NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 44C; SINGAPORE; THE SOCIETY
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NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS
The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which is now
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For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the
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This chapter was prepared for the NIS by the
Bureau of Economic Analysis, Social and Economic
Statistics Administration, Department of Commerce,
under the general suvervir ion of the Central Intelli-
gence Agency. Research was essentially completed
in December 1972.
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CONTENTS
Thfs General Survey .supersedes the one elated
July 196S, copies of which should be destroyed.
A. Introduction
1
Historical background; immigration patterns; im-
pressive overall accomplishments since 1959.
B. Structure and characteristics of society 2
Identification of unifying and disunifying factors.
Ethnic composition 3
Patterns of ethnic exclusivity; physical and
other characteristics distinguishing Chinese,
Malays, and Indians; proportion of each group
in total population.
2. Social structure 6
a. Chinese 6
Importance, of economic status and edu-
cation as social determinants; traditional
and Westernized Chinese communities.
CONFIDENTIAL
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b. Malay9 8
Lack of class division; kampong social
unit; tamily traditions.
c. Indians
Effect of historical immigration features;
recent stabilization of community; class
stratification, despite absence of caste;
kinship groupiug.+.
3. Social values and attitudes
Distinctive elements of society; Chinese
Malay frictions and resentments; relations
with Indians; developing sense of national
cbnsciousnoss; attitudes toward other nations
and peoples.
C. Population
Census figures; population density and growth;
recent drop in birth and death rates; immigration
controls; family planning program.
1. Size and distribution
1970 census results; blurring of urban -rural
distinctions.
2. Age -sex structure
Ratio of males to females for various ape cate-
gories; population profile.
D. Living and working conditions
Improving con3itions of living, already the best
in Southeast Asia; government plans for socio-
economic development; nominal inflation.
1. Health and sanitation
Effectivo public health programs; public ac-
ceptance of Western medicine and sanitation
practises; low incidence of infectious diseases;
health problems; data on medical personnel
and facilities; water and sewerage systems.
2. Food consumption and nutrition
Per capita food intake; dietary practices of
societal groups.
3. Housing
Problems of overcrowding; public housing
projects and satellite towns; rent figures.
4. Work opportunities and conditions
a. The people and work
Effect cf rapid industrial expansion; un-
employment patterns; hiring practices;
work habits of the various ethnic com-
munities; women in the work force; child
labor.
tF9
10
12
Page
b. Labor legislation 27
Basic statutes and their enforcement;
strikes.
c. Labor and management
History of trade unionism; increasing
government involvement in labor move-
ment; National Trades Union Congress;
employers' unions; system for adjudica-
tion of disputes.
5. Social security
a. Welfare services
Government and private programs.
b. Social insurance
Central Provident Fund for workers; pri-
vately operated benefit schemes.
E. Religion
Approximate sizes of religious groups; religious
.14 particularism; degree of tolerance; specific cus-
toms, practices, and beliefs of:
1. Chinese religions
15 2. Islam
3. Indian religions non Muslim)
4. Christianity
30
32
32
33
33
34
35
37
38
16 F. Education 39
Importance of education for social and economic
success; high literacy rate; governmenc controls
over school system; enrollment data for various
19 levels; number and types of schools; teacher
training and qualifications; institutions of higher
learning,; history of student political activity.
G. Artistic and cultural expression 44
Little creative activity; description of traditional
art forms; government control over influx of
22 Wester i culture; music, literature, art, and archi-
tecture today; patronage of the arts; possibility
of future flowering of artistic and intellectual
23 talent based on polycultural content of society.
H. Public information 48
Survey of main public information media; major
25 newspapers; government censorship of both do-
25 mestic and imported materials; increasing public
demand for books and motion pictures; impor-
tance of radio and TV.
I. Suggestions for further reading 59
Glossary 53
FIGURES
Page
Fig. 1 An 1846 view of Singapore photo) 2
Fig. 2 Ethnic groups chart) 3
Fig. 3 Representative Singaporeans (photos) 4
ii
Page
Fig. 4 Population growth table) 12
Fig. 5 Population increase, by source table) 12
Fig. R Vital rates (chart) 13
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Fig. 7
Rate of natural increase, by prin-
29
Fig, 22
cipal ethnic community chart)
13
Fig. 8
Population, by age group and sex
29
Fig. 23
(chart) ......1.11.1....
15
Fig. 9
Population, by age group and sex
30
F.-g 24
(table)
16
Fig. 10
Age -sex structure, Singapore and the
35
Fig. 25
United States chart)
16
Fig. 11
Gove: nment expenditures for social
37
Fig. 27
services table)
17
Fig. 12
Distribution of household expendi-
37
Fig, 28
tures (chart)
18
Fig, 13
Sidewalk butcher stall photo)
19
Fig. 14
Kampong dwelling (pho Fo)
22
Fig. 15
Malay kampong photo)
23
Fig. 16
]Partial view of Toa Payoh photo)
24
Fig. 17
Population in public housing chart)
24
Fig. 18
Street hawker photo) I
26
Fig. 19
Chinese carpenter (photo)
27
Fig. 20
Samsui laborer (photo)
28
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Fig. 21
Labor strikes, by cause (chc rt)
29
Fig, 22
Number of striking workers and
man -days lost chart)
29
Fig. 23
Number and membership of labor
unions (table) 1111
30
F.-g 24
Massive image of Buddha in a
temple photo)
35
Fig. 25
Sultan Mosque photo)
36
Fig. 26
Hindu temple (photo)
37
Fig. 27
Member of Hindu self -inoi tifica-
tion cult photo)
37
Fig, 28
Roman Catholic church photo)
38
Fig. 29
Enrollment in educational insti-
tutions (table)
40
Fig. 30
The National Theatre (photo) 1111
45
Fig. 31
Chinese opera troupe (p,'oto)
45
Fig. 32
Indian musician photo)
46
Fig. 33
Modern hotel photo)
46
Fig. 34
Section of Tiger Balm Cardens
photo)
48
iii
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The Society
A. Introduction (U /OU)
Modern Singapore is ;u dynamic society, combining
welfare state socialism and capitalist free enterprise.
Its multriracial population, largely descended from
Chinese, Indian, and Malay immigrant stock, enjoys
the second highest per capita income in the Far East
(after the Japanese and its educmional, health,
housing, and welfare services are far advanced over
those of its neighbors. Because of a lowered birth rata,
the result of an effective family planning program,
economic development has not been negated by a
rapidly growing population. Full employment has
been virtually achieved, and inflation has been
contained within reasonable hounds.
Although impressive accomplishments have been
made since 1959, Singapore: is still, in relative ^rms, u
small, weak c ountry poor in n ;:tural resources. Perhaps
its greatest asset is its industrious, disciplined, and
resourceful people. Crave disparities, which in the past
have led to violence, continue to exist, however,
between the Chinese majority and the Malay
minority. Despite improvement, the Malays, who
prefer a noncompetitive life style, remain disadvan
taged vis -a -vis the Chinese. Among the Chinese
themselves, there are cleavages based on income and
education and between those whose language and
cultt,re are traditionally oriented and those whose
emotional ties are with the West. Future economic
progress, now heavily dependent on foreign trade for
both raw materials and markets, is to a considerable
extent at the mercy of intemational economic
developments.
In such a milieu, Singapore's leaders are attempting
to create economic stability and to fashion a national
consciousness that will reflect a fusion of the values
and attitudes of the multiracial, multilingual, and
multicultural society. Because of visible progress and
prosperity, Singaporeans in the main have given
support to government plans and policies. They have
also become accustomed to active involvement in the
political and social life of the nation. As one observer
has noted, Singaporeans:
are exposed to election rallies that bring their ;,,...di-
dates and even top national leaders face to face with
them in their home districts. They are rarely out of
range of radio or television, so closely do they live and
work together and so avid are they for perpetual sound
and motion. They turn out by the hundreds of thousands
for well staged state occasions. In between times they
pack the sports fields, the theaters, the parks, and the
markets. They also pack the schools, the clinics, and the
streets, and by daj and by night it seems as though
a major part of the population is always on the move.
The origins of Turnasik, or Old Singapore, -emain
shrouded in antiquity. According to ancient Malay
annals. the first setllemen' :vas founded i,t the se
century by an Indian prince who, upon landing on the
island with his partv, saw a strange beast which he
took to he it lion, Believing this to he a good omen, he
named the new settlement Singapora.' or Lion City.
For roughly i2 centuries, Singapore remained largely
mangrove swamp inhabited by Malay fishermen and
pirates, although from the 1 1th to the 15th century
control of the island alternated between Indian and
Siamese kingdoms engaged in a continuing struggle
for domination of the Malay Peninsula.
lit 1819, Thomas Stamford Raffles, the British
governor of Bencoolen in Sumatra, selected Singapore,
as the site of a trading post for the East India
Company. With its natural harbor and strategic
location, Singapore, by the mid- 1840's, had become a
thriving port town (Figure 1) largely for entrepot
trade, se rving as a center for the exc hange of products
from Europe, India, China, and the neighboring
countries of Southeast Asia. The population of the
i1and increased rapidly. When the British party
landed in 1819, they found a few Chinese gambier
pl anters and some 120 Malay followers of the local
sultan. In less than 6 months it was claimed that the
influx of C hinese, Buginese, from the Celebes, and
Malays had raised the population to 5,000, a figure
.+aetA w T k WaOPYNNPC$Y :(N!'C \i6 L.. :idA a.1i'f:N`I('4!V
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FIGURE 1. A view of Singapore
from Government Hill, as por-
trayed in 1846 by John Turn-
bull Thomas, a government sur-
veyor who produced some of
the earliest maps of the
city (U /OU)
wlrielt is said to have doubled by the follo%ing year.
!iy ahotit 1840 the Chinese had hveorne numerically
predominant, and the colony al un early st t;e o1' its
development took on the character of it Chinese town.
I)urir4 the remainder of the 190I and early 20th
centuries, additional thousands of immigrants
strearned into the island. Although overwhelmingly
(;hinese, their numbers included many Indians,
nrosily Tamils front southern India, and Malays
originating in peninsatlar Malaya and the Indonesian
islands. From it populationi that wits largely transient
aria dominated by Chinese male~, most of whoa
c ventuarlly rettrned to their horneland, Singapore
society in the 20th century has stabilized fairly
rapidly. largely as it result of the manuring of local
horn residents, restrictions on immigration, and
limitations on travel ct and from China. By the early
1970's the transition from a transient to a permanently
settled society was almost complete. roughly 755;, of
the population being Singapore -horn.
Until World War 11, Singapore was governed like
any other British colony, the British influence molding
its society and culture. After the withdrawal of the
Japanese occupying forces, who apparently had little
lasting impact on the Singapore way of life, the
United Kingdom resurned colonial rule, but it granted
limited self government ill 1955 and full internal self
government in 1959. The Peopl,'s Action Party (PAP)
won the election of 1959 and installed Lev Knkrn Yew
its Prime Minister of the new state. After declaring its
independence front the United Kingdom in 103, and
after at brief union with Malaysia extending from 1963
to 1965. Singapore becanu an iradcpcndent and
sovcrcign republic within thv British Commonwealth
nn 9 :August 1965, with Prime Minister Ise: rerrtainirtg
as the dominant political figure.
In the process of rnodcro development, Sin
gaporeans have hccv, regional pionvors for a century
and a half. 'I'Ftey arrived as penniless and cultura lI'
deprived immigrants, most commonly as indentured
coolies. '1'oday, their descendants are accustomed to
the spectacle of cnornnous disciplined enterprises. The
S111,111 family- owned business is gradually giving wa)
to large industrial plants m(lniriog inodcrn
technological know -ho%%, but trade and cornneree
remain the engrossing preoccupation of the majority
of Singaporeans, ill particular the Chinese. 'I'hcre are
thou ,Inds of meddlers. sIt o1) kcepers, salesmen,
merchants, acrd dealers of all descriptions and
dimensions. '!'It(- daily spectacle is one of the busiest of
dealings in merchandise of all quantities and varieties,
Mid as has been noted:
the portable noodle stand, the streetside textile pitch,
the ten square -meter household goods emporium, the
electronics shop, the motor car agency, the gigantic
import export house represent the normal range of career
opportunity to be spanned perhaps within a lifetime.
B. Structure and characteristics of society
(C)
Singapore's multiracial but predominantly Chinese
population constitutes wbal Inighl he called an
immigrant society, in than its origins and development
were based on a flow of ittniigrutior; rather than on
indigeuotrs growth. The people who ccmprise the
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population today are primarily the descendants of
contract laborers and others who came from China.
India. the Malay 1 eni isula, and various parts of the
Indonesian archipelago during the 19th century arid'
the early decades of the 20th, settling an area which
was largely uninhabited when the British acquired
control of the island in 1619 but which was destined to
become the major port and commercial center of
Southeast Asia, Although Europians make up only a
tiny portion of the population, the long period of
British rule has left an indelible Western imprint
which appears to overshadow the tradition::) cultural
patterns of the island's various Asian peoples.
Singapore's role as the chief commercial, transporta-
tiov, and communications crossroads of the region has
car'ributed further to the process of Westernization
and modcmization and has given the society a highly
cosmopolitan character.
These influences notwithstanding, they society
contains significant div- �aye elements rooted in the
different cultures and values of its principal ethnic
groups, and while friction usually remains heneath the
surface it has occasionally erupted into strif-. Some of
the differences have become blurred as urbanization
and industrialization have brought the various groups
into closer proximity. Also, since independetice the
government has made a vigorous e ffort to create a
cohesive society and to prornote a common
Singaporean national outlook. The even handed
racial policy of Prime Minister Lce, collikined with
the general economic prosperity in which all ethnic
groups share to some exient, has enabled Singapore t,
avoid serious outbreaks of communal violence in
recent vears.
I. Ethnic composition
According to results of the 1970 census, Chinese
accounted for 76.20 of the population, Malays
13.0 and Indians 7.0 including some Ceylonese
and those with origins in areas that now constitute
Pakistan and Bangladesh. The remaining 1.8% were
classified as "other," with Eurasians and Europeans
comprising the majority (Figure 2). In the present
century, the proportion of the total population
represented by each of the major ethnic groups has
remained roughly the sarnr, as indicated in the
following tabulation for selected census years prior co
1970:
YEAR CHINESE MALAYS INDIANS OT, im.,
1901 72.1 15.8 7.8 4.3
1911 72.4 13.8 9.1 4.7
1921 75.3 12.8 7.7 4.2
1931 75.1 11.6 9.1 4.2
1947 77.8 12.1 7.3 2.8
1957 75.4 13.6 8.6 2.4
*Includes Pakistanis and Ceylonese
*Mostly Eurasians and Europeans
FIGURE 2. Ethnic groups, 1970 (U /OU)
Generally speaking, religious affiliation is an indicator
of ethnic backgrainad. Most Singapore Chinese adhere
to the traditional Chinese religion, which combines
aspects of Buddhism, 'Taoism, and Confucianism; the
Malays are almost all Muslims. and the Indians are
predominantly Hindus.
