NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 58; MOZAMBIQUE; THE SOCIETY

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K
WARNING
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rective No. 3.
For NIS containing unclassified materMl, however, the
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the National Intelligence Survey.
Subsections and graphics are individually classified
according to content. Classification /control designa-
tions are:
(U /OU) Unclassified /Far Cfficial Use Wy
(C) Confidential
(S) Secret
C,
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xi> M: 2 v: h. 7' 1". z:: N^a.k,^- u.,...n.
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This chapter was prepared for the NIS under the
gencral supervision of the Central Intelligence
Agency by the Bureau of Economic Analysis, Social
and Economic Statistics Administration, Depart-
ment of Commerce. Research was substantially
completed by June 1973.
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Page
D. Living and working conditions 14
1. Health and sanitation
a. Health problems
b. Medical care
c. Sanitation
2. Food oomumption and nutrition
3. Housing
4. Work opportunities and conditions
a. The people and work
b. Labor legislation
Q Labor and management
15
15
17
18
19
20
20
Iii
24
25
Page
3. Islam 28
4. Protestantism 29
F. Educatinn 30
G. Artistic and cultural expression 34
1. Painting, sculpture, and handicrafts 35
2. Performing arts 40
3. Literature 44
IL Public Information 44
E. Religion
27
1. Printed matter
45
2. Radio and motion pictures
46
1. Animism
27
2. Roman Catholicism
28
L Selected bibliography
46
FIGURES
Page
Page
Fig. 1
African physical types 'photos)
6
Fig, 15
Village shrine (photo)
27
Fig. 2
Mulatto girl (photo)
7
Fig. 18
Mosque in Tete (photo)
29
Fig. 3
Women pounding grain (photo)
9
Fig. 17
Urban schools (photos)
32
Fig. 4
Puberty ceremony for girl (photo)
9
Fig. 18
Modem architecture and decoration
Fig. 5
Population density (map)
12
Fig. 19
(photos)
Native wall painting (photo)
36
37
Fig. 6
Population, area, and population
Fig. 20
Face masks (pf-jws)
38
density (table)
13
Fig. 21
Wooden sculptures (photos)
39
Fig. 7
Age-sex structure (chart)
14
Fig. 22
Sculpture of Makondc dancer (photo)
40
Fig. 8
Consumer price index (chart)
15
Fig. 23
Ebony sculpture showing Christian
Fig. 9
Diviner studying fetishes (photo)
16
influence (photo)
40
Fig. 10
University Hospital (photo)
17
Fig. 24
Makonde and Makua -'-iandicrafts
Fig. 11
Miguel Bombarda. Central Hospital
(photos)
41
(photo)
IS
Fig. 25
Basket and bed (photo)
41
Fig. 12
Rural water supplies (photos)
19
Fig. 26
Thumb piano of the Chop! (photo)
42
Fig. 13
Non-African dwcUings (photos)
21
Fig. 27
Tribal dancers (photos)
42
Fig. 14
African huts (photos)
M
Fig. 28
Chop! ballet (photos)
43
i
ii
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"in spite of everything there is love that remains around us," contemporary painting by
Mozambique's most noted artist, the African Molangatono. Critics see in Molongotana's
paintings, in which violence and blood are dominant themes and there is frequent
portrayal of teeth and claws, the artist's attempt to express the frustrations and anxieties
of his race. (U Oil)

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4c:'1
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L
The Society
A. Introduction (C)
As a Portuguese overseas state, Momnibique is one
of the few remaining dependent areas in Africa. It is
characterized by a large rural; traditionally oriented
African society which� except far u few thousand
insurgents in the north �is completely dominated bytt
small, urban-band Portuguese community. The
colonial nature of Portuguese rule, together with the
agricultural focus of Moyumbique's economy, has
helped preserve th:., fractured social structure. A vast
gulf separates the sociocultural traditions of
indigenous African society from those of the modern
European community, while Portuguese attempts -to
Instill Western culture and values have had a
disruptive effect on tribal life.
For centuries the Portuguesz have neglected lite
interests of the indigenous population, whose living
conditions are poor and level of literacy law, partly
because Portuguese has been the only language of
instruction used irr the schools. For much of the time,
government administration of African affairs has beers
marked at best by paternalism and at worst by forced
labor and other forms of exploitation. Reforms
instituted by the Portuguese since' 1961 have largely
been the result of political necessity. To alleviate the
unrest that swept through its African possessions early
In the 1960's and to improve its image abroad,
Portugal has increased development expenditures and
instituted limited political, economic, and social
reforms. African levels of living have improved slightly
as u result, but Portugal still is not financially ab!d or
psychologically prepared to make rapid and
comprehensive changes in.the structure of society.
Proud:.of _their cultural heritage, the Portuguese do
not assign a high priority to the preservation of
traditional culture andcontinue to claim a mission to
civilize the tribal African: Thus, site government
accords equal legal rights to. the few African's and
mulattoes who: becorrie' fluent in Portuguese, attain
advanced education, an& adopt 'Portuguese cultural
values. While there is little eviticnce of racial
discrimination as. such, wvhitc merchants�
administrators,. 'and` luborers',. 7 with whom most
Africans are likely to come into daily contact, are
frequently patronizing in their treatment of Africans.
The bulk of the African population appear apathetic
about their role in Mozambique society.
Mozambique's original inhabitants, thought to be
bands of Bushmen and Hottentots, were displaced by
extensive waves of Bantu speaking tribes which
invaded the area and mixed with the indigenous
population between t}te early Christian era and Cite
16th century. Some Bantu tribes remained cohesive,
others broke up, or new tribes formed around the
leadership of strong chiefs. Pastoral tribes tended to
retain an aggressive military organivalion. In the 16th
century, the liowerful Monomotapa dynasty, centered
in what is now Rhodesia controlled much of the
interior`Lambera River basin:
The fact that Mo7ambique was situated on the
southern edge of Arab influence along the cast African
coast substantially affected Cite social and cultural
development of northern Mozambiquc. Arab traders
were in contact with areas of the region during the
early Christian period; however, the first permanent
Arab settlements were not inade until the ninth
century, when fortified coastal towns as far south as
Nova Sofala, inhabited by Arab merchants and people
of mixed Arab and AMean descent, became centers of
trade tiwitli Arabia, Persia, and India. Over the years
the surrounding African population adapted Islam
along with Arab dress and 'dietary customs. The
Swahili language, with its Arable vocabulary and
Bantu structure, slowly developed and remains today
the lingua franca of many coastal peoples, including a
few along tite northern coast of Mozambique.
Pcro de Owillta in 1489 was the first Portuguese
explorer to reach what is now Mozambique. The
region was not opened to Europeat influence,
however, until after it was visited by Vasco da Cama
on: his historic voyage to India in 1498. In the
following, years the Portuguese systematically
conquered Arab, towns and established fortresses
through which they could control the rich trade
between; Europe and the spicelands of India and the
East Indies: By 1520, Portuguese truding posts and
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forts reached as far soul as the Zambezi River. Main
settlements were established ut Vila de Sena in 1531
and, later, at Tete in order to secure a trading route to
the fabled Monomotapa empire. At various times the
Portuguese were able to conclude alliances with tribal
chiefs, including those of the Monomotapa, but most
of these alliances vere short lived, and the araount of
gold traded generally did not cover the colt of the
expeditions. The garrisons of coastal towns rs well as
outposts in the interior were periodically attacked and
destroyed.
