about hygiene, to have
a liking for science, and to be concerned with domestic as well as foreign
affairs. Many peasant families currently subscribe to one or two news-
papers, while the communes, one after another, are setting up cultural
centers. Various kinds ofsparetime technical schools have sprung up like
bamboo shoots after a spring rain. This is a new picture of the Nanhai
countryside not seen over the last several thousands of years.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, Nanhai County
has thoroughly implemented the guidelines and policies of the party Central
Committee. In particular, it has grasped the following:
First, it has respected the decision-making or autonomous power of the produc-
tion teams and has brought into play, and relied on, the commune members'
spirit of being masters of their own future.
In the past, anything concerning the fields of production teams, such as
what crops to plant, what crops not to plant, when to plant, and when to
harvest, was determined from above and the decision was a vertical one.
In this way, to be realistic and practical was well-nigh impossible and
the masses were unable to display their spirit of being masters. After
the third plenary session, the Nanhai County party committee, following the
principle of being practical and realistic, improved their methods of leader-
ship, respected the autonomous power of the production teams and allowed
the peasants the power to determine their own production affairs. First,
in regard to politics, they respected the wishes of the commune members,
and instituted a democratic system of electing the various levels of leader-
ship. Moreover, they made a bold decision--that of allowing the masses to
choose "leaders" from among the county's organs at various levels. The
masses were at liberty to recommend, from among the county's organs at
various levels and from other units, capable persons suitable for.leader-
ship.work on the production front and the county committee would then make
the necessary follow-up arrangements. Acting on the recommendations of the
masses, over the past 2 years, the county party committee has transferred
14 cadres from the various sections and bureaus of the county administra-
tion to fill gaps in leadership work at the basic level. In this way, a
close relationship with the commune masses has been engendered, the cadres
and masses are of one heart and purpose, and good results have been achieved
in various kinds of production work.
Second, on the production front, all commune members gained decision-making
power on matters ranging from simple production arrangements to scientific
farming. In this, the Julong production team of Pingzhou people's commune
offers an especially good example. This team is located near Guangzhou and
used to be well-known for flower planting and the raising of ornamental fish.
However, in the past, the hands of its members were firmly tied by "leftist"
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restrictions. They were not allowed to plant flowers or to raise fish. Each
member was allowed, on average, a plot of land only 0.8 mu in size to grow
grain. However, after the third plenary session, they were allowed to make
the necessary production arrangements according to their own actual condi-
tions, such as planting flowers, raising fish, producing bricks and tiles,
or making rattanware. Thus, by opening wide the production avenues and
engaging in multiple forms of operations, they became affluent in only 2 years.
What has drawn public commendation is that their flower nursery, which
occupies only 3 mu of land, was converted from a tract of wasteland into a
"treasure bowl" in less than 2 years. It earns an income as high as
60,000 yuan a year. This shows us that only by earnestly respecting the
autonomous rights of the production team can the wisdom and creativeness
of the commune members be brought into full play. In regard to such.problems
as how to make good use of a piece of land, say, only one-tenth of a mu in
size, or how to make good use of a pond, or how to bring into full play the
various superior conditions or the special talents of an individual, they
are perfectly capable of giving the matter careful thought and making the
necessary and satisfactory arrangements. In this way production will
certainly succeed.
Second, the county has adopted the production responsibility system in its
various forms and has fully carried out the principle of distribution accord-
ing to work.
In the past, under the influence of "leftist" thought, this socialist basic
principle of distribution according to work was unreasonably criticized as
being capitalist. For years, the practice of making only a rough calculation
of work points and "eat-ing out of one big pot" had seriously dampened
the enthusiasm of the broad masses of commune members. Since the third
plenary session, comrades in Nanhai County have overcome egalitarianism and
carried out the principle of distribution according to-work, grasping these
steps as pivotal points in emancipating and developing the productive forces.
Based on the actual condition of the solid strength of the collective economy
in this county, the rapid growth rate in production and the high level of
distribution as well as the wishes of the broad masses of commune members,
these comrades have comprehensively implemented the system of assigning
responsibility to specialists and linking remuneration to output for produc-
tion personnel. They have also implemented the system of assigning
responsibility for task completion in financial affairs to financial and
accounting personnel and the responsibility system of cadres and administra-
tive personnel taking personal responsibility for tasks. Since these various
forms of the responsibility system are directly linked to the material
interests of the individual, they have outstandingly activated the production
enthusiasm of the cadres and the masses. The Xincun East brigade of Pingzhou
people's commune had long been known for its poor performance in production.
In the year before last, it adopted the system of assigning responsibility
for production and linking remuneration to output and forthwith its appearance
was changed. Its average grain yield per mu rose from 1,240 jin in 1979
to 1,670 jin, and the average per capita income of its members increased from
144 yuan to 310 yuan, an increase of more than 100 percent.
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Third,. the county has promoted industrial sideline production among its
communes and brigades and brought into full play its own superior condi-
tions in this respect. Nanhai County borders Guangzhou and Foshan. It
is an extremely advantageous position to develop the commodity economy.
