NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 91; URUGUAY; THE SOCIETY
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CONFIDENTIAL
9110 s is
Uruguay.
March 1974
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURV
CONFIDENTIAL
NO FOREIGN DISSEM
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0
WARNING
The NIS is National intelligence and may not be re-
leased or Aown to representatives of any foreign govern-
ment or international body except by specific authorization
of the Direct >rw of Central Intelligence in accordance with
the provisions of National Security Council IntelligencS Di-
restive No. 1.
For NIS coniJining unclassified material, however, the
pooions sQ marked may be made available for official pur-
AV to foreign nationals and nongovernment personnel
IV provided no attribution is made to National intelligence or
the National Intelligence Survey.
Subsections and graphics are individually classified
according to content. Classification /control designo-
Lions are:
(U /OU) Unclassified/ For Official Use Only
(r) Confidential
(S) Secret
t
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14 celil 0 xy
Page
Page
Page
D. Living and working conditions
12
E. Relig;br,
26
1. Health and sanitation
14
F. Education
29
2. Diet and nutrition
17
V
Fig, 17
3. Housing
18
G. Artistic aid cultural expression
33
4. Work opportunities end conditions
20
H. Public information
38
a. The people od work
20
14
Fig. 7
b. Labor legislation
22
1. Printed matter
38
c. Labor and management
23
2. Radio, television, and motion pictures
39
S. Social security
24
1. Selected bibliography
41
a. Social insurance
24
Fig. 12
Representative dwellings photos)
b. Welfare services
26
Glossary
42
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Fig. 1
Representative Urugaayans (photos)
4
Fig. 2
Vital rates (chart)
8
Fig. 3
'rayJ- density (map)
10
Fig. 4
Population, area, and population
V
Fig, 17
density, by department table)
11
Fig. S
Age-sex structure, Uruguay and the
31
Fig. 18
United States (chart)
12
Fig, 6
Monthly family income (chart)
14
Fig. 7
Cartoon criticizing inflation photo)
1.=)
Fig. 8
Consumer price index (chart)
15
Fig. S'
Rural health program worker (photo)
15
Fig. 10
Medical care facilities (phc ^os)
16
Fig. 11
Ouidoor market (photo)
18
Fig. 12
Representative dwellings photos)
19
Fig. 13
Women in the labor force photos)
22
Fig. 14
Girls making their first communion
,photo)
28
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Fig, 15
Literacy of the population age 8 and
over (table)
29
Fig. 16
Educational attainment sof the
population age 8 and over chart)
V
Fig, 17
Enrollment in educational institutions
(table)
31
Fig. 18
Cathedrdl of Montevideo (photo)
36
Fig. 19
Modern apartment in Montevideo
(photo)
36
Fig, 20
Painting by Juan Manuel Blanes
(photo) I
37
Fig. 21
Painting, by Joaquin Torres Garcia
(photo)
37
Fig. 22
Carlos Paez '4ilaro with painting
photo)
37
Fig. 23
principal dai ?y newspapers,
Montevideo (table)
40
Fig. 24
Newsstand in Montevideo photo)
40
ii
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A. Introduction (U /OU)
The Republic of Uruguay, containing a horrtogene-
ous, largely urban society with no unassimilated
Indian minority and few class conflicts, has been
outstanding among the countries of South America
during most of the 20th century for its political
stability, democratic institutions, and social progress.
rarty in the century, President Jose Ratlle y Ordoncz
(1003.07 and 191 1 -15) instituted ri(lical reforms in the
Political, economic, and social life of the nation and
established what has been described as the first welfare
state in the Americas. Uruguay in fact preceded many
European countries in the adoption of liberal
measures, including religio :as toleration, universal
suffrage, equality for women, free educe lion, and a
camprelicnsive social security system covering most of
the working population. Since the tr;3s1 195Ws,
however, the society has been beset, by naiiiunti
problems and has suffered from_ foeirsective
government. Severe inflation, cconom1. ;nation,
high unemployment, and a decline in levels of living
have been accompanied by increasing.disillusionment
among the geacral public and rising discontent
evidenced by labor strikes and student agitation.
Seeking to exploit the dissatisfaction, the Marxist
oriented National Liberation Movement MLN)
began to engage in dramatic acts of urban terrorism in
the late 19W5.
Since 1068 the government hp!; achieved some
reduction in the rate of inflation through fiscal
austerity measures and has inudc an effort, albeit
largely unsuccessful, to streamline the bureaucracy, as
positions and functions have multiplied out of control
;is a result of a long tradition of political patronage.
But no regent administration has actively 1w.,sued tha
basic tusks of stimulating the economy and reforming
the social security and vublir welfare systems. which
involve a multiplicity of :agencies and are subject to
widespread abuses. resulting in a heavy financial
burden.
(u February 1970 it serious political crisis occurred
when the commanders-in-chief of the armed forces
refused to acrcpt President Juan 13ordabcrry s choice
for the post of Minister of National Defense and
proceeded to demand a larger role in government
operations. Two years previously, the army had been
given broad powers to deal with the leftist terrorists,
popularly known as the Topatnams, and had
succeeded in severely crippling their appart3tus. In
cxplainirtg the basis for the new military posture, a
spokesman declared that this achievement had given
tine armed forces tic right to participate importantly
in national affairs. President Bordaberry met privately
with the commanders, and after a week of bargaining
reached an :accord under which the country would
preserve its democratic facade but the military would
guide affairs of state through a National Security
Council composed of the President as chairman, the
Ministers of National Defense, Interior, Foreign
Affairs, Economics and Finance, and leaders of the
armed services. Ceti. Cregorio Alvarez. head of the
joint Chiefs of Staff, serves as secretary of the council.
In June 197$ President Bordaberry, with the support of
the awned forces, di-,Lsolved the national legislature.
Declaring that they want "clean, effective
governmeni," the military leaders h-tvc elaborated a
Program of National Reconstruction aimed at fighting
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corruptioll, iitflatioit, uru�rnpaloylIlent. laggiiIg
agriculiuril proditetion. and �Imnerous oilier ills. It) a
strongly worded statement to the nation dclivcrcd on
radio and televi�.ion oil 23 March 1973, the
cornrriander< -itt -chief reaffirmed their loya to the
constitution and to Uruguay's institntioos and said
that they had intervened in lire political proccs.�.es only
because they nation had "reached the point of
co �lapse. The statement went on to attack unniamed
Inernbers of the legislature art(] jWliticians ill general,
accusing there of obstructing; national rca}vr.ry .while
enjoying, special privilege".
By Nlay 1973, the lzrilitary leadership appeared to
have eonsolidated its central ralt. ill Ole lion] aberry
administration. Observers report that the prestige of
civilian politicians has newer becii lower while that of
the armed forces is comparatively high. strengthetied
by some optimism that longs-landing problems will at
last be :attacked. The balance is fragile. however, and
is not likely to survive it rllajor confrontation between
the military leadership and any of the comitry's n :airs
political force's. In any such e^enifrontation, o servers
believe that the military niig;lrt well enierg;e ill full
contiol of tine government.
B. Structure an c haract eri st ics of society
U /OU)
Although etlinically and culturally homogeneous.
Uruguayan society is divided into two coutrasting
sectors, one centered in Montevideo send adjaccut
areas and the other in the rernainder of the cuuntry,
conutionly referral to as the interior. Representing a
large proportion of file total population and with
unequaled stattis as the nation political, economic.
and cultural Center, Monto�iden has au esuntially
fluid society which reflects the reforms introduced in
the early part of the 20th century by President jose
Battle y Ordonez. The edilcational and welfare
facilities available ill the capital have reduced social
inequalities and created a milieu in which thrrc has
been considerable upward mobility, attested to by the
city's large and influential middle claws. Much less
opportunity for socioeconomic advancement exists in
the runt interior, where a 19th century mode of life
generally prevails. lrl many areas, partic.riarly in the
northern stockraising region, landowners with
sernifeudal iluthurity rule over l arge landholdings, or
estancfas, engaging dearly half of the country's
agricultural workers as full or part time laborers or as
tenant farmers. 1lere there are great disparities in
wealth, and class lines tend to be rigid. The average
rural worker artd his family have benefited little front
2
the social reforms that have so greatly improved the
condition of the urb.ui population, and their level of
living, c^tmsequently is rtutch lower.
1. Ethnic composition
The population of Urtiguay is estimated to lu�
betvt:ea 855f atald 92% 'hite, the IlWjbrity of 'its
people being of rumpcatl hackggrotmd. Iletwecn 5'
and 10% are mestizos of inked .white and Indian
blood, and from 3% to 5`'L are Ngpoes or nutlatloes.
Resident aliens consist Iuainlw of other Latin
Americans itut also inel title some Europeans and U, S.
nationals; most foreigners reside ill Montevidt-o.
The hall; of the :while population is of Slianish or
Italian ancestry, the fanner predominating;. As a
v,snit. ipa nish surnames prevuil. Other UnIgtlayans
are iminig;rarits or descendants of immigrants from
Krauts., the United Kingdom. Gvnim aw, I'ortrtg.;al,
Russia, autl Switzerland, as well as c ountries of
Eastern Europe and the K1iddli� East. Incluewd are
Jews from several nations, their rttunber estimated at
about 50,000 in 1970. many of these Jews fleet
persecution in Nazi Germany. Before [lie Vith century,
most of the 1;tl ropeau iirtnrig; rants arrived via
Argentina and Brazil, being; attracted by ill(-
opportunities for stockraising; which UnAguay
provided. Among; the early rural inhabitants were lite
much romanticized gauchos, usually of mixed Spaidsh
and Indian ancestry, who led independent,
selninomadic lives centered on raarning; herds of cattle
and horses. After I800, it majority of the settlers tarns
direct[y from E5urove and settled in or near
i4fontevideo or in neighboring farm are;is.
