CHINA REPORT RED FLAG

• Document Type: CREST
• Collection: General CIA Records
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): CIA-RDP04-01460R000100210001-4
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: K
• Document Page Count: 90
• Document Creation Date: December 21, 2016
• Document Release Date: March 19, 2008
• Sequence Number: 1
• Publication Date: January 1, 1982
• Content Type: REPORT

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JPRS 80414
26 March 1982
China Report
RED FLAG
No. 1, 1 January 1982
IFBISI
FOREIGN BROADCAST INFORMATION SERVICE
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CHINA REPORT
RED FLAG
No. 1, 1 January 1982
Translation of the semimonthly theoretical journal of the Central
Committee of the Chinese Communist Party published in Beijing.
CONTENTS
Tell the Truth, Don't Save Face (pp 2-6)
(Chen Yun) .........................................................
Keep the Overall Situation in Mind and Give Meticulous
Guidance (pp 7-10)
(RED FLAG Editorial Department) .................................... 8
The Whole Party Must Study Marxism (pp 11-12)
(Song Renqiong) .................................................... 15
The Key To Building the Two Civilizations (pp 13-14)
(Zhao Shouyi) ...................................................... 18
Study Economic Theory in the Light of the 10 Principles (p 15)
(Commentator) ...................................................... 22
How Should We Look at the Study of Economic Theory at
Present? (pp 16-17)
(Su Xing) ........................................................... 24
Put an End to the Practice of Allowing Theoretical Study To
Take Its Natural Course (p 18)
(Li Biyan) ......................................................... 27
Learn From the Women's Volleyball Team and Work Hard
(pp 19-22, 6)
(Rong Gaotang) ..................................................... 29
An Ideological Treasure From the United Front--Studying the
Expositions Concerning the United Front Contained in
Volume 1 of the 'Selected Worlds of Zhou Enlai' (pp 23-27)
(Yang Chao) ........................................................ 37
- a - [III - CC - 751
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Eternal Glory to a Man Who Worked for the Party All His
Life--In Memory of Comrade Deng Zihui (pp 28-32)
(Liu Ruilong) .................................................... 45
How Should We Look at the Question of Market Prices at
Present? (pp 33-36)
(Liu Zhuofu) ..................................................... 55
Act in Accordance With the Education Laws and Improve
the Quality of Teaching in an All-Round Way (pp 37-40)
(Wen Hanjiang) ................................................... 62
The Individuality of Creation and the Spirit of the Times
(pp 41-44)
(Li Zhongyue) .................................................... 70
The Cycle of Reproduction and the Characteristics of
Economic Crises in Postwar Capitalism (pp 45-48)
(Xiong Xingmei) .................................................. 77
A Few Suggestions for Improving the Agricultural Production
Responsibility System (inside back cover)
(Yu Yaozhong) .................................................... 84
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TELL THE TRUTH, DON'T SAVE FACE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 2-6
[Speech on 9 May 1945 by Chen Yun]
[Text] CCP Central Committee party literature
research office's note: "Tell the Truth, Don't Save
Face" is a part of a speech Comrade Chen Yun made at
the seventh CCP national congress in 1945. It vividly
and profoundly explains how to treat merits and mis-
takes from the historical materialist point of view and
asks our cadres, especially leading cadres, to tell the
truth and not to save face. The principles Comrade Chen
elaborated in his speech should be studied well and
understood today by all comrades of our party at a time
when the party's fine traditions have been seriously
damaged after 10 years of turmoil under the rule of the
Lin Biao-Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique.
Recently, the party Central Committee asked us to
bravely take up the weapon of criticism and self-
criticism and cleanse ourselves of political dust and
microorganisms. It also asked leading members of party
organizations at all levels in particular to make
preparations for conducting "correct and serious criti-
cism and self-criticism without distorting facts,"
earnestly improve the style of party leadership, improve
collective leadership by party committees at all levels,
enhance unity both within and outside the party and
give effective leadership to all fields of work. The
study of Comrade Chen Yun's speech is of great impor-
tance in implementing the guidelines and meeting the
requirements set by the party Central Committee.
Pursuant to the instructions of the Secretariat of the
party Central Committee and with the approval of Com-
rade Chen Yun, this speech is now published for the
study of party members and cadres.
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if a comrade asks me: You have been head of the organizational department
for several years, do you have something to say? I would say that I have,
now that I am relinquishing this job for Comrade Peng Zhen to take over. If
he asks me: What do you have to say? My answer is: I have already made
clear in Comrade Shaoqi's office as to how many party members, cadres,
statistical tables and pamphlets we have. Now I do not want to say more
about that but I would like to speak about something : else, I feel that I
have the responsibility to speak to you at this congress'about what I have
seen. You, comrades, can study and decide if I am right and criticize and
refute me if I am wrong. In the past 7 years I have found a number of party
cadres arrogant. During this period I did not make contact in my work with
large numbers of cadres. I have not been to north China, central China and
the area under Kuomintang rule during the war of resistance against Japan.
But many people have come to Yanan.from these places to "make a pilgrimage."
From my contact with these people, I have found that many people like praise
and dislike criticism. Some people only want to be promoted, but not demoted.
When they make a contribution, they are sure to claim credit for themselves.
When they make a mistake, they always try to shirk their responsibility. When
they are criticized for their mistakes, they give a lot of reasons to prove
they are not at fault. They feel comfortable when praised, and uncomfortable
when criticized. This is a tendency existing among a number of cadres within
our party. Let me define more clearly what I have said. Our party cadres on
the whole are good. They are basically Bolsheviks, with some defects. With
regard to the condition I just described, there is some difference between
the period before and after the rectification of incorrect work style. There
has been a great improvement following the rectification. But the condition
still exists among a number of our cadres. The rectification has touched only
a number of cadres. Here I want to add that the number of cadres unmoved by
the rectification is quite large, not just a few. They include those in the
local areas and those in the army. From what I see, the army has more of
such people than the local areas. This is my own view. Cadres who are
arrogant include low-ranking cadres, middle-ranking cadres and high-ranking
cadres as well as the big shot [datouzi 1129 7333 1311]. The nature of
individualism of low-ranking cadres is the same as that of high-ranking
cadres, but the "burdens," in my opinion, are different. This is because
the "burden" of individualism carried by low-ranking cadres is limited. For
instance, a company leader will carry on his back a bed sheet, two pairs of
shoes, a box of tooth powder and a toothbrush. That is all. The burden is
uncomfortable, but not as uncomfortable as that of high-ranking cadres, big
shots, party and army chiefs who have more baggage, such as bed sheets,
cotton-padded mattress and blankets. Thus a high-ranking cadre with such a
tendency is more dangerous than a middle- or low-ranking cadre because of
the difference in "burden." The "burden" I have just mentioned refers to
individualism in the mind of a communist. Why should one feel arrogant?
Well, there is a basis for arrogance. The person is aware of his contribu-
tions. If he discovers that he has made no contribution, what can he feel
arrogant about? Arrogance comes when a person feels that he has made some
contributions.,
Incidently, I would, therefore, like to discuss my views on contributions
and mistakes. If you have performed certain work under party leadership and
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have thus accomplished something, what will be your view of your accomplish-
ment? I would say that three factors should be noted: first, the strength
of the people; second, leadership by the party; and third, the personal role.
Can this order be reversed so that personal role comes first, party leader-
ship second and the strength of the people third? I say no. This order must
never be reversed. You will ask, why not? Why should the people's strength
come first? It is wrong to think that if one does not take part in the
revolution, the common people can never be emancipated, the CCP will be at
its wits' end and the masses will find themselves at a disastrous impasse.
When a hero dies, will the revolution come to a halt? Will the people no
longer wage revolution? The common people still want to wage revolution and
the party continues to advance. Therefore, the people, not the heroes, come
first and the party comes second. One must give full weight to the role of
the party. Take the army for instance. Our army sometimes loses battles,
but it will not collapse. One should have some personal experience in this
and believe not his ears but his eyes. During the Long March, the Fifth Army
Corps fought every day for a period of 100 days while on a forced march. It
seemed that this corps could not fight any longer. Marching forward with
torches in their hands, the soldiers' morale was low. However, everyone
would have thrown away their torches and continued fighting to resist the
enemy if the superiors had decided to continue the battle. Soldiers taken
prisoners by the enemy managed to escape and returned to their parent units
one after the other. Things were very difficult during the Long March, but
no one wanted to leave; they stayed with us because the army was an army led
by the Communist Party. It is easy to lead this army; but in another sense,
it is difficult to do so. The fact that everyone wants to wage revolution
and accepts no mandatory orders makes it very difficult to lead the army;
yet, the fact that everyone is conscious of what he is doing and works hard
for conscience sake makes it easy to exercise leadership over the army. In
other armies, if a company leader, a regimental commander or a division com-
mander changes sides, he can take his unit with him. But our army is differ-
ent. If a leader or a commander is a turncoat, the men will refuse to go
with him and will kill him. There have been many examples of this in the
past and at present. What strength is behind these examples? This is the
party's strength. The Communist Party is welcomed by the people wherever it
goes. The common people first ask if you are a member of the Eighth Route
Army or not? Why should they ask? It is because the common people support
the Communist Party. Because they are poor, they want to be emancipated, to
strike blows at the local tyrants and share their land, to "share" some-
thing. They agree with the Communist Party. This shows the party's strength,
not the strength of the individual. This indicates the party's influence.
Our Communist Party has had its low and high points. During the late years
of the civil war, we were welcomed by the common people even though we pur-
sued an erroneous line. I do not say this for the purpose of defending the
mistakes made in those years. What I say is a fact. The common people did
not accuse you of following a dogmatic line. They only knew that you were
communists and that the Communist Party wanted to overthrow the local
tyrants, to share their land and to work for the people's interest. All
this shows that our party's strength is powerful. Therefore, the people
come first, the party second and the personal role comes last.
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Does the individual play a role? I would be wrong if I negated the indi-
vidual's role. If the role of the individual means nothing, why should we
support Chairman Mao? I say the individual plays a role and sometimes a big
role. My word here is based on facts. People, whether they are Chinese or
foreigners, with the exception of a tiny number of reactionaries, all say
that Chairman Mao's leadership is fine. However, the most essential thing
is the common people, the Communist Party. When a person acknowledges that
this is true, has worked for a period of time and his work is not bad, can he
say "I have made a great contribution"? No, this is not appropriate. The
question should be viewed this way: In line with the revolutionary require-
ments of the people and with the party's leadership, we have worked in con-
formity with the objective situation and have not made many mistakes. Our
work is just so-so. It is very rare that objective conditions allow a person
to accomplish his work fully. It is common that when objective conditions
permit a person to accomplish 100 percent of his work, he has performed only
80 percent, 60 percent, or 50 percent because of his shortcomings. Then, what
can one feel arrogant about? Another situation is this: When objective con-
ditions are so good that they permit a person to accomplish 100 percent of his
work, he has accomplished nothing because of his mistakes or he has performed
only 20 percent or 10 percent because of his many shortcomings. He has not
made a single contribution but has committed numerous mistakes because 80
percent or 90 percent of what he has done was wrong. In this case, he must
not feel proud of what he has done. Is this view correct? I say it is
correct. We should not overestimate our own role and feel so self-important.
If other comrades respect and praise you for your good work, you should be on
guard. Do not feel complacent when people praise you or you will trip and
fall. When is a person apt to trip and fall? We had this experience when we
were proceeding on foot during the Long March, that is, we were constantly
wary of tripping and falling. If you thought you had never tripped and fallen
during the march, then you were likely to trip and fall soon. Therefore, you
should be on guard when people praise you. Think for yourself whether you
are that good. Maybe you are not that good and you should be on guard. The
CCP has so many examples of this. Those who believed that their personal
contribution was beyond that of the people and the party have fallen and
never risen again. I find the most outstanding examples in two persons--Chen
Duxiu and Zhang Guotao. In the past, that old fogey Chen was a VIP, being
publicly recognized as the party's leader during the great revolution. Zhang
Guotao, or Chairman Zhang, was the chairman in the border region. But when
he abandoned the common people and the party, he was not worth a coin.'
During the Qing dynasty, a ma [7802] money was used, which was subsequently
replaced by copper coins. Was he worth a copper? No. What are they up to
now? Chen Duxiu is dead. He organized liquidationists to oppose us, but
the people did not support him. Was the later Chen Duxiu the same as the
earlier Chen Duxiu? The later Chen Duxiu was indeed the Chen Duxiu of the
great revolution. They were actually one and the same man. At first, the
people supported him as leader, but they eventually ignored him. Zhang
Guotao, formerly Chairman Zhang, is now engaged in secret service. Does he
have supporters? Only Generalissimo Chiang supports him. The common people
do not support him. Did he have a large mountain stronghold in the begin
ning? The Fourth Front Army was sizable, but he was alone when he left. All
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the cadres stayed away from him and his guards also returned to Yanan. He
was alone when he left amid the drizzling rain of the Qingming season. We
can draw a lesson from these things. A person has his contributions, but he
should not overestimate them. He who abandons the people and the party will
achieve nothing. This is how we should measure ourselves. From where do
your merits derive? For one thing, the common people want revolution. We,
the party members, have merely done something under.the party's leadership
to meet the people's demand. That's it. In no way should we feel compla-
cent.
Regarding the question of making mistakes, I have the feeling that besides an
incorrect stand and a vicious motive, there are other things which .trip up a
person. Because of a misperception of the objective things, the resulting
actions also go wrong. There were many instances of this in the past and
there are many at present. We wonder how many more such instances will
occur in the future. When people say, "Hey, you are wrong," should we blush
and feel offended? Of course it is not good to make mistakes, but it does
not matter if you have a correct attitude. If you make a mistake and others
criticize you, you should ask for their advice, learn how they analyze the
mistake, and then correct it. In this way you will make fewer mistakes in
the future. We must tell the truth, not save face. We should evaluate
things as they are and do what needs to be done. Sometimes, the more you
save face for the moment, the more you lose it in the future. Only when you
are not afraid of losing face, cast aside all considerations of pride and
sincerely correct your mistake can you keep some face. A Communist Party
member who takes part in the revolution has given up everything and is ready
to sacrifice his life for the revolution. So why should he be concerned about
face? Cast aside such considerations, tell the truth, and do whatever is
beneficial for the people and to the revolution. We are shouldering such a
heavy burden and if we want to save face, we will not be objective when dis-
cussing things and will look at things from a certain angle, that is, we will
tend to support the opinions that are beneficial to us and to our faces and
disapprove of those that do not consider our faces. If you want to save
face, you will view things from the angle of personal interest when discussing
questions and take a wrong stand. You will not see problems clearly or tell
the truth. The results are bound to bring harm both to other persons and to
yourself. For instance, the enemy is powerful. However if we misjudge it
and think it is weak, then we are defeated. Defeat is the result. This not
only happened in the past, but will also happen frequently in the future.
No one is an exception.
Why do I spend so much time on this question at the meeting of the seventh
national CCP congress? I feel I have the responsibility. Having been the
director of the CCP Central Committee's Organization Department for 7 years
and being aware of this question, I need to talk about it at the meeting.
I hope delegates to the congress will examine and verify the matter to see if
it is correct and determine which part is correct, which part is wrong and
whether it is all correct or all wrong. Anything wrong with it can be
refuted. If this situation really exists, I hope everyone will make correc-
tions in this respect. Now is an opportune time, a very important opportunity.
Chairman Mao's report says that according to the general situation in the
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world and China, we are on the eve of a final battle. We have the ambition
to liberate the whole of China and arouse the people of all of China to
stand up and to hold the political power in their hands. This should be
done immediately. The seventh national CCP congress is precisely designed
to accomplish tasks like this. Now the whole party's task is to increase
its strength and there are many ways to do this: by either expanding the
liberated areas or by shrinking the enemy-held areas. I personally feel that
we should increase and decrease at the same time. By increase, I mean we
should study. By decrease, I mean we should unload the "burden," which is
also a way to increase strength. The strength increased in this way is
inestimable. If all our comrades are upright, seek truth from facts and
are devoid of individualism, they can withstand an army of 100,000 or
1 million. This is an invincible power.
Comrades, the CCP is a party with its own army. In making revolution, we
have local civilian work and military work to do. At present, army work and
armed struggle are the major work. The army holds the guns. Its organiza-
tion is more centralized. Its cadres hold great responsibilities and its
ranking cadres hold even greater responsibilities. Can the 450 million
people achieve liberation? Will liberation be achieved early or late? Will
some 100,000 less people be sacrificed or some 100,000 more? The people
throughout the country place their hope on our party and on our ranking
cadres. If we do our work well, victory will come and the people will be
liberated soon. If we do not do our work well, the 450 million people will
not be quickly liberated, victory in the revolution will be delayed for
years and many more people will be sacrificed. Then, we will be letting the
people down. Our party has to decide the destiny of the people throughout
China. Communist Party members, it is the people who have chosen you to be
their representatives in waging revolution. It is the people who want you to
lead them in the struggle for emancipation. We have this duty. We cannot
afford to fail in our work. Failure in our work is not just the matter of
one person or a few people. The success or failure of the 450 million people
throughout China is at stake. We must be conscientious. We should cast
away all that is bad and everything that should be cast away. We should
shoulder our responsibilities in front of the people. Failing to do so means
failing to fulfill our duty. People say that CCP members are outstanding
descendants of the Chinese nation. Whether we are outstanding or unworthy
descendants can be judged by whether we have fulfilled our duty for the
people. This duty has been given to us. We should conscientiously handle
this question. I repeat: Our comrades are basically Bolshevik and are good
Communist Party members. What I was talking about was some drawbacks among
the good. Some cadres have these drawbacks. Now, it is time to correct
these drawbacks. During the civil war period, a book entitled "Struggle To
Make the CCP More Bolshevik"2 was published. That was not good. We must
discard our "burden," truly struggle to become Bolshevik and increase the
strength of ourselves and the party.
1. Zhang Guotao was acting chairman of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia border
region government from September 1937 to April 1938. On the Qingming
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tomb-sweeping day in April 1938, representing the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia
border region government, Zhang Guotao held a memorial ceremony at the
Huang emperor mausoleum and took this as an opportunity to escape to
Wuhan to join the Kuomintang secret service group, thereby becoming a
renegade of the Chinese revolution. So, later on in the passage it was
said that "he was all alone when he left amid the drizzling rain of the
Qingming season."
2. This refers to a booklet by Wang Ming published in 1931 representing the
left-deviationist dogmatism.
CSO: 4004/21
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KEEP THE OVERALL SITUATION IN MIND AND GIVE METICULOUS GUIDANCE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 7-10
[Article by RED FLAG Editorial Department]
[Text] Filled with a feeling of joy, all of us are now ringing out the year
1981 and ringing in the year 1982.
How was our work in 1981, now that we are reviewing it? If we do not have
any prejudices, we cannot but admit that the whole party, including all
localities, nationalities, trades and professions and fronts, made new con-
tributions and scored major new achievements in our work. What were the
principal signs of these major new achievements? First was the continued
turn for the better in the economic situation and second was the greater
stability in the political situation. The continued turn for the better in
the economy refers not only to the fact that we have overcome serious natu-
ral disasters, that our production has increased by a considerable margin and
that there has also been very great improvement in our financial status while
great readjustment of the national economy is being carried out; but, what is
more important, it refers to the fact that we have systematized a set of cor-
rect principles for the guiding ideology of the. socialist economic construc-
tion, that is, the 10 principles put forth by Comrade ZhaoZiyang in his
report to the 4th Session of the 5th NPC. The latter achievement is, in a
certain sense, greater than the former one. It is precisely this set of
principles that has enabled our national economy to embark on the path of
steady development. It is also precisely this set of principles that will
ensure that we do not take the tortuous path of muddling things up in the
future, but take the new path with substantial speed, better economic effect
and more practical benefits for the people. This is the experience we have
gained after spending many years and paying great sacrifices. Politically,
we have maintained and developed in the past year the political situation
characterized by stability, unity, vividness and liveliness. It can be
said that the political situation in our party and state at present is the
best since the 1960's. In this aspect, the "Resolution on Certain Questions
in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" approved at the
6th Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee has played a positive
role in unifying the ideology of the whole party, the whole army and the
people of all nationalities throughout the country, strengthening unity,
enhancing revolutionary vigor and building a powerful and modern socialist
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country with one heart and one mind. This role has exceeded the expectation
of a great many comrades and is showing itself ever more clearly.
The achievement in the past year has not been gained easily. This is the
result achieved by the whole party, the whole army and the people of all
nationalities throughout the country with concerted and strenuous efforts
under the guidance of the principles and policies of the CCP Central Com-
mittee. We should fully understand that the entire situation is getting
better and better with each passing year and that the party's prestige is
rising continuously. More and more people at home and abroad believe that
our party has the ability and means to administer our country well and to
achieve the objectives of our struggle for this century. We should have the
confidence in ourselves and the steadfastness of the proletariat. The view
that the prestige of our party appears to be dropping continuously does not
conform to reality. Comrade Mao Zedong often quoted Lenin as saying that, in
order not to make others vacillate, one should first of all not vacillate
oneself. We should always remember this sentence.
Naturally, we should also understand that the people set very high demands
on us and expect us to do more and better. As a matter of fact, some of our
work has not been done well and a lot of problems have not been solved well.
We should never overlook the problems in this aspect. What are our conclu-
sions then? The conclusions are: do not be satisfied with the achievements
made, and do not slacken our efforts but continue to go all out, forge ahead
and strive to achieve the objectives of our struggle in the new year.
The year 1982 is the sixth year since we smashed the "gang of four," the
fourth year since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee
was convened and the first year since we accomplished the historical task of
bringing order out of chaos in the guiding ideology of our party. That is to
say, the party will have many more favorable conditions in 1982 for concen-
trating its energy on leading socialist modernization better. Therefore, it
.is entirely justifiable to ask the whole party to do its work better in
various fields so as to obtain better results in the new year and to win
still greater victories in socialist modernization.
In order to win still greater victories in socialist modernization in 1982,
what are the targets and the requirements?
First, it is necessary to simultaneously grasp the building of material
civilization on the one hand and the building of spiritual civilization on
the other. Relatively satisfactory results should be achieved in these two
aspects. The slogan that "life under socialism must attain a high ethical
and cultural level" has been recorded in the "resolutions" of the 6th Plenary
Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee. This is a very good slogan and
has a very strong appeal to the people of the whole country. It can play a
very good role in mobilizing the people politically and exert very good
influence internationally. The bourgeoisie has always accused us of paying
no attention to civilization in building communism. We declare that social-
ist spiritual civilization is 10,000 times better than your civilization!
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Second, it is necessary to develop the economy vigorously, steadily and
speedily. The advantage of this formulation is that it contains both given
quantitative requirements and strict qualitative ones and unifies the two
aspects. Stress should be laid on steadiness, and it is necessary to do away
with falsity. This means that close attention should be paid to improving
economic results. This makes it necessary for us to conscientiously carry
out the 10 principles for economic construction and solve a series of major
problems in a planned way. Every sphere, including agricultural and indus-
trial production, communications and transportation, capital construction,
circulation of commodities and finance and banking, should do its work in a
down-to-earth manner so as to raise economic results. We should fully
understand the significance of improving economic results as the heart of
economic construction. First of all, it is necessary to soberly understand
that our economy has shown very great improvement since the great readjust-
ment of the national economy, but the potential danger has not been com-
pletely eliminated. The task of stabilizing the economy, of achieving a near
balance in financial revenue and expenditure and the basic stability of
prices, remains a matter of the first magnitude that merits our close atten-
tion. Second, it is necessary to understand this truth, that is, whether we
engage in construction or increase the income of the workers and peasants,
the money comes, in the final analysis, from industry. Ninety percent of our
state financial revenue is provided by industry. Only by improving the
economic results of industry, which means that we have not only developed.
production but also increased our income, do we have money to engage in con-
struction and improve the people's lives. Furthermore, it is also necessary
to understand that in order to improve the economic results, it is imperative
to have a firm grasp of the readjustment and restructuring of enterprises.