Unfortunately, in the past, under the influence of "leftist" thought, its
superiority in this regard was labelled as a "breeding soil for capitalism"
and it was subjected to various criticisms and slanderous slogans such as
the criticism of the so-called "three heavy's and three light's," and to
calls urging that the "tail of private ownership" be cut off, that the
"underground factories" be uprooted, that the "upstarts" be struggled
against, and so on. During the 10 years of domestic turmoil, it actually
happened that in a locality. such as Nanhai, which is gifted with good
natural conditions, some production teams could earn only several fen a
day. This is hardly imaginable. It made people ask in disgust: "Could
this be socialism?"
Fortunately, the mist of dismay in the people's hearts was wiped away by
the third plenary session of the party. Since then, the people have begun
to realize that the universal poverty was not caused by real socialism
but rather by the fake socialism of the "gang of four." In order to quickly
enrich the peasants, the county party committee advocated the slogan "three-
horse carts can pull a load faster than two-horse carts." It rectified
the former rule permitting only the commune and the production brigade,
but not the production team, to engage in industrial production. It en-
couraged production teams to go all out in industrial sideline production.
Thus, they were able to realize the concept of "making the best and fullest
use of the advantageous conditions of a locality, the value of materials
and the talents of the individual." In 1980, the gross income derived
from industrial sideline occupations by production teams in the whole county
amounted to nearly 100 million yuan, an increase of two times over that of
the preceding year. This alone increased the average income per person
by 120 yuan. Concurrently with extensively taking industrial sideline
production, the teams, acting in the Chinese proverbial manner of the
"eight immortals crossing the sea, each one showing his special prowess,"
developed various pursuits such as planting fruit trees, melons, vegetables
and flowers; lumbering; raising birds, insects, fish and so on--all of which
have become broad avenues for the advance to wealth and success.
Never before have the people of Nanhai been so full of confidence in socialism
as they are today. They are determined, under the party's leadership, to
.struggle for the realization of the target set by the Nanhai County party
congress, of building a "socialist new Nanhai which is industrialized,
abounds with gardens and forests, is economically and collectively developed,
and which has a beautiful environment and people enjoying a rich and
prosperous life."
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CARRY FORWARD THE SPIRIT OF REVOLUTIONARY HEROISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 42-44
[Article in "Learning From the Chinese Women's Volleyball Team" column by
Liu Junqi [0491 0193 2978]]
[Text] The championship won by the Chinese women's volleyball team in
the third world volleyball cup finals has inspired the revolutionary
enthusiasm of the broad masses of cadres and people. We must learn from
the revolutionary heroism of the members of the Chinese women's volley-
ball team, which is characterized by-hard training, heroic stubbornness,
hard struggle and daring to win victory.
In order to learn from the spirit of the team and carry forward revolutionary
heroism, it is imperative for us to follow the example of the team in cherish-
ing great ideals and aspirations. Great achievement stems from great ideals.
We will be able to maintain our steadfastness, to have a definite orienta-
tion, to arouse our spirit, to be stubborn and to persist in our fight only
when we have a firm proletarian world outlook. In their revolutionary
struggles, the proletariat has always combined work with great ideals and
carried out all work vigorously. Such is the attitude of the women's
volleyball team. The players of the team have always put the interests of
the party and the people before everything else. They play volleyball for
the revolution, and they have combined their revolutionary faith with their
actions and spared no efforts to play every match well. They say: "The
1 billion people are concerned about us, and the prestige of the motherland
comes above all other considerations." Their goal is to "wave the flag,
receive medals and win championships." They never think of personal gain
or loss. They are determined to change the backward situation in the three
types of ball sports in our country and "view each match as a step toward
remedying this situation." With this goal in mind, they have experienced
countless difficulties, played a match even when they were sick, and put
off love and marriage. They take as their motto the words spoken by the
country's veteran sportsman Jong Guotuan: "We have a limited chance to fight
in our life." With this motto, they trained stubbornly and eagerly to
improve their individual skills and their team coordination. Owing to their
efforts, they won the world championship and defeated many strong rivals
because of their unique style and skills. The ideal for which they had been
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fighting was realized. Such a spirit of great ideals and aspirations and hard
work is valuable, and we need it in carrying out revolution and the construc-
tion and modernization program. This spirit is an indispensable and great
motive force for social progress, development of the state and the boosting
of the morale of the nation. The "Resolution on Certain Questions in the
History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC," pointed out: "In the
new historical period, all members of the party and the people of various
nationalities across the country must continue to maintain lofty revolutionary
ideals and revolutionary vigor and carry out the great socialist revolution
and socialist construction to the end." The socialist modernization program
now being carried out in our country is on a grand scale and is a hard task.
It can in no way be carried out smoothly; on the contrary, our road of
progress will no doubt be full of contradictions, difficulties and setbacks.
Consequently, it is imperative for us, under the party's leadership, to
cherish great ideals and aspirations, display our initiative in directing
history, solve contradictions, overcome difficulties, and do a good job in
building material and spiritual civilization. The comrades of the women's
volleyball team have set a brilliant example for us, and we must learn to
emulate them in our actions. The cause of our country will be very hopeful
if we all act like the members of the women's volleyball team.