The native Indian population consisted of nomadic
Charrua ::ncl Chana tribes and a smaller number of
Guarani. In 1700, the total Indian population in %vhat
is now Uruguay is believed to have totaled between
10.000 and 13,000. but bV tits Illid -19111 ec�rttur (lie
lndiarl cotnrnunity a.: such had virtually disappeared.
largely its a result of interrnarriagte with whites. The
ni", izo cl entenl de'r iv'ing,', front Ndiurt- white unions is
concentrated primarily ill the northern part of the
country. Completely assia:,ilated to the national
culture, nicstizos retain aeirie of the cultural
manifestaltions of the Indians.
Negroes were first brought to Uruguay as slaves in
the early colonial period, imported from Africa mainly
through Portuguese slave t ra de rs in lif: A I. Thereafter
during the colonial cra aunt white families owned
slaves, employing thorn as dumvstic servants air field
Itands. The proportion of Negroes grew steadily during
the 18th century, and by ISM they constituted
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approximately onc of the entire population.
This trend was reversed following prohibition of the
inteniatiorlal slave trade in 1825 and the abalitiort of
slavery in Uruguay in 1653, and also as a result of the
increasing immigration of +vllile Europeans. Although
they are found throughout the republic, Negroes and
Mulattoes are most numerous in the nordi. Many
northern blacks are descendants of slaves from Brazil
who escaped across tiro border befci ce the abolition of
slavery in that country in ISM. Most an: employed as
laborers on the estandas.
Racial tension is virtually nonexistent, although
marry Uruguavans tend to look down on Negroes and
practice some c iscrinii sin tion against them. Also, while
the Jewish community as it whole engenders no
animosity, there have been a few isolated anti Semitic
incidents. Cencrally speaking, otheriminigrattt groups
have been assimilated without difficulty. British and
Russian settlers tend to hold, theinselves aloof,
however, retaining their respective cultural traditions.
Sonde Russian groups have formed agricultural
colonies of their own.
Alihoogli Mediterranean physical typep predomi-
nale among the Urul;uavan population, other ty pes
earl also be seen (Figure 1). ivtestizos have a darker
ctinplexion than whites because of the admixture of
Indian blood, but even arnotig the whites there is
considerable vari atiou in skin: #attCS and hair color.
The typical U ruguayan is short and stocky.
Uruguayan Negroes display common Negroid
physical characteristics; mulattoes vary from the norm
ill accordance with the degree of mixed blood.
Spanish, the official language, is spoken by almost
all Uruguayans. Residents of the Monlevideo area and
other parts of the south speak a dialect similar to than
heard in Buenos Aires. This version of Spanish differs
from Castilian in variaus ways. A slightly harsher
sound is givers to some letters, a rtather "ltalianate" lilt
marks tite pronunciation, and it mminber of words
taken front the Italian language arc included in the
vocabulary. fit the northern depar(Inents near the
Brazilian border there is considerable Spanish-
Portuguese bilingualism, and in a few localities of that
region Portuguese is spoken almost exclusively. Among
the tipper and middle classes a knowledge of English
and Drench is common. French was favored by
cultivated persons in the past, but English has became
more popular since World War 11. A number of
English words relating to technology, business, and
sports have brim Hispanictzed and incorporated into
the speech of the general population. Sonic words and
phrases of Indian and Negro origin can also he heard
among certain sectors of the population.
2. Social organization
a. Social classes
Extremes of weallh and poverty arc less apparent in
Uruguay than in most other South American
countries, and the class system is Ctmhparatvely opera.
Moreover, the society is characterized by a sense of
egalitarianism and a high regard for individual
dignity, regardless of social standing. One factor
contributing to this situati is the absence of a large
ctlulic minority to serve its art inexpensive labor pool
for the upper class, and the latter s consettuent lack of
it tradition of aristocracy and exclusiveness. The
division of society into urban and rural sectors affects
the composition and chanacteristi" of the classes, but
the urban rural differences do not constitute the basis
for a dual class system.
Cohesive and well organized, the upper class is
estimated to comprise about 35, of tie total
population. little changed in its proportional siresince
the mid lyth century. Traditionally the great
estancfus have been its tntatinstav, but today members
of the elite derive their wealth froin other sources as
well, and occupation has been added to Family
background as a criterion of slants. In addition to
wealthy estancleros, its numbers in cl u de industrialists,
financier, some high -level government officials and
inilitary officers, and important professional people.
*['here is little distinction between the urban and rural
sectors of (lie upper class, as almost all estanderosand
their families Imiintaiii close contact with Mon-
tevideo, where many reside fora large part of the year.
Although somewhat less iit ternalionally oriented
than their Limnterpatrts in neighWrilig Argentina and
Brazil, upper class Uruguayans are nevertheless quite
cosmopolitan, maintaining an interest in world affair
and generally looking to Europe for cultural
enrichment. IMany send their children abroad for
schooling. A university educalion is in important
clement of status for upper class nten, and additional
prestige accrues to anyone who is able to teach a
university course as a part-time avocation. While
upper class families live comfortably and even
luxuriously, they are less ostentatious is their lifestyle
than those of similar background in inost other South
American societies, and they are also less isolated from
other classes. Finally, in Uruguay perhaps more than
in any other South Arnerican nation, the power of the
wealthy elite is limited by the politically dominant
middle class.
The middle class is diverse and extensive,
comprising about one -third of the total population. its
base is a large corps of government employees, but it
3
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FIGURE 1. Representative Uruguayaiss IU/OU}
T
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also enMrogiasscs small businessmen, military officers,
teachers and other professionals, a art([ technicians and
skilled vorkcm In rural areas it includes socces`ful
independent farriers as well as Inanagcrs arid oyw:rsec.s
oil the estaridus. Member of the Imiddde class, while
eshihiting Wide variations in inccnnc, occupation, and
lifestyle, nevertheless share certain characteristics.
Like theelile, they value education, regarding it as like
principal aventic of social Inability; ;it least some
secrindary schooling is tow4de -A essential for middle
class status. They also shoe a preference for acadende
education rather thart vocational /technical training,
with. a view to sum-e eding ill white-Lollar occupations.
To the extent possible: they emulale the nlode of life of
tike elite, and some lover middle class people indulge
in C4311spicnous col Isil flip tioil, baying luxury itelllti
which (lie) calk scarcely afford. [it orde to maintain a
comfortable level of living in tilt face of the rinlpanl
inflation, many rnen in like middle sector hold iuore
than one joh and their wives often work.
Since the early part of the 201h century, members Of
the middle class have dominated life 1wlilical sphere
and the labor movement and have made their owrl
ideals and objectives the norms of society. It is
noteworthy that middle class intellectuals have Ied the
leftist guerrilla organivalion known as the Tupaknaros.
Nlieving lhat ooh� armed revolution can arrest the
political and cconoinic decline that lkas afflicted
Uruguay since the mid- 1930's, the Tupauuaros
brought the country close it) civil war throu armed
clashes with polio and military ill the late 1960's and
early 197(Ys.
Aceounting for almost two thirds the total
population. Lion. the Iowei class is identified with manual
labor and characterimd by lin3itesd education and law
levels e'tf living, nil relative terms, however, living
conditions among this element of sovizty are better
than those prevailing among lower class people
elsewhere in South America, with the exception of
Argentinu. 04), because the urban ceoters, and
preeminently Montevideo, have benefited from social
welfare legislation to a far greater extent [[fail (lie rural
areas, the urban poor are better off than their
counterparts in the interior. Included in the urban
lower class are unskilled laborers, service workers,
street vendors, alld the unemployed. Many of the
latter are recent migrants froni th countryside who
live in makeshift dwellings on the outskirts of the
cities, The rural lower class consists of small farmers,
sharecroppers, and agricultural luborers, including
migrant farmworkers. The small independent farmers,
who are identified mainly with the somithern, crop-
raising part of tine country, are generally considered all
upper sector of the rural lower class. ,Ivti)sl
disadvantaged of all arc the faun laborers employed
on the estanclas, who cnstoniatily live away faun the
esluriefu in squalid shantytowns known as rancherius.
These usually consist of primitive hills housing four to
eight persons. Overcrowded intd lacking electricity.
running water, allel sanitary facilities, the ra ncherl os
are breeding groumis for disease as well as for various
social problems, irlcltrding alcoholism auld scxoal
promiscuity.
With a population corilaining a large component of
persons descended from middle class Eurol
Uruginty has no strongly entutiched lrkdition of
elitism, and is national tendency toward egalltarialll-
isrn and self reliance has fostered substantial social
mobility, Since like late 19th century, growing
urbanization and widespread educalional opporlunity
have emdributed toward a blurring of class lines. As a
resell, during most of the 20th ceitttary there has begirt
a g actual increase in the size of the middle class and a
concurrent decline in that of life lower class.
The extent of social Inability varies sigllifiCalldy
acCOrding to region. In the northern, s(ockraising
areas, upward movement is strictly limited by a rigid
social order based on traditional relationships be[wi:cri
landowners and workers. Oo the other hared, sonic
downward mobility L�i been occlrriug in the 1101#11 in
recent }'cars as middle class independent fanners of the
region have been fcrced into wage labor becatisc of the
increasing nlechaoizaetion of fatriming, and this in turn
has led tc a growing acquisition of land by esta icivivs.
Iit the rural areas of [lie south, class lines are less rigid
and social mobility has [)evil favorably influenced by
proximity to the capital, wlkere industrialization and
educational opportunity are Most cxlcusivc and the
possibilities for advancement are greatest.
Since the 19Ws, the potential for upward mobility
has been reduced by extended perio of econtailie
stagnation and runaway inflation. Although upper
class Uruguayatns have sustained only.tilinor financial
losses, middle and lower class workers have
experienced significant decreases iu real wages.
Obser vers have noted a rise in class consciousness
restilting from this situation, atigrnented by the efforts
of labor leaders to increase public uwarcil(s?t of Ille
social and ccinomie inequities in the society.
b. Family and kinship groups
Miring the colonial era and in the early
postindependence period, large families were the norm
in Uruguay and the family unit commonly was all
exte one Beginning in the latter part of the 19111
century, however, rapid urbanization and [lie influx of
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European inlmig;rtnts began to cl mige traditional
'aniily patterns. Today the typical Unig;uayaii fautily
is nuclear. consisting only of parents fold lhcir
urirnarried cltifdrrtl, acid as a res of cxtcnsivc family
planning and large-scale abortion it is relatively small.
averaging between three and four persons in arb.ul
auras aid franc four to five in rural areas. The honsi rig
problem involved in maintaining; a large henscholdd in
a predominantly turban environment has 1wen the
prirlcipatt factor ill the change. Of additional
signifieancc is the government welfare system, which
hats gradually replaced the cxtendcd family as the
source of sectirity for the average individual in tinge [if
need.