The potential of our enterprises is very big. So long as we carry out tech-
nological transformation, gradually institute and amplify the economic respon-
sibility systems, strictly enforce the various necessary rules and regula-
tions, train the ranks of staff and workers well, reorganize the leading
bodies, practice democratic management, raise the level of management, step
up ideological and political work, overcome lax discipline, poorer quality,
serious waste and other phenomena and crack down on the evil tendencies such
as deception, tax evasion, graft, bribery, withholding profit.that should be
delivered to the state and overcharging the state, shall we be able to
achieve the aim of improving economic results and further stabilizing the
economy. Moreover, it is necessary to further make clear the guiding ideology
for rural work. In order to stabilize the economy and enable the national
economy to embark on a new path, we should rely not only on industry but also
on agriculture. It is necessary to educate the peasants in collectivism and
patriotism. They should be made to understand that it is imperative for
China to take the road of socialist collectivization in agriculture; that it
is imperative to uphold the long-term unchanged policy of public ownership
for land and other basic means of production and the long-term unchanged
policy of practicing the production responsibility systems in the light of the
requirements of the collective economy; that it is imperative to uphold the
principle of "never slackening our efforts in grain production and actively
developing the diversified economy"; and that it is imperative to uphold the
principle of giving consideration to the interests of the state, the collec-
tive and the individual. On the basis of raising the peasants' consciousness,
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it is necessary to gradually perfect the agricultural production responsibil-
ity systems and set up a rational agricultural production structure charac-
terized by diversified economy, comprehensive development, good economic
effect and a high commodity rate. Finally, it is necessary to profoundly
understand this major principle: in the economic construction of our country,
we must coordinate the activities of the nation like pieces in a chess game
and act according to plans. Ours is a great socialist country with 1 billion
people, 800 million of whom are peasants. In all the economic activities,
stress should be laid on the planned economy supplemented by regulation by
market mechanism. In our country, the relationship between the planned econ-
omy and regulation by market mechanism is one between the principal and the
subordinate aspects. Our economic work should be aimed by providing 1 billion
people with rice and enabling our country to have the surplus strength to
carry on with the construction. The improvement of the people's lives should
be kept within the framework that they can eat and engage in construction.
The consumption of the people should be arranged according to plans for we
should not pay attention to eating alone. There would be no prospects for our
country if we should eat or use up everything. The construction of our coun-
try should also be carried out according to plans in order of priority and
importance; we should not upset the balance among. finance,. credit and goods.
It is also necessary to strengthen guidance of the agricultural economy and
allow the peasants to operate within the scope of the state plans. Only by
doing so can we conform to the overall, long-term and fundamental interests
of the people and the state.
Third, in carrying out political work and building spiritual civilization, we
must strive to make definite improvements in social order, social morality and
party work style. In areas inhabited by minority nationalities, we should
also strive for great improvements in the relationship and unity among
nationalities. In order to accomplish these three tasks, it is necessary to
adopt a series of practical and effective measures.
First, it is necessary to mobilize the whole party and all social forces and
to arouse all media and mass organizations to create strong and persistent
public opinion for building socialist spiritual civilization. Otherwise, it
is impossible to build socialist spiritual civilization. We were very good
at creating public opinion during the war of resistance against Japan. In
implementing the three main rules of discipline and the eight points for
attention, the people's army was also very good at creating public opinion.
In December 1980 Comrade Deng Xiaoping proposed that, in achieving the four
modernizations, it is necessary to vigorously promote the spirit gained dur-
ing the revolutionary war years. He said: "We should also spread this
spirit among the entire people and youths by giving it great publicity and
setting an example, so that it will become the main pillar of spiritual
civilization of the PRC, cherished by all people in the. world who demand
revolution and progress and admired by many people in the world who lack
spiritual ballast and suffer spiritual depression." It seems now that the
matter has not aroused the close attention of the people and has not been
given "great publicity." "Great publicity" refers to creating public opinion.
It is necessary to create powerful and sustained public opinion to foster the
healthy tendencies and suppress the unhealthy ones. The methods of piecemeal,
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weak and feeble publicity will not achieve the desired results. In brief, in
building a high degree of spiritual civilization for our nation, it is neces-
sary to conduct extensive, thoroughgoing and sustained education among the
whole party, the whole army and the people of all nationalities throughout
the country. It is necessary to pay attention to this matter for many years
and make it known to every household.
Second, all party and government organizations, armed forces units, enter-
prises, schools and mass organizations, totaling more than 100 million mem-
bers, should take the lead in talking about civility, courtesy, sanitation,
order and morality, stressing beauty of the mind, language, behavior and
environment, planting trees to make the motherland green, beautifying the
environment, and carrying out sanitation work and other socialist activities
for the benefit of the public. The 4th Session of the 5th NPC has approved
a resolution on launching a voluntary tree planting movement by the whole
people. We should promote these activities in a sustained and thoroughgoing
way and not carry them out on and off or in a feeble manner. This is also a
movement for changing prevailing habits and customs and transforming China.
The significance of this matter should not be underestimated. There are
1 billion people in China and if we first pay attention to these movements in
a persistent manner among the 100.million people, the prevailing customs of
.the entire society will change accordingly.
Third, it is necessary to effectively reorganize the grassroots organizations
in the cities and the countryside and to-improve the ideological and political
work of party organizations and the government work in the grassroots. This
is a very important matter. Take the rural areas for example. After the
practice of various forms of the production responsibility system and espe-
cially in localities where the system of assigning farm output quotas for
each household and assigning each household full responsibilities for task
completion has been practiced, it is necessary to pay close attention to
avoid or rectify the breakdown or. disintegration of the grassroots organiza-
tions. As an economic unit, the function of the production brigade and the
production team in leading the economy should be preserved; the function of
commune (township) and production brigade (village) as basic-level government
in particular should be correspondingly strengthened. Otherwise, the various
kinds of confusion in the rural areas will unavoidably spread. At present,
in some localities of the rural areas, public security is poor, the general
mood of society is unhealthy and gambling and superstitious practices are
rampant.. An important reason for the emergence of these phenomena lies in
the fact that the party and government organizations in the grassroots are
not sound. It is therefore necessary to reorganize the basic-level organiza-
tions so that the ideological and political work of the grassroots party
organizations and the government work at the grassroots can be genuinely
strengthened.
Fourth, it is necessary to continuously strengthen the work of party dis-
cipline inspection committees and the administrative and judicial depart-
ments, to earnestly solve the unsettled problems regarding the implementation
of the party's policies, and to resolutely and promptly hit at all violations
of law and discipline and criminal activities. The leading comrades of the
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CCP Central Committee recently pointed out that a few units and cadres con-
tinued to engage in smuggling activities and the activities of selling smug-
gled goods and that the fact that some localities had failed so far to deal
with the matter gave us much food for thought. With respect to matters of
this kind, it is necessary to investigate them thoroughly and mete out
stricter and heavier punishment if an important person or a big organization
is involved. From this we can see that, with respect to the serious matters
of violating law and discipline within the party, if we fail to resolutely
and mercilessly investigate and affix responsibility for them, it will be
impossible to rectify the party work style. In order to improve the general
mood of society, it is first of all necessary to rectify the party work
style. An extremely important aspect in building spiritual civilization is
to use the party work style to promote the common practice of the people.
Fifth, it is necessary to transform the superstructure in a planned and
systematic way, to simplify the administrative structure, to vigorously over-
come bureaucratism and to greatly increase efficiency. The malpractice of
bureaucratism that exists in the political life and economic management of
our state has become a serious obstacle in our efforts to advance along the
new path for developing the national economy and to engage in the building of
the four modernizations. After meticulous investigation and repeated studies,
the CCP Central Committee and the State Council are determined to adopt deci-
sive measures to resolutely change the intolerable states of affairs, such as
great numbers of departments, overstaffed organizations, complicated adminis-
trative structure, petty disputes, having more hands than needed, excessive
number of deputies and nominal positions and low work efficiency. The cen-
tral organizations and the State Council will set an example for the party
and government organizations at various levels throughout the country by put-
ting them into practice first. The measures will then be spread from one
level to another and be accomplished by stages and in groups within the speci-
fied time. Without grasping the link of simplifying administrative structures
and without starting with this work, it would be impossible to overcome
bureaucratism.
Building socialist spiritual civilization is a long-term and tremendous
strategic task which requires us to do a lot of work. It is necessary to
start our work by paying attention to social order and the general mood of
social and party work style--particularly party work style. This is a major
task the whole party should pay close attention to.
Now, the correct line and principles have been laid down and the targets of
our struggle have been ascertained. It is necessary to let all our party
members fully understand the significance of achieving new major successes in
our work in 1982. We can take a still firmer stand if we make new and greater
progress in economic and political work and in building material and spiritual
civilization in 1982. Then, the path will be smoother for us to advance from
this year to the next, march onward toward the goals of the "sixth 5-year
plan" and subsequently open up a new period of economic prosperity. At the
same time, it goes without saying that this will also be of great signifi-
cance in promoting the return of Taiwan to the motherland and the handling of
international affairs. In brief, what should be done since the fighting
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tasks for this year are so heavy and there is so much work to be done? First,
it is necessary to enhance revolutionary vigor and second, to pay attention
to methods of work. In a word, with respect to the work for this year, the
whole party, first of all the leading organs and leading comrades at various
levels, are expected to accomplish the following requirements: keep the ofler-
all situation in mind and give meticulous guidance. It is necessary to uphold
the four basic principles and overcome the state of laxity and weakness in the
work of leadership.
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THE WHOLE PARTY MUST STUDY MARXISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 11-12
[Article by Song Renqiong [1345 0117 4522]]
[Text] Since the day of its founding more than 60 years ago, our party has
always relied on the conscientious study of Marxism and adhered to the inte-
gration of the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete prac-
tice of the Chinese revolution to save the revolution from danger and
disaster. This has enabled the revolution to turn from defeat to triumph
and to advance from triumph to still greater triumph. At present, as the
party in power of such a great oriental country as China with its long
history, complicated conditions and formerly very backward economy and cul-
ture, our party shoulders the magnificent task of leading 1 billion people
of various nationalities in realizing socialist modernization. The govern-
ment work report recently adopted by the 4th Session of the 5th NPC has
pointed out that in order to fulfill this task and build a high degree of
socialist material civilization as well as socialist spiritual civilization,
we must genuinely proceed from actual conditions in China and break a new
path that will be more realistic in speed and that will produce better
economic results and provide more material benefit for the people. To this
end, the conscientious study of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought should
occupy an extremely important position among the comrades of the whole
party.
Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, our party has,
on the basis of practical examination, correctly summed up the experiences of
the past and corrected the leftist mistakes in guiding ideology. This has
enabled a great improvement to take place in the level of Marxism of the
whole party. Only as a result of integrating with the concrete practice of
China's socialist construction can the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism
increasingly demonstrate its immense vitality and can achievements be made
in various kinds of work. The present problem is, some of our party members
and cadres and even some of the comrades in charge of leadership work have
not paid enough attention to the study of Marxism. Consequently, when con-
fronted with the new conditions and new problems which constantly appear,
they do not know what to do and cannot apply the correct stand, viewpoint and
method to observe and solve the various complicated contradictions. They are
unable to link up the actual conditions of their own locality and department
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to comprehensively understand and consciously implement the policies and
principles of the party. They have no knowledge of the true state of affairs
and are always vacillating. They stick to their own views and engage in
endless arguments. The advance of history and the development of causes are
so fast that if we deviate only slightly from Marxism, the discussion of
emancipating the mind, exploring new paths and successfully carrying out
various tasks would be out of the question and we would be lagging further
and further behind the trend of the times. All party members and cadres,
and above all the leadership cadres, must fully understand that only by con-
scientiously studying Marxism can they shoulder the important historical task
and can they be worthy of the great trust of the people. On such a serious
and important question as this, they cannot be the least bit sluggish or
careless.
As the nature of the work and the responsibility shouldered by every comrade
are not the same, there should also be particular emphasis on the content of
study. I advocate that everybody should study a bit of philosophy, political
economy, scientific socialism and history. At present, we must pay special
attention to integrating the study of the resolution adopted by the 6th
Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee with the economic exposi-
tions of Comrade Chen Yun and the 10 major principles for economic construc-
tion proposed by Comrade Zhao Ziyang. Study does not mean memorizing by rote.
We must above all correctly understand the stand, viewpoint and method,
restore and carry forward the good style of study of integrating theory with
practice and apply the Marxist stand, viewpoint and method to analyze and
solve actual problems in our work. We have often said in the past that we
must study Marxism. However, because we sometimes did not integrate that
with the practice of our revolution and construction, we have turned the
lively theory into a rigid dogma and made serious mistakes. Wang Ming's
dogmatism caused great damage to the cause of the Chinese revolution. In the
Yanan rectification campaign which began in 1942, the whole party applied
Marxist theory to sum up historical experiences, criticized dogmatism and
unified thinking. This guaranteed the success of the war of resistance
against Japan and the war of liberation. After 1957, because of the mis-
understanding and dogmatic interpretation of certain ideas and theses in the
works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin, and because we were not good at
applying and developing Marxism in accordance with the already changed social
condition, we also made mistakes in our work. After the smashing of the
Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary clique, the erroneous "two-whatever's" policy
still appeared among some of the comrades. From the 3d Plenary Session to
the 6th Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, as a result of the
application of Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought in bringing order out of
chaos, carrying on the revolutionary cause and forging ahead into the future,
our party has restored and formulated a series of correct principles and
policies ideologically, politically and organizationally as well as in vari-
ous fields of socialist construction, basically reversed the erroneous leftist
orientation, produced the "Resolution on Certain Questions. in the History of
Our Party Since the Founding of the PRC" and enabled the principle of inte-
grating theory with practice to emit greater radiance.
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In the study of theory in the future, we must on the one hand continue to
guard against and oppose dogmatism, and on the other hand, we must also guard
against the tendency of opposing and despising the study of theory. Both
these tendencies are subjectivism and a sign of ossification of thinking.
Unless these obstacles are swept away, it is impossible to integrate theory
with practice. In the past, by relying on the guidance of Marxism-Leninism-
Mao Zedong Thought, our party obtained a victory in revolution and construc-
tion. At present and in the future, we must also rely on this heirloom to
create new achievements. The great cause of 1 billion people building a
strong and modern socialist country will constantly spur the Chinese com-
munists to draw strength from Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, more
closely integrate the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism with the concrete
practice of modernization and enrich and develop Mao Zedong Thought. We hope
that all the comrades in the party will attach great importance to the study
of theory, seriously read books, and courageously practice and dedicate them-
selves to the cause of socialist modernization.
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THE KEY TO BUILDING THE TWO CIVILIZATIONS
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 13-14
[Article by Zhao Shouyi [6392 1343 0001]]
[Text] Our party is now going all out to undertake two things of great
importance: one is to build socialist material civilization and the other
is to build socialist spiritual civilization. This is our strategic think-
ing and two goals'of struggle which are inseparable and complement each
other. All our departments and work must be centered closely on and must
serve these two great goals, and we must struggle for the realization of
these two great goals.
To realize these two great goals requires many conditions, of which one
exceedingly important condition concerns cadres. Our cadres at various
levels are the pioneers of the vast masses on all fronts, and they are of
vital importance in uniting and leading the masses in fulfilling the various
tasks put forth by the party and the state. Stalin said that if we could
train all cadres of the various departments into fairly mature Marxist-
Leninists and help them to be able to solve the problem of state leadership
without making serious mistakes, we would have the basis for solving all our
problems. Therefore, the constant enhancement of the Marxist theoretical
level and professional knowledge of our cadre ranks is a question of utmost
importance in the building of socialist material civilization and spiritual
civilization.
Our party has always attached great importance to the Marxist theoretical
study and education of the cadres. The party's historical experience has
shown that when cadres study well and the party's work style is good, our
cause advances and triumphs; when cadres do not satisfactorily study and
the party work style is unhealthy, our work requires strenuous efforts and
even suffers setbacks. The Yanan rectification movement in 1942 and 1943
was a widespread and profound Marxist education movement. Through the
rectification movement, the level of Marxism of the whole party was raised
and an important ideological foundation was laid for seizing victory in the
war of resistance against Japan and the war of liberation. In the early
1950's, the broad masses of cadres studied the history of social development,
grasped the basic viewpoints of historical materialism, conscientiously
remolded their ideology, fostered the revolutionary world outlook, preserved.
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and developed the traditions of wholeheartedly serving the people, thus
resulting in a more practical work style, fairly reliable implementation of
the policies, and comparatively close relations between the cadres and the
masses. Precisely because of this, in the first 7 years after the founding
of the PRC, remarkable achievements were made in various work, the socialist
transformation was completed smoothly, industrial and agricultural production
expanded at rapid rates, the people were happy and fully confident in the
future of socialism, and the general mood and outlook of the society was
completely improved. Thus it can be seen that the cadres' doing a good job
in studying and enhancing their theoretical levels of Marxism and profes-
sional knowledge have always been the key in the success or failure of our
cause.
We are now in a great historical period, a period in which we are pushing
our cause forward and forging ahead. The 6th Plenary Session of the 11th
CCP Central Committee marked the completion of the historical mission of
bringing order out of chaos in the party's guiding ideology, but the work
to correct "leftist" mistakes in our work has not yet come to an end. There
still exists a bourgeois liberalization trend in the society, and this also
affects the party. The influence of feudal ideology and small-producer
mentality is still widespread. There. are some erroneous concepts and con-
fused ideas concerning the four basic principles and also, in varying
degrees, the party's principles and policies among some cadres and masses.
The work to bring order out of chaos in theory and to conduct ideological
education is still fairly arduous. Furthermore, the historical mission to
build socialist material civilization and spiritual. civilization has posed
many new problems which we must study, analyze and solve by using Marxism-
Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. Therefore, to strengthen the cadres' theoreti-
cal study is of special significance at present.
The building of socialist material and spiritual civilization is not sepa-
rated from the guidance provided by Marxist theory. To modernize industry,
agriculture, national defense, and science and technology, it is necessary
to use Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought to study China's national condi-
tion and formulate correct principles and policies in accordance with the
objective laws of the development of things. To build a socialist spiritual
civilization, it is most necessary to strengthen the ideological education in
Marxism. The term socialist spiritual civilization not only refers to educa-
tion, science and education but also to communist thought, ideals, beliefs,
moral concepts, discipline, revolutionary stand and principles, a comradely
relationship among people, and so on and so forth. Socialist spiritual
civilization is, up to now, the highest stage of the development of spiritual
achievements of mankind. The core of socialist civilization is the communist
spirit, which is a fundamental indication of differentiating socialist
spiritual civilization from the spiritual civilization of the past historical
stages and other societies. Besides, communism is the Marxist ideological
system. Therefore, using Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought to educate
people is the central issue in building socialist spiritual civilization.
Marxism holds that the working class will not spontaneously produce a social-
ist consciousness. Ideological consciousness will not automatically improve
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simply because production is expanded. Marxism is the most advanced scien-
tific ideological system based on the whole cultural knowledge of mankind.
It should be instilled into people's minds. This means that using Marxism
to educate people is a long-term and arduous task. In the past, we relied
on the propagation of Marxism in inspiring, educating and organizing the
masses and won victory in seizing political power. Now to build the two
civilizations, it is necessary to do this instilling work. At present, first
of all, it is imperative to help the 20 million cadres throughout the nation,
and in particular the leading cadres at various levels, receive a relatively
full education in Marxism. By intellectual investment, we mean first and
foremost making investment in the cadre ranks and conscientiously promoting
cadre restudy and reeducation. Only when they are helped to base their
world outlook on Marxism, to acquire the spirit of self-devotion to realize
the ideal of communism, to set high aims and lofty aspirations, to work hard
for the prosperity of the country and transform China, and to have the cor-
rect ideological line of seeking truth from facts, can they lead by example
and teach the people throughout the country to foster communist thoughts,
ideals, beliefs and moral concepts and habits, and to go all out with one
heart and one mind to struggle for the construction of the two civilizations.
Owing to the damage caused by Lin Biao and. the "gang of four," the party's
tradition of attaching importance to theoretical study was suspended for a
fairly long time. During the "Great Cultural Revolution," sham Marxist and
anti-Marxist absurdities were in vogue, ideological confusion prevailed, and
the demarcation line between right and wrong was obscured. Large numbers of
new cadres lack an education in basic Marxist knowledge, and the theoretical
quality of the entire cadre ranks is far from suiting the requirements of
the present situation. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central
Committee, the Marxist ideological line has regained its ruling position
throughout the party. The state of affairs has begun to turn for the better.
However, the problem in which some cadres look down on and even detest and
reject theoretical studies has not been completely solved. By either using
the pretext of being busy in routine duties or being content with simply
reading documents and materials and even regarding economic construction as a
matter of practice, some cadres refuse to study Marxism. Being mentally
active, some comrades dare to dig into problems but because of not being well
prepared in terms of basic Marxist theory and of failing to profoundly
experience and observe the history of the Chinese revolution and the reality
of Chinese society, they are apt to be influenced by the erroneous trends of
thought and to go astray ideologically. Facts have proved that only by
closely integrating with practice and enhancing education in basic Marxist
theories, can we heighten our consciousness, achieve unity of thinking and
unify the understanding of the vast numbers of cadres on the line, prin-
ciples and policies formulated since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP
Central Committee so as to better lead the masses in building the two
civilizations.
In terms of cadre's theoretical study, we have experiences both positive and
negative which we must sum up in an earnest way and, especially, we must make
a serious study and draw up a plan in the light of the new situation. For
some time in the past, it was true that we did not get a good grip on
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theoretical study, particularly in the case of in-service cadres. In reality,
the absolute majority of cadres are at their own posts and those cadres who
can leave their jobs temporarily to study in party schools are limited in
number. Genuinely to enhance the political and ideological consciousness of
cadres, improve work style and work methods, and raise work efficiency, it is
essential to devote much time and energy to promoting study by cadres.
At present, the cultural and theoretical levels of cadres are uneven. In
the light of the experience gained in the early postliberation days in
dividing cadres into advanced, middle and primary study groups and in pro-
ceeding from the existing foundation of the cadres, it is advisable to exer-
cise specific and systematic guidance for them. The contents and require-
ments of study should vary, and uniformity must not be imposed. The ways
and means must also be diverse and varied. According to content variety,
running short-term study classes, evening party schools and television uni-
versities is encouraged. In short, it is necessary to adopt measures which
are welcomed by the cadres and to encourage all of them to study more and
better. It is imperative to strengthen the tutorial aids to help cadres in
their study. The CCP committees of various provinces, municipalities and
autonomous regions are encouraged to run publications to provide guidance to
cadres in their theoretical study. Localities which have the necessary con-
ditions are urged to set up a contingent of full-time or part-time teachers
and instructors in political theory. Cadres who study hard and make marked
achievements should be commended and encouraged, and the cadres' study and
results of study must be taken as one of the bases for testing and promoting
cadres. In sum, herculean and effectual efforts should be made to make the
cadres' theoretical study a success. If this is done well, we will be able
to substantially raise the theoretical level of the whole party and promote
the building of socialist material civilization and spiritual civilization.
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STUDY ECONOMIC THEORY IN THE LIGHT OF THE 10 PRINCIPLES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 p 15
[Article by Commentator]
[Text] The government work report delivered by Comrade Zhao Ziyang at the
4th Session of the 5th NPC correctly analyzed the economic situation in our
country, pointed out the prospects for our development and emphatically
expounded the 10 principles for economic construction. These principles
should be utilized in.blazing a new trail for developing our economy at a
more realistic speed and with better economic. results, and for achieving
more material benefits for the people. They are clear, abundant in content
and have not only provided us with a definite work program in our socialist
economic construction but also with important material for our study of
economic theory. The study of the government work report and the study of
economic theory can be and must be closely related.
The core of these 10 principles is achieving better economic results. This
is the prerequisite for achieving more material benefits for the people as
well as the key to ensuring the continued development of the national economy.
It must be considered the basic starting point for all our economic activ-
ities. Needless to say, in the study of economic theory, we must firmly
grasp this core. Why is it that many of our important indexes, which reflect
economic results, are lower than those of the developed countries at present,
and even lower than the historical record levels of our country? Why have
things remained unchanged in many places and units in spite of the great
efforts for years, and why has the development of production and improvement
of people's livelihood not conformed with the efforts the people have made?