In learning from the spirit of the women's volleyball team and in carrying
forward revolutionary heroism, we must follow the attitude of the players,
which is characterized by hard work, dauntlessness, and stubbornness in
overcoming difficulties and in winning victory. The attitude to be taken
by revolutionaries toward difficulties and obstacles on the road of advance
is an important question. According to the teachings of Comrade Mao Zedong,
we must despite difficulties strategically and pay attention to them tacti-
cally, and surmount difficulties with doggedness. This is what the comrades
on the team have done. In the past China was quite backward in three types
of ball sports and it required strenuous effort to reach world standards.
Displaying the revolutionary spirit of fearing neither "hardship nor death,"
the members of the women's volleyball team decided to catch up, whatever
the cost, and for this purpose they were ready to sacrifice everything to
obtain their goal. Over the past few years, they have proceeded from
actual matches and carried out strenuous and scientific training charac-
terized by difficult maneuvers and strict requirements. They would not
take their meals or rest until they completed their training. Ignoring
fatigue, they would not leave the battlefield even when they were injured.
They played each game with the spirit of "winning the game at the cost of
their lives." They understood that in order to reach the world standard
they had to train hard, that when hardship ends joy will come and that the
"blossoms of victory would burst forth in the form of sweat." With a
stubborn will and determination, they have surmounted various difficulties
and obstacles, climbed tortuous paths, and advanced with every gust of wind
and with every wave. It would have been impossible for them to have
defeated so many strong rivals and win the great victory in the world
volleyball arena without carrying out regular and hard training and mastering
the necessary skills. This fact proves that as long as we are able to pay
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attention to difficulties and spare no efforts to overcome them, we will
be able to create miracles. In fact, the history of the Chinese revolution
is one of strenuous struggle by the Chinese people. Recalling the past, we
still remember that the old China was characterized by a backward economy,
backward culture and.backward physical culture, and China was ridiculed
as the "sickman of east Asia." Under the leadership of the party and
through protracted revolutionary struggles, the Chinese people ultimately
overthrew. the three big mountains of imperialism, feudalism and bureau-
cratic capitalism and established the People's Republic of China. Following
the tremendous victories in socialist revolution and construction, our
various causes, including physical culture, have made great progress. The
Chinese people quickly removed the label of the "sickman of east Asia" and
stood anew among the nations in the world. It can be said that backwardness
in itself is not dreadful, but what is dreadful is the spirit of accomplish-
ing nothing and of being content with backward situations. Lu Xun said:
"When I am watching sports I often think that the winners are respectable;
the runners who lag behind and persist in running to the finish line and
those who watch them with respect and without laughing are the pillars of
China's future." The women of the team and the hundreds of thousands of
people who are working hard on various fronts are the ones praised by Lu Xun
as having the spirit of being confident in the face of backwardness, undaunted
in the face of difficulties, able to constantly find strength within them-
selves and to work with perseverance. These people are the real pillars for
building the morale of the Chinese people and the motherland.
In learning from the spirit of the team and carrying forward revolutionary
heroism, it is imperative to follow the examples of the team's members in
combining the lofty aspiration to climb to the top with the spirit of being
down-to-darth, and hard working so as to become actual doers and promoters.
The proletariat and the working people are direct producers and creators
of the goods and wealth in the world; they are modest doers. They understand
that in revolutionary struggles and daily life they have to personally take
part in practice so as to attain their anticipated goals. The team has
also set an example in this aspect. The members of the team considered
neither fame nor gain and dedicated their lives to physical culture with a
strong sense of responsibility for their work. The team has charged from
being weak to being strong, from being backward to being advanced and from
being unknown to being famous at home and abroad, and this was made possible
through hard training and work on the part of the players. There have been
changes in the team's membership since it was formed, but all along it has
carried out hard training with strict demands and worked painstakingly.
Therefore, the team members are the actual doers that merit respect. They
considered it meaningful that they are able to have exciting lives during
their youth. They say: "When we all become old and recall our life today,
we will certainly feel proud. This is because our lives have been meaningful
and our youth had been dedicated to the motherland." What vivid and moving
words! These words fully reflect the beautiful souls and deeds of the
players. Those who speak empty words and are reluctant to do their work
in a down-to-earth way should be enlightened upon heaving these words. It
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will not do to simply lie, brag or speak empty words. We can only do. our
work in a down-to-earth way. Lenin said: "Talk less beautiful words and
do more daily ordinary work." Comrade Zhou Enlai said in his poem "Part
and Never To Meet Again": "When we sit and talk, how can we stand and
walk?" All these are useful sayings. Great ideals can be realized only
through actual deeds, and difficulties and obstacles can be resolved only
through actual deeds, and the edifice of socialism can also be completed
only through actual deeds. We must follow the example of the comrades of
the women's volleyball team, do our work strenuously and promote the
development of our cause.