The extended family nevertheless remains an
important concept in most sectors of society in the
sense that [here is a strong; feeling of family
cohesiveness extending bey ond the ilmnediate family
to the l=arger kinship group. This is particularly true
among the Tepper social strata, where family
hackground is stressed and relations hatyec 1 t he
generitimis and between siblings arc often solidified
through business comwctions. Among t}Ie farming
population of the rued so uth the strrrugt of kinship
tics, is manifested ill numerotis forms of lnutual
ossist:ulce.
Under the coustillltiorl, .1 civil cere is Lite otily
legal means of cointracung iliarriage, but practicing
Catholics and active weinbers of other faiths usually
have a religious ee ernony performed in a ddition.
Until age 25 ;I mail a mst obtain permis to marry
from his P.ire.nts or g;uareliurls; tide corresponding age
for women is 23. Same .xitiples inevitably establish
consensual nlliois and others engage ill casual liaisons.
lu the 1963 census, Urugnay,tns over age 15 were
grouped according to marital status a, folioys: single,
32.8%; married, 31.51; living in consensual union,
4.6%; widowed. 6.6%. aril divorced, 1.55. Marri=age
instability and illegitimacy are highest in tilt north,
where the eslr;ncia system has an adverse effect on
family life. Estande:us have traditionally discomag ed
.workers from bringing their families to live with them
on or near the estanda, providing few if any facilities
for such arrangerncots. It has been estirnated that at
least half of all married persons residing in the north
do not live permanently with their spouscs.
The ,double standard of sexual morality reportedly is
not as prevalent in Uruguay as it is elsewhere hi Sottth
An :erica. Nevertheless, a_, m:tn may pursue extr,,-
marital liaisons with tacit acceptance as long as he
does not neglect his family and maintains reasonable
discre=tion. Unfaithfulness an tine part of the wife, on
the other hatul. is generally unacceptable. Divorce has
6
been legal. since 1907, the gr wills traditionally
including critelty by the hatsband. adultery, and
voluntary desertion for over 3 years. It now is also
possible to obtain It ciivorce by mutual consent of the
parties, or a wife tray terminate trite marriage by her
wish alone, a privilege not accorded the husband.
According; to law, a wife who is not tile guilty party in
a divorce roust he suptxarted by her ex- hushaid uuttil
site remarries. Cmhxly of children Is determined by
agreement of tite parties or by decision of the judge.
Both parents are liable for child maintenance.
Flunk roles are delineated but not inflexibiv
adhcreU to. 'Crmlitionallr the male has hecn the
breadwvintier for the f=amily while the female lilts
devoled herself to dotnesttc duties. But 111arly
Urugnityau lu:ddlc class worrun arc WIlUiring; higher
education and enteriog professional fields, and others
work it one job or snot }ter to augment the family
income, In 1970 it was estitnated that nearly half of all
wonion age 15 and over ill the dep artment of
Monlevideo were either attending school or working
outside the horn, relations between hush,ttld an
wife. while affected by the tendency to"ard equality
h etwecn the sexes within the 56160 Y ltd large, usual
conform to a tradition of male d oinin nce. In the
home tite father is Lite principal authority figure :old
disciplinarian for the children. the mother is likely to
be more indnlgent and sylnpat}tctic. It is generally
:Iccepted that older children ciorninate� their younger
brothers awl sisters, and th.it boys dominate girls.
'I'veuagrrs are allowed to date freely, but snide
conservative upper class parents still a to the
custom of [raying their dat ghters chaperoned.
3. Values and attitudes
Although Uruguay in many respects has de=parted
fair from the Spanish COlonial heritage, the basic valtie
systein re flects the old ltispanic tradition in that it
includes all emphasis on individualism, loyalty to
family. and a scnsc of fatalism. Other vaincs�
egalitarianism, self- reliance, and a propetrAty to enjoy
life --stem from the ideals of the independent minded
g;;tttr;1105 Who W an ted the coktalry in file colonial era,
while tendencies toward rationalism and secularism
arc attributed to tie cultural background of middle
class Ellroprans who settled in the country in modern
times. Ethnic llontogencity and national ci,Itesivritess
halve resulted in the widespread adoption of roost of
these value, with certain regional and class variations.
Sonic of the values have been modified as a result of
urbanization, modernization, and other forces of
change.
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n
ev S
PersonalisFrio, the Ilispaide concept which
emphasizes the distinctiveness and inherent worth of
the individual. is fundatuental te: tilt U ruguaynn
value system. The i,caporlance assigned to [lie
individual is based un the belief that every hurllan
being possessrs an inner dignity which nlerst l c
re :.peeted by others. To protect this inner dignity,
elaborate patterns of social courtesy are maintained iii
interpersonal relationships, and even casual en-
ctiaunlers are characterized by gestures and words of
friendship designed to express the respect of one person
toward another. The importance of the fancily derives
froin the concept of persortalismo, iu that the fancily is
viewed as arc extension of the individual and as a
hasliou of moral oad material support for him. In
upper class circles there is it definite tendency to prize
ai person socially as a inernber of a particular family. A
neg ative aspect of personafisrno is .ln midde emphasis
pit individual opinion and a concomtlael tuiwill-
inguess to acetrpt majority judgments.
The independence and freedom historically priced
by the gaucho were reintroduced as social values by
the European itnnligTants, many of whom brought
with them a dedication to ideologies centered oil
democratic principles. Implicit in these principles was
a belief that all citizens have the right to enjoy civil
liberties, to participate in the political process, and to
receive aid horn the state when they are in need. This
cmtmcept provided the fr inework for tlae innovations of
President Ballle y Ordouez, whose policies gradually
becavic accepted throughout the country as the norm
for an ideal social order. Allhough the cxlensive social
welfare legislation which he introduced has not been
c1mipletely implemented, this h. {s not diminished the
iMpOrtance of the etutlerlying values in the ininds of
politically conscious Uruguayans. tit fact, there is a
preoccupation with security among much of the
population, particularly inemhers of the middle class,
who expect the state to provide sonic measure of
security for everyone. '1,)is has led to it tendency in
recent times to rely exclusively era the government to
solve the country's social ills �the tradition of
i tide pendence and self- rcliancv notwithstaliding.
A mong the more disadvantaged e l ements of laic
population, the Hispanic sense of fatalism pmades
the individual's outlook oar his situation. Man is seen
as unable to of feet the course of events or to control his
physi:al onvinonment breause a Lcrtain unalterable
outcome has been appointed for him. Poverty and
other ills are rationalized as one's "Fate" or as "the will
of Cod." In a more subtle form this attitude affects-alt
levels of society, being manifested in the disinclination
to unite for the purpose of seeking cmistructive
solutions to problems. It is also reflected in .what leas
been called the "cane buck tomorrow" philosophy of
the govcrnment bureaucracy, and in the propensity of
malty Urquayalls to %hull constructive effort in favor
of long hours spent in such leisure activities is
sunbathing on t beaches, socializing with one's
friends in cafes and bars, and gainbling at racetracks
and government owned casinos.
[n personal Lontacts, Uruguayans arc friendly,
humorous, and cx,urtCOUS. Forcigrcrs usually find
them to be antojig the most tolerant of all South
Americans. Some describe them as too tolerant and
easygoing, 1minting out that these is much tacitly
sanctioned corruption herie,ith the surface. Bribery of
government officials is frequent, and feat herbedd i i;g is
widespread in government enterprises. where the work
is seldoin demanding of time or effort and the use of
public facilities, equipment, and supplies for personal
advantage is ccnunort. There has been little public
disapproval of such prlcliCes.
\lost Uruguayans have a strong sense of patriotism.
Since the tleople recugnizc that their country is small
and will never play a major role it international
affairs, their nationalism Iris taken the fortn of pride in
its social and intellectual achievements and in its
democratic tradition, However, deteriorating
economic and political conditions during tale past two
decades have te to wea their filth in the social
system. Public opinion surveys conducted bellween
1968 sad 1970 indicated that many citizens were
skeptical concerning the capabilities of the
government and pessitn6tie about the chances for
intprovenlent in socioeconomic condilions; moreover,
trust of those pulled were convinced that the
government favored big business and the large
landowners. But despite such dissatisfaction. the
neajority rejected the idea of social revolution as all
answer to the nation's problems. Popular discontent
nevertheless has generated a rise in lawlessness and
sporadic protest demonstrations. A more extreme
tnanifestatios; was the terrorism practiced by the
Tupamaros, but this now appears to have been
virtually eliminated by the military.
Lack of confidence i re the administration of
President Bordaberry has been blamed for the general
indifference to the, serious threat to democratic
instituiions posed by the virtual coup d'etat carried
oat by the military in Fehruary 1973, when it
demanded and was given a central role in national
affairs Opinion su rveys taken singe F eb rt:ary ind icate
public support for military "guidance," although the
idea of a complete military takeover is opposed. Much
of the population appears to be more concerned with
e
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the stresses of dail life than with (l ie la rger problems
implicit in the question of military or civilian
leadership.
While Uruguayans have a generally open and
friendiy attitude toward foreigners and foreign
societie%, pu bl ic sentiment toward Argentina is
somewhat aulbivaleut. Oil talc one hand, ethnic and
cultural similarities create it feeling of kinship; on the
other hand, this ilnnlensely larger, .wealthier, and
Irlore ccnmopolitatl neighbor is the obiect of soury
resell tuleni. A minority of Uruguayalts attempt to
demoostrlte their detachment by rejecting Argentine
cultural trcrat:ds in favor of those set by Brazil,
Argentila's principal rival it) South America. Attitudes
toward the 1..IklitCd Slater are largely favoral,le. M ost
UruguayllllS admire the United States as a great
democracy and consider its people it) he sympathetic
to the aspirations of their cYluutry. Some, however,
charge it with "financial imperial6ill and accuse it of
equating anti- Cortlrrlunisrn wit f avid of
supporting; dictatorial governments when it i
advantageous to do so.