What should we do to effectively straighten out our guiding ideology, to
master economic laws, to improve our work and produce as much material wealth
as possible with the least possible consumption of manpower and materials and
financial resources? These questions require our careful consideration, pro-
found analysis and further exploration in the light of our practice. The
theme of achieving better economic results in all links of production, con-
struction and circulation runs through the Marxist theory of reproduction and
Comrade Chen Yun's economic works. Therefore, only by focusing on this
aspect in studying economic laws and summing up experiences and lessons can
we really make our study effective.
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The 10 principles have concretized the policy of readjusting, restructuring,
reorganizing and upgrading, which has been proved to be effective in practice
since the third plenary session. They are, in reality, a systematic explana-
tion and a scientific confirmation of the eight-character policy. The study
of economic theory in the light of the 10 principles will deepen our under-
standing of this theory and will help us realistically sum up experiences and
lessons in our work and in our localities and departments. Thus, a more
solid ideological foundation will be laid for further implementing the
party's eight-character policy.
The 10 principles embody the basic spirit of proceeding from China's reali-
ties in our socialist economic construction and establishing a new road to
modernization suitable for our conditions, which was put forth in the "Reso-
lution on Certain Questions in the History of Our Party Since the Founding of
the PRC." The "resolution" pointed out: "The prolonged 'leftist' mistakes
we made in our economic work in the past consisted chiefly of departing from
China's realities, trying to exceed our actual capabilities and ignoring both
the economic returns of construction and management as well as the scientific
confirmation of our economic plans, policies and measures, with their con-
comitants Of..colossal waste and losses." The aim of our study of economic
theory is the mastery of economic knowledge and economic laws, and in the
final analysis, is the establishment of a road of socialist construction
suitable for China's realities and with a Chinese style. Proceeding from
this, the 10 principles made a feasible change in the long-standing past
practices, which were the result of the "leftist" ideology, and paved a new
road for our economic development. Studying economic theory in the light of
the 10 principles will deepen our understanding of China's realities and the
law of our socialist economic construction, as well as our understanding of
Marxist economic theory. Since the 10 principles for economic construction
involve a number of economic problems, as well as economic and natural laws,
they will give great impetus to our theoretical study, as our cadres, espe-
cially those in the economic departments, will have to study economic theory
well. Many comrades have already realized this and a new campaign for study-
ing theory has emerged in many places. We are sure that this campaign will
develop vigorously, for it is a requirement of our socialist modernization
and the demand of our times.
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HOW SHOULD WE LOOK AT THE STUDY OF ECONOMIC THEORY AT PRESENT?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 16-17
[Article by Su Xing [5685 2502]]
[Text] Since 1981, vast numbers of cadres, using Comrade Chen Yun's eco-
nomic works as a basis, have been seriously studying socialist economic
theory. As far as I know, many units, especially units engaged in financial
and economic work, are very enthusiastic about the study and have learned a
lot from it.
In the 1950's cadres also engaged in a large-scale study of economic theory.
At that time, they mainly studied basic theoretical knowledge and tried to
understand through the study the historical inevitability of socialism
replacing capitalism and the socialist economic laws. This was in order to
raise their consciousness in carrying out socialist transformation and plan-
ned economic construction. The study at that time left a very deep impres-
sion on us. Even now, whenever we talk about theoretical study, we always
think that we learned the most at that time.
At present, we are carrying out our study under new historical conditions,
which are quite different from those in the 1950's. Nevertheless, the
urgency of our study is not less than that in those days. First, our coun-
try's socialist construction has traversed a course of nearly 30 years and
has gained rich experiences. Some of these experiences are positive while
others are negative. Yet they all need digesting and summing up. In the
course of digesting and summing up these experiences, we can find the objec-
tive, and not fabricated, intrinsic laws and use them as the guide for our
action. Second, after 1958, the leftist errors in the guiding ideology for
economic work became more and more serious. Although corrections had been
made from time to time, the problem was not thoroughly solved either in
theory or in practice until the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central
Committee. It often happened that, at times, some tentative ideas in the
works of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin were misinterpreted or dogmatized in
order to provide "theoretical bases" for the leftist errors. During the
"Great Cultural Revolution," Lin Biao and the "gang of four" made use of
this for sabotage activities and caused great confusion in theoretical work.
Such confusion needs clarifying through theoretical study and through the
work of bringing order out of chaos. Third, since the focus of our work was
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shifted to building socialist modernization at the 3d Plenary Session of the
11th CCP Central Committee, new situations and new problems have emerged one
after another in the course of readjustment and restructuring. A good com-
mand of theory is also needed to study these new situations and new problems.
Therefore, everybody needs to study economic theory.
Compared with the study in the 1950's, there is another difference in the
current study. A number of cadres have already acquired knowledge of the
basic theory of political economics through'various study channels and they
need not start from the very beginning (those without such knowledge must of
course learn the basic theory first). This will help them better integrate
theory with reality and better understand the laws of our country's economic
construction through summing up experiences. Understanding economic laws
does not merely mean memorizing a few formulas or learning some concepts by
heart. More important is to study the forms of socialist economic laws mani-
fested under our country's concrete conditions and to study how to determine
policies and principles. In view of these requirements, nothing is more
suitable than taking Comrade Chen Yun's economic works as the major topic for
our study.
Comrade Chen Yun's economic works were not written as theoretical works. He
proceeded from the reality of our country's socialist construction and put
forth a series of views and suggestions in the light of issues affecting the
overall situation. However, what he put forth is theory. For example: the
planned economy is the main body and free production under the guidance of
planning is the supplement; planned socialist economy means proper propor-
tion; the scale of capital construction must be appropriate to the capabili-
ties of financial and material resources; the increase in the people's pur-
chasing power must be appropriate to the amount of consumer materials avail-
able; financial income and expenditure must be proportional to credit income
and expenditure, and the former must be slightly more than the latter; annual
plans must be made in such a way that they dovetail with those before and
after them; and so on. All these are important theoretical matters and are
applications and developments of basic Marxist principles on reproduction in
the practice of our country's socialist construction. Therefore, we should
never regard these works simply as articles or reports for solving problems
in practical work but must study them in the way we study theory. During the
Yanan rectification campaign, Comrade Mao Zedong explained what is meant by
theory. He said, "There is only one kind of true theory in this world,
theory that is drawn from objective reality and then verified by objective
reality; nothing else is worthy of us calling it theory." I hold that Com-
rade Chen Yun's works are exactly this kind of theory.
Most of the works we are studying at present were written by Comrade Chen Yun
at the end of the 1950's or at the beginning of the 1960's. After studying
them, can we use them to solve economic problems in the 1980's? The answer
is yes. First, the readjustment of the national economy which we are carry-
ing out at present is, as far as its content is concerned, basically the
same as that at the beginning of the 1960's. The views and suggestions put
forth by Comrade Chen Yun in the light of the conditions at that time are
also suited to the present situation. Second, since these views and
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suggestions are in conformity with objective laws, they can be used not only
within a short period but also within a relatively long period. This means
that we not only can use them today but also can continuously derive ideo-
logical strength from these works in building socialist modernization in the
future. Finally, the scientific attitude and dialectical methods which
Comrade Chen Yun persistently upheld are universally applicable in all our
work, particularly in economic work, and they should all the more be seri-
ously studied. Ideologically speaking, the reason why we suffered repeated
setbacks in economic construction in the past is that we committed the mis-
takes of subjectivism, impetuosity. and rashness and ran counter to the
scientific attitude of seeking truth from facts and to the dialectic method.
We should always bear this lesson in mind.
In studying economic theory, we should take Comrade Chen Yun's works as a
basis. At the same time, we should also integrate the study of the 10
principles for economic construction put forth by Comrade Zhao Ziyang in the
government work report he delivered at the 4th Session of the 5th NPC. We
can also read some books on economics. For example, the book entitled
"Studies on Problems of the Chinese Socialist Economy," written by Comrade
Xue Muqiao, proceeds from our country's reality and probes into socialist
economic laws. It can help us achieve a deeper understanding of Comrade
Chen Yun's works. If possible, we can also read "Study Marx' Theory on
Reproduction."
Not only should cadres engaged in financial and economic work study economic
theory. Cadres doing other work should also study it, because the building
of socialist modernizations will still be the focus of our work for a rela-
tively long time to come. Economic construction is closely related to vari-
ous trades and professions and is also related to individual life. If we do
not learn a little economic theory, we will not be able to coordinate our
work with the central task. During the revolutionary war period, nearly all
cadres were concerned with and studied military affairs and almost everybody
read Comrade Mao Zedong's military works because fighting was the central
task in those days. At present, all trades and professions should be con-
cerned with the economy as they were concerned with military affairs in the
past. They should study a little economic theory according to their own
conditions. This will be conducive to our making concerted efforts in
satisfactorily building socialist modernization.
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PUT AN END TO THE PRACTICE OF ALLOWING THEORETICAL STUDY TO TAKE ITS
NATURAL COURSE
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 p 18
["Readers" forum article by Li Biyan [2621 4310 3508]]
[Text] To my knowledge, the practice of allowing theoretical study to take
its natural course and to run slackly is prevalent among the incumbent
cadres of some units. The main manifestations are as follows:
Lacking a study plan. On their own whim, some cadres choose to study some-
thing for a time and drop it at another time when their whim passes. They
do not have a plan in mind about what to study. They study things that suit
their taste but ignore things which are not to their taste. When their
seniors come to inspect them, they convene an "emergency assembly" and fetch
some documents, newspapers and magazines to study for the moment.
.Lacking a theme for discussion. Very often, they spend much time studying
their work and discussing their daily routine, without a central theme.
Sometimes, because of digression, they cannot hit the "right path" even
though they have a central subject.
Having an.unsound system which nobody follows. During the study period, you
turn up when he does not, or when he shows up, I do not. A member will
decide at will on the number of days for study in a month, and on whether to
conduct individual or collective study. And such a practice is called
"flexibility."
Cadres' progress is not checked. Few people bother to know which comrades
perform well and which do not. Nor do they bother to find out how they have
studied or how much each of them has learned.
Why is there such a phenomenon? The reasons are complicated. However, the
main reason is that our comrades' awareness of the importance of theoretical
study varies. The reputation of theory was discredited by Lin Biao and the
"gang of four" and has not been rehabilitated. For instance, some comrades
still maintain that one cannot produce food or cotton only by theoretical
study. What they mean is that theory cannot solve practical problems;
"distant water cannot quench present thirst." Some comrades believe that
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theoretical study is the responsibility of the upper-level departments and
the leading cadres, and that the lower-level departments are responsible for
execution, not for theoretical study. Such blurred understanding has stifled,
to various degrees, the zeal for and the interest in theoretical study. In
particular, a few leading cadres often make leadership over daily routine
diametrically opposed to leadership over theoretical study. They maintain
that "the sky will not fall" even if theoretical study is "slowed down or put
off for a while." They regard theoretical study as "a flexible assignment for
a flexible target," and do not put it in the place it deserves. The practice
of allowing theoretical study to take its natural course is extremely out of
step with-the construction work facing our party. We should not allow it to
continue. Thus we suggest:
1. Promptly compile "a handbook for cadres," a textbook of political theory.
2. Establish a sound system of study. To ensure that theoretical study can
be carried out normally, a discipline of study and a system of attendance
checking, examination, awards and penalties should be established.
3. Enhance study efficiency by improving study methods. To set up junior,
intermediate and senior classes for cadres in accordance with their levels
of theoretical education, so that theoretical study suiting individual cadres
can be organized.
4. Strengthen the ideology, organization and work of the teams of theoreti-
cal education, so that they can play a significant role in theoretical study.
5. Party organizations at all levels should earnestly strengthen the leader=
ship over theoretical work. And this is the key. Comrades holding leading
positions should take the lead to participate in theoretical study and set a
fine example for others to follow. They have to comprehend, study and solve
various problems arising from theoretical study promptly, to sum up seri-
ously their experience and unceasingly dig deeper into theoretical study.
We suggest that organization departments should take the cadres' performance
in theoretical study into consideration when their proficiency is assessed.
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LEARN FROM THE WOMEN'S VOLLEYBALL TEAM AND WORK HARD
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 19-22, 6
[Article by Rong Gaotang [2830 7559 2768]]
[Text] The victory won by the Chinese women's volleyball team in the third
world cup championship has spurred patriotism on our physical culture front
and the patriotism of people across the country and the will of people on
various fronts.
Why has the victory evoked such wide repercussions? First, the team members
have made history by gaining a major success in large-ball games for our
country, won merit for the motherland, and realized the longstanding aspira-
tions of leading veteran cadres and the broad masses of the people. Second,
through television programs, broadcasts and news reports, the people of the
whole country have been deeply impressed and enlightened by the determination
and the stringent training of the team members. Third, the victory of the
team has served to reflect the strong determination of the Chinese people in
working hard to make their country strong and to boost the morale of the
nation. The sportsmen of our country made good achievements in a series of
major competitions last year and the people. across the country were very
happy to hear the good news that kept pouring in. People understand that a
nation must not brood over the long period of past sufferings. On the con-
trary, it must pluck up its spirit, do a good job of realizing the moderniza-
tion program and march forward with big strides.
The road taken by the women's volleyball team is arduous. Historically, I
think the experiences of the team can be summarized in the following eight
points.
1. Have Ideals and Aspirations for Scaling the World's Heights
Throughout its history, our party has always educated the sportsmen of our
country to cherish high ideals and aspirations and dare to scale heights so
as to win merit for the motherland. This education has become the definite
goal for our struggles and is a glorious tradition.
The attitude taken by a collective or by an individual toward their tasks is
fundamentally related to whether or not they make progress. Different ideals
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and goals will consequently be accompanied by different degress of broadness
in the field of vision and by different efforts. Following the world
championship won by our table tennis team in 1961, Comrade He Long demanded
that we also win championships in large-ball games. In 1964, Comrade Zhou
Erllai invited Mr Omatsu, Japanese volleyball coach, to help our country
train volleyball players and give demonstrations in Shanghai. Comrade He
Long also put forth the slogan of the "three fearlessnesses and five up-to-
the-mark's," which means fearing neither hardship, fatigue nor injury and
being up to the mark in ideology, skills, physical condition, training and
competition. All these are aimed at winning world championships. It was a
pity that while this goal was yet to be realized, the women's volleyball team
slid from sixth in the world to 14th during the "Great Cultural Revolution."
That the team was able to win the world championship is inevitably linked to
certain social and historical conditions. If the team members' ideals of
winning world championships were still considered today as displaying the
champion mentality and criticized as revisionism, the players would hardly
have been able to win the championship just by relying on their own small
number. The team has been able to take a healthy road only under the condi-
tions of the new historical period in which the party has restored order,
emancipated thinking, advocated the work style of seeking truth from facts
and educated sportsmen to win merit for the motherland.
Over the past few years, the members of the women's volleyball team have been
dreaming of the situation in which the national flag is hoisted, the national
anthem is played and they receive gold medals. In addition, they regarded
sparing no efforts for their motherland as their greatest happiness. The
team ranked fourth in the second world volleyball championship in 1977, and
team member Cao Huiying received the blocking net medal, courage medal and
best sportsman medal. But she said: "Even if I received 100 medals, it
could not compare with winning a championship for the motherland." The team
defeated the previous Olympic champion, the Japanese team, and the world's
fourth-ranked team, the North Koreans, in the second Asian volleyball cham-
pionship in 1979 and consequently won the championship. This victory
inspired the patriotic feelings of compatriots in Hong Kong and Macao and
the broad masses of people at home. People said: "Volleyball fans love
China all the more." Team member Chen Yaqiong was asked by her family in
Hong Kong to stay there, but she said: "My cause is in the motherland."
Volleyball is a sport that is needed by the motherland, and many of the
players have contributed their youth and even life to promoting the sports.
Team coach Ma Zhanyuan was persecuted during the "Great Cultural Revolution"
and his parents in Canada asked him to go there to inherit their property.
But he said with determination: "I'm a communist, and I can in no way be
separated from either the socialist motherland or the volleyball, which I
like so much. I've not yet completed the tasks assigned me by Comrade He
Long!" He devoted his life to volleyball, right up to the end. A player'
who was critically ill asked her mother to help her dress her in red sports-
wear for her passing away. A coach who was suffering from heart attack con-
tinued his coaching during a competition, and died in carrying out his duty.
His family demanded just one thing: "Let him take a ball with him!" And a
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white ball became a precious burial item for this loyal fighter. With all
these in mind, we can understand more profoundly the significance of the
words spoken by the girls of the team with regard to the cause of volleyball:
"Youth is precious, but the cause is more precious," and the fact is that
the cause of sports is a revolutionary cause for which sportsmen have been
training hard and sacrificing themselves one after another and from genera-
tion to generation.
2. It Is Imperative To Be Courageous and Confident in Tackling Any Diffi-
culty
It is by no means an easy task to the championship of the world, which is so
vast. Our women's volleyball team has experienced unimaginable difficulties
in its struggles. Neither the courage nor the confidence of the members of
the team has ever been eliminated in their road of advance. They are confi-
dent that, with their socialist motherland and with the party's leadership
and the support of the people, their cause will surely win victory through
their efforts, generation after generation. They understand that the road
to championship is tortuous and that victory belongs to those who march for-
ward courageously and stubbornly. They postponed falling in love and
marriage, gave up opportunities for family reunion, rest and recreation and
endured sickness, fatigue, injuries and pain. In short, they are "carrying
out their cause at the cost of their life." A member of the team, Lang Ring,
said: "If we want to score achievements that outstrip others, we have to
pay the highest price."
In the face of strong rivals in the world, the Chinese women's volleyball
team has followed Comrade Mao Zedong's thinking on strategically belittling
difficulties and tactically taking them seriously. The team dares to win
victory and is good at competing. A team coach said: "My heart will remain
restless until the team wins the championship cup." The members of the team
have always tried to find out their own shortcomings and the superior points
of their opponents and spared no efforts to win.
The ideological basis for the members of the team in surmounting difficul-
ties stems from their high responsibility, and their material basis for
overcoming difficulties comes from their daily hard training. The team has
been able to defeat so many strong rivals and win the world championship very
largely because of the ideological guarantee and the skills and tactics
displayed by the players during the matches. The team analyzed the strength
and inferior and superior points of themselves and their rivals. Each player
is required to talk about her own thinking and to grasp the skills needed for
her to deal with her opponent. The players of the team won all of their
seven matches in the third world championship and this was made possible by
relying on the results of the protracted training in ideology, skills, tac-
tics and physical training. The victory can in no way be easily achieved in
one move.
3. It Is Imperative To Have Correct Guiding Ideology in Training
The skills in world sports have been developing rapidly. Strategically,
attack and defense promote each other while technique and skills condition
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each other. The emergence of new technique enriches strategy and the
emergence of new strategy, technique and methods of training only comes
about in competition; they can in no way remain unchanged. Therefore, it is
necessary to constantly innovate, to proceed from one's own specific condi-
tions and to learn from and use new things in a predicted and planned way.
Volleyball technique is constantly developing. The Chinese national women's
volleyball team pays much attention to studying the situation and trends of
strong teams in the world, analyzing the advantages and disadvantages of
various techniques and absorbing the advantages. Proceeding from actual
conditions, the team has also spared no efforts to develop its own charac-
teristics and has taken a road characterized by its own particular tech-
nique.
Any sport in which country has done well has its own correct guiding
ideology for training. Many sports are still lagging behind because there
are so many contradictory views that it is difficult to decide who is right.
We have suffered much from such situations. The Chinese women's volleyball
team has maintained its feature of fast attack, constantly developed skill-
ful techniques, and absorbed the defense technique of the Japanese team and
the technique popular in Europe. The comments made by world volleyball
circles pointed out that the road taken by China for developing technique is
correct.
Under the guidance of the correct guiding ideology in training, the members
of the team are not content with their current standard. They have learned
the technique of cushioning the ball from the Japanese team, to enrich their
own technique. They have also created some technique based on their own
feature of fast attack. They are always required to think hard, and spare
no efforts to make one new breakthrough after another. All these things are
invaluable.
4. It Is Imperative To Carry Out Strict and Hard Training
Diligent learning and hard training are the basic practical activities of
the members of the team. They understand that without hard training it is
impossible for them to master good technique. The reason why they have been
able to complete technical movements and to coordinate technically in compe-
titions is in fact the result of their accumulated experiences and hard
training. The sportsground is the place where they carry out most arduous
struggles; it is also where their youth is at its prime. Team member Chen
Zhaodi said: "Some people spent their youth amid flowers and under the
moonlight, while ours is spent amid the song of stress and tension."
The members of the team have formed a good tradition of hard training. The
late Premier Zhou Enlai watched them training in 1964 and encouraged them to
"learn from and overtake Japan." Many people worried whether the members of
the team could stand such arduous training. Yet they have been able to per-
sist in such training, which can be said to be unprecedented in the world,
and consequently, they have shown the way for the sportsmen of the whole
country.
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In order to meet the needs in competition, they carry out arduous, difficult
and strict scientific training, while the volume of their daily training
surpasses or nears the intensity of a major international competition. Such
training is a serious test of will and physical conditions. Yet the members
of the team understand that they are carrying out such training for the sake
of the prestige of their motherland, for realizing the victory yearned for by
the broad masses of the people and for making Overseas. Chinese feel proud of
the Chinese people, who have stood up; consequently they are able to stand
up to all difficulties. Thus, through years of hard tempering of their will,
physical conditions and skills, they are becoming stronger.
Their training is stringent yet scientific. Their coaches set strict, impar-
tial and incorruptible demands, but do so in the right way, not willfully and
recklessly, and show them the results of their training. Consequently, they
are convinced of the value of such training and willing to persist, no matter
how strenuous it is.
day but 1, they defeated the U.S. team
3-2.
International news services
commented: "The physical condition of
the
Chinese players will be an
The players were able to remain calm and display their skills well during
the third world championship thanks to the pressure imposed on them in their
daily training. They competed very hard in the last 2 days. In the last
obstacle to victory." But the fact was that they did not wear themselves
out. Amid roars and shouts, they competed calmly and in the end over-
powered their rivals and won complete victory.
5. It Is Imperative To Have a Good Traditional Style
The Chinese women's volleyball team represents a good collective with good
traditional style. Its work style represents a comprehensive manifestation
of people's thinking and deeds; it is invisible strength. A good work style
is an important guarantee for good training and competition. The team pays
much attention to education in ideological style and has maintained its good
style generation after generation.
Members of the team often help each other in such matters as how to cor-
rectly understand the relationship between ideological style and technique.
New members become acquainted with the devotion and the hard struggles of
players of the older generations. The coaches talk about their own experi-
ences and lessons in an effort to teach the players to understand the
importance of ideological style. When a problem crops up within the team,
the leadership applies this problem to carry out collective education to
help all the players increase their understanding and draw a lesson from
the problem.
The ideological style of the Chinese women's volleyball team is to unite for
winning still higher standard; it is strict and conscientious. The girls of
the team intentionally temper their will under difficult conditions. The
team visited the United States in March 1980. They flew for 24 hours and
changed planes 4 times; they were sick on arrival but continued their
training. In 1979, the team visited Japan and lost the last game 2-3 after
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leading earlier. The reason for the defeat of the team was that the main
attackers did not coordinate well. The team took this as an example to teach
the players and help them understand the importance of unity. The team is
characterized by its endurance of hardship and difficulties in training while
its style in competition is one of daring to fight hard. All the players
have vigor to overpower their rivals and they get into active positions to
attack. They do not relax their efforts when they are leading, do not lose
confidence when they are lagging behind, do not hesitate at critical moments
and compete doggedly till the last minute. During its match with the Japanese
team in the third world championship, the Chinese team was 14-15 down in the
5th game. A Chinese player, Chen Yaqiong, saved strong attacking ball and
organized a new attack. The team won the game 17-15. Another player, Chen
Zhaodi, was suffering again from an injury to her stomach; she could hardly
run and was criticized by the coach. In order not to influence the coach in
making a decision, she did not say a word; she did warming-up exercises with
tears in her eyes. She played stubbornly until her team won the cup. She
was helped from the court and carried on.people's backs to the Chinese Embassy
and to the bus and plane. All these things demonstrate the doggedness of the
players. The life of these girls is alert and lively. They can correctly
handle honor and marriage, and they do not pursue vulgar tastes.