Chinese first came to the island in significant
numbers when the British began to develop it as a
trading center and in this pursr.Iit recruited thousands
of laborers from southern China in the 19th centurv.
Many remained to engage in trade or service
occupations. their success induced other Chinese
to immigrate voluntarily. Maays from the Malay
Peninsula and the Indonesian islands carne in lesser
numbers, first as farmers and fishermen and later as
contract laborers. Indians entered the area initially as
ceric:d or service personnel attached to the British
East India Company but with the development of the
plantation industry nano immigrated as indentured
laborers; others became traders or monevlenders upon
arrival, The greatest influx of Indians occurred during
the development of the rubber industry in the first two
decades of the 20th century. Much of the early
immig:tw-ri, particularly among the Chinese and
Indians, was of a transient nature, consisting of adult
males who remained only long enough to save some
money before returning to their homeland. This
situation gradually changed with the arrival of
increasing numbers of women. In the 20th century,
the flow of immigration has been affected by various
events, including World War 11, and since the 1930's
has been subject to tt variety of governmental controls.
3
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Y
7
lKirzo.
t
Malay youths, one :tern -style shorts, the other in traditional
ankle- length sarong
1
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Chinese father and son in family medi:ine shop
Malay mother and child
Elderly Chinese woman in traditional dress
Indian family with Hindu family altar to the
left. Images of Jesus and Mahatma Gandhi
are included with those of Hindu deities
FIGURE 3. Representative Singaporeans (U /'OU)
D(-%rlopnu�nt of* th(- population through `.mni
tion has traditionally (-ngendered th(- for ration of
ethnic enclaves, with new arrivals c�hoosin o s(-ttic
uru,11g peopl(' of similar racial and c�(tltural
background. :Although patterns of ethnic
are likvIv to persist indefinit(-Iv in the central sections
of the urban compl(-x, there is a trend tow,o a
wakening of rc�sid(-11tial segregation in tb(- outer
reaches of tits metropolita1 area :u,d else(% here �a
trend which h;.ts begirt stitnulat('d b.' a massive public
housing program. 1anv Chiocse, x1alays, and
Indians arc� now living side by side for the first tints.
Because of the differing cultural traditions and th(
resulting psxrho .tgical. ,ud often ph\sical, isol,ltion
from one another, intermarriage betwe (-u 11u�mbcrs of
the principal ethnic� groups has not been conunou. a
circumstance which has fostered the retention of
distincti(- physical characIcrisIic's. 1ltIt oIIg11
individcal variations exist, most Singapore Chinese are
of snr111 to ntcdiunt stuhlrc, with a sallo skin. dark
brown ev(-s ,111(1 it pronounced epica11thic� fold. high
and prominent cheekbone's� and a rather broad nose
with it IOW 11as,.al bridge: I'vild hair is straight a11(1
black, and body h air is sparse. '111(- typical Singapore
\lulav is short and frecluentl) of stock\ build.
is darker and his facial futures are bromler than thus(-
of the Chinese, and the epic�anthic fold is less
pronounced. Like the Chines(-. he has straight, black
h air. 'I'h(- Indians exhibit considerable variation in
phNsic�al traits. 'vlost are of ntediutn st,iture, with a
fairly light build, dark skin, black, %vavv hair, brown
or bl ack (-\Ts, and a rather prominent nos(-. Many are
fine featured, however, and the Inirtority whos(-
forebears originated i the northern part of the Indian
subcontinent arc likely to be taller ai,d huv(- a lighter
complexion than ih(- southerners. llepresentativ(-
Singaporean ph }sisal types are shown in 1 3.
3
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Indian Sikh wearing the turban and beard which characterize men of
this sect
Language per so is not a divisive factor in the
scociety, because it majority .of the population uses
English either as a prinrry or it secondary tongue.
Mary 11 inese and Indians, moreover, also
understand `ialay, the 'national" language; in
theory, it certain level of proficiency in Malav is
required of all civil servants. After Singapore left the
Malaysian federation in 1965, Malay was retained as
the national language in order to ease political
relationships with Malaysia and to provide i f svrnhol
for generating lovalty to Singapore among the island's
Malay population. Mal.\' also is one of the "official"
languages, along with English, Mandarin Chinese
(kuo -yu), and Tamil. The (le facto language for
government and business, however, is English, a
legacy of the island's Lktory as it British c�olon\.. Since
19.59, the Singaporean Government has placed
increasing emphasis on the use of English in the
schools, and the necessity of having an Fliglish-
language education as a means of social mobility and
economic advancement is undispute(I. "I'odav it is
virtually irnpc;ssible to obtain emplovment in the civil
ser.lice, or to undertake it career in the profc;,ions, in
the more high[ skilled technical occupations, or in
large industrial enterprises without a: least it working
knowledge of English. Most Singaporeans speak their
mother tongue within their homes and rcighhoriovds.
The principal dialects among the Uhirese are
Hokkien, Cantonese, and Tvochiu; small numbers
Lit so speak Hainanese, Hakka, and other dialects. The
differences between the various C=hinese dialects are so
great that each, in effect, constitutes a separate
language. An estimated two- thirds of the Indians
speak Tarnil, but Malayalam, Telegu, Punjabi. mudi,
and Bengali are also heard in some sectors of 'he
Indian community. The Malay language tusod in
Singapore is the "standard" version spoken in
Malaysia.
2. Social structure
a. Chinese
The Singapore C=hinese have it strong sense of ethnic
loyalty but are deeply divided by socioeconomic
differences. As virtually all of the immigrants had
lower class origins, the major factors determining L11t
individual's plac=e in the social structure are economic
status and education rather than traditional class
distinctions. The original Chinese immigrants came
almost entirely from the southern Chinese provinces of
Fukien and Kwangtung bringing with there their
local customs, religion_, superstitio=us, and foods.
Because in Singapore there was no national pattern to
S
which they could conform, thev maintained if version
of their homeland culture which, until recent times,
was constantly reinforced by n(!\% immigrant,.
Although most of the original Chinese settlers came to
work as laborers, they and their children soon
branched out into other fields of economic endeavor,
and today the (;Neese are dominant in almost every
occupational tegory, especially in commercial
occupatim'.s.
Wealth is the� 'lost important means of ;acquiring
high status, both for the individual and the family. A
small but conspicuous minority hay(- accumulated
great wealth in busine industry, and banking, and
this 9 1 11 1 constitutes the Chiuesr upper class. A much
larger middle group has also emerged, comprising
those in the professions, the civil servic�o irwditun -si :,e
business enterprises, and white- collar occupations in
general. At a lower level are the majority of the
Chinese population, mainly small shopkeepers,
peddlers, laborers, people in service jobs, and some
farmers. Most of the lower class is concentrated in the
central portion of Singapore city, within the crowded
"Chinatown" section, in which many of the old
buildings are shophouses, withh a family business on
the ground floor and the family living quarters behind
and above it. There is considerable upward social
motility among the Chinese, based on educational
achievement, industriousness, and individua' abilities.
Apart front class groupings based on economic
status, two broad divisions are discernible within the
present Chinese population. One sector, comprLing a
slight majority, consists of those still noticeably
oriented toward their traditional culture; most of these
persons are either China -horn or first generation
Singaporeans who have been educated exclusively in
the. island's Chi 11ese.- language schools. A large
proportion Lire in the lower socioeconomic brackets,
and ma11v speak and read only Chinese. They are
likely to retain it feeling of lovalty toward China,
regarding it as their permanent homeland, and for this
reason they have been generally susceptihle to
influences and propaganda initiatives emanating from
the People's Republic of China. The second sector
consists of the growing number of Chinese who have
been educated in English- language schools and whose
cultural and emotional ties with China are weak; most
of the political, business, and professional elite are in
this group. These Chinese havl assimilated Western
life styles and values, and insofar as there is it distinct
sense of a Singaporean national identit, it is found
among them. Prime Minister Lee epitomizes the elite
of this sector. Coming from if Hakka farnily and
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educated at Cambridge, he learned to speak
Mandarin Chinese only after his r.ecession to power,
when it becane it political necessit�
While the Westernized Chinese tend to affiliate
with broadly based organizations and societies and to
circulate in a multiracial milieu, the tradition oriented
Chinese are generaliy involved in all extensive and
often overlapping complex of ethnic -based voluntary
associations. Largest and most inclusive of these are
the dialect associations, which represent all of the
major ling!listie groupings among the Chinese
population. These organizations traditionally have
provided it variety of services fo- their members,
including loans, assistance in finding eniploym(,nt, aid
for education, and general welfare services. The large
Hokkien Association has peen particularly notable for
its work in education. During the period of large -scale
immigration, the dialect societies and other voluntary
organization; performed an important function ill
supplying both material and psycholo;rical security for
new settlers. Because this raison d*etre has less validity
today, their membership and influence have been
decreasing.
The ideal Chinese hype of kinship organization, no
longer sanctioned in the People's Republic of China
and declining elsewhere, has [)evil the large. extended
family consisting of at least three generations living in
one household, the typical group comprising a senior
married couple, their unmarried children, and one or
two married sons with their wives and children. The
system is patrilineal and patrilocal, and the eldest
male in the family has complete authority over its
members, controlling family property and making all
important decision,:. Under the traditional system,
daughters, when they marry, go to live with their
husband's parents and become subservient to them. In
accordance with Confucian teachings concerning filial
piety, children are expected to show obedience to
parents and to providw for their welfare in their old
age. Because of the traditional stress on continuing the
family line, there is a great desire for male progeny.
When male children are lacking, it has been common
practice to adopt a male child, often from sonic
related branch of the family. The most important
family relationship is that between father and eldest
son, since the status of the son in the community has
traditionally depended on that of the father. upon the
death of the father, the sons make periodic sacrifices in
his memory at the family's ancestral shrine.
'Traditionally, in China, a mart was entitled to have
It second wife, although the first wife usually
continued to have "primary" status. A man might also
"keep a girl," a mistress or concubine, and the
horderline hehveen secondary marriage and con�
cubivagv was often vague. The custom persisted
among many of the Singapore Chinese until March
1962, when an ordinance )mown as the Women's
Charter carne into 'oree whereby monogamous
marriage became the only form permitted in
Sh.Aapore, except among the Muslim Malays.
Polygynous nuirriages alreadv in existence remained
valid, however, and children horn of such unions are
legitimate. 1" this hype of marriage, the husband
usually mvIntained it separate house for -ach wife and
her chif,.lrvn.
The infusion of Western ideas, the spread of modern
education, and rapid urhanizatio;r have hcer7
changing traditional patterns of family
organization in Singapore, and a new yearning for
independence and ir_dividuality has been modifying
family relationships. 'I'll(- changes are generally more
of degree than of kind, with the result that the kinship
system today is neither fully traditional nor fully
modern, and compromises between the two are most
typical. Nevertheless, the nuclear family is
increasingly becoming the dominant type. For all
classes it offers the advantage of escaping the
domination of elders, and for young wives, in
particular, it provides relief from the traditionally
oppressive Chinese mother -in -law. Within the
household, nuclea.' or extended, the position of women
has improved, modifying the ancient saying that "a
woma!r is obliged to obey her father before marriage,
her husband after marriage. and her sons upon their
fathers death." The better educated and more
sophisticated wives are no longer submissive in the
presence of their husbands. Instead, they dernand a
role in ciccisionmaking, in disciplining children, and to
managing family finances.
With many Chinese women sharing family
responsibilities formerly reserved solely to men, heads
of families no longer conform to the traditional
concept of the stern, remote father figure. They tend
to display more moderation in maintaining discipline
and consequently have experienced sonic lessening of
authority. Nevertheless, few serious confrontations
occur between parents and children, the latter tending
to how to parental -wishes. Family bonds remain
strong, despite gro%,ing evidence of a "generation
gap" stemming from the ne desire for independence
and self expression on the part of Chinese youth and
the burden o1 attempting to reconcile traditional
values with modern life. The old spirit of filial
devotion persists to the extent that even the most
Westernized Chinese feel a strong sense of obligation
to care for aged parents, and would suffer severe social
sanctions should they fail to do so.
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Under the traditional family system, Chinese
parents exerted strict control in the choice of spouses
for their children, Today, the selection of a marriage
partner reflects a compromise between free choice and
parental dictation. If parents bring a prospective
couple together, final agreement normally rests with
the young man and woman. On the other band. if two
young people initiate a match, it is uFualfy subject to
approval or rejection by the parents. Most Singapore
Chinese brides are in the 20 -24 age group; Chinese
men are somewhat older when they marry, the largest
proportion falling in the: 25 -29 age bracket. The
marriage ceremony may be a religious one, conducted
by a Buddhist or Taoist priest, or by a Christian
clergyman if the bride and groom l')elong to the
minority of Chinese families who have converted to
Christianity. It may also be a civil cere'nonv, a form
which is increasingly popular. Still other of
wedding "ceremonials" are sometimes used. One
involves simply the drawing up of a privately made
and printed marriage certificate. Another, known as a
declaratory marriage, consists of an announcement in
the Chinese press that t}te couple have decided to live
together as roan and wife. The legal status of such
unions is unclear.
Until the promulgation of the Women's Charter,
Singapore Chinese married in customary rites could
separate by signing a mutual consent agreement, un
action which was accepted by the Chinese community
as equivalent to divorce. If either spouse refused to
sign, there was no approved method of ending the
union. Under the charter, however, even solemnized
marriage must be registered by a public official, and
the courts are authorized to dissolve such a marriage
upon presentation of appropriate grounds. No woman
other than a legal, "primary" wife whose marriage has
been registered may claim a husband's property after
his death.
b. Malays
Although a large proportion of Singapore's Malays
are immigrants or descendants of immigrants from the
Malay Peninsula, many derive from noarbv Malav-
speaking areas of Indonesia; others have origins
farther afield in non Malay- speaking parts of the
archipelago but have adopted the language and other
cultural traits of the local Malays. Over the years,
tribal linguistic differences have become increasingly
indistinct.