C. Population (U /OU)
Uruguay, stiucezed E +ctwecn Brazil and Argentina.
is the smallest republic in South America. It also has a
smaller population than any of the other South
American repriblics except Paraguay and Guyana.
With lilt CStirn 2,992,000 inhabitants at midyear
1973, Uruguay had only one- fortieth the population
of Brazil and one-eighth that of Argentina. Moreover.
Uruguay's rate of population growth has been
declining throughout much of the 20111 CT.Iltnry; the
average sulnual rare for [lit ycan 1061 -72 (1.2%0 was
the lowest ill South Americ
The low and declining rate of population growth
has tended to discourage Ili:w investment and has been
viewed by some as refleeti ig a lack of confidence in
the nalion's future. Family allowances have been in
effect since 1943, with lwnefits per chilli rising as the
nurnher of children increases, but these subsidies
appear to have been designed primarily is confer
liberal social wvelfarc benefits rather than to raise birth
rates. In any case, the welfare system has not
functioned effectively, and inflation and deteriorating
CconUmiC conditions have been acconiparlied by la
lowert -A birth rate. As the birth rate has declined, the
age of tine population has 'increased, creating further
problems. The economically active sector of the
population has been forcvd to hear It great biuden of
dependents, and the increasing age of this sector has
diminished its pnxluctive capacity an.. ,decreased its
employment mobility.
8
Pet 1.000 inhabitants
40
30
20
10
NeWruf frcreole
pencils
191 S -k9 1925 -29 193! -J9 1915-�19 1 195549
1910.14 1920 -24 1920 -34 1940 -44 19WS4 1%0 6$ 70
FIGURE 2. Vital rates, 1910 -70 (U /Ot1)
Vital statistics, based on reasonably complete
Wgistration of births and deaths, slow that the hirth
rate declined steadily front 36.7 births per 1,000
population in talc period 1910.1.1 to 21.6 ill I940.44
and has straw remained fairly stable, fluctuating
between 21 caul 2�1 (Figure 2). The rate of 72.4 births
per 1,000 population wgisterrd in 1970 was still
sorucvhat higher than rates in most of the developed
countries, bill wwas alnang the lowest in South
America. The death rate, which stood at 13.5 depths
per 1,Otl0 population in 1910 -14, fell below 10 in i9-t0-
44 and has since been fairly constant. Although the
rate for 1970 (9.2 deaths per 1,000 population) was
higher than those in most ether South American
:ountries, this was attributable to the age structure of
the Uruguayan population if the other South
American countries had all age structure comparable
with that of Uruguay, their death rates would have
been higher than Uruguay's. In fact, the death rate in
Uruguay compares favorably with rates in many of the
developed nations, despite the fact. that the infant
mortality rate is still fairly high. In 1970 there were
42.6 deaths of infants under .i year of age per 1,000
live births. The I figure for IWO repres:!wed a
significant improvement� over that in the: 1920'x, bal
was substantially abuve the rules in the United States
and the countries of Westem Eumpe.
As a result of -the decline in the death rate since the
Beginning of this eenttiri, life expectancy at birth has
risen from 50.8 years in the first decade of the century
to 69.2 years in 1965 -70. In the latter period life
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I_1�:160X11 3wo]F_ l N 11 111 1 11I lyflfl :11I1I1Y41I111111I11I-S:l
H1-
expectancy at birth for trales w as 66: t years and for
females 72.3. Both values were among the highest in
the Westero Ileinisphere.
Several factors have contributed to the low and
stable birth rate. Uruguay has long 4ecel an urbanized
nation; today nearly one -half of [lie people live in
,Montevideo or its suburbs. The increased financial
burden of raising a large family in urban surroundings
has Ixen orte factor encouraging city dwellers to limit
family size. Increased levels of educational
attainment, especially among; urbanites, has been
another. finally, the birth rate has been held clown by
the widesplead practice of abortion. During the
1.960'x, for example, it was estimated that there were
two to three abortions for every live birth.
Concerned by the rising cumber of abortions,
private interests founded :r family* Manning;
o rganisation in 1962. This organization, the
Assoc iation for Family Planning and Research ore
Reproduction, has sought to promote birth exmlrol
measures as u substitute fir ah,orlion, emphasizing the
dangers to health fmm abortion. Since janu4ry 1960
the association and the Ministry of Public Health
jointly have operated a family planning clinic in
Montevideo; tore hospital of the University of the
itepubnlic also spomar such a clinic. Because of
financial limitations, lu.W,!Ver, these clinics are unable
to plrblicive their activities widely, a nd as a result, few
women benefit from their services.
Until about IWO. Ur;:g:tay traditionally had been a
land of immigrants, immigration having contributed
substantially to population growth. As the result of
mounting ecoraoniic problems, however, more persons
have left [lie cjr.itttry than have entered is in the years
a111cc [NO. The excess of emigrants over immigrants is
not large and does not as yet have any significant
impact on population growth. Of some concem to lice
government, nonetheless, is :he loss of skilled
manpower. Many of the emigrants are skilled wor
unable to find suilable employment in Uruguay;
schoolteachers and physicians also are included
among those seeking opportunities elsewhere.
Argentina, and particulat:ly Buenos Aires, consistently
has attracted the most Uruguayan emigrants, with
estimates of tine number of Uruguayans residing in the
country ranging between 30 000 and 506.000. Brazil,
Canada, the United Stacs, Venezuela, and Australia
are other favored destinations.
The government has taken no recent action to
encourage immigration and, with the rise in
mlernpl'oyment, appears unlikely to alter its views.
Migration from rural areas, however, is causing
concern. In its efforts to slow migration from the
counl,yside, the government has initialed ueasures to
increase agricultural proeluclion and to improve rural
education and living conditions. To date such
measures have had little success.
1. Density and distribution
Unige :y has vo extensive uninhabited :areas. The
(listribntion of the population is markedly uneven,
however, resoling in extremes of impulation density.
overall. Impidation density ;it rrriclyear 1973 was
estimated at 41 persons per square mile, compared
mith .58 persons per square mile in the United State
In the greater Montevideo area, however, density
approached 5,000 persons pe r square mile, whereas
two departments of the interior hurl fewer than 10
residents per square mile in hW3, and stockraising
regions in they northwest recarded a density of only 1.3.
In general, till: Ixtpulatiott is concentrated around
Montevideo; smaller concentrations are Found in and
near other urban centirs and in crop growing regions
along; tile Rio ae In Plata (Figure 3).
Montevideo I3cpartnlcnt, including the city of
Montevideo and suburbs, hat& a population in 19 &3
more than it? times greater than that of tiny other
department. Its contained �166 of the total population
at that lime, although encompassing in area only 0.31
of the national territory (Figure 4). All together, tine
five southern departments of Canelones, Colouia,
Maldonado, Montevideo, and Sari Jose,' collccllvely
constituting; about 12% of the total area of the
countr accounted for nearly two thirds of the
population. None of the other 14 departments had as
man;� as 100.004 inhabitants,
At the lime of the 1963 census, 82 of the
population was classified as urban, and the prolxuliau
probably has risen slightly singe then, as there has
been continuing movement to the city of Montevideo.
Thus, Urag gay �ranks as the most urbanized country of
floc Weslern,ticmisphere. All departments in 19631tad
more urban than rural residents; in eight departments
urban residents outnumbered their :itral counterparts
by more than two to one.
Urhanization in Uruguay has been virtually
synamvmous with the growth of Montevideo and its
suburbs. In 1908, 30% of the total population lived in
the capital city by 1963, the proportion had risen to
4556. During the same period the aggregate
population of the other 18 departmental capita }Is
remained at as constant 19 of the total population
'For diacritics nn platy names, x-e 1140 tilt of uamm on the ;apron
of like S,wantary Mvp in the t wattlr Profile chapter :and on the
snap ilself.
9
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Penal PH iW src adr
0 13 6S r3� ]Sr
J96a MsuR
"Dex To
PL-rAr'.rAl.SE1tp5
rgrpar�Am000 beindwy
owana "to caaea
i
LOMI 1.74
while the rural population, as well as that living in
towns now classific%) as urban, declined from 5154 to
36%. Thus, significant arbanizatior, has occurred only
in Montevideo, which in i963 acC.- ranted for 55 of
t13e total urban population. 'The remainder of the
urban residents lived in 301 other comniunitieS
classified as urban Iq the cvmstis: 5% in the two cities
with 50,001) to 1.00,000 inhabitants. 11 a lit the seven
cities with be tw een 25,000 and 51,000 residents, 4% in
the five cities with 20,000 to 23,000 inhabitants, and
25% in (lie 287 smaii -towns and cities with between
2,000 and 20,1100 population.'
The predominance of the capital is not u new
phenomenon. Since rarly in the 19113 century, the cit
has never contained less than o quarter of the nation's
Inhabitants, and it grew at more than twice the rate of
the country as a whole during the 190&63 intercensal
period. The average anti: itl growth rate for 1963 -70
has been estimated at 2.91, resulting in a -1970
populution of slightly mgre than 1:4 million.
Montevideo thus is almost 20 times larger tl;an Salto,
'A few communitses with few'cr than 233 residents were
cl,wified as urban by the eensus, dainty these were suburban areas.
10
FIGURE 3. Population density, 1 (U /OU)
the nation's seL d lar` cst city, which had about
72,Ot10 residents in 1970. The next largest at that time
.very. Paysandu (64,000), Rivera (49.000), and Las
Piedn (48,000).
Clearly a magnet for rural msidencs, Montevideo
has attracted sizable numitcrs of in- migrants, althoug'
no precise measurements of the volume of into Department,
wikere jobless :less appayrntly has beell less severe than
elsewhe'ac f,I tale nation the F ollowing unemplo
rates were reeimled in recrrit years:
198$
8.S
1969
1
1970
7.3
1971
I.. 7.6
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Had unlaid, marginally employed family workers
been included anmlig; the Jobless, however, the rates
would have increased by ul least 2 percentage points.