The main measure taken by the team in fostering good style is to combine
ideological education with strengthening management and setting up responsi-
bility systems, with cadres and party members taking the lead. The party
group in the team has persisted in holding meeting during the most critical
moments of competitions since the team joined the world championship in 1978.
Key party members are responsible for important tasks, and they first of all
seek the reasons for problems within themselves. All these things have
ensured the formation of a good style.
6. Pay Attention to Selecting and Nurturing Talent
Another reason why the team has been able to make rapid progress and become
strong is that it has concentrated the finest talents across the country.
Selection is the premise for nurturing talent, and with rational selection,
the nurturing and training of a player will produce twice the result with
half the effort.
Volleyball is an all-round game of body height, physique, technique, tactics
and determination. The Chinese women's team began to pay attention to the
height of its members, and now their average height is among the tallest in
the world. In addition, training is carried out in a way so that each player
is able to display her advantages and make up for her shortcomings; require-
ments are set according to the specific conditions of each player. The
coaches know the players well enough to be able to assign them tasks com-
mensurate with their abilities. Thus, as each player is able to display her
strong points, the whole team has a balanced strength.
The players on the team pay attention to selecting talent in competitions,
and test and examine the standard of each player in will, physique and tech-
nique through acute competition. But the selection cannot be made just
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through selective competitions; it must be made through repeated study and
investigation of a player, from her comprehensive behavior and deeds, from
predictions of her progress, from widely soliciting opinions and through
full discussion. Particular treatment is given to a particular talent so as
to ensure that the talent can be concentrated effectively to display its
advantage in mastering the most advanced techniques.
The team is bold in training new members by combining them with experienced
ones. Veteran players are willing to help their new colleagues, while the
latter are willing to become good successors and inherit the experiences of
their predecessors. For the sake of the common goal, veteran players are
happy to see that new players have been able to catch up with or surpass
them, and they are not jealous of such progress. A member of the team, Yang
Xi, was still in her prime technically during the eighth Asian games in 1976,
and was more experienced than her colleague Lang Ping. But in order to
further new players and for the interest of the whole team, she happily gave
up her place to become a reserve player.
7. It Is Imperative To Have a Strong and United Leading Group
The cadres and coaches of the Chinese women's volleyball team have formed
themselves into an elite working team with close coordination. They all
treasure their cause, help and support each other, exchange different views
but take unified action in their tasks, and "prop up" rather than counteract
each other. When Yuan Weiming became a coach of the team, team coach Deng
Ruozeng asked to become his assistant. Deng has more experience than Yuan,
yet he wanted to take the more arduous job so that Yuan would be able to
concentrate his efforts on improving the standard of the whole team.
The cadres and coaches demand that they themselves master the knowledge of
their profession, and get to know the development of volleyball technique in
the world and the strength of their own team and other teams. Consequently,
they are able to carry out training, assign players and guide competitions
with a fairly good idea, and cope with difficulties.
They are able to set examples through their own deeds, set strict demands on
themselves; with wholehearted devotion to the team, they sweat more and think
more than the players. They often put forward new problems and find good
methods to solve them in an effort to make more progress. They are bold in
management, and they manage well. They set even stricter demands on key
players; they do not coax or flatter them. Thus, sharing weal and woe, the
cadres, coaches and players of the team train strictly. They do not criti-
cize others at will. They are concerned for and trust each other and
cooperate happily.
They carry out ideological work even during training and competition and
teach players to correctly view hardships, difficulties, victory and defeat.
Thanks to such education the players are highly conscious when carrying out
dogged training and they are happy to face difficulties. They are able to
overcome various interferences during competition and concentrate their
efforts. They are not arrogant in victory and they do not lose heart in
face of a setback.
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8. Volleyball Circles Across the Country Should Unite With One Mind and
Coordinate Closely
The team's victory was the collective result of volleyball circles through-
out the country in mastering advanced techniques. Many strong teams in the
country joined in collective winter training for 9 successive years to help
improve the standard of the national team and their own teams. The members
of these teams did not have family reunions for 7 or 8 years. Many teams
across the country sent their own best players to the national team. The
PLA volleyball team sent four or five players and coaches, and the Sichuan
team sent three key players. Consequently, these teams were themselves in
difficulties for many years. The Jiangsu team sent its coach, Yuan Weiming,
and three second-passers and assigned four key men players and one inter-
national umpire to help the national team; consequently, the team lost its
chance of winning the national championship. Nonprofessional teams also
sent their key players to the national team as reserve players. Heilongjiang
Province recently sent eight of its best players to be reserves of the
national team. The measures taken by all these teams merit our respect.
Basically speaking, the experiences of the Chinese national women's team are
the results of the concern of the party leadership, the support of the
people, the superiority of the socialist system and the efforts of the play-
ers themselves. Without the conditions and situation that appeared follow-
ing the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, the players
would not have been able to win no matter how hard they worked. On the
other hand, we cannot just pay attention to conditions and neglect objective
efforts. The victory was also the result of the fact that the ranks of
sportsmen across the country learned from the experiences of fraternal units,
such as the national table tennis team and mountaineering team. The experi-
ence of the women's volleyball team is the common treasure of our physical
cultural front.
The players on the team have done a good job, but this does not mean that
there is nothing left to be desired. In other words, with the development
of their cause, they face new problems. .First, their position has changed.
Strong teams in the world will no doubt study the Chinese team in an effort
to catch up with or surpass it. Our team will become the main target in the
next championship. Many teams in the world now have almost the same
strength, while some have better conditions than our team in some aspects
and might well make greater progress. Therefore, we have heavier training
tasks. Second, the party and the people have given us very high prestige
and they have set higher demands. We must, therefore, guard against being
arrogant and finicky and carry out more ideological and political work.
There is no end to the development of a cause. The Chinese women's volley-
ball team must learn from the constant vigor of the table tennis team. We
hope that the women's team will be able, in the new situation, to make new
progress and score greater achievements.
CSO: 4004/21
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AN IDEOLOGICAL TREASURE FROM THE UNITED FRONT--STUDYING THE EXPOSITIONS
CONCERNING THE UNITED FRONT CONTAINED IN VOLUME 1 OF THE 'SELECTED WORKS
OF ZHOU ENLAI'
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 23-27
[Article by Yang Chao [2799 6389]]
[Text] Comrade Zhou Enlai was a great Marxist and proletarian revolutionary
as well as a long-tested outstanding leader of the CCP. During the pro-
tracted revolutionary struggle in our country, he worked with all-out efforts
and showed his outstanding talent, doing immortal meritorious service for the
cause of the party and the people. The important works on political, mili-
tary, economic and cultural affairs during the period of the democratic
revolution in our country included in volume 1 of the "Selected Works of
Zhou Enlai" (hereafter referred to as "Selected Works") were valuable docu-
ments summing up the successful experiences of the Chinese revolution, and
they made an indelible contribution to the formation and development of Mao
Zedong Thought.
During the period of the new democratic revolution, Comrade Zhou Enlai per-
sisted in integrating the universally applicable principles of Marxism-
Leninism with the concrete practice in the Chinese revolution and gave many
incisive expositions on the questions regarding the united front. In his
three articles, "On the Relations Between the CCP and the KMT From 1924 to
1926," "On the Party Sixth Congress" and "On the United Front," which are
included in volume 1 of the "Selected Works," he summed up and discussed
systematically, comprehensively and profoundly the party's work on the united
front during the new democratic revolution. Seriously studying these articles
is of vital significance in studying the historical development of the united
front, summing up the experience and lessons on the united front, and guiding
our work in the united front during the new period.
The united front was one of the three magic weapons by means of which the
Chinese revolution triumphed. Fundamentally speaking, the great importance
it had and the important role it played were determined by the nature of the
Chinese society and the situation of class relations. Old China was a semi-
colonial and semifeudal country in which the imperialists, the landlord class
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and the bureaucratic bourgeoisie were the objects of the revolution. They
acted-'in collusion, forming a-tremendous reactionary force. At the same
time, old China was a society which was small at both ends and big in the
middle, that is, the proletariat, the landlord class and the big bourgeoisie
accounted for the minority while the peasants, the urban petty bourgeoisie
and the national bourgeoisie accounted for the overwhelming majority of the
country's population. For this reason, in order to defeat the three tre-
mendously powerful enemies and triumph in the Chinese revolution, the prole-
tariat had to unite with all revolutionary classes and strata to form a
revolutionary united front under all circumstances. To form this united
front, it had to appropriately analyze and appraise the conditions of the
classes in Chinese society and distinguish between friends and enemies.
Applying the dialectical and historical materialist viewpoint, Comrade Zhou
Enlai incisively analyzed and correctly elaborated on these conditions. He
said: "The new democratic united front consists of the proletariat, the
peasantry, the petty bourgeoisie and the liberal bourgeoisie, and at times
even includes some big landlords and members of the big bourgeoisie. So our
ranks cover a broad spectrum." (p 211) Although the proletariat is "small
in terms of numbers and strength," "its political consciousness is high and
its ability great" and it "is the backbone of our forces." (p 211) "The
peasantry, which makes up the bulk of these forces," is "the most dependable
ally" of the proletariat. (p 211) "The urban petty bourgeoisie is also a
basic force in the ranks of the new democratic revolution." (p 212) The
liberal bourgeoisie (that is, the national bourgeoisie) on the one hand
maintains ties with feudalism and imperialism and on the other hand is
oppressed and fettered by them, so that it has a dual character, that is,
it shows a tendency toward compromise and a tendency toward revolution.
"The proletariat should win it over, unite with it, or at least neutralize
it." (p 212) The various groups of the big bourgeoisie receive support
from different imperialist blocs. When the spearhead of revolution is
pointed at a certain imperialist bloc, the groups of the big bourgeoisie,
which are related with other imperialist blocs, might join in the struggle
against this bloc. The proletariat might form a united front with these
groups of the big bourgeoisie in order to weaken the enemy force and
strengthen its own reserve. However, "reaction is deeply ingrained in them.
So, in cooperating with them, we must be constantly on our guard and oppose
their reactionary tendencies." (p 213) These analyses and elaborations made
by Comrade Zhou Enlai were of vital significance in guiding united front work
during the new democratic revolution.
Leftist and rightist errors have occurred many times in the history of the
Chinese revolution. These errors were expressed in different forms. An
analysis of the class relations showed that people who made these errors
did not proceed from the actual conditions in Chinese society and could not
grasp the changes in the class relations in the course of development of the
actual conditions, so that these errors impeded the development of the revo-
lutionary united front. People who made rightist errors saw only the ten-
dencies of the national bourgeoisie toward the revolution but did not see its
tendencies toward compromise. They saw only the possibility of some groups
of the big landlords and big bourgeoisie joining in the united front under
certain historical conditions and forgot their reactionary character. They
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even regarded the programs, policies and ideologies of the proletariat and
the bourgeoisie as the same and ignored the essential difference between the
proletariat and the bourgeoisie. Consequently, they pushed the capitula-
tionist policy in the united front. People who made leftist mistakes equated
the Chinese bourgeoisie with the bourgeoisie of the capitalist countries,
overlooked the possibility of the national bourgeoisie participating in
revolutionary struggle in a certain period of time and to a certain degree,
and even mistook the petty bourgeoisie as an enemy of the revolution and
arrived at "closed-doorism," which caused the Chinese revolution grave
losses and serious defeats. "The right deviationists give away the whole
army, while the 'left' deviationists push it away." (p 220) With this
remark, Comrade Zhou Enlai pointed out sharply the consequences and essence
of these two wrong policies.
The new democratic revolution in our country had a very long course of
development. Comrade Zhou Enlai said: "Owing to frequent changes in the
relations between the enemy and ourselves and in the conflicting camps, as
well as to constant change in the overall situation," "the form and nature
of the united front varied" in different periods of time. (p 207) This was
another correct thesis formulated by him by summing up the development of the
united front in our country.
Comrade Zhou Enlai pointed out: "We had an anti-imperialist and antifeudal
national united front" during the first civil revolutionary war period.
(p 207) At that time, the party's united front policy quickly brought about
an upsurge in the revolution, and the workers' and peasants' movement, which
was aimed at fighting imperialism and feudalism, developed vigorously. Under
these circumstances, our party helped the KMT establish the national revolu-
tionary army, which triumphantly launched the Northern Expedition and
defeated the northern warlords. Later, because Chiang Kai-shek betrayed the
revolution and Chen Duxiu exercised rightist capitulationist leadership in
the party, this great revolution ended in failure and the united front
broke up.
With the great revolution ending in failure, the new KMT warlords repre-
sented by Chiang Kai-shek ruled'the country, and the national bourgeoisie
chimed in with the counterrevolution. Only the proletariat, the peasantry
and the petty bourgeoisie (including the revolutionary intellectuals)
remained in the revolutionary camp. The, Chinese revolution entered a new
period. The united front in that period was a worker-peasant alliance,
which Comrade Zhou Enlai called "a democratic worker-peasant national united
front against feudal oppression and KMT rule." (p 207) After the
"18 September" incident in 1931, because Japanese imperialism stepped up its
armed aggression for the purpose of subjugating the whole of China, the con-
tradiction between the Chinese nation and Japanese imperialism became the
principal contradiction and that between different classes in China became a
secondary one. Under these circumstances, our party suggested "stopping the
civil war and uniting all forces to resist the Japanese." It drew up the
strategy and policy of building an anti-Japanese national united front. The
peaceful settlement of the subsequent "Xian incident" accelerated the realiza-
tion of the second KMT-CCP cooperation and the formation of the anti-Japanese
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national united front. Owing to the correct line and policies adopted by
our party, the anti-Japanese national united front was maintained and the
people's forces grew in number and strength throughout the period of the war
of resistance against Japan.
New changes took place in the relations between classes in China after vic-
tory in the war of resistance against Japan. With the support of U.S.
imperialism, the KMT led by Chiang Kai-shek, which had shown itself to be a
diehard force in the anti-Japanese national united front, declared a full-
scale war on the CCP and the people in July 1946. The second KMT-CCP
cooperation broke down. At that time, our party led.and developed the
people's democratic united front, calling on all oppressed classes, demo-
cratic parties, mass organizations and minority nationalities throughout
the country and patriotic Overseas Chinese as well as patriots in various
other fields to unite to topple Chiang Kai-shek and liberate China. As the
people's war of liberation developed triumphantly, the people's democratic
united front grew in scope and became more consolidated.
Reviewing the history of development of the united front, Comrade Zhou Enlai
further pointed out: The changes we have encountered in the united front
have been so frequent, so great and so complicated that we must be clear-
headed and be able to investigate problems and study them analytically, so
that we shall be "capable of correctly understanding the changing contradic-
tions in the course of history, identifying and analyzing the enemy at all
times and setting forth a correct policy for defeating him." (p 209) He
repeatedly stressed that we should grasp the different characteristics in the
united front in different periods of time; we should neither take friends as
enemies nor enemies as friends; we should not take as enemies all who were
enemies yesterday but have become friends today, and should not consider as
friends all who were friends yesterday but have become enemies today. His
thesis in this respect incisively summed'up both the positive and negative
experiences and lessons and elaborated on the theory of the united front from
the high plane of distinguishing between friends and enemies.
The question of the united front is a question of how the proletariat should
organize and lead its allies in the revolutionary struggle.
Because of the above-mentioned characteristics and conditions existing -in
Chinese society and in class relations, the proletariat first of all had to
form a close alliance with the peasantry. Summing up the experience of the'
Chinese revolution, Comrade Zhou Enlai pointed out: "It is necessary in the
new democratic revolution to rely on the most dependable ally--the peasantry--
which makes up the bulk of our forces and, as Comrade Mao Zedong has put it,
constitutes four out of five fingers." (p 211) By winning over this ally,
the proletariat united with the majority of the Chinese people, thereby lay-
ing a firm foundation for the revolutionary united front. Comrade Zhou Enlai
profoundly criticized the "left" and right deviationist mistakes in regard to
this question. He pointed out: "It is a 'left' deviationist mistake to rely
not on the peasants but only on the proletariat, expecting it to charge
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forward alone. The result is isolation.. It is a right deviationist mistake
to rely on the bourgeoisie, especially the big bourgeoisie." He also arrived
at the correct conclusion that "with the peasants we can both advance and
retreat; without them we can advance only in small numbers and in isolation,
and there is no place to retreat to." (p 211)
The proletariat's dependable ally also consisted of intellectuals, handi-
craftsmen, professionals and small traders, who together formed the petty
bourgeoisie. Conditioned by their economic status, they might vacillate to
a certain extent in the revolutionary struggle but would join in and support
the revolution on the whole. They were therefore an excellent ally of the
proletariat. Comrade Zhou Enlai paid close attention to the situation of the
petty bourgeoisie and the role it played in the united front. He emphatically
pointed out in many of his articles: "The democratic dictatorship of the
workers and peasants does not exclude, but definitely includes, the petty
bourgeoisie" (p 160) and "we are strong only when the workers, peasants and
petty bourgeoisie stand united." (p 212)
In order to strengthen itself as much as possible and to form the broadest
possible united front, the proletariat, on the basis of establishing the
worker-peasant alliance, had to strive to win over the middle forces between
the enemy and ourselves, unite with all people who could be united, and mobi-
lize all positive factors to form an alliance of all working people with all
other people who could be united. This alliance chiefly included the national
bourgeoisie and, in given historical conditions, also included the enlightened
gentry and the regional power groups who had split with the landlord class.
It even included some groups of the big landlords and big bourgeoisie. Com-
rade Zhou Enlai said: "Some people say we only want to win the allegiance of
the peasants and the petty bourgeoisie. That is not true. We also want to
win the allegiance of the liberal bourgeoisie." (p 217) Accordingly, while
working in Chongqing, he meticulously did a great deal of work on the middle
forces, giving democratic parties active support, maintaining extensive con-
tacts with industrialists, businessmen, intellectuals and representatives of
various other circles and making strenuous efforts to win them over to the
side of the people. At the same time, he paid close attention to showing
solicitude politically, ideologically and in everyday life for people of all
walks of life who sympathized with and supported the cause of people's lib-
eration. He said: "From now on, we must see to it that the safety and
health of our progressive friends are ensured.... We must give them more
material help and economic assistance and show constant solicitude for them
politically." (p 238) Shown concern in every possible way by him, many
friends outside the party rallied more closely around the party and made
useful contributions to fighting the common enemy.
In short, Comrade Zhou Enlai not only showed theoretically the necessity and
importance of winning over the middle forces, but also made gigantic efforts
in practice to win over these forces, thereby making a valuable contribution
to developing and strengthening the revolutionary united front.
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Upholding leadership by the party is a basic principle in the united front.
Each of the classes, strata and groups within the united front during the
new democratic revolution had "its own aims" and "its own interests to pur-
sue" (p 1) and "wanted the united front to be led according to its own
ideas." (p 216) For this reason, the struggle for leadership was inevitably
the focus of the contradictions and struggles within the united front. Com-
rade Zhou Enlai pointed out: "The proletariat, being more progressive than
the other classes, should lead the others and be what Comrade Mao Zedong
calls 'the commanding officer.' But the proletariat does not gain the posi-
tion of command automatically.. .because others are contending with the prole-
tariat and the Communist Party for leadership--not only the big bourgeoisie
but also the liberal bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie.... But the main
force contending with us for leadership is the KMT, the ruling group repre-
senting the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie. Therefore, it is mainly
the KMT and the CCP which struggle with each other for the leadership of the
united front. The big bourgeoisie is our principal opponent." (p 216) In
order to win victory in the new democratic revolution, our party had to adhere
to the principle of independence, uphold leadership in the united front and
carry out complicated, acute struggle against the KMT which represented the
big landlords and the big bourgeoisie.
The KMT, the ruling group representing the big landlords and the big bour-
geoisie, held the political and military power and the economic lifelines of
the state, and reaction was deeply ingrained in it. In the course of forming
the united front with the proletariat, therefore, it constantly and firmly
opposed the ideological, political and organizational development of the
proletariat and its political party and strove to seize leadership in the
united front and wipe out the forces of the proletariat and its political
party. Entrusted by the party Central Committee, Comrade Zhou Enlai con-
stantly upheld the party's leadership in the united front during his long-
term united front work inside the KMT. In his article entitled "The CCP in
the Present Political Struggle" written in December 1926, he pointed out
in unequivocal terms that, in cooperating with the KMT, the proletariat and
the CCP must be independent politically and organizationally and must also
firmly grasp leadership and uphold the correct ideas of supporting the left
and attacking the right. He said: The KMT-CCP cooperation "does not mean
that the CCP has lost its identity and should no longer have any independent
views.... The communists, while supporting the KMT and the national govern-
ment, should nevertheless put forward the political and economic demands of
the workers and peasants, within the limits of democracy, and press the KMT
government to fulfill them one after another." (p 3) He publicly exposed
the counterrevolutionary activities of the KMT right wing. He scathingly
denounced: They "have obviously been active in opposing the communists, the*
Soviet Union, and the workers and peasants and in collaborating with the
forces of tradition." (pp 3-4) He clearly announced: "Faced with diverse
tendencies, the communists have consistently joined forces with the left wing
in waging both ideological and practical struggles against the right." (p 4)
With the revolutionary movement developing rapidly and the contention between
the bourgeoisie and the proletariat for leadership in the united front
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sharpening with each passing day, Comrade Zhou Enlai led the revolutionary
students' organization of the Whampoa Military Academy in actively propa-
gating the revolutionary theory and the party's policy regarding the united
front and in uniting with all revolutionary forces to wage an acute struggle
against the KMT right wing. However, at that time, Chen Duxiu exercised
right capitulationist leadership, favored uniting with the bourgeoisie instead
of fighting against it, and made three big concessions organizationally,
militarily and politically to the KMT right wing. He also lacked a clear-cut
policy toward Chiang Kai-shek, a counterrevolutionary careerist. Subse-
quently, Chiang Kai-shek launched the "12 April" 1927 coup d'etat in
Shanghai, publicly betraying the revolution. This caused the KMT and the
CCP to break with each other and the united front to break up. Reviewing
and summing up this part of history, Comrade Zhou Enlai incisively criti-
cized Chen Duxiu and others for their erroneous right-deviationist view that
"a bourgeois revolution had to be led by the bourgeoisie and not by the pro-
letariat, which should only assist the bourgeoisie; the proletariat should
'carry the sedan chair' for the bourgeoisie." (p 158) He pointed out that
an important reason for the defeat of. the great revolution.was that Chen
Duxiu and others abandoned the party's leadership in the united front and
its struggle against the KMT right wing.
After the "18 September" incident, Japanese imperialism stepped up its aggres-
sion against China. Disregarding the serious national crisis, Chiang Kai-shek
and the KMT persisted in the policy of "internal pacification before
resistance to foreign invasion," thereby "precipitating the Xian incident" in
December 1936. (pp 192-193) The CCP Central Committee headed by Comrade Mao
Zedong correctly analyzed the situation and made the policy decision of
peacefully solving the "Xian incident" and compelling Chiang Kai-shek to
resist the Japanese. It also sent Comrade Zhou Enlai as its plenipotentiary
representative to negotiate with Chiang Kai-shek in Xian. In the negotia-
tions, Comrade Zhou Enlai firmly carried out the party Central Committee's
policy and compelled Chiang.Kai-shek to accept our party's proposal for stop-
ping the civil war and uniting to resist the Japanese, thereby promoting the
establishment of the anti-Japanese national united front. Throughout the
great revolution and the second revolutionary civil war, our party saw
Chiang Kai-shek's reactionary nature more clearly. Commenting on the point
that Chiang Kai-shek and the KMT were compelled to join in the anti-Japanese
national united front, Comrade Zhou Enlai said: "Chiang Kai-shek and his
group, who represent a section of the big landlords and the big bourgeoisie,
took part in armed resistance, but they were still essentially reactionary."
(p 209) At that time, as our party's permanent representative in Chongqing
where the KMT government was situated, he faced danger fearlessly, firmly
carried out the party Central Committee's principles and policies, and
fought tit for tat against Chiang Kai-shek's and the KMT's reactionary
behavior of passively taking part in armed resistance and actively opposing
the communists.