When the Dutch wrested control of the spix trade
from the Portuguese in the 17th century, the latter
turned toward Brazil, and Mozambique was left in the
hands of traders, adventurers, and military governors.
A slave trade developed, but it was never as extensive
as that in Portuguese West Africa.
There were seldom more than 1,000 Portuguese in
the cast African territory at any time (luring most of
the 171h and 18th centuries. Nevertheless, in order to
stimulate die slack Zambezi River trade, Portuguese
and lne1ans were encouragers to migrate to
Mozambique. Some moved into the interior, where
they prospered anti intermarried with Africans; others
became well established on the coast. To promote
permanent colonization, prazos da coroa (crown
grants) were conferred on the Portuguese and Indians,
as well as on ex- soldiers and even condemned
criminals deported from Portugal. Although the
holders of crown estates were expected to provide a
focus for European settlement in the Zambezi valley,
most concentrated on trade and became virtual local
chieftains with more power than crown appointed
administrators. They maintained private armies of
Africans and made military alliances with tribe.: chiefs
as personal advantage dictated.
Portugal's inability to control the region was also
manifested by continual uprisings of hostile Iola,
tribes, the invasion of Nguni tribes from Zululand, and
inmasing challeriges to Portuguese hegemony by
European powers. In the first half of the 19th century,
the prazo system was abolished and various codes and
decrees were promulgated to create a more responsible
provincial government, but these efforts met with little
success. The prazeros continued to hold a monopoly
over commerce, to collect a head tax from Africans, to
use forced labor, and to openly defy Portuguese
authority. Also, Portugal was unable to abolish the
slave trade, the territory's largest and most profitable
began an extensive pacification campaign in southern
Mozambique, but responsibility for final control of
tribal groups and prazeros north of the Rio Save was
given to three large concessionary companies, whose
officials performed the services of magistrates, tax
collectors, educators, and licalth officers and
maintained private police forces. Judicial functions,
however, were reserved to [fie state.
Meanwhile, solution to the longstanding dispute
between Portugal and Great Britain over the boundary
separating their southern African territories Ied to
other agreements between the two countries which
strongly influenced economic development in
Mozambique and the consolidation o� Portuguese
power. After the discovery of gold in the Transvaal in
1886, the British needed a cheap labor force to work
the mines and a means of rapid transportation to the
coast, while the Portuguese recognized the advantage
of controlling rail and supping facilities for the transit
of goods from British areas in the interior.
Consequently, under the terms of a treaty signed in
1891, Portugal agreed to build a railroad from
L.ourenco Marques to the Transvaal and, in 1.901,
granted the exclusive right to recruit Mozambican
labor to the Witwatersrand Native Labor Association.
Simi 1928 the exchange of labor from Mozambique
in ictum for transit trade from the Transvaal has been
regulated by a convention between Portugal and
South Africa.
Since World bear 11 the Portuguese Government has
used various agricultural settlement schemes to
encourage white immigration to Mozambique.
Although the European population increased
substantially between 1950 and 1967, in recent years
the number of immigrants has (leclined considerably,
partly because of the growing insurgency in the north.
The government has provided financial assistance to
the settlers, including passage, land, a house, and
equipment. Despite much publicity, the program has
not worked well and has been a costly drain on
government resources. Many settlers have not
succeeded because of ignorance and refusal to accept
advice.
In addition to the agricultural settlement, or
colonata, schemes, large -scale resettlement projects
have been undertaken in nortlicm Mozamloigtie as
part of a military plan to isolate Africans from rebel
guerrillas and form a strong perimeter of fortified
villages to contain the Mozambique Liberation Front
A export business, (1: RMANIO). Since 19tH, when the movement
As late as 1890, Portugal exerelsed little real control =For diacritics on place names, sec the list of name., an the apron
of the region outside the coastal areas and principal of the 5urnmarn� clap in the G,untn' Profile chapter, the nuip ilw1f.
river pmts. In 1894 an expeditionary force from Lisbon and maps in the text.
a
2
!i
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X
initiated armed insurgency against Portuguese
authority, the insurgents have gained a degree of
control over portions of Cabo Delgado, Niassa, and
Tete Districts, By 1973, Portugal had committed over
30,000 troops to oppose an estimated 7,000 to 8,000
FRELIMO fighters in these arras.
B. Structure and characteristics of society
(U /OU)
Mozambican society is divided between a small,
mainly urban -bused modern sector dominated by
Europeans and a large traditional sector consisting of
rural Africans who adhere to the social institutions of
their forebears. The two are separated from each other
physically, culturally, and socially, and conimunira-
tion between them is quite limited. Although the
overwhelming numerical superiority of the black
population makes African languages, culture, .in([
values looin large in Mozambican life, there is no
organization among the many tribal groups and no
tribe is clearly dominant. Political and economic
affairs arc in the hands of the Portuguese, who occupy
the tipper level in the highly stratified social system.
They control the government and the important
industries and commercial institutions, and their
language and religion, Roman Catholicism, officially
prevail in national society.
L Ethnic composition
Limited data available from the 1970 Mozambican
census indicate that about 96.8�"* of the population at
that time was African, the remainder consisting of
Europeans (mainly Portuguese), Asians, and persons of
mixed blood, designated us mulattoes. Most of the
Asians arc from the Indian subcontinent, including
the former Portuguese enclatvec cf Diu, Damao, and
Cou. Therc is also a small Chinese communi
The Afrieln population of Morumbiqup is made up
of Bantu peoples whose ancestors began coming into
the area from the north and west in the first
millennium A.D. Other migrations from the south
occurred in the 19th century. No complete delineation
of the tribes inhabiting the state can he made because
of the imprecise use of tribal names in some regions
and ul, because of a more or less continuing prowess
of amalgamation and separation among certain
groups, .giving rise, to varying interpretations of tribal
divisions.. Estimates of the number of tribes in
Mozambique range from .:bout 70 to more than 100.
Generally speaking. there are two major regional
groupings, the northern and the southern, each
including tribes with some degree of etiltural similarity
stemming from historic, geographic, and economic
factors. North of the 74imberi River dwell numerous
tribes which, by tradition, are inalrilineal, tracing
their descent from females; sonic are Islamized. South
of the river the tribes arc muncly patrilineal and have
been more influenced by tht! Portuguese. In the
intermediate region of the Zambezi valley is a large,
heterogeneous aggregation which has absorbed
cultural traits from both northern and southern tribes.
Many Mozambican tribes are part of largergroupings
extending into the neighboring countries of Tanrania,
Malawi, Zambia, Rhodesia, Swaziland, and South
Africa.