The original Malay settlers were farmers and
fishermen, and a few still follow such occupations, but
the Singapore Malays as a whole have become largely
urbanized, in keeping with the highly urban and
8
suburban character of the island. The traditional
Malay class division between aristocracy and
commoners, which still exists in Malaysia, has little
pertinence in Singapore, where there is no established
aristocracy and where the majority of Malay worker.
are unskilled or semiskilled. Although some progress
has been made in raising the socioeconomic level of
the Malays, they continue to be concentrated in low
status occupations in much greater proportions than
any of the other ethnic groups. Relatively few aspire to
white collar jobs, and those who do are commonly
employed in the civil service or in teaching, the
principal channels of upward social mobility for this
segment of the population. Observers indicate that the
problem stems in large part from the poor quality of
education in Malay- language schools, a situation
which results in limited scholastic achievement. lack
of proficiency in English, and low employment
aspirations. A fundamental goal of the government is
equality of opportunity for all ethnic groups, and
Prime Minister Lee has expressed a determination to
solve the Irsoblems which create the imbalance in
development between the Malays and other groups.
The Malays do not appear to be organized to any
significant extent into associations based un common
origin or dialect, as is the case with the Chinese. 'There
are a few Malay welfare associations, however, and
such organizations as the Singapore Malay Teachers
Union and the Muslim Religious Council represent
Malay interests in the education and religious spheres.
Also, Indian Muslim leaders and prominent members
of Singapore's small Arab communit- have sometimes
acted as spokesmen for the Malays on the basis of
religious affinity.
Although the Malys have not been inclined to
form ethnically oriented associations, there has been a
definite tendency arnong groups originating in the
same area to cluster together in kampongs (districts or
villages). In many cases, especially among those:
Malays originating in Indonesia, the residents of it
particular kamponk have the same or similar
occupations, a circumstance which provides an
additional bond. The kampong, traditionally linked to
the governmental structure through its headman, is
still the most meaningful social unit for much of the
rural and exurban Malay population. Typically, it is a
fairly small unit; its residents usually know each other
personally, often being related by blood or marriage.
The families that make up it karnpong live in it loosely
organized communal m::nner characterized by mutual
dependence and cooperation in the performance of
local projects. These may include the establishment of
a school, the improvement of a road, or the clearing of
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it drainage ditch. The sense of unity in the kampong is
furthered by the fact that its inhabitants share a
common religion, Islam, which brings them together
for rituals and celebrations. and subscribe to a
common body of traditional customs adat� which
govern most of their social relationships. Maiav
kamponns call be found on the coconut groves an,l
rubber plantations of Singapore, as well as in the
coastal areas and on the islands off the coast. But this
type of community has been rapidly disappearing
from the urban and suburban scene as old
neighborhoods make wav for blocks of new housing.
The nuclear family, consisting of a married couple
living together with their unmarried children, is the
most common type of kinship unit among Singapore
Malays. Descent is traced from the father, but there
are r�o family surnames. A person is known by his
given name, to which is added bin, "son of," or binti,
1. darighter of." and the given name of the male
parent; a woman's narne does not change when she
marries. Considerable solidarity, emotional as well
economic, exists between an individual and his
kinsmen. An individual is considered to have the right
to appeal to a wide circle of relatives for financial help
or for services whenever he is in need.
In the relationship between parents and children,
however, the pattern of rights and obligations is in
sharp contrast to that of the Chinese. While parents
must always be ready and willing to help their
children in every way, even after the latter have
married and settled in separate residences, thew neither
expect nor receive much in return. In both principle
and practice there is little veneration of old age, and it
nian is always expected to consider the welfare of his
wife and children before that of his parents. An elderly
couple, unless they are infirm, must attempt to earn
their living. The situation is not as unfair to the old as
it might appear, for in their youth they would have
had the same type of relationship with their own
parents. One gives to one's children all the privileges
that one received from one's own father and mother.
Marriage and divorce procedures among the Malay
Population are regulated by Islamic law and, to some
extent, by adat. Marriage usually takes place within
one's own territorial and income group and, if
Possible, within the kinship circle. In the past, most
Malay girls were married in their teens, but as of 19'()
more than half were in the 20 -24 age group at the time
of first marriage. 'fhe majority of Malay men marry in
their early twenties. Matchmaking is considered to be
the prerogative of parents, although the prospective
groom is consulted and has some small freedom of
choice; the bride often has none. The wedding,
preceded by a formal engagement, starts with the
signing of the marriage contract by the bride's legal
guardian �her father or senior male relative �in the
presence of her male kinsmen and guests. A registrar of
Muslim marriages G`I athi) officiates and issues the
certificate. Thereafter, a variety of traditional rituals,
ceremonies, and festivities takes place over a period of
several days.
In the past, marriages among Malays lacked
stability because of the ease .0th which i i than could
obtain a divorce under Muslim law simply by
repudiation of his wife. Since 1959, when Sl:aria
(Muslim Iz w) courts were established and given
responsibility for deciding Muslim divorce cases, there
has been a sharp decline in Malay divorces. Observers
have noted considerable independence among the
women of the Malay community in their marriage
relationships, presumably because of the high degree
of solidarity between a woman and her close kinsmen,
:ipon whom she could depend for support if her
husband should divorce her: children of divorced
couple, commonly reside wi!h tncir mother. Any
property a woman acquired before her marriage, or
afterward through her ,iwn efforts, remains her own.
When a marriage is dissolved by the death of the
husband, his property is Supposed to be divided
among his heirs according to Islamic law, a male being
granted double the sham of a female. In practice, this
requirement is modified by adat.
Although the Koran permits a Muslim to have up to
four wives simultaneously, polygyny has never been
common among Singapore Malays for the reason that
few rnen in the depressed Malay community can
support more than one wife and familv at a time.
Moreover, not many Malay parents are willing to give
their daughters in marriage to a man whom they k w
to be already married. Extramarital liaisons with anv
degree of permanence have also been rare.
c. Indians
Almost all of the major ethnolinguistic groups of the
Indian subcontinent are represented in Singapore, but
southern Indians greatly predominate, accounting for
more than 80% of the total Singapore Indian
population in 1969; of these, the Tamil- speaking
group is by far the largest. Most of the southern
Indians are immigrants or descendants of immigrants
who came to work on the rubber plantations in the
early part of the 20th century. A much smaller group
consists of diverse peoples with origins in northern
India (including present -dav Pakistan and Bangla-
desh), some of whorn are descendants of persons who
migrated to the Straits Settlements under British
9
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auspices early in the 19th century to become laborers.
clerks, traders, and middlemen of all sorts. The most
numerous of the north Indian subgroups are the
Punjabis, and the most distinctive are the Sikhs, all of
whom have the name "Singh,' meaning "lion." 'fall
and generadv bearded, Sikh men wear their hair
uncu> .oiled under a turban. 'Traditionally a warrior
people, they are employed primarily as policemen and
building guards.
The social structure of the Singapore Indians has
been affected by the immigration patterns associated
with a large sector of the community. Until late in the
19th century, the number of Indians coming to
Singapore was fairly small, and there were few women
among them. Most of the men who migrated in the
early colonial period later returned to India, although
some remained on the island and married Malay
women; a smaller number of others eventually sent fur
their families Significant immigration began in the
latter part of the century and reached large
proportions in the early 1900's, but the majority
entered under contract to work on the rubber
plantations and in other industries, and after
completion of tL- contract many went back to the
mother country. Moreover, those who staved and
remained on the rubber estates were dependent on the
organization and patterns of living imposed by the
plantation owner and had little opportunity to
develcv a distinctly Indian community. The constant
turnover among the contract workers also militated
against the formation of a stable and cohesive group.
As time wen: on, however, the number of permanent
migrants increased, more Indian women joined their
husbands and brothers, and the men branched out
into a variety of occupations and began to play a role
in almost every phase of the economic life of the
island, becoming largely urbanized in the process.
Since World War II there has been a growing
stabilization of the Indian community. Although
many still retain close ties with the homeland, actual
contact with India has been diminishing, and in 1969
it was estimated that about half of the Indian
population was born in Singapore. Also, most of the
Indians seem to have decided to become citizens, an
opportunity open to them following the creation of
separate Singapore citizenship in 1957.
Because the great majority of Indian immigrants
were from the lower castes, the hierarchical structure
of the traditional Indian caste system and its
attendant values have been minimized or lost in the
Singapore Indian milieu. Similarly. cultu.lral
differences among peoples from southern India have
become blurred, since most are 'Tamil- speu!,ing
10
Hindus v;ho have intermarried freely with members of
other linguistic groups from the soalth. Indians with
antecedents in the northern hart of the subcontinent
have retained their (list incli vet less, llut there appears
to be little antagonism bet -en them and the
southerners. Also, religious diff,- ices have created no
problems among Singapore Indians; Hindus,
Muslims, Sikhs, Parsaes, and Christians coexist
Without hostility.
D, -spite the virtual absence of caste in the Indian
community. class stratification is present, based on
economic criteria. The Indi;ln Upper class appears to
consist largely of a fc w bankers, wea'thy businessmen,
and successful professionals, many of :;-morn are
northern Indians. A middle sector comprises
technicians, management and civil service personnel,
small businessmen, and skilled workmen; and the
,over class includes those engaged in services,
semiskilled workers, street vendors, and unskilled
industrial and agricultural laborers. There is little
evidence of class solidarity. Voluntan associations
among the Indians are usually cantered on a craft,
trade, or profession. Although the associations are
concerned primarily with mutual problems relating to
the commercial interests o,' the members, they also
serve as pressure group, for Indian interests in general.
Northern Indians slake up a. disproportionate share of
the membership of such groups, and they therefore
exert an influence somewhat greater than their
Percentage of the total Indian population would
indicate.
Little specific information is available on kinship
groupings among the Singapore Indians. In the
mother country, tradition has favored the extended
patrilineal family unit, composed of a husband and
wife, their unmarried children, and the married sons
and families, but the nuclear family is believed to
predominate in the Singapore Indian community.
Observers have noted that the inu7ligration patterns of
the Indians in the past have not been conducive to the
development of strong family life. Many Indian men
in Singapore reportedly still have wives and children
in the homeland. Marriage customs among the Indian
Muslim minority presumably conform to traditional
Islamic precepts.
3. Social values and attitudes
Although Chinese, Malays, Indians, and other
ethnic groups have had to live in fairly close proximih
because of the geographical limitations of the island,
the amount of cultural and social exchamu, has been
small. Each of the groups has formed a distinctive
element of society, maintaining its own values,
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customs, arid patterns of living. Singaporeans as a
whole might be said to find their identity
objective of the government is tile creation of a unified
and their multiracial socieh' with
primary ith a sense of true national
y satisfaction in farrlily
and community
relations hips. There is little
identity. leaders, :.lad particularly Prime
encouragement for the
type of individualism that characterizes
Minister Lee, believe th ;lt the country's survival as a
Western
societies. Even among the �ealthiest Chinese, business
cohesive nation depends mainly on whether its people
enterprise is regarded as a family affair. In general,
can develop such identification, and a number of
Singaporeans show a high concern for the welfare
social and political programs have been directed
of
those in the kinship group arid a relative indifference
toward this end. The government's goal is not the
to those outside it.
obliteration of the diverse social and cultural
Interethnic� friction in Singapore centers on tile,
traditions of Singapore but their amalgamation into a
divisiveness between the two rinci l al ti
Chinese
distinctive, multifaceted society which will be
and the Malays. Mu h of tile problem is
related to differcTlce
receptive to Western concepts of progress.
a in values which manifests its(�(f
There are indications that some Singaporeans are
rlu)Qt noticeably in the economic sphere. Whip tll,
achieving a sense of national consciousness. To the
average Chinese is aggressive !':Aluisitive, aria highly
competitive, willing to
extent that it exists, it resides primarily with the
take it risk to increase his
material gain and social status, the Malay
Westernized middle and upper class Chinese, who
is
unassertive, with no ambition to accumulat wealth,
occupy most of t}e better positions in govern nent,
which he views as important only as it permits him to
in ustry and the professions, arid who tak.- great pride
meet family needs and discharge religious obligations�
in Singlporc''s achievem and their role in thorn.
The Malay does not believe in amassing wealth its
Political separation from Malaysia in 196" and the
United
.or
own sake or for prestige. His attitude toward labor
Kingdom's decision to withdraw most of its
ranges froth leisurely to indolent, anJ he esteems
military strength from the region have made this
clement of the
cooper ,lion more than competition. At the same time,
the success: of the Chinese in the
population acutely aware that
Singapore is now truly independent, For the Chinese
commercial realm
and the economic and political power that has
population in general, the widely held ima re of
Sing apore as a "Chinese
accrued to them have engendered feelings of
frustration, fear, and envy among the Malays,
island in a Malay sea' has
acted as a psychologically unifying factor, but this is it
who
regard themselves as the original inhabitants of the
concept which the government is attempting to
discourage, in
islaid and resent the rap"'d advances of it people they
an effort to overcome the� fear of
Sing
look upon as interlopers. Although the Malays have
n Ighbors that the island is it sa,�ce of
Chinese Cornlnunist influence
realized some limited economic progress in recent
the
directed at subversion
of the area. t"Ithough those born
years, gap betwern them and the Chinese
continues to widen. Adding to their resentment of the
there are gradually
dying off, China's gravitational pull continues to be
Chinese is the Malay tendency to consider all non
strong among the tradition- oriented sector of the
Chinese In
Muslims �and especially the Buddhist, T.coist, and
Population. fact, the younger generation.
both (:hinese-
Confucianist Chinese �to be morally inferior.
and English educated, is showing signs
of it
Relations between the Indians and other ethnic
growing
result of th
communities have never been close, although there is
mergence the Republic
China oil the international
no open hostility. The Indians distrust both the
Chinese and the Malays, and the two latter
stage.
In order to counteract Chinese chauvinism, the Lee
groups
sometimes accuse the Indians of a lack of interest in
administration has been accentuating its drive to
Singapore. The Indians do appear to have a
create a separate Singaporean identit by emphasizing
weaker
orientation as Singaporeans than either the Chinese or
English- language education arid
Westernization
(although it denounces "permissiveness
the Malays, largely because their traditionally
transient
Western
and in doing l it
pattern of immigration long prevented them
from establAing
traditions. This has lf callseapan r adverse
roots on the island, and also because
their relatively small number inhibits their being
re,lction
many of the Chinese- educated, who have came to
strong contenders for notional power.
believe that they are regarded as inferior. Prime
At this stage in Singapore's brief history as
n C support
c, natl
a self
governing political entity, local feelings of loyalty to
among Engiishledu
ted h nesc
Singapore as a nation are difficult to assess. The
constituency, who are disench his
anted with
prime
authoritarian style of leadership. Those who are
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disaffected represent only a small portion of the total
populatioe, wever, and they exercise only a limited
influence.