After the Japanese surrender, the KMT reactionaries, for the purpose of
seizing the fruits of victory of the armed resistance against the Japanese
and with the support of U.S. imperialism, played the trick of "peace talks"
while preparing for a full-scale civil war. To realize the people's wishes
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and expose Chiang Kai-shek's true features in the course of struggle, Comrade
Zhou Enlai accompanied Comrade Mao Zedong to negotiations with Chiang Kai-shek
in Chongqing in August 1945. Afterward, he led our party's delegation to a
political consultative conference attended by various other parties. As a
result of the intelligent and firm struggle launched by Comrade Zhou Enlai
And others, the KMT was compelled to accept the plan and agreement that was
favorable to the people. Chiang Kai-shek and the KMT flagrantly scrapped
this agreement soon afterward. Still, Comrade Zhou Enlai's militant spirit
of upholding the principle of independence and firmly defending the revolu-
tionary forces deserves to be respected and remembered forever.
Comrade Zhou Enlai made full expositions on the united front. He summed up
his experiences and theories on the united front (which are carried in volume
1 of the "Selected Works") during the period of the new democratic revolution.
However, his basic ideas and principles concerning the united front are use-
ful to us as long-term guidance. Since liberation, we have united with the
revolutionary classes and strata and all patriotic democrats, continuously
developed and strengthened the revolutionary united front under the party's
leadership and on the basis of the worker-peasant alliance, and won great
victories in our country's socialist revolution and construction. Our coun-
try has now entered a new historical period. In order. to build China into a
powerful modern socialist country, to accomplish the great cause of returning
Taiwan to the embrace of the motherland and unifying the motherland, to
oppose hegemonism in world affairs and to defend world peace, we must still
unite with all forces which can be united, and fully arouse all positive .
factors to develop and strengthen the revolutionary patriotic united front.
In the new historical period, therefore, the united front remains an impor-
tant magic weapon which should be strengthened instead of being weakened.
We must go further to reeducate all party members on the party's policy
regarding the united front and wipe out the ideological influence of the Lin
Biao and Jiang Qing counterrevolutionary cliques, so that the party's united
front work can better accomplish the general tasks during the new period.
CSO: 4004/21
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ETERNAL GLORY TO A MAN WHO WORKED FOR THE PARTY ALL HIS LIFE--IN MEMORY OF
COMRADE DENG ZIHUI
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 28-32
[Article by Liu Ruilong [0491 3843 7893]]
[Text] Comrade Deng Zihui was one of the party's outstanding leaders of the
peasant movement. During the agrarian revolution, he was one of the found-
ers of the western Fujian revolutionary base. During the war of resistance
against Japan, he was one of the key leaders of the northern Jiangsu-central
China revolutionary base and the New Fourth Army. After liberation, he was
a brilliant leader and organizer of the cause of China's agricultural collec-
tivization. Whether in the stage of the new democratic revolution or in the
stage of socialist revolution and socialist construction, he made important
contributions to the party and the people, devoted his lifetime energies to
the revolutionary cause, and was always cherished and held in esteem by the
people.
Comrade Zihui and I worked together, at different times, for a total of 16
years. Nine years have elapsed since he passed away. I deeply cherish the
memory of Comrade Deng Zihui with high esteem.
It was in May 1941 that I met Comrade Deng Zihui for the first time. He was
first entrusted by the Central China Bureau of the CCP Central Committee and
the headquarters of the New Fourth Army to inspect northern Jiangsu Province.
Later the CCP Central Committee decided that he should stay there and be
political instructor of the 4th Division and secretary of the district CCP
committee. It was also at that time that I was recalled to work there.
Before I met him, I had heard that, together with Comrade Chang Dingcheng and
others, he had led the peasants of western Fujian Province to stage an upris-
ing and establish the western Fujian revolutionary base in the spring of
1928. When the central worker-peasant government was founded, he was
appointed minister of finance, leading the work of developing the economy of
the central soviet areas. Later, when the Red Army began the Long March, the
CCP Central Committee left him together with Comrades Xiang Ying, Chen Yi,
Tan Zhenlin and Chang Dingcheng and others, who persisted in struggle during
the extremely difficult 3 years of guerrilla warfare. 'After the beginning of
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the war of resistance against Japan, he joined in the leadership work of the
New Fourth Army. Prolonged revolutionary struggles tempered him into a
strong-willed and richly experienced revolutionary. We were delighted to the
bottom of our hearts at his arrival.
When Comrade Zihui arrived in northern Jiangsu, the 4th Division of the New
Fourth Army had just been transferred from the western side of the Tianjin-
Pukou railway line to its eastern side. The base areas on the eastern side
of the railway had not been held for very long, the masses had not yet been
aroused and the revolutionary bases were not very consolidated. At that time
the situation was grave. There existed a tripartite confrontation between the
enemy, local armed diehards and ourselves. Under these circumstances, the
pressing tasks at that time were how to rapidly arouse the masses, expand the
people's armed forces and establish and consolidate the revolutionary bases.
Comrade Deng Zihui and Peng Xuefeng and others of the district CCP committee
resolutely carried out the directive of the CCP Central Committee and its
Central China Bureau, a directive urging them to arouse the masses, organize
the masses, expand the revolutionary forces and within two winter-spring
periods build northern Jiangsu into a consolidated democratic anti-Japanese
aggression base while seriously restructuring and expanding the main force
and local armed forces.
In building the revolutionary bases, Comrade Zihui firmly grasped a key link,
namely, going all out to mobilize and lead the peasants in waging the strug-
gle for the reduction of land rent and loan interest. This was aimed at
organizing the majority of the peasant masses to establish the political
superiority of the basic masses,'and at the same time correctly taking care
of the interests of the various classes which resisted Japanese aggression..
In June 1941, the district CCP committee held a meeting of the activists and
studied the concrete policies for reducing land rent and loan interest in the
regions of northern Jiangsu. After the meeting, large batches of cadres were
'sent to the countryside to mobilize the masses to carry out the struggle for
the reduction of land rent and loan interest, thus improving the economic
life of the peasants and arousing them to resist Japanese aggression. On the
basis of the aroused masses, we set up anti-Japanese aggression and salvation
associations, composed of workers, peasants, youths, women and so on. By the
end of 1944, the membership of those associations had reached more than
1 million. We reorganized the local armed forces controlled by the land-
lords and transferred the guns into the hands of the people; completely
restructured grassroots political power and established the "three-thirds
system" of anti-Japanese aggression and democratic political power. This
substantially raised the economic and political positions of the masses of
workers and peasants and greatly weakened the feudal forces, thus establish-
ing an order of new democratic revolution. While establishing the superiority
of the basic masses, Comrade Zihui paid close attention to uniting various
classes that were resisting Japanese aggression and to uniting all patriotic
forces to join in the resistance against Japanese aggression. Often he did
work which the democrats and the enlightened gentry did. He had a lot of
friends among these people.
It was necessary to overcome the difficulties in supplying grain and funds
to the revolutionary bases. Being good at managing finances and organizing
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production, Comrade Zihui led and perfected the government's financial and
economic organs, and implemented unified progressive taxation, state purchase
of grain, land taxation and goods taxation. He also set up the Northern
Jiangsu Bank and issued border currency. At the same time, learning from the
experiences of Yanan, he mobilized and organized the army and the people of
northern Jiangsu to carry out a mass production campaign and develop agricul-
tural and handicraft production. Every year we organized the masses to
engage in spring plowing and in summer and autumn harvests, to build water
conservancy projects, to plant cotton, and to study spinning and weaving. We
also organized mutual aid teams and cooperatives and encouraged the peasants
to work out plans to make every household prosper, and urged the labor heroes
to carry out a production emulation drive. As a result, a great upsurge in
production prevailed in northern Jiangsu under a war situation. We broadened
sources of income and reduced expenditure, handled all revenue and expenditure
in a unified way, practiced a unified budget and strict accounting, practiced
a unified state treasury and strict audits, practiced strict economy and put
an end to corruption and waste. This enabled us to quickly overcome the
economic difficulties of the revolutionary bases and basically ensured
clothing and food for the army and the people of northern Jiangsu.
In 1943, in the rectification movement led by Comrade Zihui and the district
CCP committee, we ran a total of nine training courses in rotation, and Com-
rade Zihui made rectification reports many times to them. In the rectifica-
tion movement, the cadres were organized to study documents, sort out the
unhealthy tendencies of subjectivism, sectarianism and stereotyped party
writing, and overcome nonproletarian thought. This resulted in the enhance-
ment of the ideological consciousness of the cadres. In July 1944, when
Comrade Liu Zijiu studied in the CCP Central Committee's party school, he
wrote "a letter to the district CCP committee of northern Jiangsu concerning
the question of study," which was authorized to be issued to the various
revolutionary bases by Comrade Mao Zedong. Comrade Zihui organized the cadres
and the army to study this letter, thus enabling them to further deepen the
mass viewpoint. Through the rectification movement, Comrade Zihui handled
two misjudged cases of Siyang and the northern Jiangsu middle school in a
timely, realistic and practical way, with the result that the cadres were
educated, unity was strengthened and the party's prestige was enhanced.
In the struggle to constantly establish, consolidate and expand the revolu-
tionary bases, we won a series of victories in the military struggle against
the enemy and local armed diehards. In the winter of 1942, through 33 days
of bloody battle, we eventually smashed the large-scale "mopping-up opera-
tions" launched by the Japanese aggressors against our revolutionary bases.
In March 1943, with the coordinated 2d and 3d Divisions under the unified
command of Comrade Chen Yi, Comrades Peng Xuefeng and Deng Zihui led the
principal force of the 4th Division and captured Han Dele alive. He was the
commander of the KMT anticommunist command of Jiangsu Province in the
Shanzitou battle, and after being educated, he was released and courteously
sent over the border. In August 1944, Comrade Xuefeng personally commanded
the principal force of the 4th Division in marching westward. They estab-
lished eight county administrations, liberated 2.5 million people, recovered
large parts of the revolutionary bases in the Henan-Anhui-Jiangsu border areas
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and, as a result, the revolutionary bases of northern Jiangsu were expanded to
twice their former size. In commanding a battle, divisional commander Xuefeng
heroically gave his life for his country.
After Comrade Zihui's arrival in northern Jiangsu Province, the work of the
revolutionary bases in such fields as political power, armed forces, finance
and economics, the united front and party building was pushed forward and
deepened. Contingents which maintained close ties with the masses and were
capable of fighting were educated and nurtured. He deserved to be called a
good teacher and guide of the broad masses of the army and the people of
northern Jiangsu. In recollecting this period of his military life, we
cherish his memory all the morel
After the victory in the war of resistance against Japan, Comrade Zihui took
up leadership work in the Central China Subbureau and East China Bureau
under the CCP Central Committee successively in the Jiangsu-Anhui and
Shandong liberated areas. In leading the struggle for land reform, he
creatively put forth the policy of "starting at both ends and leaving the
middle untouched," carried out the CCP Central Committee's "4 May" directive
in an exemplary way, and corrected the "leftist" and rightist deviations
which cropped up in the work of land reform. In leading the work of sup-
porting the front, together with other leading comrades, he quickly put an
end to the passive state of this work and met the logistical supply needs of
our armies in central China and Shandong Province, thus creating favorable
conditions for smashing the enemy's attacks and also providing the Huai-Hai
campaign, the successful crossing of the Changjiang River and other campaigns
with rich experiences.
After the nationwide completion of land reform, under the leadership of the
CCP Central Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong, Comrade Zihui devoted all his
energies and strength to organizing and leading the agricultural cooperativi-
zation movement and to developing socialist agriculture.
In early 1953, Comrade Zihui was transferred and appointed by the CCP Central
Committee to be director of the Rural Work Department of the CCP Central Com-
mittee. Not long afterward, I was transferred to the Ministry of Agriculture
and continued to work under his leadership.
Comrade Zihui invariably took a clear-cut, firm and positive attitude toward
China's agricultural collectivization. He said to me: "Chairman Mao asked
me to work in the Rural Work Department. This means organizing the several
hundred million peasants to engage in agricultural cooperativization. This
is the general principle and general task of rural work." He held that in
developing agricultural production, we could not rely on the scattered and
backward small peasant economy. The only way was to organize mutual aid and
cooperation. The socialist transformation of the small peasant economy
"could not waver." Together with comrades of the Rural Work Department, on
behalf of the CCP Central Committee, he took charge of the work of formu-
lating "decisions concerning developing agricultural producers' cooperatives"
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and other documents one after another and forcefully led and propelled for-
ward the agricultural cooperativization movement.
Concerning the question of how to realize China's agricultural collectiviza-
tion, Comrade Zihui maintained that it was necessary to proceed from the
present condition of China's small peasant economy, supporting the peasants'
enthusiasm for developing mutual aid and cooperation on the one hand and
not dampening the enthusiasm of the individual peasant economy on the other
hand. We had to adopt various transitional measures and transitional forms
which were easy for the peasants to accept so that the peasants were able to
enter the stage of socialism of their own free will and being well-prepared
ideologically. He upheld the principles of "exercising active leadership and
achieving steady advance" formulated by the CCP Central Committee, of volun-
tary participation and mutual benefit, of setting an example and of state
assistance. He opposed noninterference or coercion, commandism as well as
rashness. In early 1953, in some localities there emerged a phenomena in
.which the peasants were forced to join the cooperatives, the interests of the
middle peasants were encroached upon and advanced forms were sought after
blindly. He made timely suggestions to the CCP Central Committee in order to
overcome impetuosity. The CCP Central Committee accepted his suggestions and
issued one after another a series of documents to correct these deviations.
They also compiled the "directives to the party committees at various levels
concerning production in spring plowing" drafted on behalf of the CCP Central
Committee by the Rural Work Department of which he was in charge, the RENMIN
RIBAO editorial entitled "The Key to Leading Agricultural Production" and its
"decisions concerning agricultural producers' mutual aid and cooperation"
into a book entitled "A Guide to Present-Day Agricultural Work," which was
issued throughout the nation to direct the movement. Comrade Mao Zedong
personally wrote instructions in it, calling on personnel engaged in rural
work "to make a serious study of it." At the first national rural work
conference, he further emphatically criticized rash deviations and
expounded the principle of "achieving steady advance." These measures played
a positive role in the smooth development of the agricultural cooperativiza-
tion movement at that time.
Before the autumn harvest of 1954, the agricultural cooperatives throughout
the country had increased in number from 14,000 to 100,000, and in 1955
dramatically increased to 670,000. Because the growth rate was too fast,
7 billion jin of grain in excess of the state purchasing quota was purchased
all over the country. A strained situation both in grain and in coopera-
tivization emerged in a large number of places, to varying degrees. In some
places pigs and cows were slaughtered, trees were felled and production was
sabotaged. This state of affairs attracted the attention of the CCP Central
Committee and Comrade Mao Zedong. On 10 January 1955, the CCP Central Com-
mittee issued the "circular concerning the rectification and consolidation
of the agricultural cooperatives," urging that measures to suspend the
further expansion of, to appropriately reduce and to rectify the cooperatives
should be taken in different regions. At the beginning of March in that
year, the CCP Central Committee and the State Council issued an "urgent
directive concerning rapidly arranging the work of grain purchase and sale
and reassuring the peasants in production," pointing out that "it is necessary
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to reduce the pace of agricultural cooperativization." In the last 10-day
period of March, Comrade Mao Zedong invited-some leading comrades and put
forth the principle of "suspension, reduction and expansion," pointing out
that with regard to cooperativization, our policy was to suspend, to reduce
atld to expand. Those which deserved to be suspended should be suspended,
those which deserved to be reduced should be reduced and those which deserved
to be expanded should be expanded. Comrade Zihui and the Rural Work Depart-
ment of the CCP Central Committee earnestly implemented the above-mentioned
directive. They carried out rectification and consolidation work among the
670,000 cooperatives throughout the country, of which 650,000 cooperatives
were preserved and 20,000 cooperatives were disbanded. Later it was said
that "200,000 cooperatives were disbanded." This was not a fact. This
rectification overcame the tendencies toward rashness and impetuosity,
relaxed the strained rural situation and sparked the enthusiasm of the broad
masses of peasants to a certain extent.
On the question of the speed of agricultural cooperativization, in May 1955,
when discussing plans to develop cooperativization, Comrade Zihui maintained
that cooperativization should be popularized step by step. He also held that
attention should be paid to its consolidation, and it should be developed in
accordance with the CCP Central Committee's original plans instead of being
developed excessively at an unduly rapid pace. Doing things in such a way
seemed to be a bit slow, but, in fact, from a long-term point of view, it
would be faster and make better progress. Later these correct proposals
were subjected to criticism.
After being criticized, Comrade Zihui still threw himself with great zeal
into the work of consolidating agricultural collectivization. He especially
stressed upholding the principle of voluntary participation and mutual bene-
fit, maintaining that the heart of-the matter was to correctly treat the
middle peasants and to establish an alliance of the poor and middle peasants;
he stressed not discriminating against the peasants still farming on their
own and maintaining that only when the interests of the majority of the
peasants were protected and developed, could we enjoy their support. He
paid close attention to doing a good job in the operation and management of
cooperatives, to rectifying their financial affairs, and to ensuring
increases both in production and income of cooperative members. Together
with the comrades of the Rural Work Department of the CCP Central Committee,
and on behalf of the CCP Central Committee, he drafted a series of direc-
tives and documents concerning the consolidation of agricultural collectivi-
zation. In October 1957, based on the summation of the experiences of
various localities, he made a suggestion for practicing unified administra-
tion, graded management and a personal responsibility system with a clear .
division of labor and responsibility. After people's communes were organized
throughout the nation, he continued to work hard for the consolidation of the
collective economy. In 1960 he personally conducted investigations in the
rural areas and on this basis he took charge of drafting the "forty regula-
tions for handling the internal affairs of the people's communes." The 1961
work meeting held by the CCP Central Committee formulated the "draft regula-
tions for the work of the rural people's communes" (that is, the "sixty
regulations") by using these regulations as reference and summing up the
experiences of various localities.
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In the spring of 1962, he wanted to consolidate the collective economy and
find ways to integrate the economic interests of the collective with those
of the individual on the basis of investigations. Apart from stabilizing the
system of production team ownership, respecting the decisionmaking power of
the production teams, preserving small freedoms and not changing the fixed
grain purchase quotas for the production teams for a number of years, he laid
further stress on establishing strict production responsibility systems. He
advocated that, under the premise of putting production planning, the means of
production, labor and distribution under unified administration, the produc-
tion teams were allowed to assign work and output to the operating groups
under a contract. The latter were allowed to assign field management and
some work requiring certain production skills which were not convenient for
the collective to do, to individual households under a contract, by linking
remuneration with output and giving rewards for fulfilling production tasks.
Large-scale work was to be done collectively and small-scale work individually.
This proposition was aimed at countering the serious situation at that time
in which no clear responsibility was fixed and no distinction was made
between those meriting rewards and those deserving punishment, and the
proposition was, therefore, warmly welcomed by the peasants. The fine sit-
uation which has emerged after the introduction of various forms of the
agricultural responsibility system in the rural areas of present-day China
has fully proved the correctness of Comrade Zihui's assertion concerning
establishing a responsibility system linking, remuneration to output.
As for how to develop China's agricultural economy, Comrade Zihui also put
forth a series of far-sighted propositions. He held that in order to develop
agricultural production, first of all it was necessary to have a clear
understanding of the basic condition of China's agriculture, of the natural
resources and other conditions, and to make the best possible use of the
favorable conditions and avoid the unfavorable ones. He criticized the
.tendency to make production unitary, and stressed the need to develop a
diversified economy and all-round production in such fields as agriculture,
forestry, animal husbandry, sideline occupations and fishery. He attached
great importance to the work of the technological transformation of agricul-
ture and to the enthusiastic popularization of advanced production tech-
niques and advanced experiences in operation and management. He also advo-
cated that technical popularization centers and operation and management
centers be established throughout the nation. He advocated that in carrying
out agricultural capital construction, consideration. should be given to
practical demands, the principle determining important and urgent demands
should be practiced, things should be done within the limits of our capabil-
ities and we should not entertain the idea that seeing that "all neglected
tasks are now being undertaken" we are only "one step away from heaven."
Comrade Zihui also made outstanding contributions to establishing and
developing China's agricultural scientific undertakings. At the national
conference on agricultural scientific work called in December 1955, he
reminded us to recognize that, after cooperativization, the peasants would
inevitably require scientific assistance. He said that in developing agri-
cultural production, besides relying on the enthusiasm of the peasants, we
should rely on the use of agricultural science. Labor plus science would
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ensure a steady increase in production. At Comrade Zihui's suggestion, the
Chinese Academy of Agricultural Sciences, various district institutes and
specialized institutes of agricultural sciences were established and tens
of thousands of agrotechnological personnel were trained, thus ushering in
a .hew era in China's agricultural scientific research.
Practice over a long period of time has proved that Comrade Zihui and the
Rural Work Department of the CCP Central Committee of which he was in charge
remained steadfast to the socialist orientation and to the party's line,
principles and policies and made remarkable achievements. His correct pro-
posals concerning the development of China's socialist agriculture are still
of significance to the modernization of agriculture.
Working together with Comrade Deng Zihui for a long time, I realized that he
had many noble qualities and a fine work style which deserves our study and
attention. Here I would like to list some of his characteristics which left
fairly deep impressions on me.
Comrade Zihui raised his understanding of the mass viewpoint and mass line
to the higher plane of party spirit and then put them into practice. He was
amodel of our party in enthusiastically upholding the mass viewpoint and
mass line. He always taught the cadres to get deeply involved with the
masses, understand them and foster the idea of serving the people whole-
heartedly, doing everything for the people and relying on the people in
doing everything. He said: "Going all out to mobilize the masses is the
basic line of the party in leading the revolution-and the only way for the
masses to achieve victory in the revolution and.self-emancipation." Every
party member and every revolutionary should have the mass viewpoint. This
is "the basic content of the party spirit."
He held that whether waging revolution or carrying out construction, we
should rely on the consciousness, wishes and voluntary participation of the
masses of people instead of having the mentality of acting and considering
oneself clever and practicing subjectivism and commandism. As long as we
take the mass line and consult with the masses when matters arise, we will
become wiser in doing things. When considering policy issues involving the
interests of the masses, he always reminded us to "take the more important
one in weighing up two advantageous measures and take the less harmful one
in weighing up two disadvantageous measures." He asked us to maintain wide
and close ties with the masses, listen attentively to the voice of the
masses, acquaint ourselves with the weal and woe and the urgent demands of
the masses, and really find out where their interests lay. To achieve this,
the basic thing was for our comrades to live like the masses and "rather
than having privileges, their words, deeds, clothing, housing and food should
be in a common style." In this way, the masses would dare to approach us and
be willing to tell us what was on their minds. In work over a long period of
time, he himself was best at doing mass work, at maintaining close ties with
the masses, at having a true understanding of the demands of the masses and
using .the language of the masses to explain to them the party's views and
policies.
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Another outstanding characteristic of Comrade Zihui's was that in doing
everything he laid stress on investigation and study, proceeded in everything
from reality and sought truth from facts. These strong points of his took
shape when he was in western Fujian during the agrarian. revolution. By con-
ducting profound investigation and study and summing up the experiences of
the masses, he reached the conclusion: "take from those who have too much
and give to those who have too little; take from the fat to pad the lean."
This conclusion and the conclusion reached by Comrade Mao Zedong from the
investigations he conducted in Xingguo coincided. For this, Comrade Zihui
was praised by Comrade Mao Zedong. Later, when he was in northern Jiangsu,
central China and Shandong Province, in working in various fields, he took
investigation and study as a means to find a way and as the foundation for
formulating principles and policies.
During the stages of socialist revolution and socialist construction, as
usual, he preserved this fine work style. He was praised by Comrade Mao
Zedong three times. The first time was in 1957. On the basis of investiga-
tions and study, he drafted the directives and documents concerning the con-
solidation of the agricultural collective economy for the CCP Central Com-
mittee. Comrade Mao Zedong praised him for his method in doing this work,
namely, to proceed from reality. The second time was in March 1962, when a
work conference was convened in Guangzhou by the CCP Central Committee.