Ito kite northern region, the major tribal groupings
are the Maktia, the 1.omwC, tite Maravi, the
Makonde, and the Yao; the principal peoples of the
southern region are the Thonga, the Shona, the Chopi,
-nd the Nguni. Each encompasses a number of
subtribes, Most Mona mbicans engage in sonic form of
subsistence agriculture, practice the indigenous
animistic religion, and live in small, scattered villa. -'es
and hamlets typically consisting of round wattle and
daub lints with conical roofs. 'rhe southern peoples arc-
involved in cattle raising as well as agriculture, cattle
being viewed as an important symbol of wealth
among them. Because the tribes of t!cc �south have had
greater contact with Europeans than have those of the
north, a larger number are in process of detribaliza-
tion. The tabulation below shows the approxi size
of the major groupings in Mozambique's African
population as indicated in the census of 1934, the
latest year for which such information is available.
The figures are understood to he estimates.
Northern groups:
Atakua 1,775,000
Lomwo 520,000
WWI 425,000
Makon 130.4=
Yao I 120,000
Southern groups:
Thonga 1,2ft0,OW
Shona 300,000
Chop! 240,000
Nguni 14,000
Peoples of the Zambezi valley 800,000 to
1 milltan
Largest of the groupings and one of the few found
entirely within Moratmbiquc, the Makua are
concentrated in the District of Mocambique and in
parts of Cabo Delgado, Niassa, and 'Lambezia
Districts. They are a peaceful people who enjoy good
relations with most of the other groups �in the region,
and there has been some intermarriage with the
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neighboring I..omuc and Yam. The coastal Makua
were strongly influenced by Arab traders who had
settled in tite area before the arrival Of the Portuguese,
and many adopted Islam.
The L.Omwe are culturally similar to lire Makna,
and some scholars group them together; however. the
L.omwe exhibit little Arabic influence. They are found
primarily in Zarnbeiia. Since the beginning of the
20th century many have migrated to Malawi.
Tile Maravi are cantered in Tete District but are
also found in Zambezia and Niassa. Well- known
subtribes are the Chewa, the Nsenga, and [lac Nyanja.
All of the Maravi tribes extend across international
houndaries, and there is considerable movement of
Maravi laborers back and forth, especially across lite
Malawi border.
Among the major groupings, the tMakonde have
perhaps the strongest sense of tribal identity. Isolslted
for centuries on the Planalto dos Macondes in Cabo
Deigacio, they were little affected by the Arabs who
teuderl in the region and were successful in keeping
most of their tribal customs. Known as a fierce and
dissident people, they have long been hostile toward
the peaceful Makua and are the principal group
involved in the antigovernment irasilrgency which has
been going on in northern Mozambique for several
years. The Makonde have strong ties with fellow
tribesmen in southern Tanrania.
Also identified with insurgent activities are the Yao,
who inhabit Niassa District, dwelling primarily
between the Rio Lugenda and the Rio Rovuma. For
centuries [lie Yao functioned as middlemen for Arab
slave traders in eastern Africa and later were
competitors with the Portuguese for trade in [he
interior. They raided neighboring trifles for slaves, and
many of the women whom they captured became
wives or concubines of Yao tribesmen. There was also
some intermixture with the Arabs. The Yao adopted a
number of Arabic social customs and profess to be
Maaslims while nevertheless retaining much of their
traditional animistic religion.
The largest tribal grouping iu lite southern region
and second lan;est in all of Mozambique are the
Thonga, most of whom Iive south of the Rio Save.
There are four notable .'hongu subtribes: the Ronga,
who inhabit the area around the capital city of
Lourenco Marques and have been strongly influenced
by the Portuguese; tite Shang: na, who OCCCapy much
of Gaga Districi; and the Tswa and the I�ilengwe, who
dwell in Inhumbuneand in northern.Ca7a. Migratory
labor has become a pattern ;among the Thonga and is
discouraged neither by the Portuguese nor by tribal
authorities. About 40% of Thonp males reportedly
work in the mines of Rhodesia or South Africa at some
time in their adult life.
The Shona grouping in MOiambictue is spread nut
in the area between the 'Zambezi River and the Rio
Save, now comprising the Districts of Beira and Vila
Pery, but the main body Of Shona inhabits Rhodesia.
Once organised into feudal states headed by powerful
chiefs, they were conquered by raiding Nguni in the
191h century. Tire principal Sltona tribes located in
Mozainbique traditionally have been the Bargve, the
Danda, the Mauyika, the Ndait, and the Teve.
Reportedly, [lie Bargwe are gradually disappearing as
a result Of absorption into neighboring tribes.
'Fite Cbopi, 0110 of the more Westernised African
pcaples in MOikambique, occupy coastrll areas in
Inhambane and Cara. The main subtribes are the
Gwambe, the Lenge, and the Tonga. Unlike most
other southern Mozauibicaus, the Chopi usually live
in square rather than round dwellings. Many have
migrated to urban areas, and [he} are particularly
numerous in I- cturenco Marques. They have also
participated in [lac stream of migrant labor to
Rhodesia and South Africa.
IIistoric:ally, the Nguni have had an important
impact 0,1 the Moanibican population �an impact
far ant of proportion to their present small number, In
the second gaarter of [lie I9th century Nguni tribes
swept northward from their original territory of
Zululand (nov part Of tits Republic of South Africa)
and Overran numerous Mozambican tribes, driving
some out of their native regions and bringing others
temporarily under Nguni domination. In nlatty areas,
however, the Ngtlni were themselves absorbed by local
tribes throaigh intermarriage. They had. at well-defined
culture, and their influence can be seen among the
ThOnga, the Shona, the Maravi, and the Yao peoples.
Today the principal Nguni tribe is round in the
extreme south near the Swaziland border. Another
small Nguni grouts inhabits the Angonia highlands in
the northeastern corner of Tete District.
The heterogeneous peoples of the zdmbcii valley
conisist of many tribes with mixed and often unclear
cultural characteristics. Throughout history, lite
7jimbezi River has been a miajor rotate to the interior
for Africans as veil as for foreigners, includi-ig Arab
traders, Asians, and Europeans, and the ensuing
contact and ethnic intermixture have left the original
tribes of the region fragmented and dispersed.
Although ethnographic boundaries are difficult to
define, it is possible to locutesomeof the better known
groups. The Chuabo, of Makua- l-omwe stock but
adhering to sonic U)UthCM cultural praci -m�s, occupy
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Elie north rank of [lie river near its mouth, as -ell u;
the ad jacent delta region. On the south b ank ill like
same area arc the Podzo, also of Maktia- Lornwc stock
but with a culture that is mainly Shona. in the region
west of the Podzo dwell the Sena, who are a inixttirc
of NI -kua, Nlaravi, anal Shona peoples and who show
signs of both Aral) and Portuguese influence. The
7eamibezi Tonga and the Tavara tribes are found
farther up the river, tit) rtII west of the So nu, these are of
Maravi and Shona origin, with Shona influences
predominating. In tilt northern sector of the valley are
Ol culturally sintilar Chikunda and Nyungwe tribes,
of mixed 'Conga and Maravi heritage.