Among the Malays and Indians, the development
of a sense of Singaporean identity will depend largely
on the extent to which they are accepted as equals,
socially as well as politically, b the dominant
Chinese. It is largely in recognition of this problem
with respect to the Malays that the government as a
gesture has made Malay the "national" language. It
has also given the Malays special preference in
education by making free schooling available to them
ti-rough the secondary level. The government is
committed u, nondiscrimination in its hiring practices,
and its housing policy and soc;al and p Aitical action
programs are clearly aimed at integration: of all ethnic
groups in the society. While both the Malays and the
Indians recognize that their material well -being is
greater in Singapore than it would I-e in Malaysia or
India, many of the disadvantaged in both groups -as
well as in the Chinese lower class -are becoming
increasingly restive as the life style of a highly visible,
wealthy minority exposes the growing gap between
rich and poor.
C. Populatior� (U /OU)
Singapore's population, estimated at slightly more
than 2.1 million at midyear 1972, has grown rapidly in
the 20th century, having increased more than ninefold
since 1901 (Figure 4). The gains were particularly
pronounced in the years 1947 -57, with an average
annual rate of growth of 4.4 Growth during this
period resulted not only from the continued influx of
immigrants, Singapore's traditional source of
residents, but also, and to a much greater extent, from
a high birth rate coupled with a declining death ra e.
The impact of such growth on living conditions a 1d
the environment in general, on job opportunities, and
FIGURE 4. Population growth (U /00)
AVERAGE
ANNUAL
RATE OF
CENSUS YEAR POPULATION GROWTH
1901 226,842 *2.3
1911 303,321 3.0
1921 418,358 3.3
1931 557,745 2.9
1947 938,144 3.2
1957 1,445,929 4.4
1970 2,074,507 2.8
*Based on the 181,602 inhabitants enumerated in 1891_
12
FIGURE 5. Population i- crease, by source (U /OU)
on access to schooling and medical care was quickly
perceived by Singaporean authorities, who during the
late 1950's and the 1960's moved to restrict
immigration and to institute it comprehensive family
planning program marked by never- ending innovative
publicity on the population problem. As a result,
population growth has been substantially slowed (a
growth rate of 1.7% was indicated for 1971), and the
Singapore experience has been widely viewed as
successful. Muct' of the success of the family planning
program is due to the compactness of the republic;
more than 75% of all births occur in one government
hospital, enabling direct personal contact with 30,000
to 40,000 mothers a year, and the entire population
can be reached by radio and television.
Unlike earlier periods (Figure 5), the increase in
Singapore's population in the years 1957 -70 was
essentially the result of natural increase. During this
period, the excess of immigrants over emigrants was
placed at only about 35,000. aingapore authorities
claim that permanent emigrants outnumbered
permanent immigrants in the late 1960's, however, so
it is apparent that immigrants from Malaysia
contin l to move into Singapore in some numbers in
the late 1950's and early 1960'x; residents of Malaysia
were excluded from a 1959 Singapore ban on
permanent immigrants (except for those with needed
skills). The ban was extended to Malaysia in 1967,
when Singapore and Malaysia agreed to impose full
immigration controls at the causeway connecting the
two countries. Since that time, only wives and children
of Singapore citizens and those persons (and their
dependents) whose entry would be "of economic
benefit to the republic" have been eligible for
permanent immigrant status. In 1970 sonic, 2,850
;persons were granted entry permits for permanent
residence in Singapore under these conditions. To cope
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NET
POPULATION
INCREASE
MIGRATION
As
INTER-
Net
PERCENT
CENSAL
Natural
n)igra-
OF TOTAL
PERIOD
increase
Lion
Total
INCHEASE
1881 -91
-30,600
74 500
43,900
169.7
91- 1901....
42,400
87,600
45,200
193.8
1901- 11......
59,500
136,000
76,500
17;'.8
1911- 21......
38,000
153,000
115,(
'83.0
1521- 31......
15,900
123,500
139,190
88.6
1931- 47......
180,100
200,300
380,400
.;2.7
1947- 57......
395,300
112,500
507,800
22.2
195'- 70......
593,459
35,119
628,578
5.6
on access to schooling and medical care was quickly
perceived by Singaporean authorities, who during the
late 1950's and the 1960's moved to restrict
immigration and to institute it comprehensive family
planning program marked by never- ending innovative
publicity on the population problem. As a result,
population growth has been substantially slowed (a
growth rate of 1.7% was indicated for 1971), and the
Singapore experience has been widely viewed as
successful. Muct' of the success of the family planning
program is due to the compactness of the republic;
more than 75% of all births occur in one government
hospital, enabling direct personal contact with 30,000
to 40,000 mothers a year, and the entire population
can be reached by radio and television.
Unlike earlier periods (Figure 5), the increase in
Singapore's population in the years 1957 -70 was
essentially the result of natural increase. During this
period, the excess of immigrants over emigrants was
placed at only about 35,000. aingapore authorities
claim that permanent emigrants outnumbered
permanent immigrants in the late 1960's, however, so
it is apparent that immigrants from Malaysia
contin l to move into Singapore in some numbers in
the late 1950's and early 1960'x; residents of Malaysia
were excluded from a 1959 Singapore ban on
permanent immigrants (except for those with needed
skills). The ban was extended to Malaysia in 1967,
when Singapore and Malaysia agreed to impose full
immigration controls at the causeway connecting the
two countries. Since that time, only wives and children
of Singapore citizens and those persons (and their
dependents) whose entry would be "of economic
benefit to the republic" have been eligible for
permanent immigrant status. In 1970 sonic, 2,850
;persons were granted entry permits for permanent
residence in Singapore under these conditions. To cope
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i
t
with a growing need for semiskilled or unskilled
workers, the Singapore Government has issued work
perinits for entry to more than 70,000 additional
persons, mainly Malaysians, since the beginning of
1970. Thcse persor:s are regarded as temporary
residents, however, and are not eligible for permanent
status. Resident noncitizens without permanent
immigrant status are not automatically eligible for
reentry into the republic should they leave for any
reason. Reentry permits are issued only to those who
Possess needed skills.
Vital statistics for the period 1947.71 (Figure 6)
reveal a sharp drop in both birth and death rates, the
decline in the former occurring mainly in the 1960's
and that in the latter in the 1950's. The birth rate,
which decreased by some 51% between 1947 and
1971, fell primarily because of the success of the
family planning program in overcoming the
traditional preference of Singaporeans for large
families. The decline in the death rate �some 59% in
the 1947 -71 period �was directly linked to improved
health conditions and to increased medical care
facilities. Better health conditions were also the major
factor in the decrease in the infant mortality rate.
which fell from 87.3 (deaths of children under age 1
per 1,000 live bi �ths) in 1947 to 20.1 in 1971.
With declining mortality, life expectancy at birth
has been rising. According to U.N. estimates, this
value rose from 60.4 ,rears in the 1950 -55 period to
68.2 years in 1965 -70, and is expected to exceed 70
years in 1970 -75.
Because the death rate declined in the late 1940's
and early 1950's while the birth rate remained fairly
Nate per I,DDD population
50
MALAY
INDIAN
CHINESE
we
X
20
10
0
1941 48 50 52 54 56 58 60 62 64 66 68 70
FIGURE 7. Rate of natural increase, by principal ethnic
community (U /OU)
stable, the rate of natural increase showed a marked
t pward trend, reaching a peak of 37.1 per 1,000
population in 1954. Almost annually since that year,
the rate has fallen as the birth rate has dropped; in
1971 the official rate was 16.9 per 1,000 population,
but this proportion fails to reflect an underregistration
of deaths. The Chinesc community was the first to
record a decline in the rate of natural increase,
followed by the Indian and the Malay groups (Figure
7). As it has traditionally, the Malay community,
which has a slightly higher birth rate, continues to
register the highest rate of natural increase.
Concerned with the impact of rapid growth on
economic and social development, Singapore
authorities late in the 1950's undertook to restrict
immigration and to subsidize the Singapore Family
Planning Association, a private entity established in
1952 whose programs were meeting with increasingly
popular response. By 1965, although the rate of
natural increase had lessened as the result of a falling
birth rate, it became apparent to the authorities that
the desired scope of family planning activities was
beyond the capacity of the association. Accordingly,
the government took over responsibility for family
planning in January 1966, establishing the Singapore
Family Planning and Population Board within the
Ministry of Health. The first official 5 -year family
planning program, initiated in 1966, had as its
objective the reduction of the birth rate from 30 per
1,000 population (the rate in 1964) to 20 per 1,000 in
1970. Although the goal for 1970 was not reached, the
13
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FIGURE 6. Vital rates (U /OU)
birth rate had declined to 22 per 1,000 population,
and Singapore generally was viewed as a country
whose population problem was under control. The
goal for the period 1.971 -75 is 18 per 1,000.
After assuming control of famil planning activities,
the Singaporean Government devoted the first 6
months to improving the quality of its family planning
services. Thereafter, it has concentrated on a massive
indoet.inational campaign utilizing television and
radio spots, posters, and exhibitions to make family
planning an acceptable subject of conversation. The
campaign centers around the theme" Singapore Needs
Small Families," and emphasizes that small families
live better, cat better, have a better education, have
more money to spend, and enjoy better health. As a
result, the number of women accepting family
planning measures has risen steadily, the total fpr the
1966 -70 period exceeding 160,000. Those clients who
can afford to pay are charged S$1 (S$1.00- US$0.:35)
for a month's cycle of pills (which are also available in
pharmacies), S$10 for the insertion o interuterioc
device (IUD), and correspondingly modest prices for
.ether devices. In 1968, some 54% of new acceptors
chose the pill, 28% chose condoms, 10% chose the
IUD, 4% chose miscellaneous other devices, 3% chose
sterilization, and a handful chose injections, which
were being given on an experimental basis.
As a further aspect of its family planning program.,
the government sponsored and, late in 1969, secured
the passage of an Abortion Act and a Voluntary
Sterilization Act. Both were aimed at cutting down the
size of families among the less educated and lower
income groups. Criteria for abortions have been
established and are flexible enough to permit them to
be performed for socioeconomic reasons. Abortions
must take place in a government hospital or an
approved institution and are available to Singapore
citizens, to noncitizen wives of citizens, and to women,
regardless of citizenship, who have resided in
Singapore for at least 4 months immediately preceding
the abortion. In 1970, the abortion rate was 50.8 per
1,000 live births. Sterilizations, which numbered 961
in 1970, are nfined mainly to women, although
some vasectomies are also being performed.
Apprehensive about a slight upturn in the birth rate
in 1970, after 13 successive years of decline, the
Singaporean Government introduced several "finan-
cial disincentives" aimed at reemphasizing family
planning. The Employment Act was amended to
exclude paid maternity leave for women who had
already given birth to three children. In addition,
delivery fees in government hospitals were changed
from a standard charge to a graduated scale. A charge
14
of S$10 is made for the first confinement, S$20 for the
second, S$50 for the third, and S$100 for the fourth
and ear_h subsequent confinement. Delivery charges
are waived for womer who sunsequently undergo
sterilization. In a move to get tough with
"irresponsible parents" who produce more children
than they can afford to feed and re::r, '[w government
announced that large families no longer would be
given priority when applying for low cast public
housing. Finally, in November 1972 the personal
income tax law was revised so as to discourage families
from having more than three children. Henceforth,
the maximum number of deductions allowable for
offspring is to be three instead of five.
1. Size and distribution
AcetAing to the preliminary results of the census of
22 June 1970, Singapore had a population of
2,074,507, a 43 increase over the 1,455.929
enumerated in 1957. By midyear 1972 it was estimated
that the population had re:Ached 2,145,000 and was
rising by about 1.75 per year.
With an area of 225 square miles, roughly
comparable with that of the city of Chicago,
Singapore had a density of 9,533 persons per square
mile at midyear 1972, only slightly less than that of
Hong Kong. The proliferation of vast suburban
housing developments is contributing to a more even
distribution of the population than previously existed,
but the bulk of the republics inhabitants continue to
reside within the city of Singapore, on the south
central coast. In 1957, some 63% of the island's
population lived in the 37.6 square miles of the city
proper, with densities in the crowded Chinatown area
rising as high as 680 persons per acre. Chinatown since
has been the scene of major urban renewal projects.
but the central part of Singapore wrnains densely
inhabited. New areas of high density include
Queenstown, J urong, Toa Payoh, and other
comparable developments where the government has
built large high -rise apartment complexes complete
witl; markets, shops, theaters, schools, playgrounds,
clinics, and other modern facilities.
The construction of new suburbs, the expansion of
industry and commerce into hitherto rural areas, and
the extension of the highway and public utilities
systems throughout the island have resulted in a
blurring of the distinctions between urban and rural.
Although there are still scattered rural (or semirural)
settlements, about 98% of the population are able to
reach the downtown center within one -half to one
hour by reasonably rapid public transit.
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In general, the Singapore population is rachilly
intermixed in the newer residential areas, but some of
the older sections remain predominantly Chinese or
Malay. The Malay community centers politically and
intellectually upon the area near the Singapore .kirport
in Gevlang. Other Malays live in kampongs scattered
about the island. A few dwell on the off lying islands,
most of which are wholly Malay in population. The
Chinese and the Indians are found in all parts of
Singapore.
As revealed by the 1970 census, the Chinese
constituted majorities ranging from .51 to 98% in 31
of the 58 electoral divisions, and were the largest single
gro.tp in three others. Malays comprised a majority in
Geylang Serai and Kampong Kembangan and were
the largest single group in Kampong Ubt and Telok
Blangah. The greatest concentration of Indians was in
Sembawang, where they made up 29%c of the
population. Of the 54 electoral divisions in which
Chinese constituted the largest single group, Malays
were the second largest in 35., Indians in 19. Persons of
other than Chinese, Malay, or Indian origin mainly
Westerners �were concentrated most heavily in
Tanglin, where they comprised 13% of the population.
2. Age.-sex .7ucture
The long -term trend in Singapore toward an
increasingly youthful population was reversed during
the 1960's. As a result of the declining birth rate and
longer life expectancy, the median age rose from 18.8
years in 1957 to 19.7 in 1970. Despite the decline
during the 1957 -70 intercensal period in the
proportion of the population under age 15 and a
corresponding rise in the proportions in the adult years
and the year.: of old age (Figure 8), Singapore has a
young population, the median age in 1970 being more
than 8 1 /2 years lower than that in the United States.
The median age for the Malay community in 1970
was 16.6 years; for the Chinese it was 20.1 v_ ears; for
the Indians, 21.6 years.
According to the preliminary results of the 1970
census, nearly one fourth of the total population were
under age 10 and about one -half were under age 20
(Figure 9). Only 3.3% of the population were age 65 or
older, and only .'231 were 50 or older. All together.