After the "sixty regulations" were discussed at the meeting, Comrade Mao
Zedong said at the meeting that our revered Comrade Deng had done a good
thing in formulating the "sixty regulations." He had the spirit of con-
ducting investigations and study and his views were correct. The third
time was when, after the Guangzhou conference, he was entrusted by Comrade
Mao Zedong and Comrade Liu Shaoqi to determine the problems of the rural
basic accounting units. He returned to Fujian Province to conduct investi-
gations and carry out experimental work, and then wrote "an investigative
report concerning the experimental work of the basic accounting units of the
people's communes" in which he formulated solutions to some concrete problems
arising after production teams were.made the basic accounting units. When he
read the report, Comrade Mao Zedong was very happy and wrote instructions for
it to be issued throughout the country. The instructions read: "This report
of Comrade Deng Zihui's is very good. It is sent to you for your reference";
"Conducting serious investigations and study and making a concrete analysis of
concrete conditions instead of an abstract and subjective analysis are the
soul of Marxism"; "First secretaries of various provinces are encouraged to
lead some working groups and go, adopting the method of Comrade Deng Zihui's,
to the countryside to do investigation work and study for about 10 days."
He was still ready to accept the views of other people, views stemming from
practical work, and modestly learn from the creativity of the masses. When
the production responsibility system was proposed in 1962, it was he who was
the first to receive a letter written by a grassroots cadre in Anhui Province.
He sent out a working group and after the system was proved to be effective
through repeated investigations and studies, he proposed this method to the
CCP Central Committee. His thoughts, views and assertions were often fairly
suited to reality thanks to the importance he attached to investigation and
study.
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In handling the relationship between the individual and the party, Comrade
Zihui'was a model who upheld principles and.observed discipline. He could
withstand the tests of both favorable and adverse circumstances. In all
circumstances, he always struggled. arduously and made unremitting efforts to
improve himself. He dared to practice criticism and self-criticism. Strict
in analyzing himself ideologically, he would criticize himself in public
without scruple if he found he had made mistakes. When he was unjustly
criticized, he could take the interests of the whole into account, hold back
his grievances for the sake of shouldering more important tasks, safeguard
the unity of the party and never shirk responsibility. But on the question
of principle involving the fundamental interests of the people, he would
never yield. Conscious of dangers, he would give no thought to personal
gain or loss, but instead would report and make suggestions to the CCP
Central Committee and ask it for instructions according to the rules and
regulations of the party. He was open and aboveboard as well as very sin-
cere, and he never concealed his views.
Comrade Zihui also had the spirit of using his own hands and starting, in
doing everything, from small matters. He personally compiled a "Rural
Accounting Textbook." Together with us, he studied such problems as agri-
cultural scientific research and education, the popularization of technology,
the grain cropping system, the diversified economy, the development of pig
raising and animal husbandry, river control and water and soil conservation,
and construction in mountainous areas. Even in his last few years, he
indefatigably studied the rural "insurance system for farm cattle" so as to
ease the burden on the peasants.
All this fully shows that he was boundlessly loyal to the cause of the party
and the people and to Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought. Comrade Zihui
proved himself to be a Marxist who integrated theory with practice.
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HOW SHOULD WE LOOK AT THE QUESTION OF MARKET PRICES AT PRESENT?
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 33-36
[Article by Liu Zhuofu [0491 0587 3940], director of the State Administration
of Commodity Prices]
[Text] In the government report delivered at the 4th session of the 5th NPC,
Premier Zhao Ziyang said that commodity prices in 1981 were mainly stable.
Comparing 1981 to 1980, he said, the rise in the general price index has
been smaller. Prices of daily-use goods have been kept stable. However,
the prices of some items have risen. These words summarized realistically
the general situation of our market prices in 1981.
First of all, the situation of market prices in 1981 was better than that of
the previous year.
Regarding the price index, from January to September 1981, the general social
retail price index rose by 1.1 percent as compared with the same period of
the year before. Within this figure, the state-fixed prices rose by 0.9
percent; negotiated prices rose by 1.6 percent; and fair market prices rose
by 5.3 percent. It is estimated that the general retail index for the whole
year rose by 2 percent, which takes into account the price rise of
cigarettes and wine, while the same index rose by 6 percent in 1980. Of
course, owing to various complicated factors, the index cannot exactly
reflect the real situation of price changes. For example, the index cannot
reflect such phenomena as disguised price hikes and random charges. After
prices of eight categories of nonstaple foodstuffs were raised in 1980, the
repercussions of a chain reaction were quite strong; besides, the range of
commodities which can be negotiated had not been well defined, adding such
problems as hikes in negotiated prices and sporadic price hikes for a period
of time. For this reason, the State Council issued the "circular on strin-
gent control of prices and rectification of negotiated prices," which
enforced a price freeze on all consumer goods and called for a nationwide
price inspection. In this way, sporadic price hikes were brought to an end
and prices were kept basically stable. In the first half of 1981, the gen-
eral retail price index rose by only 0.7 percent. The masses were rather
satisfied with this. However, in the latter half of the year, vegetable
prices were raised. Then the state adjusted the prices of some commodities,
and some of the fair market prices also rose. All this contributed to raising
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the price index in the latter half of 1981, which is expected to be larger
than that in the first half. However,. viewing the entire year and all
aspects, it is certain that the rise in the price index in 1981 was smaller
than the rise in 1980.
Second, some prices did rise; hence the masses were further burdened.
The retail price rise in 1981 can be divided into three parts.
The first part is the price rises approved by the State Council. There are
two such groups in this first part. One group was approved around the
second quarter. Among those, the selling prices of bamboo, wooden and
leather products were raised. The-reason for these price rises was that the
former purchasing prices for timber, bamboo, cowhide and sheepskin were on
the low side. However, after raising the purchase prices proportionally,
the production of finished products from these raw materials incurred finan-
cial losses, so that the output of the products decreased; some of them even
became in short supply. Therefore, it was necessary to raise the prices of
finished products, which spurred the development of production and better
met the needs of the masses. The other group included cigarettes and wines,
the prices of which were raised recently. While deciding to raise the prices
of these two groups of commodities, the State Council lowered the prices of
other items. Among them, there were polyester cloth, nylon socks, rubber-
soled shoes, electric meters for civil use, electric fans, television sets,
recorders, magnetic tapes, digital watches, refrigerators, as well as honey,
walnuts and so on. In general, both the increases and decreases occurred in
commodity prices. In the main, the amount of price rises for industrial
products was equal to that of price decreases. Both price rises and price
decreases totaled over 300 million yuan. Adding the price rise of cigarettes
and wine and the price decrease-of polyester cloth, the total amount of price
rises was a bit larger than the total amount of price decreases. However,
the commodities whose prices were raised are daily-use consumer goods; and
the commodities whose prices were lowered are only bought by a small portion
of the people, or are not bought frequently by most of the people, so that
the broad masses of consumers did not readily feel the effect of the lowered
prices. As a result, the impression of price hikes ran deeply among the
masses.
The second part of the price rises came from enterprises which raised the
prices of their products without authorization. This was mainly reflected
in all kinds of disguised price hikes and random charges. In the course of
implementing the economic responsibility system and after linking bonuses
with profits, the administration and supervision systems did not keep up with
the changes, so that the problem became more pronounced. By means of raising
prices without authorization and making disguised price hikes and random
charges, some enterprises and institutions increased their profits in order
to distribute more bonuses. Besides, owing to the unhealthy tendency of
"entering through the backdoor," well-made inexpensive commodities were first
sold to friends, relatives and the so-called "related units," thus further
adding the burden on the broad masses of consumers.
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'1'lie third part of the price rises came from market trading. Shortages of
some commodities traded in this way resulted in price rises. Prices of other
items were hiked by shops. All this causes the expenses of urban residents
to increase.
However, in the urban areas, it was the rise in nonstaple foodstuff prices
that aroused the most complaints from the masses and affected them the most.
The vegetable price rise in particular drew the loudest complaints from the
masses, despite the state's increasing vegetable price subsidies year after
year. In 1979, the state give a subsidy of 240 million yuan; in 1980, 310
million yuan; and in 1981, more than 400 million.yuan. For vegetables, the
masses had to pay more, and the state had to give more subsidies, but the
supply did not improve. This was owing. to problems in production and manage-
ment. The shortage of commodities-at state-fixed prices was another reason
for the rise in price of nonstaple foodstuffs. The masses were thus obliged
to buy more commodities at negotiated prices or at fair market prices. In
some towns, most of the pork was supplied by individual retailers, since
state-owned shops only supplied a very limited amount. Among vegetables,
poultry, eggs and aquatic products, those bought at negotiated prices or in
market fairs accounted for a substantially large proportion. The departments
concerned are planning a special meeting to find solutions to the above
problems.
While finding that the prices of some commodities did rise-and that the
masses were greatly affected, we should also note other aspects. Comparing
1981 with 1978, the peasants' income increased by over 18 billion yuan
owing to increases in state purchasing prices for agricultural and sideline
products. Cash wages (including bonuses and subsidies) of staff and workers
in units owned by the whole people were 24.7 percent higher in 1980 than in
1978, while prices rose by 10.1 percent over those of the same period. Even
if disguised price hikes and other factors are taken into account, viewing
the country as a whole, wages rose much more than prices. Therefore, look-
ing at the people's livelihood in an all-round way, we should say that
prices have risen in recent years and the masses have had to pay more, but
workers' wages have also increased and, moreover, they have risen more than
the increase in expenditures, so that the people's standard of living has
improved. Of course, there is still some imbalance. Families which have
more people employed, had their wages increased and had more bonuses had a
more improved standard of living, and they constituted the majority. On
the other hand, families which did not have such benefits felt the price
rises much more, their standard of living did not actually improve, and
some suffered a decline in the standard. These people are mainly personnel
who work in government organs and who work in scientific, cultural, educa-
tional and medical-health institutions. Finance Minister Wang Bingqian said
in his report at the 4th session of the 5th NPC that the state is planning to
readjust the wages for staff and workers in departments which do not adopt
the bonus system.
Here, it is necessary to say something about price subsidies. Although the
state still has many financial difficulties, a subsidy system has been in
effect for many years for people's daily-use goods and agricultural products
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in order to stabilize market prices. Particularly in the past 2 years, while
the state purchasing prices for agricultural and sideline products were
raised, selling prices for grain, cotton and oil were still maintained. Thus
the state had to increase price subsidies year after year: in 1978, the
bUbsidies amounted to 7.8 billion yuan; in 1979, 14.6 billion yuan; in 19800
20.8 billion yuan; and in 1981, it is expected to be over 32 billion yuan.
Among the total subsidies in 1981, subsidies for grain, cotton and oil
accounted for 22.8 billion yuan; those for meat, fish, eggs, sugar, vege-
tables and domestic coal accounted for 2.8 billion yuan; and those for
chemical fertilizer, pesticide, diesel oil for farm use, electricity for
farm use and farm machinery accounted for 4.5 billion yuan. This fully
shows that the state has spent a lot of money in order to ensure stability
in the people's livelihood.
At present, many people are concerned about the price decrease of polyester
cloth and the price rise of cigarettes and wine. So it is necessary to give
a further explanation here.
It was after careful consideration that the State Council decided to lower
the price of polyester cloth and to raise the price of cigarettes and wine.
The polyester cloth price decrease was mainly for the purpose of expanding
sales, reducing stockpiles, promoting production and improving people's
clothing. By raising the price of cigarettes and wine, it was intended on
one hand to cover the increased cost caused by the price rise in raw mate-
rials, and on the other hand to increase revenue and help overcome the
current financial difficulties.
It was planned to lower the price of polyester cloth by 0.66 yuan per meter,
but as the result of actual implementation, the price was lowered by about
0.70 yuan per meter. Among the cigarettes and wine, the prices of those of
high quality and of well-known brands were raised much higher, but prices
were raised less or held level for those of intermediate or low quality and
those which already had.rather high prices. Considering the retail price
rise within the whole country, prices of the grade A cigarettes were raised
on an average by 0.27 yuan per pack. Among them, the prices of some well-
known brands like Zhonghua produced in Shanghai and Yunyian in Yunnan were
raised by 0.50 yuan; prices of grade B were raised on an average by 0.08
yuan per pack, but the well-known Qianmen and Hengda brands were raised by
over 0.10 yuan; prices of the grade C were raised by 0.02 yuan, and some of
good quality were raised by 0.05 to 0.06 yuan; and prices of grades D and E
were held level. Prices of well-known white wines were raised by 2 yuan per
jin, bulk grain wine prices were raised by 0.05 to 0.20 yuan per jin, bulk
standard beer prices were raised by about 0.16 yuan, bulk yellow wines were
raised proportionally, bottled wines prices were raised correspondingly,
but potato wine prices were held level. The range of price rises varied
according to locality. Some were higher than.the national average, others
were lower.
While the prices of polyester cloth, cigarettes and wines were being
adjusted, a small number of provinces and municipalities also increased the
prices of several kinds of commodities. The price adjustment of these
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commodities had generally been previously approved by the State Council. Most
localities had finished this adjustment one after another several months
earlier. So it cannot be said that those few provinces and municipalities
which had not finished this price adjustment used this opportunity to hike
the prices of more commodities. However, some localities have not done
enough propaganda and explanation among the masses to get them to under-
stand the reasons for adjusting the prices of more commodities, hence there
were misunderstanding and complaints among the masses for a time. This
should be taken as a lesson for future work.
There are quite a number of people who worry that the prices of other com-
modities will be hiked following the latest rise in cigarette and wine
prices, thus starting an upward trend.
As prices of the eight categories of nonstaple foodstuffs were raised the
year before, the chain reaction and random expansion of negotiated prices
were not well controlled. This shortcoming in our work remains fresh in
people's minds, and their misgivings are understandable. However, it can
be clearly stated that the latest price rises in cigarettes and wine will
not lead to such a situation. This is because cigarettes and wine are
finished products and are different from the eight categories of nonstaple
foodstuffs, which are both direct consumer goods and also the raw materials
for some consumer goods. Therefore, the rise in cigarettes and wine prices
will not cause a chain reaction among other commodities whose prices are
fixed by the state. While deciding to raise the prices of cigarettes and
wine, the State Council also gave instructions to all departments and
localities to strictly control prices and to prevent prices from being hiked
randomly.
It should be pointed out that, before the state can reform the structure of
wages and prices in an all-round way, keeping market prices stable, in the
main, is the most important task in pricing work. Only under the premise
that the stability of prices can be ensured and both the increase and
decrease of the prices are arranged, can the adjustment of a small number of
commodities be made step by step in a planned way. Premier Zhao Ziyang
pointed out that, after the price rise in cigarettes and wine, stringent
measures should be adopted to maintain price stability. He said that retail
prices under the control of the State Council or its subordinate departments
cannot be raised without the approval of the State Council, even if the
existing prices are irrational. It should be made a matter of discipline.
In any case, retail prices should be kept stable. As for problems concerning
administered prices and the relations between different industrial depart-
ments or between the industrial and commercial departments, solutions should
be reached by the leading organs concerned after due consideration, and
afterward, no market price can be changed. The pricing departments must be
determined to cooperate with industrial, agricultural, commercial and market
administrative departments in effectively maintaining the stability of market
prices. The following are specific measures to be implemented:
1. Conscientiously straighten out and stabilize the state purchasing prices
for agricultural products. Since the 3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP
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Central Committee, the purchasing prices for the agricultural products have
risen by 35 percent. There has already been a very great improvement in the
situation of prices being too low for agricultural and sideline products.
According to the current financial and material capacity of the state, and
looking at the rate of-development of agricultural production in recent
years, it can be said that the current levels of purchasing prices for agri-
cultural products conform to the current needs in the readjustment of the
national economy. Prices can no longer be used to arouse the peasants'
enthusiasm. We should rely on the development of production instead of
price rises to make peasants prosperous. A correct price policy can bring
about production growth, but improper price rises can harm production, harm
the price relations between different agricultural products and between
industrial and agricultural products, so that the coordinated development of
the entire national economy will be affected. It must be seen that price
rises only relate to the distribution of the national income and cannot
create any social wealth. Under the present circumstances, if the purchas-
ing prices for agricultural products are further raised, the state can only
add to its financial deficit and issue more banknotes, inevitably causing
price hikes, which will not only make the workers suffer but also make the
peasants lose their benefits from purchasing price rises. Therefore, we must
be determined to keep the purchasing prices for agricultural and sideline
products stable over the next few years. The income of the broad masses of
peasants, which conforms to the-policies, should be protected; but. random
practice of some localities and departments, which. violate state policies to
expand the variety of commodities with negotiated or increased prices, to
hike the negotiated prices and to cut the purchasing base quotas, should all
be rectified conscientiously. The principles of giving consideration to all
the interests of the state, the producers and the consumers and consolidating
the worker-peasant alliance should be clearly explained to the cadres and the
peasants, so as to stabilize, above all, the purchasing prices for agricul-
tural and sideline products.
2. The adjustment of planned prices must be strictly controlled. While we
tackle the small number of extremely irrational prices, the internal prices
for settling accounts should be lowered as far as possible, or the taxes and
profit distribution between enterprises can be readjusted. Product price
adjustments, which will directly or indirectly cause a rise in market retail
prices, should be strictly controlled. The financial losses of enterprises
can be stopped mainly by improving management, reducing costs and cutting
down circulating expenses. At present, there is a great potential in these
respects, and a great deal of work can be done to accomplish these things.
3. It is necessary to resolutely stabilize the prices of basic necessities.
There must be no rise in the prices of staple and nonstaple foods, cotton
cloth, domestic coal, salt and other items supplied by ration or in exchange
for coupons. Financial losses which occur in the handling of these items
should continue to be covered by subsidies.
4. It is necessary to stabilize the prices of popular vegetables. It is
essential that the leading comrades in large and medium-sized cities and in
industrial and mining areas give their personal attention to this problem.
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Planting and purchasing of vegetables must be done in a planned way. Prob-
lems concerning the production orientation of the peasants in suburban areas
should be solved. The contradiction in the communes and production brigades
between their industrial and sideline production on one hand and their vege-
table production on the other should be carefully and properly handled. Thiel
requires that every locality and department do a great deal of work.
5. It is necessary to enact economic legislation and strengthen price con-
trols. A pricing law is now being drafted. Inspection and supervision over
commodity prices should be further strengthened. Industrial and commercial
enterprises must straighten out ideas and styles of operation. Every
locality should effectively strengthen the forces administering and super-
vising prices at the grassroots level. Particularly in the large and
medium-sized cities, towns, industrial and commercial enterprises, there
must be competent personnel in charge of price control. They should, by
relying on the masses, frequently inspect and supervise market prices.
At present, there are many rumors being spread in society about prices. For
example, it has been said that "the price of flour will be hiked; grain
coupons will not be necessary"; "no cloth coupons will be issued from 1982
on"; "there will be an all-round hike in prices, everybody will be subsi-
dized by a few yuan"; and so on. All these groundless rumors should never
be given any credence.
The price problem is a comprehensive reflection of the national economy. To
stabilize market prices is a task jointly shared by all departments con-
cerned (including production, planning, commercial, financial, industrial
and commercial administrative departments). Governments at all levels must
mobilize their forces, by relying on the masses and pooling their wisdom and
efforts, to bring prices under control in a comprehensive way. The funda-
mental way to stabilize market prices lies in developing production, lowering
costs, achieving financial balance, controlling money supply and increasing
consumer goods suited to the market. Premier Zhao Ziyang raised 10 impor-
tant principles for economic construction; the people all over the country
are striving for a fundamental improvement in the state's finance and
economy. Without a doubt the prospects for our economic development will
be better and better. Under the leadership of the party and the government,
with the coordination and joint efforts of all departments, we are bound to
be able to continue to keep market prices basically stable.
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ACT IN ACCORDANCE WITH THE EDUCATION LAWS AND IMPROVE THE QUALITY OF
TEACHING IN AN ALL-ROUND WAY
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 37-40
[Article by Wen Hanjiang [3306 1383 3068]]
[Text] I
When we implement the eight-character policy in educational work, we must in
the first place do a good job of readjustment, and we must also pay atten-
tion to the improvement of quality on the basis of rectification and.restora-
tion. Therefore, reviewing and summing up the experience of teaching practice
over the past 32 years, studying the laws governing educational work in the
new situation, and studying how to further improve the quality of teaching
are very important tasks facing schools.
Over many years, in our teaching work we have paid attention to imparting
knowledge and applying relevant theories, principles and methods of teach-
ing to teach basic knowledge and skills. The actual results have been
rather good, the quality of teaching has markedly improved and tens of
thousands of personnel have been trained to serve the state's needs. Prac-
tice has proved that it is absolutely correct to stress basic knowledge and
basic skills (abbreviated as the "two basics" below) in teaching. During
the decade of internal disorder, the quality of teaching drastically
deteriorated because basic knowledge and theories were done away with to a
great extent and people vigorously carried out "open-door schooling" and
"substituting action for study." This negative experience also testifies
to the necessity and correctness of vigorously grasping the "two basics."
However, nowadays, science and technology develops at a tremendous pace, and
scientific and technological knowledge changes with each passing day. If we'
only pay attention to the imparting of knowledge in teaching and students
only master and memorize the theories and knowledge built up and summed up
by their predecessors, without acquiring the ability to independently apply
their knowledge to solve problems, then in their future work they will find
it difficult to master new theories and knowledge which develop continuously,
and therefore they will be unable to solve new problems. Past experience in
teaching has also told us that although some students get high marks, they
will find studying very difficult when they study more advanced things or
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when they enter institutes of higher learning. Some students acquire a great
deal of knowledge in school. However, after graduation they show poor
adaptability in work. This is because, over many years in our teaching work,
we have paid attention to the imparting of knowledge alone, at the expense of
the fostering of their ability. Therefore, we must fully develop the stu-
dents' intellectual ability, cognitive ability and ability to analyze and
solve problems. Only thus will the needs of the cause of socialism be met.
We must not only impart knowledge to students and foster their ability, but,
what is more important, we must train them to be new people who are both Red
and expert and who are fully developed morally, intellectually and physically.
Therefore, it is an important task in teaching to provide ideological and
political education so that the students gradually acquire a proletarian
world outlook and so that their communist moral qualities are fostered. In
the past, although we paid attention to ideological education in teaching,
our work was often divorced from reality and marked by leftist and rightist
deviations. For example, in the past, under the influence of the "leftist"
ideology, we neglected or did away with the teaching of basic knowledge,
unrealistically providing so-called ideological education, which was as
superficial as putting on shoes and hats. We stressed the teaching of view-
points and theories at the expense of educating students through gradual,
uplifting and subtle influences. We stressed teaching by preaching at the
expense of teaching by example, and so on. Since the smashing of the "gang
of four," there has been a tendency to stress the teaching of the "two
basics" at the expense of ideological and political education, with students
being taught knowledge without being educated as persons. In recent years,
we have one-sidedly gone after promotion rates and marks at the expense of
full moral, intellectual and physical development. There has been a growing
tendency to stress the training of a minority of students to be the "elite"
at the expense of catering to the needs of all the students. All this is
against our party's educational policy and is disadvantageous to the training
of a large number of qualified personnel. Recently, thanks to the concern
and guidance of the CCP Central Committee, the education departments at
various levels have adopted effective measures to implement the educational
policy of enabling students to develop in an all-round way--morally, intel-
lectually and physically. They have stressed catering to all students and
have strengthened ideological and political education for young students.
This is a good start in improving the quality of teaching in an all-round
way. Teaching is the main work of a school. Integrating ideological and
political education with teaching is an important aspect of the moral educa-
tion in schools. Therefore, we must correct our understanding of ideological
education, sum up both positive and negative experiences, put an end to the
slackness in our current ideological and political work, and conscientiously
strengthen the ideological and political education of students.
In short, at present, when we stress the improvement of the quality of
teaching, we must not be content with satisfactorily teaching the "two
basics." We must further free our thinking from old ideas, study the new
situation and new problems facing us in educational work, and vigorously
discover objective laws of education. While doing a good job in grasping
the teaching of the "two basics," we must also vigorously develop the
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students' intellectual ability and their revolutionary ideological qualities.