There are no difficulties in the world we cannot overcome as long as we
dare to climb. Our country is now experiencing a new historical period;
therefore, it is imperative for us, under the leadership of the party and
led by hundreds of thousands of heroes, to form a vigorous revolutionary
army to overcome various difficulties and obstacles on our road to advance
and to realize the great goal of the modernization program. The victory
won by the team has inspired the Chinese people and strengthened their
national confidence. What the team could do, all other trades can also do.
The whole of China can be changed from being backward to being advanced
and can become one of the world's strong countries. Since the players
were able to fully display their skills in international competition and
win merit for the motherland, likewise, millions of Chinese people who also
cherish ideals can also achieve great changes for the country. We must
inspire revolutionary spirit, display revolutionary vigor, lose no time to.
catch up, march forward courageously, and make contributions to realizing
the modernization program and to building our country into a powerful
socialist country with a high level of democracy and civilization so as to
live up to the expectations of our forefathers and the succeeding generations.
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LEARN FROM THE COLLECTIVE SPIRIT OF THE WOMEN'S VOLLEYBALL TEAM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 pp 44-45
[Article in the "Learning From the Chinese Women's Volleyball Team" column
by Sun Shijie [1327 1102 2638]]
[Text] The history of the struggle of the Chinese women's volleyball team,
characterized by hard training and close cooperation, is a song of collec-
tive spirit.
It has been a long dream of all members of the team to win the world
championship and win merit for their socialist motherland. To realize such
a goal naturally required each member of the team to have high skills, but
what is more important is that the team had to be turned into a strong
collective with close coordination and unity in their fight. The comrades
of the team deeply realized through practice that volleyball is a sports
event characterized by collectivity and that individual skills can be im-
proved only through the collective, and they can display their roles only
through collective efforts in matches. They also realized that if they lack
the collective spirit and discipline related to such a spirit, they would
not be able to defeat so many strong rivals in sharp competition even if
they had mastered the skills. Consequently, in their "march toward the
world" they had the national condition at heart, put the interest of the
collective in first place, and closely united and supported each other for
the common goal and eventually formed a very good interrelationship. Such
a collecgive spirit has become the standard for their life and morale and
the source of their wisdom, and strength. In particular, when they are in
very adverse conditions, they will be able to draw on incomparable courage
and confidence from their collective spirit and to fight dauntlessly for
the victory of the collective cause.
Of course, it is not easy to handle well the relationship between individuals
and the collective and to nurture a highly collective spirit. It requires
a protracted and stubborn education and tempering.
The members of the team are ordinary people in their life; they have no
so-called inborn miraculous power. They have sweated and shed tears during
unprecedentedly hard and strenuous training, and they often experienced
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temporary misunderstandings among themselves because of the mistakes made
during competition.. All this required a process of correctly handling the
contradictions between the individual and the collective. When a member
of the team, Chen Zhaodi, fell on the floor and could hardly move during
hard training, she quietly scolded instructor Yuan as "cold-blooded," and
Sun Jinfang made a face during a fierce match because another player,
Lang Ping, did not take her hint. All this serves as a vivid example of
the contradictions. Such contradictions are real and convincing, but
they are not in the interests of cooperation during a match. Thus, as
contradictions constantly cropped up and were constantly resolved, the
misunderstandings among the players vanished and they became more and
more amicable both in their thinking and feelings, and eventually they
cherished the collective spirit profoundly. Within the ranks of members
of the team, the coaches are closely united and cooperate with the players,
and this is also the situation with regard to players on the field and
reserve players and with regard to second passers and main attackers.
The reason for this situation is that they.are all linked by collective
thinking. If we broaden the field of our vision and think of the nameless
heroes who are responsible for accompanying them during training and doing
logistics work, of the veteran players who have been tirelessly working for
the "emancipation of big balls," and of the concern and encouragement of
the hundreds of millions of Chinese people, compatriots in Hong Kong and
Macao, overseas Chinese and international friends, we will further under-
stand that "the championship that we have been struggling for has at last
been won by the players" and consequently we can see the brilliance of
the proletarian collective spirit.
A number of bourgeois scholars have put forward the view that "proletarian
collectivism means the elimination of personality." Is this true? The
practice of the women's volleyball team has powerfully refuted this view.
The team's coach, Comrade Yuan Weimin, said: "The 12 members of the team
will be able to play with flying colors only when they have their own
personalities. If their personalities are at ground-level, the team will
be hopeless." What a good expression! We can say that Yuan Weimin is not
only a volleyball coach with specialized skills, but also an ideological
worker who understands Marxist dialectics. Thus, under his guidance and
that of deputy coach Deng Ruozeng, each member of the team has her own
skills and character. For example, Sun Jinfang is agile, Lang Ping is
straightforward, Zhang Rongfang is calm, Chen Zhaodi is pungent, Cao Huiying
is quiet, Chen Yajing is stubborn, Zhang Jieyun is ingenious, Zhou Xiaolan
is decisive, Liang Yan is shy, Zhu Ling is lively, Zhou Luming is clever, and
Yang Xi is natural and unrestrained. In short, each has her own character.
They are not made out of one mold. Therefore, we can clearly see that,
instead of eliminating personality, the collective provides full conditions
for developing personality. Marx and Engels said: "It is only in the
collective that individuals will be able to acquire the means for making
al all-round development; that is to say, they will have individual freedom
only in the collective." ("Selected Works of Marx and Engels," vol 1, p 82).