Indeed, in May I973, the government placed the
proportion of uneuiployed nationwide of 10.55f arld
-ome larwffirial assessments were as high as 17%.
Although Bala are inconclusive. it appears that a
growing prclportioan of the uncmliloved are voting
.workers. Nearly Half of those seeking employment
during the early 1970 were tinder age 23, and
approximately 70% were under age 35. Among the
most frequently unemployed were workers in the
textile construction, and food processing industries.
and in commerce and banking. Survey findings also
indicate a lengthening; in the period of ullemploy-
ment, with more than 70 of jobless workers being
i dle for nior; than 3 consecnlive niontlts and
substantial rrninhrr fogy more than a year.
Underennployment is also a severe problem,
although marry worker: with needed skills, including
govenlitiont employees, hold two or ttlore jobs
sometimes with overlapping hours of employment, in
order to make ends meet. In 19 1 ueariy a quarter of
Tile economically active people in Montevideo
Department were employed less than 30 hours per
week, approximately half having worked liniked hours
because of the scarcity of fulltime jobs, Outside
Montevideo, particularly in rural areas, undcremploy-
ment is believed to be even more pronounced. [n the
northern stockragsing region, unskilled laborers
customarily are hired to work on the eslcrneias during
the roundup, branding;, and sheep- shearingseasons for
a inaximnin of -45 hays. During the remainder of the
year they work only intermittently.
Despite high levels of unemployment and
underemployment, skilled workers are in short supply.
lu the slid- 1950's enrollment in the public atialtal
schools. known collectively as the Libor University,
was lees than one -third of conesgwncling enmllmentin
academic secondary schools, pointing up the greater
prestige traditionally attached to academic training;
.olcl white collar employment. Skilled warkers have
been needed pit a variety of industrial and agricultural
occupations, especially engineering and agronomy. In
its 1,965 -74 National Development Plan, tine
government envisaged a 46% increase in per capita
productivity as a result of creating 63,000 additional
jolis in manufacturing, esLublishing op- the -job
training programs, and improving techiloiogy. To
date, however, workers appear to have benefited little
from the program, either in increased employment
opportunity or in higher levels of skill.
Unlike the working population of many other South
American Countries, tile Uruguayan labor' farce is
predominantly urban. lu 1963 some four fifties of all
workers were urban residents, neary half livings in
Montevideo alone. Vane were recent arrivals from the
countryside, which has correspondingly experienced a
substantial diminution in the size of its work force.
Factors causing onitinning m frorn rural to
urban areas, cspeciuiip Montevideo, include t}ne
limited expansion lot cotntnerciad livestock operations,
mechanization of certain farming; lechniclucr.
increased carneentration of land among l arge property
holders. and the workers' hope, not alwa- realized. of
finding regular and better paying employment in the
city.
Tlrie scarcity of joins notwithstanding, sex
d iscr imination ill hirin is rtlillimal, and a fairly high
proportion of workers are women (figure 13).
Although most women are housewives. female workers
comprise a growing prolxlrtion of the Latzer force. [it
1963 women accounted for one fourth of Ilse:
economically active popular on, in 1971 in
Montevideo Department they comprised nearly one
third of the labor force. 10 the former year women
outnumbered men in personal service occupations and
in certain professional, technical, and related fields,
includ teachings, nursing;, and medical technology.
Additionally, women predominated anio see
retaries, bookkeepers, cashiers, textile workers, and
meatpackers.
Legisia'tion has long; assured wo olen of special
cons Since 1914 women have been
prohibited from engaging; in haxari ous work, and they
may not be employed in industrial jobs at flight. The
chuir law" of 1918 requires that provision he made
for female employees to sit whenever their work
permits. The first law guaranteeing maternity benefits
dales from 1909, and present provisions require the
granting of �a total of 12 weeks of maternity leave at
full pay. Futhermore, the constitution requires equal
pay for equal work.
Libor by minors is regulated by numerous laws,
including the Children's Code and nearly two dozen
other statutes, some of which evolved through the
ratificalpun of ILO conventions, The legal mini
age for wor'r, by minors varies from age 12 in small
industries inhere olle of the child's parents is also
employed to age 21 ill cafes, cabarets, and theaters.
Work by minors under 18 is limited to 6 hours per day
with a 2 -hour midday break and a 36 -hour week.
while manual training of minors under 1.1 may not
exceed 4 hours per day. Work by youngsters in the
lower age groups is not widespread, but it is
substantial among; older teenagers; in 1963 only about
$Ye of the population age 10 to 14 but half of those age
15 to 19 were economically active,
21
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FIGURE 13. Women in the tabor force
Operating a wd!oving machine In a Montevideo canon
milt Women comprise opproxi'-wreiy 60% of the workers
h the tensile Indvsiry, tUj4U)
b. Labor legbilafion
In addition is (lie existence of coinprellensive social
insurance -,nd of special laws prescribing work
standards and governing employrncnl terns, labor
affairS are regill iced by certain cxmstitutiotlal articles.
by provisions of 11ty coinraercial ::tid civil aisles. and
by legislative endorsements of I LC agreeincots.
t oulicmpontry legidation provides fora basic 8 -hour
workduy and -Its -hour workweek. overtime pay.
annual
bonuses, paid holidays and vacations, acrd
scvcraltce pay. Maxintum and minimurn wage rates
also are controlled by lac_ l;xocpt for claTncstic
servants, minirnurn wugc laws apply to most wage
carriers, ineltiding agricultural workers. Laws
regulating collective contracts, labor unions, strikes,
and lockouts are limited in scope, resuNng in unclear
proudures for the sett entent of Iuhor disputes.
22
Numerous hoards aTld pl:!y a conciliatory role
during such disagrccrnents, but ctrntPtilsory arlfitra-
lion is virtually unknoyn. Upon prior notice to the
gvveninlent, :ill workers, wheilter orgaiiized or not. are
guaranteed the right to strike. Although public
employees are enjoined froTn striking, the prohibition
has been L onsistently ignored by civil servants and
only sporadically eafurced b tote government. for
reasons of INditical expediene�.
Responsibility far enforcing stattiton provisions
roriverning conditions of ::ark rests with the
Inspectorate Ceneral of Labor and Social Security.
which has beets doable to ensure thorough cn)Tnplialwe
with the regulations. in 196 #1 the Inspectorate, all
entity of the Ministry r:f Libor and Social Welfare.
had only 137 labor inspectors, most of whom reerived
their appointments through political connections ;lid
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Shaping taro in a comad btier cannery oboes 20 miles wet' of Montevideo (C)
Hand coming tomatoes is a factory neor Montevideo (CI
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lacked technical qualifications for Ibn work. Some
inspectors. moreover, have been known to overlook
violations in return for bribes from employers.
Prior to 19611 minirtunn pay rates were set by wage
boards operating within the various sectors of the
economy. and wages higher than those presimbeJ by
the boards could be obtained through collective
bargaining. let December of that year. legislation
established the Commission oil PrQdloctivlty, Pricos,
and Wages (COPRIN), composed of representatives of
government, lab and busiaess. T he cc�traliiution of
authority to set minimum wages, coulAed with
MPRIN's subseiluent iinposltiun of wage ceilings
ovrr certain occupational groups, has :housed
consider protest ;imong workers. Although
COPRIN has raised The mininttun waive levels on
numerous occasions, many workers believe that [lie
revisions have been unduly late and the umounts too
small; as of January 1973 the legal mininittm monthly
wake was equivalent to USS39.7.5.
Scime of the ct :nfusion to industrial relationsderives
From the lack of clear statutory guidelineti concerning
the jurisdiction and functioning of labor unions.
Mechanisms For resolving conflicts between content-
ing uriioris or 117-tween competing factions within
unions are virtually noncr.istent. In the absence of
these, govemsnental intcfVvntion in million matters hus
tended to be erratic, leaving tratle unionists in doubt
as to when they cair anticipate official aslstauce in time
resolution of disputes. There repxortcolly exists a
particular need for governmental supervision of union
elections and for the use of the secret ballot in order to
reduce campaign abuses, which have included
coercion and intimidation. Desiring to safegt.urd their
prerogatives, however, union leaden have been
reluctant to enJorse the imposition of measures
governing the internal affairs of their organizations.
c. Labor and management
Uruguay has developed a strong labor moven>_ent.
The earliest ideological influence or: the nation's
workers was anarcho- syndicalisni introduced by
Spanish and Italian immigrants. Tile first labor
orguni7ations, dating from the mid -191h century, were
little more than mutual aid societies, but industrial
expansion in the 19Ws fostered the growth of modern
forms. Communism gradually gained strength in tlin
labor movement, and in 1912 Communists established
"lie General Union of Workers (UCT), the first
national cc,ifedemtl ^.n. In 1951 non- Communists,
primarily socialists, established the rival Trade Union
Confederation of Uruguay (CSU). The rivalry
between Communist and non Communist unions is a
conliuuing factor if the labor inovertteut and leas
coulributcd to almost kalt idoseopie shifts irl Hoioll
orgauiration.
lie 19.59 the UGT dissolved in favor of the Central of
Uruguayan Workers (C'1'U). which was formally
organizeti it, iwi. CTU President Jose &Elia, once
considcied statlnchly coonrioitted to democratic
unionism, helped to strengthen t M*U's image shod
its relatiow; with anitonotnous unions. lit 1964 the
Con:mtmist Parly of Uruguay (i'CU) orguoNed
another labor front, using chi: old UCT Barrie, which
attracted support from some unions that would not
affiliate with the openly Cununnuisl- aufirolled C'1'U.
So,me individual unions retained independent action,
but .tire UC'r 1weame increasingly respouivc to PCU
lalxir p o!icy. Meeting in a labor coongre%s in 1966.
representatives of 3W. unions terininats1l tl:c UCT and
formed a new confederation cared the Notional
Convention of Yorkers (CN still Cr,Wrnnllist-
oriented but [xompriscd of unions froin nearly every
sector of Uruguayan labor. This organiz;tion also
replaced the CTU.