'['here are few pliysical differences between [lie
African peoples of Mornibigtte. Most are lypicaily
Negroid �o their physical churacleris,ics (figure I
Nevertheless, there is considerable diversity in
appearance. Traditionally, various tribes were
distingimlied by their facial and body decoration,
their dress and ornamentation, or their hair
arrangement, and this is still true to a considerable
extent, The Makonde and certain tribes of the Makua
are noted for facial and body scarification, which is
sometimes done in Linciful patterns. Sonic members of
these groups also wear a licrele, or lip plug; others file
[lie upper incisors. A Popular method of heautificatiou
among tribal women of the northern coast is to apply it
white, musklike coating to the face. Tradilloral dress,
often nicager, is still worn by large numbers of
tribespeople. [it the urban centers, however, and even
in sonic rural areas, simple Western -style clothing is
common, The more devout Muslims of the north wear
the typo: of garments dict=ated by the precepts of
Islam
slamlurlg, enveloping robes for both sexes. Muslim
rnen also wear turlmns,
Almost all of [lie state's Africans sp ^ak a Bantu
language as their mother longue. These languages
belong to the large linguistic family, part of the Niger
Congo language group, whose speakers inhabit central
and southern Africa. Although sonic of the tongues are
related in terms of structure and vocabulary, most are
mutually unintelligible or intelligible only with
difficulty. All told some 20 Bantu languages and close
to 100 dialects are spoken in Mozambiq [Ike use of
(lie -major languages extending across international
boundaries since linguistic divisions corresix)nd' in
large part to ethnic divisions. As of 19.30 there were
more toan 2 million speakers of Makua in the northem
regime, snaking it the prhit6pal language in
M67antbique. Tice most important language of the
south is Thonga, with more than I million speakers in
1950. languages of note among the peoples of the
Zambe valley are Shona, Omaha, and Sen.,. The
Ngimi still speak 7.11111 dialects. forth of (lie Zambezi
and Particularly along the coast, the trade language
and lingua franca of a lumtibcr of tribes is Swahili, a
Batittt tongue which has been influenced by Arabic.
Portuguese is [lie official language of tilestalc, used in
govcrrirnent, education, and inchistry. It list)
dominates the public information media. Only a small
proportion of the African population have a
functional knowledge of the language; most of these
arc urban dwellers who have steady contact 'with
Europeans. Conversely, few non Africans are able to
speak an African tongue.
According to the 1970 ceitsus, Mozambique's
norkblack population accounted for about 3.2%' of the
total population, divided into Elie following
categories: whiko (2N mulattoes (�10.00()),
Ir,diaas (230M, and Chines (3,000). Although most
of the whites are Porluf-tiese, there arc also small
communities of ther Europeans and sonic white South
Africans. The majority of the whites reside in urban
areas, \here they function as govcrnnnent administra-
tors, civil servants, managerial personnel. small
husinessrnen, or laborers; comparatively few are
involved in agriculture. 1407ambirlue's mulattoes are
largely of mixed African and European origin (figure
2). Like the whites, they c ninionly reside in urban
areas and usually assindit Portuguese culture. Most
of the Indians it Movambique are Portuguese citizens,
those With origins in Cott and former Portuguese
enclaves in India are mostly Roman Catholics, living
in the towns and working its civil servants or
shopkeepers. A larger number of Indians are 1
and sonic are ,Muslims. These are mainly small
businessmen who� ancestors emigrated to east Africa
dale in the 17th encourtgeed by the Portuguese
to develop trading in the region. In urban areas they
form an important commercial elcme nt dealing
mainly with low- income Africans, and in tit(- interior
they operate trading stations; some travel from village
to village. Most Indians wear Western dress, but the\
retain much of their native culture. Indian languages
are little used however. Thesmall Chinese community
largely descended front immigrants who hegan to
arrive it the last quarter of the [()tit century, is
concentrated c hiefly in L ourenca Marques aril Beira.
The majority are Portuguese citizens and aw quite
We sternized, although they have kept a sense of
community by maintaining their own schools and
associations. Many of [lie Chinese are proprietors o
restaurants, ban. and grocery stores, and a fewoperate
farms in the suburbs of Lourencn Marques, growing
pr=oduce to supply the market stalls of [lie capilal.
Most of the Indians and Chinese have little social
interaction with the Europeans,
S
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laI
r1
(al Mokua girl in Muslim garb
lb) Mokua man wearing traditional Muslim turban
(cl Makonde hunter exhibiting scarificatlon on [ace and torso
id) Makande trlbeunan with Sip plug
(e) Chopt marimba player
(f( Girt from a northern coastal tribe -coring beauty mask
(g) Women of Itho de Mocambique In traditional island dress, among iho moil colorful in the stare
(hl Thonge warrior
6
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FIGURE 1. Representative African physicol type! (UIOU)

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a
f-
3
r
c
f
i
is
The offici policy of the Portuguese cc;onial
aclmimistratl, :n is to prohibit racial discriznina(inn and
develop a multiracial society. implicit in lids lxItey is
the gradual assimilation of Africans throaagh their
achievement of European behavioral patterns and
literacy in Portuguese and throaagh theiracceptanceof
Christianity To attain this goal, (he goverrumenl h:s
en,curaged social conlact and intermarriage between
blacks and whites, a position which ins promoted a
degree of racial tolerance. Racial iutegratior: is
nevertheless minimal. Sauce the� early 19i0's,
settlement programs have been tmdertaken for the
stated purprsc of providing the opportunity for both
races to work together in .n agricultural setting where
there isequality in leyelsof firing; and social status and
where the pruhletns to be faced are similar. ifowever.
complcle social integraticm is not yet a fact and there
has liven a strong tendency for [lie while settlers
maiedy newly arrived ixascml irmnigrauts from
Portilgal --to remain aloof from the blacks
2. Social organization
a. Crass
In tiro traditional African sociely of Morainbigiie.
life centc�ars arcrund snall villages which arc� usualhV
occlipled by a single lineage or clan. 'There is no social
stratification as suet. but slalus and prestige sac era, to
certain persons wititiii the cnrnrnanily --the village
elders, the heaeirnan, the local elivincr �who serve as
ilticrpreters of custom and arbitrators o f conflict. The
livatinaam gains his imsitimi through .accession :long
slxeifit-d lines of kinship, depending on how desct-nt is
reckon d. whether nial rill ueal or patrilineai; if the
tribesman in line for (lie post is not acceptable to the
elders, the may choose one of his brothers. The
Portugti0e hove� generally recog ixed lilt- position of
village hvaclnian and ill nruly cases have appointed
headmen us agenls of tilt- gayernnacnt, siumsible for
tax collection and other administrative ditties.
Ili the largely urban- ccnlcrml modern sector of
society, a three -class system prevails on they basis of
wealth, occupation, educational at(aiumetat, and
faintly baekgrnnd. The small upper class is wholly cif
Eurolxari origin airid almost entirely Vortugume.
consisting of _government officials, high- rankinA
representatives of Portuguese enterprises, owners of
large plauilations or beisinesses, and wealdl
professionals. \lost nn�mbers of (his side have strong
lies With Portugal ;yid do 1101 intend .FO relmaita ill
i\lozambigae permanently. A smaller number he )oug
to families which have lived ire tiro state for
generations auad have acrurnulaled considerable
wealth through I:andholdiugs. or other interests.