42.1 of the population were in the dependent ages
(0 -14 and 65 or older), whereas 57.9% were in the
working ages (15 -64), providing a ratio of 728 persons
of dependent age per 1,000 persons of working age.
This ratio was sore 17% higher than that in the
United States, but it was lower than that (817)
ascertained by the 1957 Singapore census.
FIGURE S. Population, by age group and sex, 1957
and 1970 (U /OU)
Singapore. .s population profile compared with that
of the United States (Figure 10), reveals that
Singapore has a larger proportion of persons in all age
groups under 35 (except for 25 -29) and that,
conversely, the United States has a larger proportion of
persons in the middle and older ages. The 1970
population pyramid for Singapore is marked by two
major contractions: that for the age group 0 -9 reflects
the lower birth rate of the 1960's as compared with
that of the 1950's; the contraction in the 25 -29 age
group shows the effect of World War II, with its war
casualties, its higher death rate, and its impact on
family formation.
According to data from the 1970 census, the
population was matte up of 1,062,127 males and
1,012,380 females, or 104.9 males per 100 females.
Males exceeded females in all age groups except those
65 and older. The 1970 sex ratio, although high by
Western standards, is the lowest to have been
registered in Singapore in well over a century. The
island traditionally has had an excess of men over
women, its population having been formed in Lrge
part by immigrants, among whom men predominated
overwhelmingly. In 1860. for example, there were over
600 males per 100 females, and men outnumbered
women by better than two to one as late as the mid
1920's. As locally born persons have matured and
raised their own families, and as the immigration of
males has at times been severely restricted, the
imbalance between the sexes has lessened. The
imbalance remains greatest in the Indian community,
where as of 1970 there were 152 males per 100 females.
For the Chinese and Malay communities, the figures
were 102 and 104, respectively.
15
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Age
80
and over
75 -79
70 -74
s
65.69
60-64
55 -59
50-54
r r
45 -49
^y"
40-44
35-39
30-34
f
25-29
20 24
Y
15.19
10 -14
5-9
0-4
10 8 6 4 2 0
2 4 6 8 10
MALES Percent FEMALES
FIGURE S. Population, by age group and sex, 1957
and 1970 (U /OU)
Singapore. .s population profile compared with that
of the United States (Figure 10), reveals that
Singapore has a larger proportion of persons in all age
groups under 35 (except for 25 -29) and that,
conversely, the United States has a larger proportion of
persons in the middle and older ages. The 1970
population pyramid for Singapore is marked by two
major contractions: that for the age group 0 -9 reflects
the lower birth rate of the 1960's as compared with
that of the 1950's; the contraction in the 25 -29 age
group shows the effect of World War II, with its war
casualties, its higher death rate, and its impact on
family formation.
According to data from the 1970 census, the
population was matte up of 1,062,127 males and
1,012,380 females, or 104.9 males per 100 females.
Males exceeded females in all age groups except those
65 and older. The 1970 sex ratio, although high by
Western standards, is the lowest to have been
registered in Singapore in well over a century. The
island traditionally has had an excess of men over
women, its population having been formed in Lrge
part by immigrants, among whom men predominated
overwhelmingly. In 1860. for example, there were over
600 males per 100 females, and men outnumbered
women by better than two to one as late as the mid
1920's. As locally born persons have matured and
raised their own families, and as the immigration of
males has at times been severely restricted, the
imbalance between the sexes has lessened. The
imbalance remains greatest in the Indian community,
where as of 1970 there were 152 males per 100 females.
For the Chinese and Malay communities, the figures
were 102 and 104, respectively.
15
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FIGURE 9. Popul;ition by age group and sex, June 1970 (U /OU)
UNITED
MALE I
8o
and over
75-79
70-74
65-69
60 64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15 -19
10-14
5-9
C-4
SINGAvORE
T_
FEMALE
10 8 6 4 2 0 0 2 4 6 8 10
PERCENT
FIGURE 10. Age -sex structure, Singapore and the United
States, 1970 (U /OU)
D. Living and working conditions
Conditions of living in Singapore, long the best in
Southeast Asia, have improved substantially since the
mid 1960'x. A series of ambitious development plans
orchestrating economic growth, heavy investment in
social services, and family planning have led to the
amelioration of longstanding social problems, albeit
creating certain new ones in the process. Having
devoted more than 35% of its total expenditures for
health, education, welfare, and other social services
16
i
s
during the years 1966 -68, the government has since
channeled increased proportions of its resources into
capital investments designed to strengthen and
expand the economy. Entailing among other things
the development of industrial sites, the improvement
of internal transportation, the reclamation of
wastelands, the renovation of the eentr.: urban area,
and the acceleration of an massive public
housing program, the investments hrlve generated
unprecedented economic prosperity, attended by the
near elimination of unemployment, which had been
severe for nearly two decades. Per capita income
increased at an average annual rate of 12.5% between
1966 and 1971, when it reached a level of S$3,029, or
roughly US$1,075,' a figure that was second only to
that of Japan in East Asia. Thus, while the proportion
of public expenditures for social services declined to
about 25% in the early 1970's (Figure 11), most
Singaporeans were healthier, better fed, and better
housed than at any time in their history. With an
increasingly large segment of the population sharing
in the prosperity, moreover, the government was able
to curtail sharply the proportion of funds allocated for
direct public welfare services. (U /OU)
'Yearend exchange rates of the Singapore dollar (S$) per US$1.00
have been as follows:
1968: S$3.08 1970: S$3.08
1969: S$3.09 1971: S$2.90
1972: S$2.80
x
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NUMBER
PERCENT DISTRIBUTION
MALES
PER
Both
Both
100
AGE GROUP
Male
Female
sexes
Male
Female
sexes
FEMALES
0-4............
121,039
114,417
235,456
11.4
11.3
11.4
105.8
5- 9............
143,926
136,607
280,533
13.5
13.5
13.5
105.4
10- 14..........
148,506
140,341
288,847
14.0
13.9
13.9
105.8
15- 19..........
126,358
120,059
246,417
11.9
11.9
11.9
105.2
20- 24..........
10;',181
100,554
203,735
9.7
9.9
9.8
1G2.6
25- 29..........
66,650
66,095
132,745
6.3
6.5
6.4
106.8
30- 34..........
68,462
67,919
136,381
6.4
6.7
6.6
100.8
35- 39..........
58,441
54,454
112,895
5.5
5.4
5.4
107.3
40-- 44..........
54,015
46,862
100,877
5.1
4.6
4.9
115.3
45'- 49..........
44,148
37,598
81,746
4.2
3.7
3.9
117.4
50- 54..........
37,770
33,453
71,223
3.6
3.3
3.4
112.9
55-59..........
34,044
31,321
65,365
3.2
3.1
3.2
108.7
60-- 64..........
24,998
23,925
48,923
2.3
2.4
2.4
104.5
65- 69..........
16,486
17,011
33,499
1.5
1.,7
1.6
96.9
70- 74..........
8,261
10,577
18,838
0.8
1.0
0.9
78.1
75- 79..........
3,855
6,307
10,162
0.4
0.6
0.5
61.1
80 and over.....
1,985
4,880
6,865
0.2
0.5
0.3
40.7
All ages......
1,062,127
1,012,380
2,074,507
100.0
100.0
100.0
104.9
UNITED
MALE I
8o
and over
75-79
70-74
65-69
60 64
55-59
50-54
45-49
40-44
35-39
30-34
25-29
20-24
15 -19
10-14
5-9
C-4
SINGAvORE
T_
FEMALE
10 8 6 4 2 0 0 2 4 6 8 10
PERCENT
FIGURE 10. Age -sex structure, Singapore and the United
States, 1970 (U /OU)
D. Living and working conditions
Conditions of living in Singapore, long the best in
Southeast Asia, have improved substantially since the
mid 1960'x. A series of ambitious development plans
orchestrating economic growth, heavy investment in
social services, and family planning have led to the
amelioration of longstanding social problems, albeit
creating certain new ones in the process. Having
devoted more than 35% of its total expenditures for
health, education, welfare, and other social services
16
i
s
during the years 1966 -68, the government has since
channeled increased proportions of its resources into
capital investments designed to strengthen and
expand the economy. Entailing among other things
the development of industrial sites, the improvement
of internal transportation, the reclamation of
wastelands, the renovation of the eentr.: urban area,
and the acceleration of an massive public
housing program, the investments hrlve generated
unprecedented economic prosperity, attended by the
near elimination of unemployment, which had been
severe for nearly two decades. Per capita income
increased at an average annual rate of 12.5% between
1966 and 1971, when it reached a level of S$3,029, or
roughly US$1,075,' a figure that was second only to
that of Japan in East Asia. Thus, while the proportion
of public expenditures for social services declined to
about 25% in the early 1970's (Figure 11), most
Singaporeans were healthier, better fed, and better
housed than at any time in their history. With an
increasingly large segment of the population sharing
in the prosperity, moreover, the government was able
to curtail sharply the proportion of funds allocated for
direct public welfare services. (U /OU)
'Yearend exchange rates of the Singapore dollar (S$) per US$1.00
have been as follows:
1968: S$3.08 1970: S$3.08
1969: S$3.09 1971: S$2.90
1972: S$2.80
x
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FIGURE 1 1. Government expenditures
for social services (U /OU)
(Percent of total expenditures)
NOTE -Prior to 1969 the fiscal years coincided with the
calendar years. The 1969170 fiscal period extended from
1 Januar 1969 to 31 klarch 1970, and suhsequent fiscal
years have been from I April to 31 \lareh. The percentages
for FY1971/72 are estimates.
Singaporeans generally have benefited as a result of
the government's closely guided plans for socioeco-
nomic development, but they also have been required
to make sacrifices. For example, restrictions on wage
increases, a key element in the government's rather
austere economic police, came to constitute a
limitation in the extent to which the mass of working
class families shared in the national wealth.
Furthermore, the personal income tax is quite high for
people at all income levels, as is the property tax.
Increased employment opportunities have come
largely at the expense of a dilution in the right of
workers to engage freely in trade unionism and in
collective bargaining, and legislative devices Have
deprived the labor movement of some of its major
prerogatives. (C)
Having adopted these and other measures largely to
promote foreign investment, government leader in
the early 1970's perceived a growing restiveness among
workers as the life -style of a highly visible group of
wealthy entrepreneurs began to reveal a wide gap
between rich and poor. Also, a growing awareness was
being manifested in the disparity between workers'
aspirations and their incomes. In light of these
developments, the National Wage Council granted an
8% general wage increase in May 1972, and the Prime
Minister held out the possibility for routine increases
of 5% per annum thereafter, provided the economy
continues to sustain a growth rate in excess of 10
Two months earlier, the wages for civil servants had
been increased by about l I%. (C)
While the wage restraints deterred an increase in
wages for nearly 4 years, family income levels
nevertheless rose as the growth in the economy
enabled more persons to obtain work and un-
deremployment declined. In fact, a household survey
of family income levels conducted during the late
1960's revealed that the number of families earning
S$150 or less per month, generally considered the
poverty level, decreased by somewhat over 50% within
the decade. 'fhe number of families having incomes in
the S$151 -S$300 range also decreased, but by a much
smaller percentage. Conversely, the proportion of
families who earned S$301 to S$1,000 monthly, a
range broadly comprising society's middle sector,
increased substantially. In order to attain the higher
income levels, most families have had to rely on more
than a single wage earner, as pay rates are low. Prior to
the 1972 wage increase, the typical male industrial
worker earned about S$50 per week; the male farmer
or fisherman and the female industrial worker earned
about S$30; and most beginning or unskilled workers
earned approximately S$20. Despite the trend toward
an enlargement of the middle class, the opportunities
to attain a higher level of living have not been
uniform. A disproportionate share of the wealth has
accrued to the Chinese, especially to Chinese
entrepreneurs, while many members of the minority
groups notably the Malays- continue to live at or
near the poverty level. (U /OU
Economic prosperity has been attended by
increased acquisition of consumer goods, including
both consumables and durables. Concerning the
latter, the Prime Minister has observed that "mane
people now consider scooters, small cars, televisions,
and refrigerators necessities, not luxuries." In 1969,
one in every 20 persons owned a motor scooter or
motorcycle; one in every 16 owned an automobile;
one in 15 owned a television set; and one in nine a
radio. The prices of many goods, especially items of
prime necessity to the consumer, have been held dawn
by strict controls. On the other hand, the cost of
services, notably housing and transportation, has risen
somewhat, requiring a realignment in the pattern of
household expenditures (Figure 12). (U /OLJ)
Although prices increased at a faster pace during
1971 than at any time in more than a decade, inflation
has been nominal, as indicated by the following
consumer price index (1960 equals 100):
ITEM
1967
1969
WELFARE
Food
114.3
112.2
114.3
AND
108.6
FISCAL YEAR
EDUCATION
HEALTH
OTHER
TOTAL
1966...........
23.8
13.2
6.4
4
1967...........
23.3
12.3
5.7
41.3
1968...........
21.3
10.6
3.9
35.8
1969/70........
18.3
8.9
3.1
30.3
1970/71........
14.7
6.9
3.0
24.6
1971/72........
15.0
7.2
2.8
25.0
NOTE -Prior to 1969 the fiscal years coincided with the
calendar years. The 1969170 fiscal period extended from
1 Januar 1969 to 31 klarch 1970, and suhsequent fiscal
years have been from I April to 31 \lareh. The percentages
for FY1971/72 are estimates.
Singaporeans generally have benefited as a result of
the government's closely guided plans for socioeco-
nomic development, but they also have been required
to make sacrifices. For example, restrictions on wage
increases, a key element in the government's rather
austere economic police, came to constitute a
limitation in the extent to which the mass of working
class families shared in the national wealth.
Furthermore, the personal income tax is quite high for
people at all income levels, as is the property tax.