!luring the 1950's and IrN f% the butt >Conunuuist
labor sector rcmaincd weak and divided. The CSU
detcrinrated as tl result of internal strife and was
dissolved in 1966. For about 3 years the Coniniirriisl
CNT was the only national labor central. Then in
Horeb 1969, delegates from forincrCSU affiliates awl
independent locals representing M unions established
life Urifgua}an Confederation of Workers (CUT).
Although it has grown iii membership, tiie CUT
rcmlfins weak as a result. of un.ouordinated police,
decentnli coolml, and the autonomy of local
unions. (n early 1973 dissidents front four influential
affiliates, repiesenting appmAniatcly our -fifth of the
confederation's members, left the organivai
because of inept leadership. dishonest rnanllgcment of
union funds, and rightrsing li olitfcal activities of the
confederation's vouth section. Two of the dissident
affiliates formed a new confederation, the National
"bor Union of Workers (UGNT), in April 1913.
The two major labor centrals have adopted new
strategies in recent years. Until the-latter part of 1971
Ilse CUT attempted to incorporate only unaffiliated
unions. After persuading two (turner CNT- affiliuted
textile unions to join its ranks, however, the CUT
gained the clnfidenci to approach other organizattiOtis
under CN7' spurisorship. On the other !rand. the CNT
decided at its national convention in )tote 1971, tr,
group its affiliates into federations atrording to
industry, apparently to better mobilize the various
economic sectors forstrikes and other protest activities
Additionally, by minimizing the connection of the
23
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new federations to the CNT, it hoped to increase its
appeal to unions outside the Communist laborcentrd
ire the panic of labor unity.
The incidence cif strikes was lover in [lie early
I970's than during then mid- I960, w hen industrial
disputes esca.:ated into more than 700 stoppages
am Bally. Nonetheless, strikes, which have tended
increasingly to assu=ne political overtones, retnaiht the
Preferred tactic for underscoring labjrs demands.
CNT protests frequently have included denunciations
of "repressive" measures by the govenment amd
demands for the reestablishment of democratic
liberties, frecdoin for persons detained without judicial
pracess, and an cud to "lorture." In 1971 lfte CNT's
economic and political power wer etas demonstratrd by its
sponsorslhip of three geucrd strikes during the first 6
months of the Rordalberry administration, The 2r1 -hour
gencril strikes called by [lira CNT on 9 Novenrber 1972
and 21 J u ne 1913 to protes', fa number of grievaim s
:against tlr'e ;overontent bitbught the nation to a
standstill.
The CNT's sponsorship of a lw general strike:
from 27 June to I I Judy 19143 ft) protest the closing of
Congress, however, resulted in the strongest reaction
ever by the Bordaberry administration against
organNed labor. On 30 June 1973 the government
decreed the dissolution of the CNT, charging it will,
impeding vital services and supporting violence
uguinst the well -being of the nation, -On 4 July the
government banned all stri kes grader any cir-
cumstanc::s- --anc! authorised the dismissal of worke,s
engaged in work stoppages. 'rhe folltwing clay the
President ordered the arrest of more than 50 leaders of
the CN'T for having incited the genera) strike. In
addition, he decreed that workers who participated in
the stoppage were subject to loss of 3 days' pay for
each day absent from work.
Rccause of the large number of loosely affiliated
organtcations, frequent shifting of members from one
union to ari her, and the movement of unions from
one federation 'to another, complete information is
lacking on t ion strength and affiliation. Moreover,
dares paying memhcrs.eoe..pr?ce only a fraction of the
total claimed membership. According to the best
available estin:s Ws, union members numbered about
360,0110 early in 1973 perhaps 35% of the labor
force. The CNT was by far the largest labor central,
with uhout'70 affiliates and an estimated mediliership
of 300,000. The remaining organ! iations were divided
between the CUT, with six national federations and
an estimated 17,000 members, and independent
unioliz with illiproxims -dely 63,000. Union member-
ship is col RiFated largely in Montevideo. Unions
24
and regional federations exit in the interior, but few
arc strung. Except fnr suga( workers in the
Departments of Artiga and Salto, almost no rural
workers belong it) labor anions.
Numerous labor organizations participate in
intentational labor affairs. Prior to }being declarml
illegal llte CNT inaintainecl uu Sorival internationa!
affiliation; however, it has "fraternal" ties with the
World Federation of 'Trade Unirmx (WFTU), witlb
which four of its most itnportanr co bstititent imilins,
representing about 17,000 workers, maintained formal
links. Ufupaayan Corrtrnuriist ].ibor leader 1 Y:"c4.G....w. crew. mnn. easxalars:'. aw: wniFU: xsz%'& MSra> wr :rw'ap::'ce:.r.::aY(.^aRlALR 1:4x.'t61P71.ti.'wM ra 71Y� rBbaRK' Lf3:: 3.�.. aP.+l.:as:r:::
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4i Y
-15E
36
f
FIGURE 19. A modern apartment on
Calles leyande P6tria and Ellanse
in Montevideo. Contemporary archi-
tectural design has predominated
both in pub,' buildir:gs and in
private residences since about
1950. The ornamentation shows a
galloping horse ridderi by an Indian
whose feathered headgear and
bow and arrow can be seen to the
left of the horse's head. (Cl
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FIGURE IS. Cathediai of Montevideo, b0it from 1790 to 1804. This structure is one of
the country's few remaining mxomples of architecture from the colonial period. (C)
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FIGURE 20. Knucklebones (c. 1865) by Juan Monuel
Blanes, The founder of Uruguayan painting, Blanes
applied European techn'.ques to Creole themes and was
a graphic chronicler of the history of the Rio de la Plota
region. (UJOU)
Interest inn the performing arts, parlicularly ntusie
and dance, is widespread. Falk music is based
primarily nn the improvised verse of the gauclio hill is
also influelleed by various Nel;ro elements as well as
50119.9 ;11,11 d.11ILTs adapted from those of Argentina.
The principal er;ealors (if Uruguayan fink music vere
gaachco balladeers. known as payadores, who
Wandered front place to place, ix-rforming wherever
ix:ople gathered �in markets surrl squares aid at
weddings and wakes. Accut:npanying !hmmselves on
native guitars called charangos, [lie payadores sang;
ballads inodelery on th e Spanish romance. Popular
FIGURE 21, Constructive City with Uni'versai Mon (1942)
by Joaquin Torres Garda. This influential painter
abandoned studies of nature, perspective, and
chiaro=ro in seeking$ the basic, pric.ciples of "constructure
universalism." (UJOU]
FIGURE 22. Carlos Poex Vilaro beside one of his paint-
ings at his vocation house near Punto del Este. In
addition to pointing, Poex works in ceramics, composes
music, and writes poetry and prose. tU /OU)
subjects front [Fie early colonial period are songs cif
brrokelt hearts, passion, tragedy. personal exploits, and
gallantry, white themes from a later period, after tilt
g,ruclu :s became farnotis as soldiers and patriots, dwell
on military prowess. love of c-01111try, and hatred of
Spain.
A cumber of folk ninsic and dance; forms, developed
largely by urn evolutionary combination of Creole and
Negro ntusie, are shared with Argentina. The
traditional dative most closely identified with
Uruguay is [lie pericon, a mound dare in 34 time
created by tine gauchos. Since 1887, when an official
urrrny;cnletit of the dance vas made for lnililan hands
by Gerardo Grasso, lice pontoon has been reg;trdcc3 as
tine national dance. nce. Although the origin of the latngo, a
inelaticholy music and datxv form combinirig Frenels,
Spanish, and African folk influences, is disputed by
musicologists, ,floe of ille hest k nown e nrillxo silrott{ o
talc tyir is 1.11 Cuniparsiia, the work of the Urnguayan
composer Gerardo H. Matos Rodriguez.
It the field of classical t:msic. Eduardo hahini
(1883 -19-51) is considered the most outstanding
composer. 'Grained in Belgitrn, Falbioi used folk
theines in i -ic kru,ks and gained internationa
recognition for his sympaome [xoenns, a;trluding
Campo (Countryside) and La Isla do loo 0-ibos (The
Island of the Cvilm Trees). Another prominent
coniixfser, Vicente Ascene (1897- also ernploy :s folk
themes. Suile Uniguaya for orchestra, his best .known
work, is based largely art Charruu mot1h. Also notable
37
ae.n- �w... a, r..... c �...�.._a..a..- .:+a..rr.... -.s swTw.. v r.. x,,, a :crr+mLCaa`xa`l :s� x...c :ti8a'.J :Keiw :L.d- 1aYl.R:; :.7:. r.
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:1
t
i
t
antong Liniternponity composers are Leon Birotti rend
I lector Tosar .Errecart. Birotti has composed chamber
rtriisic arid works for orchestra, piano, and voice, whiiv
Tosur s crest known cork is Vanza Cdolla (Creole
Dante), a fiery piano composition based on gaucho
themes. Other influential figures are musicologists
Fr ancisco Cnrt Lange anu Latiro Ayestaran. Lange
edited and published the Boletin Latin- Am'ericano do
Musica, a five- volume archive of Latin American
musicology, and founded the instituto Americuno fie
MUVIc01091a in Montevideo, all official government
institution since- 19 Aycstaran's career has bean
devoted largely le the promotion of music in schools
and universitieo. Orchestral groups include the
National Symphony Orchestra, supported by SODRE,
the Arcos Orchestra, founded by Birottl, and the
Chamber Orchestra of Musical youth.
For many year. Buenos Aires was the fecal poin! for
Uruguayan actors and playwright who joined forces
.vith Argentinian artists to present theutrical
pre luctions in Troth countries. In 1947 the first
pi�rmanent repertory company, the Comedia
Vac[onal, w :15 established in M to present
the classics as well as viorks by tlruguayuns.