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Stalin once compared the-Marxist view on the correct relationship between
the individual and the collective with the anarchic view, and he made a
comprehensive theoretical generalization when he said: "Anarchism, which
is based on individuals, holds liberating individuals as an important
condition for liberating the masses and the collective. Accordirig, to the
anarchic viewpoint, there will be no mass liberation until individuals
are liberated and consequently its slogan is 'all for the individual.'
On the other hand, Marxism is based on the masses and it holds that mass
liberation is the main condition for the liberation of individuals. That
is to say, according to the Marxist viewpoint, there will be no individual
liberation until the masses are liberated. Therefore, the Marxist slogan
is 'all for the masses'." ("Collected Works of Stalin," vol 1, p 273).
The collective cause that is characterized by joint 'struggle improves and
develops individual talent, while a full display of individual talent
guarantees the victory of the collective cause. Such is the correct rela-
tionship between the individual and the collective, which has been vividly
reflected by the women's volleyball team. It is becamse the team realized
the dialectical unity between general character and individual character
that it has become a harmonious, lively, strong team And has come first
in the international volleyball arena. And when the members of the team
mounted the rostrum as world champions amid a solemn atmosphere and when
the five-starred Red Flag was being hoisted, they did not rejoice with the
mean and selfish joy of individualism but with the feelings of collective
proudness for the great motherland and the whole nation. In such an exciting
atmosphere, the heroines. of the team profoundly felt that they "were the
happiest people in the world" and such feelings represent the most ardent
praise for proletarian collectivism.
The proletarian collective spirit shows the nature of communist morality,
and it is the core of socialist spiritual civilization. To correctly combine
the interests of the collective, the state and the individual should be
the socialist economic principle and the principle for socialist morality.
To see things from such a high point, we can understand that the lofty
collective spirit displayed by the women's volleyball team, just like its
patriotism and revolutionary heroism, constitutes a spiritual wealth which
is highly significant for the cadres and the masses on various fronts and
a vivid manifestation of the spirit of the socialist era. Our work will
be done better and better and our country will become strong as long as
we are able to conscientiously learn from and display such a spirit and
use it in the practice of the socialist modernization program.
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THE IMPACT OF THE ENERGY QUESTION ON THE ECONOMIES OF THE DEVELOPED CAPITALIST
COUNTRIES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16.Jan 82 pp 46-48
[Article in "Forum on Economic Problems of Imperialism" column by
Qian Jinxi [6929 0093 2497]]
[Text] Crude oil is a type of energy which has good flammable qualities
and a high calorific value, and can be stored and transported readily.
It occupies a proportion of 56 percent of the world's structure of primary
sources of consumable energy. Together with natural gap, its natural
partner and close associate in both storage and collection, the combined
proportion is over 70 percent. Hence, the current talk about the energy
problem of the world economy is essentially talk about crude oil.
Since crude oil is an indispensable source of energy for the nations of
the world, particularly for the developed capitalist countries, it occupies
an important position in world trade. At present, trade in crude oil
accounts for 22 percent of the gross volume of world trade. It makes up
51 percent of the gross tonnage of the world's export commodities, and
the oil tanker fleet accounts for 44 percent of the gross world tonnage of
oceangoing vessels. Hence, whenever internationally there is a crisis in
crude oil supply or a sudden rise in the price of oil, the economies of
the developed capitalist countries are tremendously affected.
The world's concern with the crude oil problem began in the 1970's. Prior
to that time, although the oil-producing countries in Asia, Africa and
Latin America had already started a series of struggles for the protection
of their own oil interests and had at various times achieved successes in
such matters as the crude oil tax rate, marked prices, share participation
rights, nationalization, and so on, yet for a time the power of fixing
oil prices remained in the hands of the world's transnational oil corpora-
tions. All the Western countries did their best to keep the oil price low
so that they could reap exhorbitant profits. In the 1950's and 1960's,
the economy of the imperialist world rose rapidly. One of the basic
reasons for this success was the plunder from the developing countries of
large quantities of crude oil, a cheap and good-quality source of energy.
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As a result of this plunder from abroad, the capitalist countries found
themselves becoming increasingly dependent on imported oil. After the
Middle East hostilities in October 1973, the Arab oil-producing countries
enforced an embargo on oil exports to the United States, West Europe and
Japan. This caused a serious oil crisis in these countries. The conse-
quences were that many plants had to shut down, transport capacity iJ.as
drastically curbed, goods piled up in wharves and storage areas, and
there were long lines in gasoline filling stations. The oil embargo
was subsequently lifted, but the Organization of Petroleum Exporting
Countries [OPEC] soon announced their decision to take back the power of
fixing oil prices. Beginning from 1 January 1974, the basic oil price
was raised from $3.011 to $10.651 per barrel. At the same time, the
petroleum monopoly corporations of the West took the opportunity to raise
the spot price of oil on the market in order to reap exhorbitant profits
for themselves. This was the first steep rise in oil prices after the
war. Naturally, it was a serious blow to Western countries, which heavily
depended on crude oil for domestic consumption and had to depend heavily on
imported oil. Without doubt, it played an important role in causing and
aggravating the serious 1974-1975 postwar economic crisis in the Western
world.