Family comicctions are exlremt-ly imliortant to lhv
upper class, as ore utalerial Cnmferl5 auxl social
:amenities.
The middle class is larger, and although its memhers
are mainly Europeans, it also includes tmdians.
Chinese, mulattoes and I :uropt-,nizec! Africans. This
t-lement is anode up of civil service employet-s, salaried
persons in industry, white collar workers in general.
and (lac more prosperous merchants, Most aspire to
uplxr class status but find it difficult to rise to that
level of society.
The lower class. lilt' largest ill lilt- mcaclern sector,
encompasses. persons from all of tilt racial groupm
including recent immigrants fmin Portugal who have
little financial means or education_ Genercll
t;aaracterized by tilt lived to do menial labor to
sur�i�e. the lower class includes skilleel and unskillml
laborers. those in service occupations. street vendors.
small cash -crop farmers :itrd farm laborers, and the
uncmplo- -d, A large proporticm of this class consists of
Africans who work as unskilled laborers or servants
and Who live ill oalivt- �aiarters on the periphery of the
huger urban veliters. Living collditimis .among lower
class People in the modern sector are poor, and there is
limited oplKrtanity for upward mobility.
Newly detribalized Africans air in a sorne�w i'M
transitional slate. They have become wparaled front
the traditional sector without yrl living totally
integnited into the rnodcra sector, and. as a result.
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F10URE 2. Mulatto girl. Most mulattoes are of African
and European extraction. (UJOU)

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they participate marginally in both. Most of these
Africans live in or near urban venters where..they have
Lome to seek employment. Some have had their first
contact with modernity as laborers on short -term
contracts to work in the mitres of Rhodesia or South
Africa. Others in the transitional group are still living
in native villages but have had the opportunity to
attend a school or to work in a nearby economic
enterprise where they have contact with Europeans
and are exposed to modern technology. A dichototny
sometimes develops in villages .where a school is
maintained; those who have obtained some
education, etinve to Christianity, and adopted
certain European customs may-dwell in one part of the
village, while those still adliering to the traditional life
style occupy another section.
b. Family
The faini!y and its larger kinship grouping, the
lineage, constitute the most important units of
traditional African society in Mozambique. A village
commonly consists of two or more extended families
which form a lineage united under the senior inale,
whether in patriliucal or matrilincal succession. A
lineage is generally reckoned in terms of several
generations arid is based on real or culturally defined
kinship with a founding ancestor or ancestress. Family
organization has assumed various pattern's among the
different tribes and has been influenced in varying
degrees: by Islam and Christianity in areas where those
religions liay. been accepted, as well is by European
custom in some regions. For example, many Bantu
tribes which were traditionally matrilincal are known
to have become patrilincal either totally or'in some
aspects. In bath putrilineal and matrilincal tribes, the
extended family, is the norm and male authority is
recognised: In matrilineal groups, however, children
regard their mothers eldest brother, rather than their
father, as the primary authority figure.
A traditional, patrilineal family consists of a man
and his wife or wives, their unmarried children, and
their married sons, together with the families of the
latter. A. matrilineal family, traditionally, comprises it
group of sisters, their husbands and offspring, and
their eldest brother. Insteiid of moving to his wife's
village at marriage, as is customary, the brother
remains in the village, of.his sisters in order to supervise
their affairs Arid t :e upbringing.of.their children. The
children receive their `mother's nanae and reckon
dL:kcnt and inheritance from her; the husband has
little: respansibllity for.them except in eontriliute' to
their support. It is not clear to :.what extent the
structure of [lie matrilincage and the pattern of
ruatrilocal residence survive among Mozambican
tribes today.
Although the practice of pnlygyny is -+o longer
common, it is still regarded as the ideal form of
marriage fur the wealthier tribesmen. Plural wives
usually work together as in economic unit under the
direction of the first wife, but each is entitled to her
own but for herself and her children. Where the
matrilincage prevails, sororal polygyny is the most
workable form of plural marriage. In this arrange
mcut, a man marries ono pr more of his wife's sisters.
The Portuguese have discouraged polygyny as much
as possible, and since 194$ it has been prohibited
among ii:ban -based Africans.
Basically, marriage is regarded as a contract
between two families. Patrilhical tribes require the
payment of a bride -price by the grooms family; this
may lie paid in cash or consist, of cattle or other goods.
Some rnatrilitical peoples continue to maintain' the
tradition of "-bride service" whereby the groom
performs a period of service: for his mother-in-law,
usually by working her land. lie may also give a token
gift to the bride's eldest maternal inele. 1-'orinalizatinn
of a marriage takes place in a ceremony performed in
accordance with local custom, commonly in the
presence of several witnesses. A marriage may lie casily
dissolved, but the disruptive effects of the dissolution
on a wife or children are moderated by the strength of
the extended family and lineage system, which
provides an individual with a large Body of kin whit
reeogriixe a mutual obligation to support and assist
tine another. Economic dependency is a stabilizing
force within the extended fancily, characterized by a
time honored division of labor. The men lutnt, fish,
prepare the fields for sowing, construct living quarters.
and sometimes earn money as wage laborers, while the
women do the culvitating and harvesting, prepare the
grain and other produce for use as food (Figure 3),
perform household tasks, and care for the children.
Herding is done by both sexes.
Children are greatly desired, each child tieing
regarded as an asset to the Family to which it Belongs.
rhe hirth of a child confers status, particularly on the
father, and barrenness in a woman is It Ctimrnon
ground for divorce. Until age 6 or, 7 a child has
considerable frecdom but thereafter must begin
helping; with the fomily' s labor, li oys workit g in the
fields and girls doing household tasks. Childhood ends
tvith pubeity, which hi marry tribes is signifies l.by an
initiation into adulthood, an occasion of great
iiiiportance to the participants, The .pntetices
associated initiation vary cousidwably from one
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Irilr.l group to ,mntIIVT. lit nrttrilirleal triIWS the
process is murc extrusive for girls than for hors, and
traditionally it ll.ts iuwolvcd a period of C orifineuu -tit
during which older wotneu provide the girl% with
instruction iii sex and tither rnaIter4 deeim-d
uppnpri,tlr for a utarricd woman. In some Irihcs the
initiates undergo clituridectomy. ;old in others
}roltingcd and elaborate cerenimues are performed
(Vigtire -1). I rites for bows also comitioul
i,IChrde ;t period of seclusion for the initiates, devoted
to rigid discipliuc atA instruction in various male skills
and tribal lore. This is followed by circumcision. with
ucaoutpunyiug rituals. Youths who have golke 111"Olig t
the initiation togelher frequently form so�ralled age
gmde groups �hick are pledged to lifelorig solidaril5.