We must flexibly integrate the three tasks of teaching the "two basics,"
fostering the students' abilities and providing ideological education. We
must clearly understand the laws governing the development of each task and
the interrelationships between these laws, and improve the quality. of teach-
ing in an all-round way.
Basically, fostering ability means fostering a capacity to understand and
transform the world. Fostering the young students' ability mainly means
fostering their ability to independently master and apply knowledge in the
learning process, that is, to enable them to. acquire the ability to
creatively apply their knowledge.
Mastering knowledge is closely related to fostering ability. The two pro-
mote each other. In mastering knowledge, a student must convert the
knowledge acquired by his predecessors into his own spiritual wealth. This
conversion process must be accomplished through his own cognitive activity.
The development of his ability (cognitive ability) will be favorable to his
mastering of knowledge. If his ability is not developed, the knowledge he
masters will be mechanical and lifeless. On the other hand, his ability is
developed precisely through the learning process. If he departs from the
basis of acquiring knowledge, the fostering of ability will become empty
talk. Therefore, knowledge is the basis for the development of ability,
and conversely, ability can promote the learning of knowledge. It is a
one-sided and incorrect view to hold that it is unnecessary to pay attention
to the fostering of ability if one can acquire solid knowledge, or to hold
that the acquisition of knowledge is not very important, the principal task
being the fostering of intellectual ability.
In fostering students' abilities and developing their intellectual ability,
what principles of teaching must be followed? What are the characteristics
of the things to be taught and the characteristics of the methods and forms
of teaching? These important questions must be conscientiously studied.
In this era of rapid development of science and technology and new branches
of learning, it is impossible for a person to master all.kinds of knowledge
or master all the knowledge contained in a specified branch of learning.
School education can only help the students build a foundation which will
enable them, in their work after graduation, to further independently master
and apply new knowledge and study and solve new problems. In the common
expression, the purpose of school education is to enable them to "draw
inferences about other cases from one case."
In school, students must study various subjects and master extensive and rich
knowledge in various branches of learning. In order to foster the students'
ability and enable them to "draw inferences about other cases from one case,"
we must set this "one case" against the extensive sea of knowledge, so that
students can understand complicated phenomena by applying simple principles
and comprehend things by analogy. Therefore, in teaching we must distinguish
A
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general knowledge from key knowledge. In the light of the theory of the
"structure of knowledge" put forth by the American psychologist (Bruner)
[Buluna 1580 7627 4780], and also in the light of what we have learned from
our teaching practice, in teaching extensive knowledge we must stress basic
Concepts, basic principles and ways of thinking.
The basic concepts and principles of a subject reflect a concentrated expres-
sion of the knowledge on this subject. That is, they reflect the internal
relations and essential characteristics of the knowledge on this subject.
All the knowledge on this subject can be explained in terms of these basic
concepts and principles. For example, various phenomena in classical
mechanics can be explained in terms of the basic concepts (velocity, accel-
eration, force, momentum, power, energy and so on) and the basic principles
(the three laws of motion and the law of gravity) of mechanics.
In teaching, we not only must give the students the fruit of our predecessors'
study and research, so that they know "what," but also must enable them to
understand "why" and know "how" the knowledge is derived. Therefore, when
teachers teach the students basic concepts and principles, they must also
teach them ways of thinking. By ways of thinking, we mean how concepts are
formed, how principles and principal formulas are derived, how sentences and
paragraphs in articles are arranged, how to analyze problems and what steps
to take in solving them--even the structure and systematic aspect of a unit
of teaching material or a branch of learning--and so on. If students are
taught ways of thinking, they will more thoroughly understand the derivation
and significance of concepts and principles, how the understanding of con-
cepts and principles has been extended and deepened, and also the laws
governing the relationships between various concepts and principles. Thus,
the knowledge in the students' heads will be systematic and living instead
of patchy and rigid, and can be more easily memorized.
Actually, teaching is a process in which students, under the teachers'
guidance, systematically acquire knowledge and gradually understand the
objective world. In this process, the students master and apply knowledge
and undergo two "changes," namely, from not knowing to knowing, and from
knowing to application. These changes are basically the same as the two
leaps in the process of cognition that mankind undergoes, although there are
also some differences. The main difference is that the two changes occur
under the teachers' guidance, and they do not arise from the students'
independent process of exploration and creation.
The theory of knowledge tells us that the dynamic role of cognition is
reflected in the two leaps in the cognitive process. Cognition is based on
practice, and its key significance lies in the creative ability of thinking.
In order to bring the dynamic role of cognition into play and to foster the
students' ability in our teaching, we must not only lead them to relate what
they learn to the realities in their learning process, but also highlight
the role of thinking and vigorously enable the two "changes" to occur.
Often there are two completely different teaching methods. The first is the
spoon-feeding method, whereby "teachers lecture and students listen."
Instead of students playing a leading role, the teacher monopolizes
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everything and deprives the students of their opportunity to play their role.
The students' brains serve as flasks for holding knowledge. Thus, in
acquiring knowledge, the students only lap up information without digesting
it and just memorize it mechanically. In applying what they have learned,
they only mechanically apply formulas, just like drawing a tiger after a
cat's image. This teaching method inevitably makes students learn without
thinking. It is contrary to the law of cognition. Although the students
can acquire a definite amount of knowledge in this way, this knowledge
remains lifeless and rigid in their brains, and therefore their ability is
poor. The other teaching method is that of elicitation. The teacher mainly
inspires his students to think actively and learn on their own initiative.
The teacher plays a leading role by adeptly stimulating the students'
interest in learning, inducing them to think according to correct thought
processes, and inspiring them to explore, think over and study new knowledge
and problems in the spirit of seeking truth. This teaching method is geared
to the two changes in the learning process and brings the role of thinking
and the dynamic role of cognition into play, so that learning and thinking
are closely integrated. This is compatible with the law of cognition.
Therefore, the knowledge acquired by students in this way is living knowledge
which can promote the development of their creative thinking ability.
The students' learning activities are mainly carried out in certain speci-
fied places, namely, the classrooms. Classroom teaching is the basic form of
teaching. It is a shortcut to the acquisition by students of the extremely
abundant spiritual wealth built up by our predecessors. It makes it unneces-
sary for the students, in inheriting their predecessors' scientific and cul-
tural knowledge, to undergo once again the long, tortuous and complicated
processes which their predecessors underwent in exploring and discovering
truths. Therefore, it is correct to grasp the central link of classroom
teaching when we want to improve the quality of teaching. However, we must
note that in classroom teaching, learning activities such as listening (to
lectures), reading (books), performing (experiments), doing exercises and
so on are conducted under the teacher's guidance. The correct teaching
method can inspire students to think actively and arouse their enthusiasm
for learning. However, in the same class, various students differ in their
personal interests, inclinations, abilities and skills. Classroom teaching
caters to the whole class and is mainly for grasping things common to all
students, and therefore it is difficult to genuinely pay special attention
to individual students and teach every student individually according to
his aptitude. Thus, in developing the students' intellectual abilities and
fostering their ability, classroom teaching is limited in its effectiveness.
Therefore, aside from doing a good job of grasping the central link of
classroom teaching, we must also vigorously start various kinds of extra-
curricular learning activities. Aside from compulsory common core courses,
we must more vigorously run electives and various kinds of seminars so that
senior middle and college students can take courses suited to their own
personal circumstances and inclinations. Thus they can independently carry
out reading of extracurricular materials, independent study, experimentation,
practical work and creative projects. We must also develop on an extensive
scale various categories of academic groups, science and technology groups,
literature and art groups, physical training groups and so on, so that
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through group activities, students can use their own brains and hands to
develop their own personal inclinations and skills. This kind of all-round
development will help foster their ability to discern, present, analyze and
solve problems.
Incorporating ideological and political education into teaching is a means
of fostering, by means of political subjects and the teaching of various
other subjects, the students' proletarian world outlook and communist moral
qualities on the basis of acquiring and mastering knowledge. In a class
society, the kind of intellectual education that does not bear the mark of
any class is nonexistent. The system of knowledge in a subject invariably
gives expression to some definite philosophical system and ideological view-
points. For example, in the teaching of natural sciences, courses in
mathematics, physics, chemistry, biology and so on enable students to
understand the laws of movement in nature, so that they gradually acquire
the dialectical materialist ideology. History and geography help educate
students in patriotism and historical materialism through making known to
them our motherland's ancient history, vast territory and abundant resources.
Therefore, ideological education and the imparting of knowledge are inter-
related and each merges into the other. Academic education and moral educa-
tion are closely integrated and are unified. This is one characteristic of
knowledge itself. In the past, ideological education was devoid of sub-
stance and was conducted in isolation. Quotations, political terms and
philosophical concepts were used as substitutes for the teaching of the
"two basics." Language and history lessons were turned into political
lessons. This violated the laws governing the integration of academic
education with moral education. Practice has verified that this not only
failed to enable students to satisfactorily acquire basic knowledge, but
also failed to enable us to attain the goals of ideological education. The
teenage years are a time of physical growth and growth in knowledge. Educa-
tion and teaching work must be a long-term, steady undertaking. To substi-
tute analysis of the situation for the teaching of basic theories, or to
substitute political campaigns for long-term and painstaking ideological
education, runs contrary to youths' physical and mental development, which
is characterized by being long-term and continuous. On the other hand, we
must not think that imparting knowledge is tantamount to ideological educa-
tion, or even refrain from conscientiously studying how to incorporate
ideological education into teaching work, on the grounds that academic
education is integrated with moral education. In fact, teachers must vigor-
ously enhance their own ideological consciousness and standard of political
theory. They must conscientiously analyze their teaching material and must
be adept in discovering in it elements of ideological education material,
which they must understand thoroughly. They must understand the real condi-
tion of their students' ideologies and flexibly integrate the imparting of
knowledge with ideological education. Only thus will the result of ideologi-
cal education be good.
The process whereby students learn by virtue of our teaching is also one in
which their world outlook and moral qualities develop. It is a process
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whereby their acquisition of knowledge, emotional development, development
of willpower and behavior are unified on the basis of knowledge. Teachers
must not only impart knowledge to students, but also arouse their emotions
and train them to have strong willpower as well as good habits. The exposi-
tion of knowledge, the reading of poetry and prose, the appreciation of wotkil
of literature and art, and singing performances can not only enable students
to acquire knowledge, but can often arouse strong, morally wholesome emotions
in students, such as love for the proletariat, patriotism, fervent love for
the people, the party and the socialist system, and so on. Thus, students
are educated through gradual, uplifting and subtle influences. By inspiring
students by vivid means of presenting images, teachers can stimulate the
students' enthusiasm and interest in learning and strengthen their confi-
dence in learning. Therefore, the fostering of emotions can promote the
acquisition of knowledge. Only by integrating knowledge with emotional
experience so that the two echo each other can a powerful impetus be gen-
erated. Thus, when conducting ideological education, the teachers are
required to possess revolutionary sentiments. Teachers must deeply love
students, carefully discover points of emotional significance in their
teaching material, and blend these points with the imparting of knowledge
in a natural way. Only thus can the students' lofty moral sentiments be
more effectively fostered.
Moreover, thanks to the teachers' organization, guidance and rigorous demands,
the students, by listening to lectures, reading books, performing experi-
ments, doing various prescribed and extracurricular exercises, and by
repeated practice, can not only master knowledge and skills in the learning'
process, but also be trained to have strong willpower marked by firmness,
bravery and courage in the face of difficulties. They can also acquire
qualities and habits such as fervent love for the collective, vigor and
diligence, conscientiousness, a strong sense of responsibility, adherence to
discipline and so on. These qualities and habits will further help them
acquire knowledge and skills. Therefore, in teaching and learning, acquisi-
tion of knowledge, emotional development, development of willpower and
behavior are dialectically unified, and the imparting of knowledge and
ideological and moral education promote each other.
Young students have a strong inclination to imitate others. In the develop-
ment of their ideology and moral character, the role of examples is extremely
important. The teachers and students are together day after day. In the
classroom, the teacher is under the observation of scores of students. The
teacher's ideology, behavior and attitude toward other people--in short,
every one of his words and actions--influence his students in a subtle way.
Some of his actions and words will leave indelible impressions on the
students' minds. Therefore, it is very important for teachers to strengthen
their own moral character and strengthen self-cultivation. Teachers must
not only pay attention to imparting knowledge and fostering their students'
lofty moral character, but also always play an exemplary role and persist
in the unity of teaching by words and teaching by example.
In teaching, the unity of academic education and moral education, the unity
of acquisition of knowledge, emotional development, development of willpower
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and behavior, as well as the unity of teaching by words and teaching by
example, can be summarized as the unity of teaching book knowledge and
educating students as persons. In the past, the leftist and rightist devia-
tions in ideological education were owing to the artificial separation of
teaching book knowledge from educating students as persons, or owing to
stressing only one of these two things. The vast numbers of teachers have
rich experience in both teaching book knowledge and educating students as
persons. At present, we must observe the laws of education, sum up the
teachers' experiences, strengthen and improve ideological education in
teaching, and improve the quality of teaching in an all-round way.
CSO: 4004/21
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THE INDIVIDUALITY OF CREATION AND THE SPIRIT OF THE TIMES
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 41-44
[Article by Li Zhongyue [2621 0022 1471]]
[Text] Since the smashing of the "gang of four," and especially since the
3d Plenary Session of the 11th CCP Central Committee, the vast numbers of
literary and art workers have, under the guidance of the line laid down at
the third plenary session, smashed the fetters of leftist literary and
artistic ideological trends, restored and fostered the realist tradition in
literature and art, dared to look life in the eye, think independently, and
carry out bold innovations. They have paid closer attention to using their
own unique individuality of creation to reflect the objective truth of life
and express people's thoughts, feelings and aspirations, thus enabling a
lively scene to emerge in the field of socialist literature and art. The
rapid progress that our country has achieved within just a few years in
literature and art is worthy of conscientious study and scientific summation,
so as to promote the even healthier development of socialist literature and
art. However, we must not fail to recognize that, when it comes to the
question of how to deal with certain works at present, certain individual
comrades have put forth erroneous theories and views. For example, they
emphasize that artists should only display "the emotions, vicissitudes and
spiritual world of the individual." "They do not need to stoop so low as to
act as the mouthpiece of the spirit of the times" and "they do not need to
stoop so low as to show the great achievements that lie outside the world of
personal emotions," and "should even avoid these by writing about the experi-
ences and heroic struggles of characters that we have grown accustomed to
and by describing scenes of selfless labor." Furthermore, they put forth
this erroneous view as a "new aesthetic principle." This brings up the
question of how to understand the individuality of creation, the relationship
between the individuality of creation and the times, and the relationship
between the individuality of creation and the reflection of the lives, strug-
gles, thoughts and emotions of the masses. We should realize that, since
this is put forth explicitly as an "aesthetic principle," it is necessary to
discuss the problem of the relationship between the individuality of crea-
tion and the spirit of the times.
Does literary and art creation call for an individuality of creation on the
part of the artist? The answer is yes. Literary and art creation is
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complicated individual mental labor. Literature and art provide a means for
people to become masters of the world. Its characteristic is that of using
concrete artistic images which are capable of arousing emotions to reflect
the substance and generality of life. Its special point is to adopt the
thinking, emotions, personality, encounters and fate of man--man who is at
the center of social relationships--as the main object of understanding and
description, and then, through the object described, to proceed to unfold a
complicated, abundant picture of a particular time that is full of contra-
dictions and struggles. This means that literature and art clearly possess
the characteristic of sentiment. As for the source of the so-called desire
to create, this is not to be found in any abstract concept or fixed theme,
because it is the result of the contradictions and conflicts of life, the
thoughts and emotions of characters, the generality (universality) obtained
by characters from the social environment which they find themselves in and
the particular character (individual style) with which they display this
generality, reacting on the thoughts and emotions of the artist and eliciting
strong sympathy. On the whole, in the course of creating, the artist has
merely placed the object that he has described in a particular temporal,
social and class environment and devoted his efforts to describing the
special character of the thoughts, emotions, morals and conduct which it
possesses. It is only in this way that he is able to write true-to-life,
vivid and evocative artistic images, or we might say that artists can bring
their description of artistic images to the level of clarity and vividness.
This means that artists must bring into play what they have accumulated
during their lives, proceed from their experiences in life and emotional
experiences, spread the wings of their imagination, penetrate the innermost
thoughts and feelings of the characters and empathize with them, so that the
artists will have a deep knowledge and mastery of unity of the social sub-
stance and special character of the object described. It is precisely in
the course of this vivid inner understanding and empathy that the artist, on
the one hand, acquires an ever-deepening feeling for and understanding of
the thoughts and emotions of characters and accurately and profoundly masters
the unity of the social substance and personalities of the characters, and,
on the other hand, endows his characters with some of his own thoughts, emo-
tions, feelings and experiences (which are also restricted by a specific
temporal, social and class environment). We can see that every artistic
image created by an artist mirrors his own individual assessment of the
social politics, morality and aesthetics of the things described by him, and
these are brought out by his own unique artistic style and devices. There-
fore, from content to form, works of literature and art are bound to clearly
bring out the individuality of the artist. These include the artist's own
individual feelings, experiences and knowledge of social life, the sum total
of his own individual psychological characteristics (including personality,
pastimes, interests, morals, mental qualities and cultivation), as well as
his own individual way of thinking in images and mode of expression. True
works of literature and art cannot help bringing out the individuality of
the artist. Most narrative works are like this, not to mention the creation
of lyrical works with a strong flavor of "I" (lyric poetry, lyric art,
lyric music, lyric dance, lyric prose and so forth).
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Since literary and art creation is inseparable from the artist's individuality
of creation, what and how the artist writes must be governed by his indi-
viduality. He can only select subjects suited to his individuality and things
with which he is familiar, which he truly has a unique feeling for and knowl-
edge of and which he really is worked up about. It is only in this way that
he can display his strong points and avoid his weak ones, achieve a degree
of proficiency and, by calling on his wealth of imagination, create true-to-
life, evocative, and original works of literature and art. The artist is
best able to feel for subject matter and characters that he is interested in.
What things he will be good at understanding and in respect of which he will
have unique views and discoveries, and on what things he will best be able
to use his artistic imagination, are not determined simply by directives
from the executive or by other people's orders, but.by the artist's direct
or indirect experience of life, thoughts and emotions, temperament and char-
acter, cultural knowledge, aesthetic tastes and artistic values. Just as
there are never two completely identical leaves in the world, so the indi-
viduality of creation varies from artist to artist. It is also precisely
their uniqueness and originality, the feature that distinguishes them from
others in their creation, in other words, their individuality of creation,
which enables true works of literature and art to possess inimitable charac-
teristics. They always display new discoveries and openings in life, thus.
enabling the world of literature and art to be eternally resplendent with
brightness and color.
It can be said that all the outstanding works and lively and evocative
artistic images that have emerged in large numbers in the world of socialist
literature in our country in recent years were closely related to the unique
feelings and knowledge of life of their authors. Characters in works about
the industrial battlefront include Jiang Zilong's factory manager Qiao
("Factory Manager Qiao Assumes Office"), Zong Fuxian's and He Guofu's Luo
Xingang ("Blood Is Always Hot") and Shui Yunxian's Fu Lianshan ("Domestic
Strife"). Characters in works about rural life include Gao Xiaosheng's Chen
Huansheng ("Chen Huansheng Goes to Town"), He Shiguang's Feng Yaoba ("On the
Farm") and Zhang Yigong's Li Tongzhong ("Story of the Convict Li Tongzhong").
As for characters in works about cadres, Zhang Siyuan in "Butterfly" is
radically different from Che Pengkuan in "Pioneer." As for characters in
works about intellectuals, both Lu Wenting in "When One Reaches Middle Age"
and Mei Puti in "Wedlock" possess their own characteristics. As for works on
youth, women and armymen, these are all full of variety and differ consid-
erably from each other in their forms. It is precisely these artistic images,
which are rich in substance, that, from different angles and profiles and by
reflecting certain inevitable demands made by real life concerning substance
and historical development, constitute a new trend in socialist literary and
art creations of the new period. Therefore, respecting and caring for the
developing of the individuality of creation of artists is one of the basic
premises for developing a flourishing socialist literature and art. Without
the uniqueness and originality in creation of artists, there can be no true
artistic creation and development.
Creation calls for individuality. However, the individuality to be found in
literature and art is definitely not the manifestation of the. artist's own
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individual subjective spirit or his own narrow "self-expression." Why? As
has been said before, it is only when the artist has acquired a deep under-
standing and mastery of the unity of the general and specific character of
the object described that he can create a clear and vivid artistic image.
That is one side of the coin. The other side is that the artist's own indi-
viduality of creation is not innate, but formed and developed in the environ-
ment of a particular period, society and class. The feelings, experiences
and understanding that the artist has in regard to social life, the sum total
of his psychological traits, the characteristics of his thinking in images
and mode of expression--all constitute the key elements of his own indi-
viduality of creation and were all formed and developed under specific social
and historical conditions and through personally experienced social practice.
Even the artist's individual physiological qualities and the physiological
base that constitutes his individuality are not only acquired by him at birth
but also acquired, developed or lost in later life under the historical con-
ditions of society. If we separate the spirit of the times from the indi-
viduality of creation for the sake of opposing the transformation of litera-
ture and art into a mere mouthpiece of the spirit of the times, and regard
literary and art creations merely as narrow "self-expression," we are bound
to degenerate into the evil individualization of divorcing ourselves from
the times and from the people. Furthermore, this individualization is
basically not determined by the will of the individual, but by the historical
development of the objective world. It will then be the product of the social
phenomenon of a current going against the trend of history.
In essence, the relationship between the individuality of creation and the
spirit of the times is the relationship between the subjective world and the
objective world and between individuals and the community. Gorky once said,
"An artist is a man who is good at refining his own subjective impression and
deriving from it objective things of universal significance. He is also good
at expressing his concepts in his own way." ("Gorky on Literature," compiled
by Lin Huanping, p 6) An important criterion for an artist is that he must be
good at expressing his concepts in his own way and, what is even more impor-
tant, be good at analyzing and refining his own subjective impression,
deriving from it material which conforms with reality and has the universality
and significance of inevitability, and expressing it.
Undoubtedly, anything subjective is in essence a reflection of the objective.
Nevertheless, not all subjective things correctly reflect the objective.
Likewise, not all subjective experiences and understandings of an artist have
the same value and significance. We cannot say that each subjective experi
ence and impression of an artist or any characteristic of his subjective side
is reasonable and valuable and is worthy of affirmation and manifestation.
The reasonability and inevitability of individuality of creation lie exactly
in that it is a concrete and unique form of reflection of the objective
social contents that have universality and are of the significance of
inevitability. Only if the artist's subjective experience or the difference
of individuality is at the same time the unique reflection and manifestation
of objective social content can it constitute the true individuality of crea-
tion. This means that it should be one's "own" unique experience and under-
standing and at the same time it should be able to reflect and express
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objective social contents of universal significance. Therefore, the value of
"self" in artistic creation does not lie in showing one's unique experience
and unique expression alone. What is of decisive significance is whether the.
unique experience and expression reflect, and to what degree they reflect, the
objective reality of life, express the thoughts and feelings of the masses and
embody the inevitable demands of history and the times. People who do not
analyze or refine their own subjectivity, who are content with expressing
their trivial desires and narrow thoughts and feelings, and who regard the
individuality of creation as something purely subjective, individual and
wishful, are in fact not respecting and advocating the individuality of
creation. On the contrary, they are sabotaging the individuality of creation
and artistic talent. This kind of "self" has nothing to do with true indi-
viduality of creation and has no objective aesthetic value no matter how loud
the calls for it are or how unique the expression of it is.
The reason why the "new principle of aesthetics" is not correct is that it
one-sidedly stresses an artist's "self-expression," cuts off and denies the
flesh-and-blood relationship between the artist and society, the times and
the people, and turns literature and art into a pure individual undertaking.