Underwritten by the municipal government and
supervisC,d by the Ministry of Fducation anti Culture,
the Comedia- aroused new interest in drama. Various
professionl and amateur companies followed,
including the Odeon Theater, specializing io
Slvakespeare and modern drama, and the Verdi
I'licater, emphasizing comedy. Other groups are
lo,vated in various colleges of the 'U niversity of the
lieptiblic and in the cities of Fray 3entos, Paysandu,
and Salto. Until its destruction by fire in September
1971, the National Theater in Montevideo, built in
1889 and owned by SODEIE, was one of the cultural
landmarks of the nation. A Stew theater is planned, but
as of mid -1973 it had not been constructed.
H. Public information (U /OU)
Uruguay's public information media, which are
concentrated in Montevideo, are largely the domain
of private enterprise. Then: media, especially the press
and, radio, are highly developed and reach virtually
the entire population. Several Montevideo newspapers
circulate nationwide on the day of their publicaiior,
and these are supplemented by provincial newspapers
which provide local coverage. Although radio claims a
more extensive audience, the press is.generally credited
with having a greater jmpa 't in molding
opinion. Television, blarAeL th� country, but the high
cost of receivers has limited its influence,
38
Traditionally, Uruguayans have taken pride in their
constitutiotial guarantees of frr� speech and press and
Irave shown tolerance toward iLc right to dissension,
even toward terrorism. In juoc 1968, h owcver, the
government f of complete disruption of normal
life by terrorists, dcc :area! the under a limited
stale of siege. Newspapers were prohibit -.d from
reporting ibe activities of seditimis groups, particularl
the Marxist Tupamarus. In August 1971 this
censorship was broadened .through t implementa-
tion of a presidential decree, promulgated in jone
1969, which prohibited all oral or wtittetc information
regarding strikes, trade union resolutions, or other
measures that would "directly or indirectly co ntribute
to a state of unrest in the nation." Included in the
dec�rec was a ban oil the importation of pri nted anatter
which "originates in nondemocratic countries de; ;ling
with subversive or totalitarian ideals." Censorship was
expanded still further in April 1972 through a military
document known as "Security Order Number I," by
w hich the press and broadcast media were prohibited
from reporting or commenting on' any military er
police operations unless first announced in an official
cornmunielur,. The expression of opinions regarding
thz actions of the armed forces and the police which
might be�dctrimental to their morafeorimputation w as
also prohibitee'.. Continuation of terrorist activities
through December 1912 brought Ceucral Assembly
agreement to extend the suspension of certain
constitutiottai rights, including those affecting the
media. President Bordaberry extended this suspension
by executive decree in May 1973.
I. Printed matter
Daily newspapers, the most hifleientirl of the
information media, are mainly partisan journals
representing the point of view of only one polit :ial
party or faction. Thus, readers, especially those who
are decisionmakers, such as government officials,
trade union leaders, anri businessmen, neei :ioIluw
several newspapers fora balanced view of the politicaj
scene. Although most newspapers derive their revenues
wholly from sales and advertising, a few papers receive
financial, assistance from the partisan group whose
viewpoints they :represent, and these dailies often
provide employment to party stalwarts. In additia' to
the cast of inflated staffs_publisi: r have experienced
other financial difficulties in recent years, resulting
from higher costs. for irripo ed ric,vsprint nd ether
materials, losses in advertising. which ha's :shilted rto
television and a general decre' ase in sales as the cost of
living has soared. The estimated circulation of'daiy
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rtewspapicrs in Nloutevideo declined from approxi-
mately 3(1{).0X)9 it, 1960 to 3000g) ill I967, but had
risen to -17 50)0 by early 154
In spite of fin;uicial and technical prolslcu)s,
jourtalistic slandards ill Uruguay Wnlain fairly high.
'['he press is generally oh,:.wtive in its fi-aut page news,
with editorlali %tng t- vifined to file edit pages and
the bvline columns. Selection of news to he crwerecl,
however, often shows dearly the poblisher's political
viewpoint. Further proficiency and professionalism are
impaired by low salaries. in 1969 the rrlonthly salaries
of newspaper employees ranged from the erpuivalent of
USM to US$2(X), with (lie .overage salary unusug
professionals seldom more than US$129.
The format of the daily publicutions is similar to
that of Foropean a cid North American rtewspai -i
Both regular and tabloid styles are published, usually
ranging between eight and 16 pages in length. Some
papers publish a Sunday supplement. Local and
ir)lcrnuticnal ncWs, vital statistics, inarket reports,
sp nrts rte letters to the editor. coolie strips, and lists
of lottery wituters are the regular (tire. Many
tlewspapxrs use stories supplied by the Natiunal
Inform rrgcncy (AP I), vhpch alas appmxinmtely
7.5 correspoudents throughout the cootitry. The
principal dailies in Montevideo also use information
front one or more of [lie following Aire services and
tic% agencies: Agence (AFP). Agernzin
Nazionale Slarnpa Assocciafa (ANSA), Associated
Press (AP), Deutsche Presse Agenlur (DPA). Agenda
Larinoamericana de Information (LVIIN), Reuters,
and TASS. The Cnban- based Preasa 1.01111a was
banned from Uruguay in June 1971.
lit early 1973 the Uruguayan press consisted of nine
principal daily newspapers in Montevideo and 21
smaller dailies in Montevideo and elsewhere.
Circulation figtrres stood at 37. 5.000 in Montevideo
and 73,900 in the interior, bringing the combined
circulation of daily newspapers to roughly Of
the principal newspapers, the morning daily El Pals
11115 tide largest circulation (Figure 23). Attracting
predominantly middle and upper class white collar
readers, it is p ispula: among; Blanco Party supporters.
Although credited with less lx)litict[ impact than other
Montevideo papers, El Dfario' f urnis hes a ba l anced
rouncdtip of economic and political news, sports, an([
hurnan interest fcatures, which accounts for its
position as the nations second most widely read
journal. 'Tile influcrltiul morning daily Fl Ala,
founded in 18% by refnnAst Jose Battle y Orcdoner,
reoresents the'011tical vpeis of. the dointinant wing of
the Colorado Party. Recently, El Dia has safdencd its
traditional anticlerical stand. Another prominent daily
is Acrion. all afternoon paper ideologically oriented
toward the Colorado Ndy. Among the ncwsp apers
geneiraily critical of government polio% are l:l Popular,
militant organ of the PCU, Ahora, supporter of tile
PDC, and 011ma flora, with a Far -left orientation. El
1'elegrafei, published in Paysandu, is one of the best
kuowit dailies outside o[ Montevideo. The Buenos
Aires Herald, a tabloid of international t stock
in arket quotations. sports, and c1111ties is the only
E,1191611-language daily eircitlatiog in ivlcintevidco on
the day of publication.
Aniong tite �18 weekly newspapers published in
Uruguay, the most prominent is the leftist Marcba,
widely :cad by Latin American intellectuals. Ail
estimated circulation of 22,000 in 1972, however,
indicates that Marcha's sales extend beyond the
academic :aid scientific communities to single
purchases from news vcndnrs by average citizens.
Other oondaily. newspapers include: El Orizimil,
publication of the PSU; Azid y Blintco. a militaristic
rightwing weekly; Semanarlo lfebreo, a weekly paper
in Spanish for the Jewish community; and L'Ora
d'ltalia, all Italian language fortnightly.
Some 30 periodicals are published, many of thorn
stressing cultural subjects rather than iiews. Popular
foreign periodicals include ,Nanchele and 0 Cruzeirn
from Brazil, and Analisis and Stele 131as from
Argentina. Among regularly available U.S, inagazines
are Tonic and Newsweek. Others, including Esquire
and Ladies Home Journal, can be purchased on an
irregular basis (usually at twicw the U.S, price) at
many of Montevideo's numerous newstands (Figure
24).
Dc�pite the high liteniey rate and wide support for
newspapers, Uruguayan book production is low. The
high 'list of lalmr, a relapively small inarket, and an
i�neffieicut distribL6011 systcrn hinder the development
of a viable book- publishing indusuv. Adverse
exchange rates make some foreign boejls, especially
those fronv Argerttint!, quite exjinmsiye. Among fil
leading publishers are the University of the Republic:
and the Ministry of Education and Culture. Iii 1967
nearly half the 341 books printed in the country were
in the field of literature, and approximately 70 were in
the social sciences.
2. Radio, television, and motion pictures
Radio reucloes almost the entire population in
virtually tall, atens of the country. HunMing sm)nd to
newspaper:: in the distribution of news and
commentaries, radio is most influential in rural areas
where the delivery of printed matter is expensive.
Since the develupment of low prided transistor radius,
,39
r� .5: 4�.': M?+ A''aK�.'. -..i .v.,� r.' YYL ?jNSi.'SS3:i'',...w+:4' iL ti .ec:"MXt- vyn.:.m-�n�.rhr ..r..... r.r i.....
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FIGURE 23. ?rincipol daily newspopers, M =Ievideo, 1972 (UJOU)
40
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FIGURE 24. One of the numerous newsstands In Montevldeo which p ovlde a large selection
of Urugudya:[ and foreign periodicals (UfOU}
Y.KT134AT0;n
nAT[:
KA +[f,
C11MULATtu\
YOLN Dr. D
1'.I Paix.,.
No. 0 I
1915
Manco Party Urivatation; conserc. 0ve ::t donLe-dic
affairs; Lint i.COUIRMMA, pre-United Stated,
I�:l Mario........
60. ON
1923
lndapeadent; con"rvative; neutral toward the
Unitrd Staten.
151 Dia.
50,00
1NSti
Culuratio Party orientation; moderate.
hnra
�10.t100
1971
ChziRtittn Democratic MAY 0
11.1 Color.......
�10.004
11165
Spiritcd tabloid; Catholic trientation, cowLereittive.
Accinn.......
30,60D
1llili
L70101L.a Party orientation; appra to middle
lncorne groups.
IA Mitnnna......
25,000
1917
Colorado Party ortclltation; appeals to [niddie and
upiwr Income group
Iii Pop.ticr.....
17.(M
11ti57
Communist Party of Uruguay tP('U, nrtGar; e%-
pounds party Iho.
l'ltimn flora....