Alter pi3hvrly. an individual, stein& or female, is
considered to he prepared for marriage and for
shouldering the responsibilities of adulthood
Among newly delribitlirrd ACHuttis is the trrharl
celiters. llie lriditioual extended fartlily has necVssaril
givcu way to the imulear unit consisting of a rrrm.uul
wife and lhcir unutarried children. Although ties in
tine's larger kinship groue arid the n: ve village nta)
be mlaitled to stimc cxlcut. ihcw ..re iue�wilabl
weaketed :old in titans cases completely abandoned.
abut; witic the concepts of kinship obligation anel
mslsect for senior male authority which urc implicit ill
the extended fanli1% .tnd li:u�uge systeut. The awslem
has also berii subject to erosion in rural areas anumg
those peoples who have becvonle a source of migrant
labor For rtiiTUrlg interests in Rhudesia ;rod South
Africa. The iotig absences of married inert FtIfilling
labor contracts have tilt adverse effect on family life.
and participation in the none% rc,rlutlt) lends to
undermine the tradilion of I.-MIM nic coo}x�ralion uticl
interdeperldenv% which is characteristic of the tribal
kinship group.
In the European sector the typical fantih is nuclear.
.dthuugh it is not uucommin to find tine or both
parents of the hosbawl or wife dwelling in the
household. 'I'lie PorUigttesc regard the family as the
basic social institution and as the primarw soiree of
material and psycholoigical support for till' indiwidti.&
htintiiy lo are strong. and rnittual assistance is
looked upon as an iTnportant obligation for famil
mrutben. N -fast of the I'oringuesl' in \loz:irnhie}tu� arc
married in a Catholic veretnoi i y, and the in..rrhiges are
generally stable, Although divor�e is prohibited )IN the
Catholic Church it is pereitilted under Port till nese
haw. The legal provisions are restrictive, kowewer.
involving stnictions against the spouse judged to be at
faull. l cg �1 separation is also 1wrmNsibic. The
httabilttd tied father wields strong authority within the
9
mar._ Y'. _'7'i'.^.' ?..v` r'y. "''�s:.: r':n:.:, !`�.,t:, a.f...7x }sts..:;'.. -r'- M, s'F. ,c e.. ...:,.ccasionully.
caused strife between: newly, arrNcd; jobscekers, and'
the emplayed, established slum dwellers.
Although the �existence of :.high ;unemployment in
tilt cities �stems mainly (earn, the' rural -fi" =urban
exodus, otlcr "Factors, inrludirag the state's. small
industrial base, have also been responsible.
Additionally, a growing segment of the unemployed
consists of discharged military conscripts who have
been recruited in the countryside but are unwilling to
return to farming after acquiring a substantial
acculturation to European ways during their tour of
service.
African women, who are far less likely to seek wage
employment than men and who normally remain
behind {luring the seasonal migrations of their males,
constitute the backbone of the agrarian labor force,
serving as unpaid family workers. In subsistence
farming they perform most of the day -to -day :Mores
and many of the arduous tasks as well. On the other
hand, the liberal amount of leisure time enjoyed by
men farmers accounts in large measure for the
prevalence of high underemployment in rural areas.
While few women arc wage earners (5% of all female
workers were so classified in 1963), the situtation does
not derive entirely from their predilection`for farming,
as the Portuguese community and most of the
indigenous tribes traditionally have attached much
importance to the woman's role as a mother and
homemaker. Most women wage earners are household
domestics.
Certain profound differences between the African
and Portuguese communities cause disharmony in
labor relations and'contribute to low productivity. The
lack of a common language perhaps is the most
imposing harrier between employers and employees.
Fluency in Portuguese, therefore, is lice basic .tool for
obtaining a job that'pays wages. Even wheri fluent in
Portuguese and acculturated in other ways, however,
the African worker is apt to differ from his white
counterpart in matters relating to job expectations and
performance. The black worker, with poor working
and living conditions and limited channels for
improvement through advancement or the accumula-
tion of wealth, often tends to b,, unresponsive to work
incentives. For instance, black workers often fail to
capitalize on incentive wage schemes offered by
employers even though base wages are meager. In
fact, many wage laborers from rural areas return to
their villages after c_arning sufficient cash to pity the
annual capitation tj)x and to purchase a few
manufactured articles.
Despite the hardships endured by urban workers
and the high turnover that characterizes employment
in -tire- wage sector, an ever increasing inumber of
African workers, especially those with some schooling,
permanently abandon agriculture. Such individuals
find that the civil service generally affords greater
employment opportunities and somewhat better
23
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I_1 :Z61Tl =1 Q;191;4;1 =1 [wo] /_d N IrZQrIrf Lrf :ZrIrIrYrIrZ[rIrIrZKi
ch air_ -vs for advancement than does private enterprise.
The promulgation in mid -1969 of a low�ereducational
requirement For entry into the civil service opc;icd
numerous positions in the lower echelons of the
administrative service of government, including the
police force and other municipal activities. The
measure was not prompted solely by a desire on the
part of the authorities to increase employment
opportunities for blacks, however, but was motivated
in part by difficulties experienced in filling these
responsible but low paying; jobs.
Tile employment of children in various branches of
economic activity is commonplace. Although young
children frequently work on family farms, the legal
minimum age for agricultural employment is 12 years,
at which age children may also be hired as domestic
servants under certain criottitions. In :manuf acturing
and commerce, the legal age varies from 1.1 to 16
years, depending oil the type of work. Pries to a
revision in the minimum wage law during mid -1971.
youngsters under age 18 were customarily paid at a
flat rate equal to one -half the base wage for adults, At
that time, however, a graduated minipuum wage
6
schedule was enacted, taking into account the
location, occupation, and specific age of minors, with
those nearing age 18 being entitled to higher wages
than younger ones. Cenerally, minors in agriculture
earn the equivalent of uboout US$0.30 to $0.50 per
day, wltareas those In nonagricultural activities are
entitled to wages ranging from $0.40 to $0.66.
Deductions are made if the workers are supplied with
food and clothing. Tile legal minimum wages for
minors are roughly one -third to one -half lower than
those stipulated for adult workers.
b. Labor legiafafion (U /OU)
Enacted in the wake of the Angolan rebellion of
1961 and in the face of international criticism of
PorPigal's overseas labor policies and practises, the
Rural Labor Code of 1962, as subsequently amended,
is the basic device for regulating working conditions in
Mozambique and other Portuguese possessions. The
code in effect replacing the "duty of labor" laws, was
designed to put an end to labor practices which had
the potential for engendering unrest among Workers.
Responsibility for implementing the labor -legislation
rests With the labor Institute, a sem �autonomous
cogency urider the State Secretary. for Labor.
Although known as the rural Labor Code, the
present statute applies to wage camels in enterprises of
all types (including urba industrial plants) having 20
or more employees, except those covered under special
laws or by contracts negotiated betw wen management
24
and worker organizations, locally known as syndicates.