Increased employment opportunities have come
largely at the expense of a dilution in the right of
workers to engage freely in trade unionism and in
collective bargaining, and legislative devices Have
deprived the labor movement of some of its major
prerogatives. (C)
Having adopted these and other measures largely to
promote foreign investment, government leader in
the early 1970's perceived a growing restiveness among
workers as the life -style of a highly visible group of
wealthy entrepreneurs began to reveal a wide gap
between rich and poor. Also, a growing awareness was
being manifested in the disparity between workers'
aspirations and their incomes. In light of these
developments, the National Wage Council granted an
8% general wage increase in May 1972, and the Prime
Minister held out the possibility for routine increases
of 5% per annum thereafter, provided the economy
continues to sustain a growth rate in excess of 10
Two months earlier, the wages for civil servants had
been increased by about l I%. (C)
While the wage restraints deterred an increase in
wages for nearly 4 years, family income levels
nevertheless rose as the growth in the economy
enabled more persons to obtain work and un-
deremployment declined. In fact, a household survey
of family income levels conducted during the late
1960's revealed that the number of families earning
S$150 or less per month, generally considered the
poverty level, decreased by somewhat over 50% within
the decade. 'fhe number of families having incomes in
the S$151 -S$300 range also decreased, but by a much
smaller percentage. Conversely, the proportion of
families who earned S$301 to S$1,000 monthly, a
range broadly comprising society's middle sector,
increased substantially. In order to attain the higher
income levels, most families have had to rely on more
than a single wage earner, as pay rates are low. Prior to
the 1972 wage increase, the typical male industrial
worker earned about S$50 per week; the male farmer
or fisherman and the female industrial worker earned
about S$30; and most beginning or unskilled workers
earned approximately S$20. Despite the trend toward
an enlargement of the middle class, the opportunities
to attain a higher level of living have not been
uniform. A disproportionate share of the wealth has
accrued to the Chinese, especially to Chinese
entrepreneurs, while many members of the minority
groups notably the Malays- continue to live at or
near the poverty level. (U /OU
Economic prosperity has been attended by
increased acquisition of consumer goods, including
both consumables and durables. Concerning the
latter, the Prime Minister has observed that "mane
people now consider scooters, small cars, televisions,
and refrigerators necessities, not luxuries." In 1969,
one in every 20 persons owned a motor scooter or
motorcycle; one in every 16 owned an automobile;
one in 15 owned a television set; and one in nine a
radio. The prices of many goods, especially items of
prime necessity to the consumer, have been held dawn
by strict controls. On the other hand, the cost of
services, notably housing and transportation, has risen
somewhat, requiring a realignment in the pattern of
household expenditures (Figure 12). (U /OLJ)
Although prices increased at a faster pace during
1971 than at any time in more than a decade, inflation
has been nominal, as indicated by the following
consumer price index (1960 equals 100):
ITEM
1967
1969
1971
Food
114.3
112.2
114.3
Housing
108.6
112.5
116.0
Clothing
103.5
106.3
109,7
Miscellaneous
106.5
109.5
111.7
All items
110.6
111.1
113.6
The rise in prices that occurred during the years -and
has continued through most of 1972 reflected the
higher costs for imported articles, especially household
furnishings and equipment. Two of the main soarces
ON
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other good:
flonduI ble household goods
Recreational goods
Tobacco
Beverages
Fu_llu_ furnishings,and
durable household equipment
N
Clothing and other
personal effects
Food
PERCENT
1963 1970''
FIGURE 12. Distribution of household
expenditures (U /OU)
for such goods have been Japan and the Peoples
Republic of China. in 1966, the latter country was
allowed to establish several department stores, or
"emporiums," which are open even� day of the week
and are heavily patronized by people in all walks of
life. (U /OU)
The acceleration in housing expenses since the end
of the 1960's can perhaps he ascribed to an unsatisfied
demand for better dwellings and a resultant increase
in the cost of private housing, despite the enormous
public housing program. According to the Prime
Minister, over 60,000 families awaited public housing
units as of mid -1972, at which time construction was
proceeding at a pace of 20,000 units per annum, or
twice the rate recorded. in 1968. (U /OU)
The unfulfilled demand for public housing �a
reflection of the aspiration fora still higher st� of
living rather than of heedlessness, poor planning, or
lack of resources on the part of the government
typifies the contrast between Singapore and other
Southeast Asian states. Essentially, the needs and
problems of Singaporeans are more akin to those
shared by the peoples of the more developed Western
nations. Similarly, several of the prime threats to
health and to social security emanate from human
frailties or from manmade contrivances, rather than
from the natural environment. Crime and juvenile
delinquency, for instance, are a major concern of the
authorities and have prompted forcible responses by
the police and courts. A substantial segment of the
18
funds expended for welfare services is destined for the
care and rehabilitation of w,:%ward youth. Ifeavy
penalties are meted out for the posse of firearms,
and it is even illegal to conceal toy weapons. As a
consequence, police statistics reflect a general decline
in the incidence of serious crimes, riot more than 2 of
which are said to involve the use of firearms. 1 The
number of recorded cases of armed robbery arid
housebreaking reportedly dropped from it total of
3,12.5 in 1959 to 2,010 in 1969. The incidence of such
crimes as murder, kidnapping, and extortion, formerly
high, also has been lowered markedly. (U /OU)
Nonetheless, certain illegal activities persist: these
include prostitution, gambling, trafficking i;l
narcotics, and the operation of opium dens. Many of
those who organize or engage in such activities, as well
as those who perpetrate it disproportionately large
number of the violent crimes, are members of Chinese
secret societies. These organizations, erstwhile
powerful crime syndicates, have largely evolved into
gangs of delinquent youths who are kept in check only
by relentless police action. Opium addiction, a serious
problem elsewhere in Asia, is believed to be on the
decline in Singapore, and heroin addiction is rare.
Although there were an estimated 8,000 opium
smokers in 1970, 87 r' of those arrested for the offense
were over age 40. The use of marijuana appears to be
increasing, however, especially among Malay
youngsters. A Drug Act passed in 1969 was designed to
enable authorities to cope with potential dangers
posed by the newer types of addictive substances,
namely the synthetic hall ucinclgens, and to strengthen
the existing penalties for the use of dangerous drugs in
general. Additional stringent penalties, including the
flogging of convicted drug traffickers and the jailing of
marijuana smokers for lengthy periods, were
prescribed in a series of antidrug laws submitted to
Parliament in late 1972. (U /OU)
Having blended elements of welfare state socialism
with selective characteristics borrowed from societies
which operate under free enterprise systems in order to
attempt to build a resolute and dynamic society,
national leaders have deemed it necessary to insulate
their people from the doctrinaire aspects of
communism as well as from the "degenerative" facets
of contemporary Western civilization. One symptom
of this has been the obsession for expunging the so-
called "social pollution" spread by certain Western
folkways and customs, such as the wearing of long hair
by men. In the belief that hippies typify a
permissiveness that is incompatible with the work
ethic needed to insure continued prosperity, Singapore
authorities have subjected foreign hippies, and would-
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1
2.0
1
3.6
4.0
3.8
4.0
4
7.9
14.1
7.5
14.1
31.6
27.7
8.4
7.1
10.6
12.3
14.0
11.2
1963 1970''
FIGURE 12. Distribution of household
expenditures (U /OU)
for such goods have been Japan and the Peoples
Republic of China. in 1966, the latter country was
allowed to establish several department stores, or
"emporiums," which are open even� day of the week
and are heavily patronized by people in all walks of
life. (U /OU)
The acceleration in housing expenses since the end
of the 1960's can perhaps he ascribed to an unsatisfied
demand for better dwellings and a resultant increase
in the cost of private housing, despite the enormous
public housing program. According to the Prime
Minister, over 60,000 families awaited public housing
units as of mid -1972, at which time construction was
proceeding at a pace of 20,000 units per annum, or
twice the rate recorded. in 1968. (U /OU)
The unfulfilled demand for public housing �a
reflection of the aspiration fora still higher st� of
living rather than of heedlessness, poor planning, or
lack of resources on the part of the government
typifies the contrast between Singapore and other
Southeast Asian states. Essentially, the needs and
problems of Singaporeans are more akin to those
shared by the peoples of the more developed Western
nations. Similarly, several of the prime threats to
health and to social security emanate from human
frailties or from manmade contrivances, rather than
from the natural environment. Crime and juvenile
delinquency, for instance, are a major concern of the
authorities and have prompted forcible responses by
the police and courts. A substantial segment of the
18
funds expended for welfare services is destined for the
care and rehabilitation of w,:%ward youth. Ifeavy
penalties are meted out for the posse of firearms,
and it is even illegal to conceal toy weapons. As a
consequence, police statistics reflect a general decline
in the incidence of serious crimes, riot more than 2 of
which are said to involve the use of firearms. 1 The
number of recorded cases of armed robbery arid
housebreaking reportedly dropped from it total of
3,12.5 in 1959 to 2,010 in 1969. The incidence of such
crimes as murder, kidnapping, and extortion, formerly
high, also has been lowered markedly. (U /OU)
Nonetheless, certain illegal activities persist: these
include prostitution, gambling, trafficking i;l
narcotics, and the operation of opium dens. Many of
those who organize or engage in such activities, as well
as those who perpetrate it disproportionately large
number of the violent crimes, are members of Chinese
secret societies. These organizations, erstwhile
powerful crime syndicates, have largely evolved into
gangs of delinquent youths who are kept in check only
by relentless police action. Opium addiction, a serious
problem elsewhere in Asia, is believed to be on the
decline in Singapore, and heroin addiction is rare.
Although there were an estimated 8,000 opium
smokers in 1970, 87 r' of those arrested for the offense
were over age 40. The use of marijuana appears to be
increasing, however, especially among Malay
youngsters. A Drug Act passed in 1969 was designed to
enable authorities to cope with potential dangers
posed by the newer types of addictive substances,
namely the synthetic hall ucinclgens, and to strengthen
the existing penalties for the use of dangerous drugs in
general. Additional stringent penalties, including the
flogging of convicted drug traffickers and the jailing of
marijuana smokers for lengthy periods, were
prescribed in a series of antidrug laws submitted to
Parliament in late 1972. (U /OU)
Having blended elements of welfare state socialism
with selective characteristics borrowed from societies
which operate under free enterprise systems in order to
attempt to build a resolute and dynamic society,
national leaders have deemed it necessary to insulate
their people from the doctrinaire aspects of
communism as well as from the "degenerative" facets
of contemporary Western civilization. One symptom
of this has been the obsession for expunging the so-
called "social pollution" spread by certain Western
folkways and customs, such as the wearing of long hair
by men. In the belief that hippies typify a
permissiveness that is incompatible with the work
ethic needed to insure continued prosperity, Singapore
authorities have subjected foreign hippies, and would-
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be local ones, too, to official and public persecution.
The entry of foreign hippies has been discouraged, and
sonic have been expelled, often follo"ving police
charges that they had engaged in drug use or other
objectionable activities. (C)
1. Health and sanitation (U /OU)
A comparatively high level of socioeconomic
development, effective public health programs, and a
%videepread acceptance of Western medicine have
combined to produce it level of health and sanitation
that ranks among the highest in Asia. Natural
environment problems, such as those posed by the
malarial swamps which once covered much of the
island, have been virtually eliminated, and the
population is by and large isolated from the afflictions
that have traditionally ravaged the inhabitants of the
mainland. Similarly, with the exception of rodents,
animal and plant life no longer pose serious health
hazards; moreover, rodents are kept under control by
continuing inspection and extermination measures.
On the other hand, climatic conditions, which are
characterized by heavy rainfall and excessive
humidity, promote it high incidence of respiratory
diseases, skin infections, and allergies; in addition, the
constancy of the tropical climate is enervating.
Singaporeans also are subject to many of the threats to
personal health and safet that prevail in Western
metropolitan societies.
Two noncommunicable illnesses� cancer and heart
disease are the leading causes of death; in the years
1963 -70, they accounted for 13.7 and 11.154,
respectively, of ail registered deaths. Additionaliv,
cerebrovascular diseases caused 7.35 of all deaths;
FIGURE 13. Sidewalk butcher stalls,
which often display uncovered pork
cuts and entrails, major items in the
Chinese diet, are gradually giving way
to enclosed markets in the housing
estates. Poultry, such as the smoked
ducks hanging on the right, is also
consumed widely. (U /OU)
hypertension, '3.2c/ notor vehicle accidents, 2.4 x;
and suicide, 1. ii. Mental illness has :I high
incidence.
The incidence of infectious diseases, including
plague, cholera, malaria, and filariasis, is low
occasionally introduced by travelers, the maladies are
invariably contained at an early stage a,d seldom
result in fatalities. Leprosy, a disease once prevalent in
Singapore, has been sharply curtailed, and the public
leprosarium is said to operate at about one half
capacity. Although an average of more than 300
patients suffering from acute: dysentery are admitted
annually to public hospitals, gastrointestinal and other
enteric diseases, including typhus fever and typhoid
fever, no longer constitute serious threats to lif Food
sold ill the streets by hawkers or in open -air stalls
Figure 13) is believed to he it prime source of enteric
sicknesses. Among respiratory ailments, pneumonia,
tuberculosis, and bronchitis have the highest
morbidity. 'The incidence of tuberculosis has declined
steadily for many years in response to a concerted
program of control, but the incidence of pneumonia
has remained fairly stable and that of bronchitis has
tended to rise. During the 1963 -70 period, pneumonia
a.ccornted for 8.25i of all officially registered deaths.
tuberculosis for 3.4'r, and bronchitis for 3.451.
As a major seaport and commercial center, the city
is constantly vulnerable to the entry of infectious
diseases from abroad, despite the rigid surveillance
procedures exercised by health authorities. Although
public housing and urban renewal programs have
relieved the severe overcrowding that once charac-
terized the central part of the city, thereby reducing
chances for the spread of infection, hazards to the
IL7
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health and safety of individuals are still concentrated
in that area. There, too, air Ixtllution caused by
industrialization and the proliferation of motor
vehicles poses a special clanger to those who suffer
from, or are susceptible to, respiratory disorders.
Health problems are not unique to the residents of the
built -up area, however, as serious health threats,
resulting chiefly from inadequate sanitation practices
and facilities, are found in some of the kampongs,
particularly those inhabited by Malays.
The occurrence of such dangerous childhood
diseases as diphtheria, "y 100 11ing cough, and
poliomyelitis declined markedly during the past
decade; in 1970, only two deaths resulted from
diphtheria, none front %%hopping cough, and there
were no reported cases of poliomyelitis. Among adults,
venereal diseases, which in large measure owe their
high incidence to overcrowding and to the fact that
transient maritime and naval personnel visit tit(' city in
substantial numbers, are a major health probl('m.
Gonorrhea is by far the most prevalent form of
venereal disease, followed by syphilis.