Since 1979, the crude oil market in the West has been full of vacillations
and changes. Oil supply on the market was tight at times, but it eased
slightly at other times. For example, in the early autumn of 1980, the
stockpile of crude oil in the West had reached a saturation point and on
the international market there had been a surplus of crude oil averaging
2.5 million barrels a day. Soon afterward, in September, hostilities
erupted between Iran and Iraq. Badly battered by the war, both nations
suspended their oil exports,and on the international market oil supply was
reduced by about 3.5 million barrels a day. Meanwhile, the price of oil
was rising steeply. By 1 January 1981, OPEC announced that Saudi Arabia's
basic oil price would be $32 per barrel while the highest oil price from
other sources ranged from $36 to $41 per barrel. This represented an
increase of.3 to 3.5 times compared with the oil price in 1978. Beginning
from the first quarter of 1981, owing to the steady decline in the
Western economy and the enforcement of various oil economy measures, oil
consumption declined. On the world oil market, there was a surplus of an
average of 2 million barrels a day. The price of oil stabilized and actually
dropped slightly. In October 1981, OPEC agreed on a new unified oil price:
the standard oil price was fixed at $34 per barrel. At present, in the
capitalist world the supply and demand of energy is generally in a balanced
state. The oil price can be expected to remain stable for a period of time.
In this way, the second steep rise in oil price, which had lasted for 2 years,
came toa close.
Nevertheless, factors can still be found working for another steep rise in
the oil price. They are: 1) In accordance with the law of the cyclical
movement of the capitalist energy economy, a stability in oil price can very
well promote an economic recovery, which in turn will result in a rise in
oil consumption and in another shortage in oil supply. 2) More recently,
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in an effort to curtail the purchase of oil at a high price, the capitalist
countries have dipped heavily into their oil reserves and as a consequence
their oil stockpile has been gradually diminishing. When replenishment
is due in the future, the market will be affected. 3) The war between
Iran and Iraq is still continuing. Even when the war ends it will still
not be easy for these countries to quickly restore their full oil produc-
tion and export capacity. 4) The geographical distribution of oil deposits
and production in the world is still very unbalanced. Contradictions
between the petroleum-exporting countries and the major petroleum-consuming
countries might yet be intensified. Thus, another steep rise in the oil
price can hardly be avoided.
The large-scale rise in the price of crude oil in 1973 was a serious blow
to the economies of the Western countries, which were then in a state of
"stagflation." Its impact was rather broad. The outstanding features were
as follows: ' '
1. It reduced the speed of the growth of the economies of the Western
countries. A lack of energy supply frequently impeded the development of
the national economy. It was estimated that the impact of every 10 percent
rise in the oil price caused a drop of 0.35 percent in the value of the
gross national product of the Western countries.
2. It increased the international payments deficits of the Western countries
and reversed, in part, the direction of their capital exportation. In 1978,
before the second upheaval in the oil price, the developed capitalist
countries had a surplus of $31 billion in their ordinary revenues and
expenditures. In the course of the price rise,.the surplus became a deficit.
In 1979, the deficit was $35 billion and in 1980 it increased to $73 billion.
From 1974 to 1978, as a result of the price rise, OPEC obtained a large amount
of petrodollars, amounting to $660 billion in all. Of this, 75 percent was
subsequently spend on importing commodities and labor services from.the
Western countries and on purchases of real estate there, or were deposited
in Western banks or invested in Western enterprises. In 1979 and 1980, OPEC
reaped a surplus of $184 billion from their ordinary revenues and expendi-
tures. Of this surplus, a sizable amount flowed back to the Western
countries. In this way, on the international capital market, aside from
the developed capitalist countries exporting capital to the developing
countries, a new feature developed, namely, the developing countries also
transferred their capital funds to the developed countries.
3. It aggravated the currency inflation in the Western countries. During
the period of the large-scale rise in the oil price, a high tide of currency
inflation occurred in the Western countries. In the nine-nation West
European community, the rate of currency inflation was 6.8 percent in 1979.
It went up to 8.9 percent in 1979 and climbed to over 12 percent in 1980.
In 1980, the growth rate of currency supply in the United States surpassed
the original target of 6.5 percent and went up to over 8 percent.
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In short, the steep rise in oil price aggravated the "stagflation" of the
Western economies and weakened the economic potential of the Western
countries.
The tremendous impact of the rise in oil price on the Western economies
forced the various Western countries to adopt countermeasures to lessen
the effect on their economies as well as to find a way out. The measures
taken can be summarized as follows:
1. Formulation of a detailed energy policy and mapping out a general outline
for energy supply; and establishment of an energy planning center which
devotes its efforts to raising the effective utilization rate of energy and
at the same time lowering the growth rate of energy consumption. For
example, the policy outlines of countries like the United States, Japan,
West Germany, France and Canada all had as their starting point an economic
evaluation of the supply sources of the multiple forms of energy or of an
individual source of energy, and proceeded with a comprehensive survey of
the various phases relating to energy such as prospecting, developing,
geographical distribution, price structure, allocation, comprehensive
utilization, and the import and export trade. They served as the basis for
the subsequent formulation of detailed guidelines, laws and regulations.