10.tx1U
1073
Leftixt; edited 1, members of tlx' 1 a :td Soci:digt
Party of [Uruguay (PSU).
40
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FIGURE 24. One of the numerous newsstands In Montevldeo which p ovlde a large selection
of Urugudya:[ and foreign periodicals (UfOU}
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the number of receivers in use has risen steadily since
1960, anti now roughly cquals ,5w receivers per I,000
inhabitants �a ratio higher than that in most other
countries in the %W'Sterih Hemisphere. Almost all radio
stations are commercially operated; several are Owned
by or affiliated with newspapers or television stations.
Among the few ru 11LOMInercial stations are those
7perated by the government sponsored SOI
which provide nevs, classical and Popular inmic, and
cultural programs in a coniprrlioensive paltcru. The
majority of the broadcasting stations arc located
outside the Montevideo area; they are organized into
two cooperative groups s haring news and rather
services.
Programing corisisls of news suinunaries, soak
operas, sports featums, and music. The lango from the
Rio de la Plata area and the hossa nova from Bra-AI arc
heard on many stations, but modern rock front the
United States and the United Kingdom is also
popular. Same stations have late nlgilt shows featuring
jazz and semiclassical music. Although local newscasts
are Fetter c-dited and presented than tho-, iii marl}�
other South American nations, few stations can afford
large news staffs. Consequently, inaay stations use the
services of al affiliate With a t printer for daily
national and internatiorml news reports. 'rite leading
supplier of national news and cominentaries is Radio
Carte, owned and r>perated by Raul ):ontaina,
former president of the Inter American Association of
Broadcasters.
'1'elevisinn has liceu growing rapidly in Uruguay,
from all estimated 25,0W receivers in 196() to.
in 1972. T he regular viewing audience is t ilelilatetl at
over I million persons. Signals fmin the five television
stations in Montevideo are receive# throughout the
aountrr anon- stalitins also exist in Arligas, Giiouia,
Fray Bentos, Maldonado, Melo Paysandu, Rivera,
Rocha, Slllto, 'f vcuarembo, and Treinta y Tres.
SODRE operates an two channels. Other stations are
privately owned and commercially supported.
Educational television, established in 196.1, telecasts
throur tine facilities of channel 5 in Montevideo.
Programs are prepared by tine National Council of
Primary School Education: Progm -cs fins lcen slow,
however, and Ptogriming has only begun in primary
schools.
Pattems of Programing for commercial television
are similar to those in tine United States, as they
include news summaries, soap, operas, siturtion
comedies, drama, variety shows. and sports, The
government and commercial. channels in Montevideo
have presented documentaries on the dvitger to heal �h
from poor dietary habits, inadeq personal
hygiene, alcxbv!isni, and smoking, Docianentaries
and television drarnas by the nation's leading writer.
compare favorably wills similar efforts in the United
Slates. A large part of television fare, however, consists
of U.S. imports dihbbed ill Spanish; these include
"Bonanza," "The Dean Martin Show," Dragnet,"
"Mission Impossible," and "Panorama U.S.A. Other
video laps programs cone from Argentina, Brazil, and
F uEopc.
Modest admission prices make motion pictures it
major forin of entertainment. With the exception of
two or three feature fins caelh year, domcslic film
Production it limited to newsreels and documentaries.
lodes are imported from France, Italy, J apan, ,Mexico,
tilt Soviet Ultioin, llhe United Kitlgdorn, and the
United Statc .i.
I. Selected bibliography (U /OU)
Alisky, Marvin. Uruguay, a Cori it! mporanr Surtsey.
New York: Praeger. 1969. The only recent general
book on Uruguay iu English devoted to such broad
topics as soda! structure, education, cultural
expre."irm, ;e nd ccollolr ly. 'rhe sectimi oil nevspapers
:lnd periodicals is particularly useful.
Benedetti. Mario, eel. Literatura Uriguaya Siglo
Xt. Montevideo: Editorial Alfa. 1%9. A collection of
previously published articles on 20th century
Uruguayan literature by different writets.
Fitzgibil0n, Russel H. -Uruguay: Portrait of a
Ueniocrccy. New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press,
1966. A classic, although somewhat tiated, study of
polifits, o:cononlies. arld life.
Canon, Isaac. Estruciura social del Uruguay.
Montevideo: Editorial A S. 19fifi. An extensive stt:dy
of Uruguayan society covering dentography, social
organization, and social prolilt =ms.
Metho! Ferre, Alberto. Las corrienies religiosas:
N tiestra Tierra 25. Montevideo: Editorial, Nuestra
Tierra, 1969. A brief awx -aunt of changing religious
trends fain early colonial to Modern times.
Pendlc, George. Uruguay, 1,ovdon: Oxford
University Press. 1%3. A general study of demog-
raphy, social struNnr4, living conditions, religion, anti
cultural exp'rcssiorl.
Bantu, Carlos M. !.a religion en el Umguoy.
,4lontevideo. Ediciones Nuestro Tiemtxt. I964, A
sociological study of contemporary religious practices,
mainly those of Homan Catholicism, by all
Uruguayan writer sociologist.
"Los problemas agrarios tin cl.'Uruguay,"
Anerica Latina, vol. 10, pp. v)46, Octrber-
December 1967. General discussion of rural housing
41.
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Co,F111M.- rtAt.
an�l social problems pointing out different family
%tructures in(] enipluynieut patterns ilk Uruguay's
rural society.
"The Passim; of tike Afro Uruguayans front
Cade Societe into CIIJS% SaciCty.'' M.Lgilus Nlorne.r,
cYl. Rance and Class in Latin America. New fork:
Columbia University Press. 1970. A study of tike
formation and developntvnt of soc cl:ksses in
Uruguay.
Sociologia del Uruguay. Buenos Aires:
Editorial Urliversitaria tic iiucuos Aires. 1965. A
concise explanation of coulempomiry social slrpetnre
and mobility.
Real do Aiva, Carlos. 1.ri clase dirigenl fNuestra
Tierra 3.1. Moult-video; Editorial Nue,tra Tierra.
1969. A brief discumiou of agrictdlur.d, mercantile,
industrial, military, and religiotis elites ill 1 �ttirt
America, with specific nfcrcnccs to Uruguay.
Shapiro, Samel. "Uruguays Lost Paridisv,
Current INslornl, vol. 62, pp. 98 -104. February 197
Ali analysis of Uruguay's recent economic difficulties
and social tttt rest, sketching e4t ono mic a nd political
developments during the 20th mikitiry_
"Social ,tilobility Rates in Buenos Aires, Nlon-
tevideo, and Sao Paulo," rlaterfca I- alfna, vol. 4, pp.
3 -20, October December 1962. A comparative
description of factors affteting social mobility ill three
urban settings.
Sew y amor en el Uruguay. Montevideo: Editorial
Alfa. 1970. C data on Sacitll snores.
'1'rtibel. Jose M. %slteclos del Uruguay actual.
Banco der la Republica Oriental del Uruguay.
Montevideo. 1970. Contains economic artrl finaltcia]
dank, vilb recent statistics on education and utf;ial
security.
UF119,311y, Comision de lovmsiones y Dcsarrollo
Economicu. Publicaciones tC anos de la ley do
educat7an contim, Montevideo. 1966. A comprehen-
sive Stott) of the educational system, ioc]udhig its
structure ufganiiation, Lo st, and recolumendat
for reform.
Uruguay, Mreccinni Genera! do Nstar.istiea v
Censers. Buleffn esladfslico. aver 111, iim la, September
1971. Contains statistical data and analysis of wages
Mid iticonic: am ong mont evideo are worker; from
1969 to 1971.
Uful;uay, Direction Navional de Vivienda, lnstituto
Nacional de Viviendas Economicas. J narianal fie
viaienda 1971 72. Montevideo. 1971. A synopsis of
housing coll litiolts, building Lonstriletiott mtc'. attd
future steeds, including a critiq o the 1970 national
housing plan.
Urogimy. instituto de Economic, Univemidad de la
Relm6lica. Uruguay, esfadisficas liasicas. llou-
tevideo. impresora Cordon. 1969. Statistical data and
anafysis of population, employment. and irimme
based oil inforfmition front the 1963 population
census, various agricultural crnsuscx. anti sample
s"Mys.
Glusily kf
42
A H nn ry iATsox
S l'AH 1811
F N GLt alt
AN]
Agen lfereional d e i nf or ma iio ne s...
Na t ion al lnformation Agen
CNT.........
CAmmntion National de Trabajodorra.,
Naiianal Contention -of Workers
CUMIN......
Comiaion de Praduefiridad, Precios a
CommMon on Productivity, Pricer,
f nomads
and Wages
CSU..........
Confederation Siodiwl del Uruguay...
Trade Union Co0ederatian of Uruguay
C'f
Cenfrol de Trabgjadmw del Uruguay...
CentrAl,or Urugu %yan Workers
CUT..........
Conjcderaciin Urugunya de Tmba;a-
Uruguayan Confederation of Workers
dope's
ICFTU
lnternaiiansl ConferrnM: of Free Trade
Unions
INI'C.........
Inttrfufo National de Viriendap Econo-
Natlunal Institute of low -Cost iiouAng
:erica�
ISAI..........
loiesM y Soe err America Latina..
Church and Society in Latin Atneri.ra
it1LT.........
,tlafdmienfo des Liberation Naciafial...
National Liberation Movement
OR1T.........
Urgani:acion Regional Inirranierieana
Inter American Regional Organization
de riabojadares
of Work
PCU..........
Portido Camunista. del Uruguay.......
Communist of Uruguay
I'M..........
Perdido Prmoeiola Crirtiana..........
Christian 1 >macmL Party
PSU..........
Parfido Swiuliala del Uruguay.......
oocitilis! Party of Urtiguay
SODRE.......
S"icio Ofitinl de Difusion Radio
Official Radiobroadcaacing Service
F- frrfrira
UM
Union General dr rmbajadares.......
Cionera! Union of Workem
WFTU
...............I.............:.
World Fedrxatioa of Trade Unions.
N O FORE.[G V INSSEM
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