'Thus, at the start of the I970's sonic 500,0{x) workers,
representing roughly one Fifth of the labor force, were
covered by the code; virtually all were black, Besides
governing the 'health and safety aspects of
employment, the late contains provisions concerning
minimum wages, hours of work, and holidays; woman
and child labor; workmen's compensation; recruiting,
work contract terms, and dismissals; and fringe
benefits and remuneration in kind, including food
rations, clothing, housing. medical care, and
educational Facilities. In addition, the code has
established a limited social insurance program,
providing old -age pensions and maternity benefits.
Furthermore, in amendment to the code decreed the
formation of the Social Action f=und, to be
administered by the labor Institute and supported by
contributions etit4valent to 2:a of wages, paid by
employers anvil employees alike, for the purpose of
maintaining and improving wworker welfare services.
A lthough some workers are permitted to orgaruive, the
requisites for syndicate inembership are stringent, and
workers, whether organized or unaffiliated, are not
allowed- to strike. The provisions of the code do not
apply uniformly to all workers, as allowances are made
for the size and location of establishments.
Varying ill accordance with geographical location
and type of activity, the present legal minimum daily
wage for adults ranges from a low equivalent to
US$0.30 for agricuitu rat workers in tine north to a high
of 51.00 For industrial workers in the vicinity of
Lourenco Marques and Matola -Ric. Wages in many
industries, however, are higher than the rnininuun%
legal amounts. For example; port and rail workers, who
rank among the best paid, earn at least $2.80. per day.
The minimum Wage levels were raised in 1966 and
again in mid 1971, 'Out some observers maintain that
they have generally lagged behind increases in the cost
of living. Tire validity of such claims is difficult to
judge, however, as many workers covered under the
base wage legislation receive a substantial txwtitm of
their earni6gs in kind. Housing, for example, must be
provided to all migrant workers, including those
contracted to labor in neighboring countries.
The social inswanLe and workmen's compensation
provisions of the code evidently are administered by
the employers themselves rather that% by the
government; firn %s employing 30 or more 'persons,
h owever, a re o bliged to post a SCcurity d eposit w ith the
Labor Institorte t.0 guarantee the poi �ment of valid
workmen's compensation claims and retirement
pensions. 'Workmen's compensation benefits, .which
are payable to eligible workers w ho contract
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Occupational diseases or incur work-related injuries,
amount to as much as two- thirds of the annual
earnings for those experiencing total incapacitation.
The spouse of a covered worker who is killed in the line
of duty is eligible for an annual payment amounting
to one-fourth of annual earnings.
Other provisions of the code require the granting of
at least 2 weeks, of vacation a year. The smaller
establishments covered by the legislation are required
to provide First aid, whereas larger firms must
maintain more comprehensive medical services. Upon
submission of medical certification, expectant mothers
must lies given.6 weeks of leave prior to childbirth and
an equal period afterward at a rate of pay equuI to at
least one -half of the normal wage.
Under pressure from the'busincss community and
lacking sufficient staff and funds, the Labor Institute
has not enforced the labor code fully, aria compliance
has been characterized as "spotty." In fact, during the
first decade of the codes existence, implementation
and the policing of compliance proceeded at a faster
pace in engola than in Mozambique. in hopes of
correcting the situation, the director of [lie Angolan
labor Institute was transferred in 1971 to head the
counterpart agency in Morambiciue. Subsequently,
4 the Mozambique U bor Institute has been expanded
and upgraded in importance, and it is now responsible
for collecting labor and employment statistics and For
evaluating [lie adequacy of minimerrn wage lev,;is.
The authority of its labor inspection service has been
strengthened; and its social services division plans to
establish hotels, cafeterias, day -care centers, and
recreational facilities for urban workers. In order to
eventually do away with the private labor recruiters,
an autonomous Employment Service has Been
established which provides free placement services;
training progntrrts for the unskilled- are also to be
formed.
c. Labor and martagernent (C)
d
Despite indications that workers were assuming u
somewhat more .3riramic role in the state's
socioeconomic life during'the early. 1970's, organized
labor remains small and passive, subservient tv thewill
of tine government. The syndicates are, in essence,
corporate entities of the state, bleb limits them to
serving.mainly as muttial aid societies; In'uddition to
V hsidW the syndicates, the' government :appoints
,,their topmost- leudars;. lesser functionaries, althoitgh
must re official sanction prior, to taking
Nonetheless,, since� unskilled workers. usually
cannot meet the;'entry..requir t I i n& whites
occupy most skilled jabs; syndicalists`comprise
sector of tine labor force. At the beginning of the
1970's, there were some 47,000 officially registered
syndicate members, or about 24b of the labor force.
Although Africans ost^nsibly arc guaranteed the right
to join syndicates on an equal Basis with whites, the
latter cornprisc approximately three- fourilis of the
total membership.
Besides Iimiting membership to skilled workers,
other entry requirements hove effectively insured the
movement's continued domination by whites*whil'e
reinforcing its elitist character. Until recently few
nonwhites met the minimum educational standard,
which consists of 3 years of primary schooling, Also,
few norlw:lites have been able to afford the
membership dues, which are high. As a result, there
are sharp disparities in employment opportunities and
earning power hclwecn the :small minority of
organized workers and the mass of unorganized rules.
Whereas unemployment is high among unaffiliated
workers it is nominal among syndicate members. Base
wages among the organized workers, moreover, arc
anywhere from 2 to 10 times higher than those
prevailing among the mass of worker Jealousy
safeguarding the privileged position of their
constituents, syndicate leaders have not promoted as
expansion in membership.
Apprehension over the possibility that a substan-
tially higher membership would overtax certain social
services that are provided to svndicalists also has
reinforced the policy of restricted growth. Exercising
Iittle if any initiative as champions of workers' rights
and otherwise performing few of the functions and
responsibilities that normally accrue to the heads of
freely organized worker groups, the leadership largel
confines es itself to the operation of social soviets,
mostly medical care, for members and their
dependents. Syndicate spokesman seldom forward
worker grievances to the Lubor Institute, a,rd they are
reluctant to contest decisions by manageriient, even
when involving such basic :rod, seemingly un-
controversial issues as the granting of retirement
pensions. This posture sterns in part from the fact that
the syndicates are permitted, if not obliged, to accept
the membership of management personnel.
Before 1965 all syndicate headquarters -were in tine
capital, with local branches throughout the territory.