2. Development of multiple forms of energy and changing the energy consump-
tion composition, such as raising the proportions of coal, nuclear energy,
and hydroelectricity in the energy consumption makeup, and at the same
time lowering the relevant proportions of crude oil and natural gas in
the makeup and paying great attention to the utilization of energy that can
be regenerated or reclaimed. In particular, the work on conversion of coal
into a liquid or gaseous state has been given much attention by the various
countries. In June 1980, the American Government snactioned an appropriation
of $25 billion for the establishment of a special organ to study and promote
synthetic fuels. Likewise, commencing in 1979, the Japanese Government
strengthened research on the development of substitute forms of energy,
particularly nuclear power generation. It is estimated that by the year 2000,
in the primary energy consumption makeup of the Western countries, the
proportions of crude oil and natural gas will decline respectively to
37 percent and 16 percent, whereas the proportions of coal, nuclear energy,
hydroelectricity and solar energy, and synthetic fuels will possibly rise
respectively to 24 percent, 10 percent, 9 percent and 4 percent.
3. Stepping up the prospecting and development of new oil areas. In the
past, certain large oil areas in the Western countries such as those in the
North Sea, Alaska and the sea areas of the United States adjacent to the
Gulf of Mexico had seldom been developed owing to various deterrent factors
such as poor natural conditions, or the complex nature of the oil deposits,
or the extraction cost being much higher than the selling price. However,
since the rise in oil prices, the production cost has become lower than the
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selling price and, as a result, in the 1970's, commercial production was
resumed in these areas one after another. Of them, the oil fields in the
North Sea and Alaska have become the largest areas in West Europe and
North America respectively. But the confirmed oil deposits of the North
Sea oilfield are 3.2 billion tons and the output is about 100 million tons
(1 year) while the confirmed deposits in the Alaska oilfield are 1.2 billion
tons and the annual output is 70 million tons. Neither of them can offset
the enormous deficit between oil production and. consumption where they are
located, namely, about 600 million tons in West Europe and about 400 million
tons in the United States. Thus far they have been able only to resolve
the problem of energy shortage in individual countries like England and
Norway. For this reason, recently the United States has begun the
exploration and development of the.."(Nanpo) [0589 0980] oilfield" on the
northern shore of the Gulf of Mexico and the adjacent exploratory fields
outside the gulf. Likewise, Britain has proceeded with prospecting in the
Irish Sea and the English Channel.
4. Improving the oil extraction or procurement rate. The extraction or
procurement of crude oil is divided into three stages. At present, it is
confined mainly to the primary and secondary stages. Western countries
are now turning their attention to studying the methodology for the third
stage. It is estimated that if this stage can be extensively developed,
the equivalent of an increase of 20 to 30 percent in the volume of crude
oil deposits will be effected.
5. Taking the road of "pluralization" in crude oil trade. For Western
countries which are short of oil, ensuring the source of supply is highly
important. These countries are deeply aware of the uncertainty of the
political conditions in the petroleum-exporting countries and the wide
divergence in their economic policies. Hence, the overcentralization
in any one locality in the geographical distribution of foreign trade
in crude oil is highly disadvantageous. Therefore, they strive for
"pluralization" of the petroleum trade. Take the United States for
example: following the large-scale rise in oil price for the second time,
it has increased its oil imports from Saudi Arabia, Nigeria, Mexico,
Indonesia, Britain and Norway. Formerly, Japan derived 90 percent of
its oil imports from the Middle East. Now, its imports from the Middle
East have dropped to 78 percent and imports from Southeast Asia have
increased to 15 percent. In addition, plans are being made to expand its
imports from China, Mexico, the Soviet Union and Africa. Western Europe
has also increased its oil imports from Africa, the Soviet Union and
Central and South America. In particular, since the sharp decline in oil
exports from Iran and Iraq, the Soviet Union has become West Europe's
second largest supplier of crude oil next to Saudi Arabia.
6. Establishment of energy-saving organs and strengthening of energy-saving
work. For example, in 1974 France established an energy-saving bureau and
in 1976 a transdepartmental energy-saving commission. Many other Western
countries have set up similar organs. All the countries have adopted
guidelines encouraging and promoting energy-saving measures and conversely
imposing sanctions on wasteful practices in energy consumption. On the side
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of encouragement, special privileges are given to industrial enterprises
in the form of providing them with funds and equipment for the installation
and use of energy-saving facilities or granting them loans at low interest
rates for the installation of energy-saving facilities. To encourage
residences and households to save energy, heat-insulating materials are
supplied to them and solar collectors are installed. Economic sanctions
are imposed on enterprises and individuals that violate energy-saving
regulations. A surplus tax is levied on enterprises whose products are
found to have exceeded the prescribed standard for energy consumption.