Judging from mortality rate trends, the antituber-
culosis measures have been highly effective. Having
afflicted .358 persons per 100,000 population as
recently as 1959, tuberculosis was the I('ading cause of
death from disease during the first half of the present
century. Although the incidence of tuberculosis
remains at well over 100 cases per 100,000 population,
the mortality rate from the disease had dropped
drarnatically, as indicated b the following
tabulation, which gives mortality rates (per 100,000
inhabitants) for the leading causes of death:
Launched in the early 1950's, the antituberculosis
campaign initially consisted chiefly of diagnostic and
curative procedures; since 1960, however, the
emphasis has been on prophylaxis through the
administration of BCG immunizations to infants and
schoolchildren. BCG immunizations are administered
tit hospitals and maternal and child care clinics
throughout the island, and mobile teams regularly
tour schools to inspect for possible outbreaks of the
disease and to inoculate pupils, teachers, staff
employees, and food hawkers who frequent th
vicinity of schools. Over 90% of all babies horn since
20
1967 have' been immunized. Responsibility for
performing diagnostic and treatment procedures rests
mainly with 'I'a "l Seng Hospital. in conjunction
With tit(' Singapore Anti Tuberculosis Association
(SATA), it private agency which operates several
clinics. I)uring the period 1963 -70, the tvu entities
administered a yearly average of 206,000 chest .X -rays
and regularly treated an average of about 5?60
patients; during that period, however, tit(' number of
patients requiring regular care declined by one- third.
Although institutional treatment is available on it
residcat basis, must of those treated are out patients.
As in the case of tuberculosis, lho decline in the
incidence of other conunttncable diseases can be
ascribed to tit(' effectiveness of control measures.
Ongoing immunization programs have been directed
at curbing smallpox, cholera, tetanl_ts. diphtheria,
whooping cough, and poliomyelitis.
The Ministry of Health has overall responsibility for
developing and implementing it national health
policy. It is empowered to supervise tit( maintenance
of public health standards, to design health programs
and emergency preventive measures, to administer
hospitals and other health car( facilities, and to
oversee privately operated health services. These
missions are carried out by the minislry two main
elements, the I lospital I)iyisiun and the Public Ilealth
Division. 'I'll(- former is responsible for administering
Lill public hospitals and for operating a network of
clinic's which furnish specialized car(- on an out-
patient basis. "I'll(- latter division, which is responsible
for disease prevention progruns, carries out food and
drug inspections, operates street- cleattiug and refuse
collection services, and administers immunizations:
disease detection and quarantine specialists, including
those who inspect schools, are attached to the division.
The water and s(,werage systems are administered
by the Ministry of National Development through its
Public Utilities Board. Slaughtering of livestock is
clone under prescribed health standards at facilities
operated by the Department of Primary Production,
another entity of the same ministry.
The capacity of tit( health and sanitation services to
cope with major epidernics or natural disasters has not
been tested. Based on the effectiveness with which
they carry out routine epidemiological work, as well as
on their demonstrated ability to render emergency
medical assistance in th(' aftermath of rioting, the
elements of the Ministry of health would appear to be
qualified and adequately equipped to meet such
contingencies. Some police and military personnel
receive training in first aid and could be pressed into
service during disaster relief operations or other
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1963
1970
Cancer
74.0
76.9
Heart diseases
53.6
68.9
Cerebrovascular disease
36.1
50.2
Pneumonia
52.4
40.8
Tuberculosis
37.9
22.1
Bronchitis
16.7
21.7
Hypertension
12.9
17.2
Launched in the early 1950's, the antituberculosis
campaign initially consisted chiefly of diagnostic and
curative procedures; since 1960, however, the
emphasis has been on prophylaxis through the
administration of BCG immunizations to infants and
schoolchildren. BCG immunizations are administered
tit hospitals and maternal and child care clinics
throughout the island, and mobile teams regularly
tour schools to inspect for possible outbreaks of the
disease and to inoculate pupils, teachers, staff
employees, and food hawkers who frequent th
vicinity of schools. Over 90% of all babies horn since
20
1967 have' been immunized. Responsibility for
performing diagnostic and treatment procedures rests
mainly with 'I'a "l Seng Hospital. in conjunction
With tit(' Singapore Anti Tuberculosis Association
(SATA), it private agency which operates several
clinics. I)uring the period 1963 -70, the tvu entities
administered a yearly average of 206,000 chest .X -rays
and regularly treated an average of about 5?60
patients; during that period, however, tit(' number of
patients requiring regular care declined by one- third.
Although institutional treatment is available on it
residcat basis, must of those treated are out patients.
As in the case of tuberculosis, lho decline in the
incidence of other conunttncable diseases can be
ascribed to tit(' effectiveness of control measures.
Ongoing immunization programs have been directed
at curbing smallpox, cholera, tetanl_ts. diphtheria,
whooping cough, and poliomyelitis.
The Ministry of Health has overall responsibility for
developing and implementing it national health
policy. It is empowered to supervise tit( maintenance
of public health standards, to design health programs
and emergency preventive measures, to administer
hospitals and other health car( facilities, and to
oversee privately operated health services. These
missions are carried out by the minislry two main
elements, the I lospital I)iyisiun and the Public Ilealth
Division. 'I'll(- former is responsible for administering
Lill public hospitals and for operating a network of
clinic's which furnish specialized car(- on an out-
patient basis. "I'll(- latter division, which is responsible
for disease prevention progruns, carries out food and
drug inspections, operates street- cleattiug and refuse
collection services, and administers immunizations:
disease detection and quarantine specialists, including
those who inspect schools, are attached to the division.
The water and s(,werage systems are administered
by the Ministry of National Development through its
Public Utilities Board. Slaughtering of livestock is
clone under prescribed health standards at facilities
operated by the Department of Primary Production,
another entity of the same ministry.
The capacity of tit( health and sanitation services to
cope with major epidernics or natural disasters has not
been tested. Based on the effectiveness with which
they carry out routine epidemiological work, as well as
on their demonstrated ability to render emergency
medical assistance in th(' aftermath of rioting, the
elements of the Ministry of health would appear to be
qualified and adequately equipped to meet such
contingencies. Some police and military personnel
receive training in first aid and could be pressed into
service during disaster relief operations or other
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I
i
i
s
emergencies. T:Ie Blood Tra 'is f1isiort Service, an
agency of the Ministry of Ilealth, maintains a blood
donor program and operates it central blood hank. The
supply of blood appears to he adequate for routine
medical needs.
Sixteen hospitals, five of them privately operated,
were in service as of 1970. T%%o of the 11 public
facilities, with a combined capacity of 1,666 beds,
were of the general type�, while the others provided
specialized medical care, as indicated by the following
tabulation:
TYPE OF FACILITY
N UMBER OF BEDS
Psycniatric hospital
2,029
Tuberculosis hospital
1,306
Leprosarium
785
Maternity hospital
1 539
Infectious diseases hospital
250
Orthopedic hospital
120
Chronic diseases hospital
100
Venereal and skin diseases hospital
51
Hospital for the mentally defective
45
A department within the tuberculosis hospital
specializes in the treatment of heart diseases. The total
capacity of public hose- '.F�tls in 1970 was 6,891 beds.
while that of private facilities was about 860 beds. On
a national basis, t1wre were 3.7 hospital heel- per 1,000
population. The public hospitals provided the
equivalent t,f nearly 2.2 million patient -clays of
medical Fare in 1970. Attesting to the substantial
number of patients confined %%ith mental illnesses, the
psychiatric hospital accounted for 42.Wi of the total
time, while the two general hospitals provided 24.0%
arid the tuberculosis facility 13.1
While all public hospitals provide out patient
medical services, supplementary care is available
through a network of government- supported medical
dispensaries arid maternity and child care clinics. A
total of 27 dispensaries and 32 clinics were in
operation during 1970. In that year, nearly 1.4 million
patients visited the clinics, which charge a standard
fee of S$1.50 per visit. The clinics also provide
prenatal and postnatal care on an out patient basis,
rnidwives visiting patients' homes. In 1970, the
government also maintained 79 dental clinics offering
a full range, of treatment, principally to school
children, expectant and nursing mothers, hospital
patients and the chronically ill. The number of dental
clinics increased by about 75% during the years 1963-
70 to meet a rapidly increasing demand; in 1970 the
clinics registered some 593,500 consultations.
A total of 8,404 medical and paramedical personnel
0ere officiail r"Kixtered for service in 1970. While
rrx)st paramedli personnel were employed in the
public sector, nearly two- thirds of all physicians and
three-fourths of all dentists were in private practice. as
indicated in the following tabulation:
In 1970, the ratio of physicians per inhabitants was
1:1,522, while that of dentists was 1:5,212.
Professional medical training is centered in the
School of medicine, University of Singapore. The
instltUten admission standards an curriculurn are
compatible with requirements for the Cambridge
School Certificate. and graduates probably compare
favorably in professional competence with those of
most Western medical schools. There is, however, it
paucity of opportunities to train ill sortie of th(- more
Specialized fields of medicine, consequently, such
training is usually obtained in the United States or in
E uropean countries. ;1 number of doctors have [)evil
recruited abroad.
:klthougb directly linked to the presence of mordent
health car(- facilities and medical personnel, the
comparatively high levels of health which prevail are
also associated with the existence of essentially
adequate sanitation services. The water supply is
potable and serves nearly Wc' of the total population.
Drawn mainly from streams in the Malaysian State of
Johore, where it is impounded in four reservoirs, the
water is piped across lh(- causeway for filtration and
treatment, which includes fluoridation. However, the
growth of population and industry rendered this
source inadequate: during the 1960'x, prompting the
development of rain catchment are the construction
of two additional reservoirs in Singapore, arid the
expansion of a third in th(- central portion of the
island. Despite these measures, the island's
requirements for water �which in 1971 reached an
average daily rate of 116 million gallons, �14% of it for
household use� periodically strain the available
supplies, especially during periods of logy rainfall in
southern Malaysia.
Approximately 60% of the population is served by a
central sewerage system. In areas not reached by th(-
system, many people employ septic tanks, pit latrines,
or rustic privies (Figure 14) for the disposal of human
waste. Some of these facilities are periodically pumped
out by tanker trucks of the Publiv utilities Board, and
the waste is emptied into the cc iatial sewer.-igo system
21
At
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PUBLIC
PRIVATE
PRACTICE
PRACTICE
Physicians
496
867
Dentists
102
2F
Nurses
2,843
1,461
Midwives
1,493
601
Pharmacists
47
198
In 1970, the ratio of physicians per inhabitants was
1:1,522, while that of dentists was 1:5,212.
Professional medical training is centered in the
School of medicine, University of Singapore. The
instltUten admission standards an curriculurn are
compatible with requirements for the Cambridge
School Certificate. and graduates probably compare
favorably in professional competence with those of
most Western medical schools. There is, however, it
paucity of opportunities to train ill sortie of th(- more
Specialized fields of medicine, consequently, such
training is usually obtained in the United States or in
E uropean countries. ;1 number of doctors have [)evil
recruited abroad.
:klthougb directly linked to the presence of mordent
health car(- facilities and medical personnel, the
comparatively high levels of health which prevail are
also associated with the existence of essentially
adequate sanitation services. The water supply is
potable and serves nearly Wc' of the total population.
Drawn mainly from streams in the Malaysian State of
Johore, where it is impounded in four reservoirs, the
water is piped across lh(- causeway for filtration and
treatment, which includes fluoridation. However, the
growth of population and industry rendered this
source inadequate: during the 1960'x, prompting the
development of rain catchment are the construction
of two additional reservoirs in Singapore, arid the
expansion of a third in th(- central portion of the
island. Despite these measures, the island's
requirements for water �which in 1971 reached an
average daily rate of 116 million gallons, �14% of it for
household use� periodically strain the available
supplies, especially during periods of logy rainfall in
southern Malaysia.
Approximately 60% of the population is served by a
central sewerage system. In areas not reached by th(-
system, many people employ septic tanks, pit latrines,
or rustic privies (Figure 14) for the disposal of human
waste. Some of these facilities are periodically pumped
out by tanker trucks of the Publiv utilities Board, and
the waste is emptied into the cc iatial sewer.-igo system
21
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FIGURE 14. This kampong dwelling,
equipped with a semidetached privy
and a water tap, belongs to a Chinese
midwif (C)
for treatment. The residual sludge produced b
treatment is used as night soil and for filling tracts of
swampland.
In conjunction with antimalarial programs started
in the mid- 1970's, the government has given
considerable attention to the improvement of water
supplies and waste disposal methods in the outlying
settlements. Emphasis has been placed on the
installation of wells and standpipes of improved
design so as to reduce the occurrence of parasitic
infestation of local water supplies. Since the late
1960's, authorities have turned their attention to the
newer problems of environmental sanitation,
especially within the urban agglomeration. Stringent
antipollution laws have been enacted in response to
the health and ecological threats posed by industrial
plants and automobiles. Public indoctrination
campaigns, usually based on a variation of the "keep
your city clean" theme, have been launched for a
number of years. Backed by penalties for littering or
otherwise polluting, these measures are said to have
resulted in a marked improveme in the citv's
cleanliness. In a related matter, government plans call
for the banning of all food hawkers by 1975.
2. Food consumption and nutrition (L "OU)
Although Singapore is a food deficit area, its
residents arc among the best fed people in Asia. As
elsewhere in the region, irrespective of ethnic
derivation, the staple food is rice, the hulk of which is
imported from nearby countries. However, much of
the grain's nutritional content is lost because of a
longstanding predilection for the polished form.
Government efforts to lessen the preference for rice by
promoting the consumption of wheat have yielded
22
limited results. Reflecting the dependence on external
sources for rice and other foodstuffs, the cumulative
value of food commodities, live animals, and edible
fats and oils constituted from 1:3% to 20% of the
nation's total imports during the years 1967-71. In the
latter year, rice imports alone amounted to 273 000
metric tons.
The island is able to meet most of the population's
requirements for meat. poultry, anti eggs, and local
production of fresh vegetables satisfies about one -half
of the total need. Leafy greens, including cabbage.
n
spach, kale, watercress, and lettuce, are among the
main vegetables consumed; celery, cucumbers, green
beans, and eggplant also arc favored. The principal
root crops are radishes, sweet potatoes, and cassava,
the latter two used both as food for human
consumption and as fodder for livestock. 'I he variety
of local fruit is large and includes papayas, bananas,
mangoes, pineapples, rambutans, durians, and
lemons. Peppers, curry, :ind other spices are widely
used in the preparation of sauces. Together with
fishing and poultry raising, swine husbandry is a major
food production activity. The supply of fresh beef, on
the other hand, is scant. During the years 1963 -71,
hogs comprised approximately 80% of all livestock
slaughtered on the island: sleep ,iii(l goats, 18 and
buf' and oxei onl 1 1971, nearly 730,000
heat{ of livestock %%vi t iaughtered.
Because the Chinese regularly eat pork and poultry
and tend to consume a wider variety rof vegetables,
their diet is more plentiful, better 11 Ililtleed, and more
nutritious, particularly with regard) to the intake of
proteins and vitamins, than is that of the otl1ur aoeietal
groups. The diet of the Malays, most of whom observe
the Muslim proscription against eating pork, is
generally deficient. In addition to lacking animal
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protein, the typical diet of the Malays, and especi
among children, lacks other important nutrients, as
the consumption of milk, eggs, and fish is low.