Just imagine: if an artist adopts an indifferent attitude toward social
life and the people's labor and struggle as being "not within the realm of
self-expression" and regards them as "not requiring the least of his atten-
tion" and only seeks, and is given to "secrets of life which are embedded in
the heart"--no matter whether these "secrets" in the heart are manifesta-
tions of individual subjective spirit--how can these "secrets" constitute
the true individuality of creation which coincide with the times and the
needs of appreciation of beauty by the masses and which remain unique to
him? Since this kind of individuality excludes and is divorced from the
needs of the times and the people, it unavoidably appears in obscure forms
which are difficult to understand and reveal ambiguous views toward social
life, blur and present illusory sentiments and adopt a wavering attitude.
This so-called individuality of creation--if it can be regarded as such--is'
merely a pale manifestation of the lack of thoughts and of being weak in
willpower and cold in feelings. It is the product of shutting oneself up
in one's inner world and setting oneself apart from the people's life. This
path of creation will only result in one's losing artistic vitality. If a
person engaged in artistic creation adopts an indifferent attitude toward
the seething real life and toward the people's struggle, thoughts and feel-
ings, he cannot master life and participate in a struggle. He cannot even
be an observer. Much less is he worthy of the name of artist!
In artistic production, it is the people's needs that play a decisive role.
In the final analysis, the value and function of literature and art is to
reflect the nature of life by means of individualized forms so that the
people will obtain from them ideals, confidence, strength and orientation;
it is to meet the people's needs of appreciation of beauty; and it is to help
the people to push history forward. No matter whether an artist has
realized this, the receptivity of his work always depends on whether it
meets the needs of the people in a specific society. The formation of his
individuality of creation can never be separated from the demands and influ-
ence of the times. The history of the development of literature and art has
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repeatedly proved: "The more outstanding a poet is, the more he belongs to
the society in which he has been brought up and the closer is his talent's
development, inclination and even characteristics linked with the historical
development of the society." ("V. G. Belinskiy on Literature," p 22) On the
contrary, "The moment a man's relationship with this world has reached such
a state that he regards 'self' as 'the sole reality,' he has inevitably become
an out-and-out pauper in thought." (G. V. Plekhanov, "A Letter Without an
Address--Art and Social Life," p 274) Therefore, the strength of the indi-
viduality of creation can only come from the flesh-and-blood relationship
between an artist and the times and the people. Only by placing himself in
the current of the people and the times and continuously absorbing the
strength of feelings and thoughts can an artist's individuality of creation
become vital, profound and powerful. If a socialist artist drowns himself in
a secluded corner deep in his heart of "self" and cuts himself off from the
"arteries" and the "umbilical cord" of the times and the people, his talent
and individuality will certainly wane and wither for lack of nourishment from
the people and life, and his feelings and thoughts will certainly become
radical, odd and fantastic for lack of corrections by social practice. To an
artist, what is more dangerous than losing the ability of creation? In the
past few years, there have been a very small number of writers who strive to
use fantastic plots and write things to stimulate sensuality. Vulgar and
cheap aesthetic interest and serious distortions of real life are found in
their works. The reason this has occurred is that the relationship between
these writers and the times and people has deviated from the cause of social-
ist literature and art.
We are socialist writers and artists. Serving the people and serving social-
ism is the firm and unshakable orientation and the sacred mission of each
literary and art worker. At present, our country has entered a new histori-
cal period of carrying out overall socialist modernization. In this period,
there are numerous new things and new contradictions which artists have to
familiarize themselves with and study. In particular, under the present con-
dition with numerous intricate and complex thoughts and social contradictions,
writers and artists are faced with the central task of correctly understanding
themselves and correctly understanding the times so that they can correctly
and penetratingly reflect the times and manifest the spirit of the times.
This arduous and glorious task demands that artists foster a richer and more
powerful individuality which meets the needs of the times and the people. In
order to achieve this, it is imperative to get deeply involved with the new
life and practice, to participate in the great struggle of the masses for
building the four modernizations, and to more seriously analyze our own
experiences and impressions while seeking and discovering our subjective
experiences and impressions of life in order to find out how much we fall
short of the needs of the people and the demands of the times. In other
words, in the course of reforming the objective world, we must continuously
reform our own subjective world so that our individuality of creation can
develop and can be improved and we can truly become the natural bearer of the
spirit of the times and the people's will. This requires that artists should
seriously study and grasp Marxism-Leninism-Mao Zedong Thought, and not the
opposite. This should be the only correct road for the formation of a revolu-
tionary artist's basic quality and his individuality of creation.
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The people are the mother of literary and art workers. Let us "consciously
draw source material, themes, plots, language, and idyllic flavor from the
people's lives and nurture ourselves with the people's spirit of working
witha will to create history"; we hope that the individuality of creation
of artists becomes the accent of the times and the resonant echo of the
people's sentiments and desires and not merely the nurse of artists' souls.
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.THE CYCLE OF REPRODUCTION AND THE CHARACTERISTICS OF ECONOMIC CRISES IN
POSTWAR CAPITALISM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 pp 45-48
[Article by Xiong Xingmei [3574 1840 5019]]
[Text] The development of basic contradictions in capitalism determines the
regularity of the cyclical movement of capitalist reproduction and the
inevitability of periodic eruption of economic crises. However, in the
course of capitalist development, manifestations and specific forms of the
periodic process in social reproduction and of economic crises varies under
different historic conditions. Since World War II, the scientific and tech-
nological revolution has greatly developed. It has brought about tremendous
changes in the national economic structure in many capitalist countries.
Nonproductive economic sectors have expanded; economic relations among states
or among groups of states have grown rapidly. At the same time, the major
capitalist states have strengthened their intervention in the economy. In
particular, they have tried by all possible means to increase investment and
consumption so as to enlarge market capacity. These new conditions exert a
great influence on the supply of goods and services in contemporary capitalist
society. Thus, the reproduction cycle and economic crises have different
characteristics from those in the past.
The Four Stages of a Cycle Are Not as Distinct as in the Past
After a certain stage in the development of capitalism, reproduction is
marked by cycles. After a crisis, through depression, recovery and upsurge,
conditions for a new crisis are prepared.
Under the conditions of state monopoly capitalism, the four stages do not
replace one another in a clear-cut order; the unique and distinctive charac-
teristics of each individual stage have become vaguer than before. This is
one of the new characteristics. Fluctuations between different stages are
becoming smaller, with partial crises and stagnation often interrupting a
certain stage. This results from the fact that states make their day-to-day
(short-term) economic regulations in accordance with the development of this
cycle: when the economy is brisk, by reducing the expenditure on social
security and the like and by increasing taxes to increase revenue, states can
concentrate funds; when depression arises, by reducing taxes and increasing
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social security and other government expenditures, these funds can be infused
into:the economy again to stimulate effective demand. If this redistribution
of funds does not restrain the economy from declining, the state will further
increase expenditure, implement deficit financing and artificially create
purchasing power. The continual state regulation of market demands can cer-
tainly exert a huge influence on the cyclical process.
It is not easy to distinguish the stages of depression and recovery. They
are often replaced by slow resergence or production fluctuations. This
phenomenon mainly arises from credit expansion and other financial measures
pursued by major capitalist states when the economy is tending toward a
decline. Sometimes, retrenchment measures are imposed immediately after
strong stimulation to prevent so-called "economic overheating." To a cer-
tain extent, this results in temporary stagnation and fluctuations which
interrupt the regular interchange of different stages in a cycle. As an
obvious example, in the mid-1960's, production fluctuations occurred fre-
quently in the course of economic growth in the West European countries;
unstable low speed growth and production stagnation occurred alternately
after . crises .
Simultaneity and Nonsimultaneity Appear Alternately in Economic Crises
In the period of nonmonopoly capitalism, along with the development of
world markets and the formation of a world capitalist economic system,
unified cyclical activity of capitalist reproduction was an increasingly
obvious tendency. Eruptions of economic crises in major capitalist coun-
tries tended to be relatively simultaneous. After capitalism entered the
monopoly stage, international capital relations were further strengthened,
but crises occurring in major capitalist countries were still obviously
simultaneous.
Under the conditions of contemporary capitalism, there are two important
factors simultaneously playing roles in the cyclical activity of reproduc-
tion. Along with the further internationalization of production and capital,
economic ties between states and areas have been strengthened to an unprece-
dented degree. At the same time, along with the development of state
monopoly capitalism and strengthened state intervention in the economy,
monopoly regulation has also continually exerted influence on the cyclical
process. Both these forces influence social reproduction and give rise to
the following results: On one hand, economic crises in the capitalist coun-
tries vary in all aspects--they are different in intensity, in timing and in
their duration. On the other hand, in analyzing the capitalist world as a
whole, unified capitalist cycles still exist and an economic crisis has not
lost its universality.
After World War II, five worldwide economic crises occurred in the capitalist
world.
The first crisis occurred in the early postwar period. The degree of wartime
destruction in capitalist countries and their progress in reconstruction
varied greatly, thus resulting in greatly different cyclical processes in
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capitalist reproduction. An economic crisis occurred in 1948-1949 in the
United States, and in West Europe and Japan a crisis occurred in 1951-1952.
All of them had the characteristics of postwar periods but they were obvi-
ously not concurrent.
The second crisis occurred in 1957-1958. It was a concurrent worldwide
economic crisis which covered a broad scope.
The third occurred in the 1960's. After the upsurge of large-scale invest-
ment in fixed capital in the early 1960's, industrial production declined
and a crisis-like stagnation occurred one after another in France, West
Germany, Japan and Britain in the mid-1960's. In the United States, there
was also production stagnation in 1966, but along with the escalation of
the Vietnam war, huge amounts of military expenditure propped up the U.S.
economy and postponed the eruption of the crisis until 1969. The non-
simultaneity of this worldwide crisis was very pronounced.
The fourth was the economic crisis storm in 1974-1975, which was aggravated
by the eruption of the oil crisis which engulfed the entire capitalist world.
It was a concurrent worldwide economic crisis of the gravest degree since
the big crisis in the 1930's and since the capitalist states strengthened
their intervention in the economy.
The fifth crisis was reflected in the slowdown of economic growth since
1979 and the prevailing economic decline and stagnation since 1980 in the
major capitalist countries. In the EEC countries, industrial production
declined for four seasons running; unemployment increased sharply and
chalked up postwar records. This worldwide economic crisis affects the
entire West but has hit especially hard the West European countries. Its
concurrency is rather noticeable.
It should be pointed out that the worldwide economic crisis is of a universal
nature. During the periods of 1953-1954, 1960-1961 and 1970-1971, phenomena
such as industry declining and unemployment rapidly increasing occurred in a
small number of capitalist countries. But they can be considered as only
partial crises.
To sum up, from the end of World War II up to now, the five worldwide eco-
nomic crises in the major capitalist countries occurred in alternation con-
currently and inconcurrently. Together with several partial crises, they
form a united activity in the cycle of postwar capitalist reproduction.
The Impact of Economic Crises Becomes Relatively Weaker
Another characteristic of economic crises in the contemporary capitalist
world is that their impact is becoming relatively weaker. No crisis as
grave as the one in 1929-1933 has arisen since World War II.
In this period, although economic crises and stagnation did occur in the
capitalist countries, they were not as serious as those before the war, and
generally, their durations were shorter. This is mainly the result of the
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fact that, under the conditions of state monopoly capitalism, regulatory
measures imposed by the governments not only stimulate market capacity,
but also artificially create demand, thus weakening, and sometimes greatly
mitigating, the impact of the crisis on the economy.
Second, the great influence of scientific and technological revolution on the
cyclical nature of the economy cannot be neglected. The major capitalist
states have strengthened their intervention in the economy, thus bringing
about a great advance in the scientific and technological. revolution. Newly
developing industrial sectors have arisen one after another. These new
industries do not take the same course in their development. Industrial
sectors such as the war industry, space industry and nuclear power industry
mainly rely on the state market, and their economic activities are rela-
tively stable. Even in the periods of economic stagnation, chemical, petro-
chemical and electronics industries are still able to expand business and
exports. Although the degree of their influence on the cyclical process
differs, the rise and development of these new industrial sectors forces
the proportion of the old sectors in the economy to shrink day by day and
creates various new market demands. Thus, the effects of the economic
crises have been relatively small.
In addition, owing to the great efforts by the countries to expand credit,
the production of and markets for durable consumer goods have been increas-
ingly expanded. These commodities gradually lose their values in the course
of consumption. This is similar in some ways to the consumption of produc-
tion equipment and machinery. But the renewal of durable consumer goods
often differs in timing from the renewal of industrial fixed capital. This
is conducive to mitigating the fluctuations in reproduction periods.
Furthermore, both the continuous growth of postwar international trade and
the rapid development of transnational companies since the 1960's are con-
ducive to monopoly capital expanding foreign markets abroad and to shifting
crises onto others. Of course, we cannot overlook the tremendous damage
many Third World countries have sustained as a result.
Finally, the nonsimultaneity of some crisis eruptions in major capitalist
countries can also, to a certain extent, mitigate the impact and severity
of the economic crisis.
Under the conditions of state monopoly capitalism, the impact of economic
crises is becoming weaker. But this does not mean the negative effect of
the overproduction crisis law relating to the basic contradictions of capi-
talism is tending to vanish. This negative effect manifests itself in
other ways.
In contemporary capitalism, states unceasingly strengthen their anticyclical
regulatory measures; monopoly organizations also greatly strengthen their
control over marketing and production of some important commodities. At the
same time, they improve business forecasts and correspondingly adopt new
management techniques to regulate enterprise production and stocks. Under
these conditions, severe overproduction seldom results in the former measures
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of large-scale destruction of production equipment and the discarding of
commodities. It mainly manifests itself in the idleness of a large amount
of production capacity. Stalin pointed out in the 1930's that the extremely
low utilization of capacity had become a frequent phenomenon. Since, in
btate monopoly capitalism, states try by all means to expand markets and
major companies also continually regulate their production and stock, there
is a chronic phenomena in which the utilization of capacity is frequently
and extremely low. In the periods of postwar crises, the utilization of
capacity in the U.S. manufacturing industry declined to 70-80 percent; even
in noncrisis years, the utilization was generally only 80-85 percent; but
the amount of commodity stock was much lower than in the 1930's.
Economic Crises and Monetary Crises Erupt Simultaneously and Mix With Each
Other
The most noticeable manifestation of the contemporary monetary crisis is the
wide-ranging and severe inflation. On the one hand, major capitalist states
have been implementing the Keynesian financial policies of expanding credit,
which have resulted in increasingly severe inflation in these countries. On
the other hand, money devaluation in these countries has affected their
money value stability vis-a-vis other currencies. Besides this, over a long
period of time, the United States took advantage of the privileged position
that the U.S. dollar had gained in the world monetary system to export infla-
tion, thus bringing about worldwide inflation.
When the gold standard came into effect in monopoly capitalism, the simul-
taneous eruption of economic and monetary crises often shocked the credit
system and resulted in the bankruptcy of a large number of banks. In state
monopoly capitalism, despite the fact that inflation has become more and
more frequent and severe, and has interacted with the economic crisis as
they occurred simultaneously, the banking system has not been seriously
threatened. During the economic crisis of 1974-1975, bank bankruptcies
occurred in the Western countries and involved some major banks in the
United States and in West Europe. But the scope and severity of the crisis
were far less than the financial storm in the big crisis of the 1930's. The
reason that the crisis of 1974-1975 was far less intense than the crisis of
the 1930's is the state's intervention in the financial industry: at that
time, the central banks of the eight West European countries, the United
States and Japan reached an agreement to make all efforts to rescue the com-
mercial banks which had sunk into dire straits. At the same time, the
improvement of their banking system, including the deposit insurance system,
also helped a lot.
Contemporary monetary crises also take the form of international financial
crises. This is reflected in the instability of the currencies of capitalist
countries, first of all of the U.S. dollar, in the gradual disintegration of
the international monetary system of which the U.S. dollar was at the center,
and in the resulting disturbance and disorder of international financial
business.
The international monetary system centering on the U.S. dollar was founded on
the agreement of major capitalist states. By this arrangement, state monopoly
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capitalism of these countries could be united to administer and control the
capitalist monetary system on a worldwide basis. Under this arrangement, the
U.S. dollar functioned as the intermediary between gold and other currencies.
This'system was based on the condition that the United States was very strong
both politically and economically. Along with the U.S. economic position
declining and the appearance of its adverse balance of international pay-
ments, the U.S. dollar's status as the monetary system basis of the entire
capitalist world was ruined; its gold reserves unceasingly flowed out. At
the same time, along with its ceaseless devaluation, the external credit of
the U.S. dollar was also shaken. Since the early 1960's, the U.S. dollar
has experienced frequent crises. However, these monetary crises were not
manifested in runs on gold or on banks, but rather in the panic rush to pur-
chase gold and other currencies on the international financial market far
away from U.S. territory. Despite the all-out efforts of the United States
to maintain the strength of the U.S. dollar, its official external price
differed increasingly from its internal price and its maintenance at least
became impossible. In August 1971, the U.S. dollar ceased being exchange-
able for gold. In 1973, almost all the Western industrial countries aban-
doned fixed exchange rates and adopted floating rates. This marked the final
disintegration of the international monetary system centering on the U.S.
dollar. It also showed the limitations of the united measures of state
monopoly capitalism.
Since the floating exchange rates went into effect in Western countries,
exchange rates of their currencies and gold price are decided by the rela-
tionship between supply and demand, and are also affected and regulated by
political, economic and other factors, thus changing frequently and in a -
disorderly way. For example, the price of gold jumped from $37 per ounce in
1971 to over $800 in early 1980. After that, owing to the high U.S. interest
rates and other factors, the gold price dropped sharply again. Disorderly
fluctuations of currency exchange rates and gold prices demonstrated the
partial failure of the efforts of international state monopoly capitalism to
establish a stable monetary system worldwide, thus causing disturbance and
disorder to the circulation of international short-term funds and to finan-
cial business. That is the substance and typical manifestation of inter-
national financial crises since the disintegration of the international
monetary system centering on the U.S. dollar.
Economic crises and inflation mutually restrict each other. But inflation
and international financial crises interact--they intensify each other. The
fact that these three factors mingle with each other and occur simultaneously
reflects the severity of economic crises under the conditions of state
monopoly capitalism.
In recent years, in the major capitalist countries industrial production
growth has slowed or even stagnated, unemployment has drastically increased,
and together with striking price rises, these have generally been called
"stagflation" in the West. This is the most pronounced characteristic in
the cyclical process of capitalist reproduction. In general, countries
bogged down in "stagflation" can never for a minute lose their government's
support by intervention and the financial credit lever which prevent economic
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crises from worsening; neither can drastic measures of expansion be taken to
stimulate rapid economic growth, for they will cause prices to rise uncon-
trollably. Thus these countries are often locked in a dilemma.
These comprehensive economic phenomena in the capitalist world appeared in
the late 1960's and became prominent in the early 1970's. Over the entire
1970's, they further developed. Not only have they become prevalent in the
capitalist world, but they are also regular phenomena in every individual
stage of the capitalist cycle. They demonstrate an inevitable tendency in
the development of state monopoly capitalism.
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A FEW SUGGESTIONS FOR IMPROVING THE AGRICULTURAL PRODUCTION RESPONSIBILITY
SYSTEM
Beijing RED FLAG in Chinese No 1, 1 Jan 82 inside back cover
[Article by Yu Yaozhong [0151 6540 0022] of Huai'an, Jiangsu Province]
[Text] How should the agricultural production responsibility system be
gradually improved? I have a few suggestions, as follows:
1. The forms of the responsibility system must be relatively stable.
Premature "finalization" is of course undesirable, but relative stability is
essential. The responsibility system established through fully democratic
discussions in accordance with the wishes of the masses which suits the
actual condition of the localities and the production brigades and production
teams, no matter what form it takes, should be relatively stabilized. There
is now an argument that "full assignment of responsibility is full emancipa-
tion of the mind, linking remuneration with output is semi-emancipation of
the mind and fixed-quota management is not emancipation of the mind" spread-
ing far and wide in some places. This has disturbed the production brigades
which are practicing the production responsibility system of linking remunera-
tion with output and the system of short-term work contracts so that they do
not know what course to take. Owing to diverse and confused opinions and
hesitations about what to do and what not to do, some localities have to
switch from one form of the responsibility system to another: fixing quotas
for each group in winter, fixing quotas for each household in summer and
giving full assignment of responsibility another try after autumn. The con-
stantly changed forms of the responsibility system and changeable minds of
the commune members have become a "bodhisattva in a water vat--an indeter-
minate god." Therefore, to stabilize the forms of the responsibility system
and set people's minds at rest is not only the wish of the masses but also
the foundation for improving the responsibility system.
2. The production teams must not be "empty-handed teams."
By the term "empty-handed teams," I mean that the means of production of the
collective economy have all been shared out and the production items under
collective operation have all been handed out. The emergence of the "empty-
handed teams" is the result of failing to have an all-round understanding of
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the implementation of the production responsibility system. It must be cor-
rectly realized that the implementation of the production responsibility
system is aimed at mobilizing the enthusiasm of both the collective and the
individual, expanding production, strengthening the collective economy and
improving the livelihood of commune members. For this reason, the mobiliza-
tion of the enthusiasm of the collective and the expansion and the strengthen-
ing of the collective economy must not be ignored.
3., The tendency toward extravagant eating and drinking must be checked.
It goes without saying that it is a good thing to give mutual aid in rush
seasons. But in the summer harvest season this year, some localities treated
those whom they invited to help as guests. They busied themselves in buying
fish, pork and greens and in serving rich dinners to the guests. Furthermore
the peasant households vied with one another in serving dinners to their
guests, and they had to spend at least 10 to 20 yuan, or even 20 to 30 yuan,
in this way. Some people hold that so long as the grain and property of the
collective are not eaten or spent, there should be no interference in the
practice of mutual aid and the give-and-take among commune members, which is
called "dragonflies eating their own tails." This opinion is not correct.
We must encourage mutual exchange of labor, display the spirit of coopera-
tion, be industrious and thrifty in managing a household, and run all under-
takings in an industrious and economical way.
4. Output must be honestly reported.
There has been an argument that "one must not be vague on the part within
the fixed quotas under a contract, but it is justifiable for one not to be
so strict on the portion in excess of output quotas under a contract." For
this reason, some localities took the fixed targets in a contract as the
real output of this year's summer grain output, excluding the portion in
excess of output quotas under a contract. This is mainly because they are
afraid that the state will raise the purchase base because "when the river
rises the boat goes up." It is imperative to be realistic and practical in
this respect. The results of production should neither be exaggerated nor
denied. Particularly in the first year when the production responsibility
system was introduced, whether the work in reporting the output is done well
has a bearing on the work in the coming years. If things are not done well
in the first year, then they will be repeated in the second year because
there is a precedent. So it is important for the departments concerned to
seriously implement the principle that the state purchase base must not be
changed for 5 years once it is fixed.
5. Cadres must concern themselves with the affairs of the collective.
Now there is a false impression among some cadres. They hold that "with the
responsibility system, the cadres have nothing important left to do. With
the heavy load being shouldered by everyone, the cadres feel they can have a
breathing spell." The masses of commune members feel very anxious about this
state of affairs and say: "Brigade cadres are hard to find, team cadres are
devious; when problems are encountered no one knows what to do." This is
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because, since the implementation of the production responsibility system,
new conditions and new problems have emerged which call for timely study.
The masses of commune members urgently ask the cadres to strengthen leader-
ship,'do more work and find solutions to problems. For this purpose, the
cadres at various levels, primarily brigade and production team cadres, must
regard the whole farmland of the brigades and teams as their own responsi-
bility plots and rack their brains and take an interest in the affairs of the
masses of commune members instead of setting their eyes only on their own
responsibility plots.
6. Financial control must be tightened.
The financial affairs of some production teams are not in order, a condi-
tion about which the masses of commune members have made many complaints.
They say that they would rather suffer losses in the open than suffer losses
in the dark. By the term losses in the dark, we mean such problems as con-
fused financial affairs, unplanned and wanton increases in expenditures and
subsidies, waste in doing things, corruption and embezzlement of public
funds, and the practice of taking more than one's share. In a certain sense,
in the matter of improving the production responsibility system, the masses
of commune members pay most attention to the democratic financial work.
Therefore, it is necessary to rectify the financial work and tighten finan-,
cial control.
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