Take, for example, fuel consumption of motor vehicles: the American
government originally stipulated that 1975 ex-factory motor vehicles must
attain the target'of 18 miles per gallon of gasoline. In 1980, the target
was raised to 20 miles per gallon, and it is planned that by 1985 the target
will again be raised, to 27.5 miles per gallon. In order to attain this
objective, the motor vehicle manufacturing industry is currently engaged in
renovation work starting with the car engine and embracing the car body and
tires.
Developed capitalist countries have adopted various measures and policies
aimed at energy development and savings. They have devoted large amounts
of capital and labor power to the energy departments within their countries.
They have transferred to the developing countries those production depart-
ments which habitually consume large quantities of energy. In short,
they have resorted to various ways and means to cut down their energy
consumption and thereby reduce their overdependence on foreign countries.
Needless to say,:these policies and measures have had a considerable impact
on the world's distribution of productive forces and on the economic
structure and economic development of the developed capitalist countries.
However, within a fairly lengthy period, it will still be impossible to
basically change the production and consumption structure of energy in the
world or to change the state in which the developed capitalist countries
depend on the developing countries for oil or to replace all at once crude
oil with a new kind of energy that will take over the top-ranking energy
position. Hence, the economy of the capitalist countries will continue to
be harassed by the energy question.
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HOW DID LIU SHAOQI COMMENT ON 'THE INSIDE STORY OF THE QING COURT'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 2, 16 Jan 82 inside back cover
[Article by Wu Zhitang [0702 2535 2768]]
[Text] How did Comrade Liu Shaoqi comment on the film "The Inside Story
of the Qing Court" when it was screened shortly after the founding of the
People's Republic? Did he really praise it as a "patriotic" work? This
has been a question of public concern for over a decade.
The origin of the question has to be traced back to the spring of 1967.
On 1 April that year, Qi Benyu trotted out an article entitled "Patriotism
or National Betrayal?--Commenting on the Reactionary Film 'The Inside
Stofy of the Qing Court."' In this article, he obstinately asserted that
Comrade Liu Shaoqi once lauded "The Inside Story of the Qing Court" as
a "patriotic" film. Seizing on this, he went on to sling mud at
Comrade Liu Shaoqi, saying that Liu had all along practiced "national
betrayal" and was "the top party person in power taking the capitalist road."
He was not going to be content with anything less than Liu Shaoqi's destruc-
tion. The real facts of history show that all these allegations were
charges fabricated by Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and Qi Benyu for the purpose of
framing Comrade Liu Shaoqi.
In fact, shortly after the screening of the film "The Inside Story of the
Qing Court," Comrade Liu Shaoqi, just like Comrade Mao Zedong, held a critical
opinion of the film's ideological trend and deemed that it preached reformism.
This was clearly reflected in Comrade Liu Shaoqi's speech at a study forum
organized by the CPPCC National Committee for Democratic Personages.
Comrade Liu Shaoqi's speech that day focused on the study of Marxism-Leninism
and the question of the interrelationship between reforming the objective
world and reforming the subjective world. Discussing the film "The Inside
Story of the Qing Court" in connection with the widespread movements carried
out at that time commencing with the movements for land reform, to resist the
United States and aid Korea and to suppress the counterrevolutionaries, he
criticized this film and said it was not worth any positive appraisal because
it preached reformism. He said: "The Inside Story of the Qing Court"
preaches reformism. It gives people the impression that had Guang Xu been
able to do this or that, we could have lived without the revolution, without
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Dr Sun Yat-sen and even without what we are pursuing now. Comrade Liu Shaoqi
also pointed out: Reformism has been tried out, but it did not work. There
is no compromise on the question of class struggle. In a given historical
.period in the development of a society, it is necessary to overthrow the
reactionary class in the interest of the overwhelming majority of the
people. Today, if you wholeheartedly support land reform instead of opposing
it, you stand for truth and progress. The same applies to the building of
socialism in the future. It is evident that in these remarks, Comrade
Liu Shaoqi was criticizing the ideological trend of the film "The Inside
Story of the Qing Court" as reformist. He had no intention whatsoever of
lauding it as patriotic.
It was precisely for this reason that when Qi Benyu's defamatory article was
trotted out, Comrade Liu Shaoqi was able to justifiably knock the bottom out
of. this violent attack which stood truth on its head and confused enemy
with friend and say: "There are many lies in this article. When did I say
that this film (referring to "The Inside Story of the Qing Court") was
patriotic? When did I talk about becoming a "Red comprador'? These claims
do not tally with facts and are false charges." These few forceful words have
hit the nail on the head and laid bare the whole essence of the question.
Lies written in ink cannot change the iron-clas facts of history. As the
"Resolution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding
of the PRC" pointed out: "Irrefutable facts have proved that labeling
Comrade Liu Shaoqi a "renegade, hidden traitor and scab' was nothing but a
frameup by Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their followers." Irrefutable facts
have also repudiated all the slander and libel of Comrade Liu Shaoqi by
Lin Biao, Jiang Qing and their followers in connection with the film "The
Inside Story of the Qing Court."
CSO: 4004/19 END
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