Complaints that the main offices �ere urtresponsive to
tltp needs of constituent groups outside tim capital
subsequently led to the granting of administrative
aalnnomy to all local entities. Thus, at [lie end of
1970 36 syndicates were in operation, 7 of them in
Lourenco Marques. 5 in Manisa c Sofarla, and 4 each
in the remaining districts, except Massa, which had
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none. Reflecting the concentration of syndicalists in
the capital and in Beira, the districts in which those
cities are located accounted for three- Fourths of the
total membership, El- ewhere, mast of the syndicates
are little more than paper organizations. The
syndicates in Lourcwto Marques represent bank
employees, office employees, commercial and
industrial workers, construction laborers, caiistruction
supervisors, transportation workers, and dock and
harbor workers. Paradoxically, the rank and file of the
last -named group includes only foremen and white
collar administrative personnel. of the Harbor%,
Rail ay, and Transport Services Administration, an
autonomous agency which is by far the states largest
employer. On the grounds that they fail to meet the
educational prerequisite, cargo handlers, who
comprise tite bulk of the agency's worl :ers, and
stevedores employed by private firms have been
ineligible for syndicate membership. Although lacking
formal cohesion, the cargo handlers and stevedores
constitute the only element in the work forge to have
manifested some degree of militancy. On a number of
occasions since midcentury they have staged strikes,
work slowdowns, and demonstrations to obtain higher
wages.- While attempting to Suppress such activities,
the government has at kitties authorized wage
increases, as in mid -1972 when a 45% raise, plus
liberalized bonuses for overtime and hazardous work,
was granted in the woke of a slowdown. Deriving in
large measure from the vital economic importance of
Lourenco Marques, the second largest port in last
Africa, the strength of the cargo handlers and
stevedores also amnints for the fact that their wages
are among the highest in the state,
In view of the statutory injunction against work
stoppages, and since voluntary collective bargaining is
virtually unknown, tike slowdown is probably the most
effective tactic available to workers wishing to
improve 0 Jr lot. Even so, it is employed infrequently,
the 1972 slowdown by stevedores being it landmark
event. Negotiations between workers and manage-
ment generally occur at the behest of the Labor
Institute, which acts as an arbiter. Nevertheless,
formal procedures exist for workers to lodge grievances
with. tile Labor Institute concerning the interpretation
and execution of collective labor agreements or of
individual employment cbrttrncts. Issues that cannot
Ix- resolved through the intervention of that agency
may he forwarded to special labor courts or to the civil
courts.
Although manage: 'nent rim is able to maintain
its position in matters of lid-or relations, file treatment
accorded to African workers varies-widely throughout
thv state. Many high=level managers, in both public
and private sectors, tend to be paternalistic, if not
condescending, toward their subordi nates. Whilee some
observers in Uiurenco Marques have suggested that
rapid change has taken place in this regard during the
early years of the present decade, as recently as 1970,
Antonio Rita Ferreira, a sociologist assigned by the
Labor Institute to conduct the state's first survey of
managentent attitudes, noted that w rite managers
seldom gave blacks the opportunity to fill positions
requiring thought, imagination, or considerable
dexterity. On the contrary, they generally appeared to
consider blacks superior to whites at monotonous
assembly line tasks or at gathering raw agricultural
products, because of their supposed ability to
withstand boredom. A1tBnugh these attitudes, Coupled
with the lack of effective work training programs, have
constituted a hindrance to the upward mobility of
African workers, Rita Ferreira found that most while
foremen and fit t -line supervisors, themselves usually
blue-collar workers, have constituted an even more
formidable obstacle to progress by black workers.
Perhaps because they regard bluckr as a potential
threat to their own position, white blue -collar workers
have been known to openly berate or otherwise abuse
their black subordinates, whom they regard as
indolent and untrustworthy.
Artisans and tits urban sell- emplayed, who are
ineligible for syndicate membership, may join
assoications organized along occupational lines.
Representing individuals in such varied occupations as
shmnhining, barbering, and carpentry, the associa-
tions, Bice the syndicates, are little more than mutual
aid societies. Members, however, have been known to
Pox base prices for their r iviecs.
While management is represented within the labor
syndicates, other organizations aw dedicated
exclusively to promoting the int;msts of the bossiness
community. Some industries are organized into
officially sanctioned ci)rfx. -tatc entities known as
gremfos, which have declined .harply in number
during the 1.960's; by the end of 1970, 8 grendos
representing 1'63 firms and 1,214 individuals were
functioning, mostly in 1,ourenco Marques. Addition-
ally, tleere is it states +ide Industrial Association, while
various lesser associations, headquartered in cities
throughout the state, represent businessmen,
cattlemen, and agriculturalists, or groupings of these
within a given region. a Chamber of Commerce
operates in the capital,
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0
E. Religion (U /OU)
religion. All tribal groups believe that communication
does not cease with death but that'all acts of the living
are under the constant scrutiny of the departed who
may intervene Go aid or Binder the course of human
affairs. The living and [lie dead, therefore, compose a
close, interdependent community in which ancestors
must be propitiated through gifts and ritual
ceremonies, and taboos must be Followed to avoid
offense. Disease, death, crop success or failure, human
fertility, and similar phenomena arc attributed to the
favor or disfavor of particular spirits. At is thus
extremely important for a deceased,person to receive a
proper burial; otherwise his spirit may cause harm. To
bring good fortune and to insure immunity from
dangers and disasters, various types of ritual
ceremonies are performed, including symbolic masked
dancing. The southern Thonga place offerings at the
foot of a sacred tree, while northern tribes often
maintain a shrine where gifts are left (Figure 15). In
addition to ancestor spirits, there are numerous other
deities, both good and evil, who may he "embodied"
in humans. animals, trees, plants, or inanimate objects
and must also be placated.
Assistance from the spiritual world is transmitted by
ritual mediators, akin to priests, of whom the most
important is the diviner. Found in almnst oil trii�al
communities. even Christian villages, the diviner is
most often called upon to determine which spirit is the
source of a particular misfortune and what must be
done to restore harmony. Diviners may also interpret
omens and dreams, locate lost objects, give advice on
personal problems, and dispense medicines and
charms. A diviner who has carried a reputation for
success usually enjoys a position of great respect in the
community and may wield considerable authority in
local affairs. Sorcerers and witches, on tfieotherhand,
Religion plays an important role in Mozambican
life, encompassing a variety of indigenous beliefs, the
niore formaiim-d doctrines of Christianity and Islam,
and a number of syncretic faiths blending animism
with Christianity or Isiam. At the beginning of 1971
(lie claimed religious affiliation of the people
approximated the following (in percent).
Animist
85.6
Roman Catholic
17.7
Muslim
I0.5
Protestant 3.8
Ou ter
2.4
Although the Portuguese constitution guarantees
freedom of religion, faiths other than Catholicism are
closely regulated by law. Relations between [lie
Vatican and the Portuguese Covernment are governed
by the Concordat of 1940 and other accords.
The promotion of Catholicism is an integral part of
the Portuguese policy of assimilation, which also
assumes that the church has a corresponding
obligation to instill in the Africans not only the
Catholic religion but also Pontuguesismo (an affinity
for Portuguese values and traditions). Thus, in general,
the government and the hicrarchy work closely
togrther, especially in the Field of education, the
former subsidizing the operation of mission schools for
Africans and other church activities. The limited
success of missionary efforts, however, with
rudimentary and primary education in the hands of
mission priests for generations, has occasioned some
government criticism of lite church. On the other
hand, a few Catholic clergy, as well as Protestant
groups, have criticized [lie government For paying
insufficient attention to the problems of poor blacks,
for its slowness in implementing racial equality, and
For alleged occasional atrocities against Africans by
Mozambican troops.
1. Animism
Traditional African religion, closely interwined with
tribal culture, varies somewhat according to tribal and
ethnic grouping, but all cults are ba