Nevertheless, consumption of rnilk, the vast bulk of
which is imported in either canned or powdered form,
has increased. Many Indians of the Hindu faith are
vegetarians; those who are Muslims generally
consume mutton, lamb, and goat meat.
3. Housing (U /OU)
Since World War 11, extreme overcrowding
throughout the city, but especially in the centrally
located Chinese quarter, has been at the root of many
of the health and other societal prohlc rns. Comprising
what a national housing official once described as
"the most crowded square mile in Asia," the central
part of the city �an area of dilapidated shops and
tenements where it has been customary for the people
to sublet sleeping space in daylong shifts �was
revealed to have population densities exceeding 580
persons per acre at the time of the 1957 census. While
the overcrowding has been less severe in districts
beyond the Chinese quarter, housing conditions there
too have been substandard, notably in the Malay
kampongs which lie along the coast and stream
estuaries, which are subject to tidal flooding (Figure
15). Conditions are somewhat better in the Chinese
kampongs, which are scattered throughout the island
and are inhabited mainly by farmers and fishermen.
A modest effort to reduce the postwar housing
deficit was made by the British colonial administra-
tion, which provided some 20,900 low -rent units
during the years 1947 -59. That amount proved to be
far from sufficient and after the attainment of self-
FIGURE 15. Malay kampong. Because
of flooding, some dwellings are erected
on stilts. Electricity is available in most
kampongs, but few are served by
central sewers or piped water. (U /OU)
rule, high priority was accorded to the conslrudion of
public housing. The housing and Development Board
M1313), an entity of the Ministry of National
Development, was formed in 1960 and charged with
implementing the First Five Year Building Program
(1960 -65). During that period, 1 concentrated its
resources on developing Queenstown, a satellite town
or housing estate, on the western outskirts of the city.
By 1965, the programs goal of providing 31,000
apartments, or flats, had been exceeded by some 3,000
units, with Queenstown and half a dozen smaller
housing estates accommodating 23.2% of the
population. A survey conducted the following year
revealed, however, that some 605(' of the entire
Ix)pulation still dwelt in substandard housing. Partly
in resp omse to this finding, but also because of the
need to rid the inner city of its ramshackle buildings
and narrow, congested streets, an urban renewal
program was launched late in 1966. Within 3 years,
approximately 5,800 new public housing units and
shops had been built in the central area.
Under the Second Five fear Building Program
(1963 -70), resources were focused on developing "roa
Payoh, a larger satellite town situated on the northern
fringes of the city (Figure 16). Calling for the
completion of a total of 60,000 uni:is, the second plan
emphasized the need to provide more open space a n((
refinements in design and construction workmanship.
As with the earlier housing estates, Toa Payoff has
been laid out in neighborhood grouping; comprising
frorn 1,000 to 3,000 families; cacti neighborhood has
its own primary school and market. Where three or
more neighborhoods are in close proximity, i f town
center is provide(] containing a post office, banks,
23
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Thousands
22CG
2000
F00
600
14(x1
1 200
low
800
600
100
700
of
v oa bJ bA bS 6b 67 68 69 '0 71
Population Housed in HDB Units Total Population
FIGURE 17. Population in public housing (U /OU)
2.1
department stores, health clinics, houses of worship,
and recreational facilities.
Aiming to nearly double the number of public
housing units constrneted during the 1960's, tit(. Third
Five Year Buildin;; Program (1971 -75) has a goal of
((x1,000 units, or the completion of -le flat every 36
minutes, a target that reportedly was lagging as of
mid -1972. Nonetheless, by the end of 1971 the 111)1;
administered a total of 126,710 flats in multistory
buildings, housing 37.4% of the national population
(Figure 17). The current target calls for acconnnodat-
ing 45% of the population by 1975, and long -range
plans forecast an increase to 70 1 sometime in the
1990's. Most of the existing housing estates, which are
in various stages of completion, are to be finish(.(]
during the years 1970 -75, and three additional
complexes� Bedok, Woodlands, and Telok Blangah�
are to be started in that period. 13edok, scheduled for
completion in 1975, has it planned maximr(rrr capacity
of 150.000 residents. The other two, which are to be
larger than either Queenstown or Toa Payoh, are
considered long -range projects. Unlike Queenstown
and Toa Payoh, however, sorne of the newer housing
sites are situated at considerable distance from the
cite. To expand jot) opporti(nities, the government is
providing incentives fer businesses and industries to
build new plants in the vicinity of the estates, or to
relocate enterprises there.
Although surpassed by Toa Payoh as the largest
housing estate. Queenstown contained approximately
21,000 flats and accommodated somewhat over
110,000 persons in 1971: plans call for it to he
expanded hN about 6,900 additional unit,.
Over one -third of public housing units are one -room
efficiency apartments, but three -room flats (exclusive
of kitchen and bathroom) still comprise the largest
number, as indicated in the following tabulation:
NuNfBER OF ROONIS NUMBER OF UNITS PERCENT
1 43,077 34.0
2 30,717 24.2
3 49,682 39.2
4 or 5 3,234 2.6
Total 126,710 1 00.0
Most flats are rented, but in 1964 the }11)13 laiiilched a
'Home Ownership for the People" program whereby
mortgage financing was offered on favorable terms to
moderate income families. At the end of 1971, flats,
which are heing sold under a condominium
arragement, had been sold to 29.4% of all tenants, a
proportion that the government hopes to raise by 10 to
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FIGURE 16. Partial view of Too Payoh. Having replaced
a squatter shantytown, Toa Payoh is scheduled to be
completed in 1973, at which time it will have 36,000
flats accommodating 150,000 to 180,000 persons. As
of mid -1970, it already housed an estimated 137,000
residents. (U /OU)
20 percentage points within 4 years. Prevailing rental
fees and purchase costs (in Singapore dollars) are as
follows:
Nu?.iBER OF
ROOMS
MONTHLY RENT
PURCHASE COST
1
20 or 30
3,300
2
40
4,900 or 6,000
3
60
6,200 or 7,500
4
120
12,500 or 13,000
S
na
22,000
y
f
c
a
h
3
1,
The amount of rent is set at levels that normally do riot
exceed 15% of a family's income, and thus is said to
exclude only a small minority from access to public
housing. The allocation of rental flats is restricted to
individuals having maximum incomes of S$500 per
month or to families with total earnings of S$800. In
special cases, families living at the poverty level, such
as the Malay residents of several kantpangs which the
HUB wishes to raze, are granted a subsidy amounting
to 40% of the rental fee to facilitate their resettlement;
families with incomes in the range of S$131 to S$250
are granted it 30% subsidy. Slumdwellers and squatters
also are provided other incentives for moving, and
reportedly there has been little resistance to the
resettlement projects. The minimum family size
required to qualify for occupancy of a flat was
originally set at five persons but has been reduced to
two. Only Singapore nationals may occupy public
housing.
To purchase flats, the monthly income ceilings are
S$1,000 for indivi a S$1,500 for families. As an
incentive for home ownership, the Central Provident
Fund Ordinance, the major piece of social insurance
legislation, was amended in September 1968 to enable
workers to withdraw their contributions, entirely or in
part, in order to apply the sum toward the 20% down
payment required for purchasing a flat. 1n 1970 the
down payment was waived for tenants who wished to
purchase a flat in which they had resided continuously
for 2 years, provided they had established a good
record of rental payments. Additional incentives for
home ownership have included a reduction from 36%
to 23% of assessed evaluation in the annual rate of real
property taxation, an extension by years in the
maximum length of time (formerly 15 years) required
to repay a home mortgage, and the granting of
authorization to owners wishing to resell their flats at it
profit. Through a network of branch offices located on
the housing estates, the HDB administers all rentals,
sales, and other property transfers; it also attends to
the general maintenance of the estates.
4. Work opportunities and conditions
a. The people, and work (U /UU)
Rapid industrial growth since the late 1960's has
generated a large expansion of employment
opportunities in a wide variety of occi.pations, but
mostly in light manufacturing and construction. In
fact, unemployment, which was unofficially estimated
to range between 10% and li% of the labor force as
recently as 1968, was substantially reduced within 2
years, by which time serious shortages had developed
in the labor pool. The industrialization drive,
however, coupled with a subordination of the
importance attached to foreign trade�historically the
leading economic activity� caused dislocations in the
traditional patterns of employment.
While the rate of industrial expansion has been
substantial, the nation's workers were largely
unprepared for the advent of modern industrializa-
tion. Prior to the late 1960's, little had been done to
reorient programs of human resource development,
the main thrust of formal education having been
directed at turning out liberal arts gro..duates trained to
occupy white collar positions. Thus u large proportion
of workers, especially in the vounger age groups,
shared a disdain for manual labor. A concomitant of
the widespread belief that the highest degree of
prestige accrues to administrators and professionals,
this attitude posed a particularly acute problem for
new or divcrsifying'industries trying to attract workers
for jobs requiring little or no skill. Uniike most other
industrializing countries, which draw on rural
populations to satisfy such needs, it was necessary for
Singapore to turn to external sources. As an expedient,
the government adopted the policy of encouraging the
temporary immigration of laborers, and over 70,000
work permits were issued to aliens, about 86% of them
unskilled Malaysians, during a 2 -year period ending
in mid -1972. Ilaving considerably more difficulty
enticing sufficient numbers of skilled workers,
including technicians. engineers, and mid -level
managers, the government has implemented a tax
incentive scheme designed to pre*orl +re the establish-
ment of on -the -job training by (=14 ,,,ors and has also
developed long -range plans to oipaed and upgrade
programs of instruction in technical fields within the
regular educational system.
While the resistance toward mantra, labor and
technical studies can he expected to erode in time,
Singapore continues to experience some unemploy-
ment, a seemingly paradoxical situation in view of the
general economic prosperity and the admission of
foreign workers. Tire bulk of the unemployed,
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however, are first -job seekers either untrained in the
modern skills that have come into demand or
unwilling to accept available work. As of mid -1972,
some 35,300 unemployed were registered with the
Ministry of Labor's Employment Exchange.
Although the labor force bus showed signs of
gradually conforming to the government's economic
strategy. employment preferences along ethnic lines,
as well as s; iocultur l barriers, have tended to
interfere with the pace of industrialization. 'I`he
construction industry, for example, which has long
been dominated by Indians, experienced a severe
shortage of both skilled arid unskilled laborers during
most of 1972; in addition to hindering the attainment
of housing goals, the scarcity reportedly led to shoddy
workmanship and increased costs, in part because
inexperienced Malays had been pressed into service. It
was likely, however, that Indian and Malav workers
found it difficult to work together in harmonv. For
many years before the construction crisis, members of
the two ethnic groups vied for it varietv of service
oriented jobs, mainly in transportation, communica-
tions, and municipal activities; similarly, Indians and
Malays have comprised it large proportion of those in
the police and military services. Although contending
in the same job markets, Indians have generally
acquired higher levels of skill arid, consequently,
higher positions and better incomes than Malays, a
disproportionately large number of whom hold menial
jobs.
Progressing more slowly in socioeconomic terms
than tiie members of the other ethnic communities,
Malays prefer to work in cooperative rather than
competitive situations. Because the accumulation of
wealth is riot important to the Malay, her is unlikely to
be demanding aril may even appear indolent once
enough is earned to meet the basic and immediate
necessities of life �an outlook that is reinforced by the
high value which he ascribes to leisure. In sutra, the
agrarian orientation of the Malay worker appears not
to have been eroded sufficiently to permit full
acculturation to Singapore's urban industrial society.
Moreover, the resistance to such acculturation derives
from the Malays themselves, as the attachment to
traditional values remains strong. Many Malay
parents, for example, continue to insist that their
children he instructed predominantly in the ancestral
tongue, thereby ignoring the handicap suffered by
workers who are not fluent in either English or
Chinese.
Contrasting sharply to the Malay, the Ci,inese is
usually a competitive, self- assured individual. Chinese
workers are represented in all branches of economic
26
FIGURE 18. Transporting their wares by cart or pedicab,
street hawkers offer a variety of household goods or sell
prepared foodstuffs. In conjunction with the urban renewal
and public health programs, Singapore authorities are
endeavoring to do away with street hawking by assisting
the vendors to acquire permanent shops, or "pitches"
(stalls), located in the housing estates. (U /OU)
activity, but they predominate in commerce,
international trade, and finance. Dominating virtually
all forms of entrepreneurship, from street hawking
(Figure 18) to transoceanic shipping, they occupy
administrative, managerial, and supervisory positions
at all levels and also comprise the bulk of those
engaged in professional and technical occupations.
Members of the small European community are
among the few who effectively rival the Chinese, but
such competition as occurs is confined mainly to the
realm of finance. While holding it disproportionately
large number of white- collar jobs, Chine,c workers arc
also found in certain manual occupations (Figure 19).
Although universal education and the pro
of job opportunities brought about by industrializa-
tion have blurred longstanding monopolizations of
certain occupations by distinct sociocultural elements
or the Chinese community, certain work preferences
remain evident. Thus, most merchants are Hokkien,
restaurant and domestic service jobs attract members
of the Hainanese community, and many Cantonese
are artisans. Farming, which plays an insignificant
role in the national economy, is largely done by the
I lakkas.
As is commonplace with Chinese communities
elsewhere in the world, a strong sense of kinship
influences employment practices, notably recruiting.
The Chinese employer, who customarily assumes the
role of a personal benefactor if not it father figure, has
a predilection for hiring relatives. The strength of this
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commitment may even lead him to hire a relative who
is not truly needed or even qualified for the work. If
the supply of relatives is insufficient, the employer
then usually seeks employees from among friends or
close acquaintances; once those sources are ^xploited,
additional candidates may be drawn from among
individuals with whom the employer shares a common
ancestral village, district, or even province on the
Chinese mainland. In addition to complicating the
process of recruiting personnel for large or expanding
firms, the strength of kinship obligations tends to
conflict with principles of modern management.
Basically, the traditional Chinese emplover has
difficulty adapting to the somewhat formalized,
impersonal relationships which prevail in modem
firms; a special problem also is posed by the delegation
of responsibility which is requisite in complex
establishments, as the old fashioned employer
cherishes personal control and supervision.
While the traditional Chinese employer is riot averse
to hiring women for certain tasks, some resistance
toward the employment of women outside the family
business, or even outside the household, remains
evident. Therefore, unlike the situation elsewhere in
Southeast Asia, where women make up a substantial
contingent of the labor force because of their
participation in agriculture, Singaporean women have
played a less important role as workers. T., -ids in the
participation rate by women indicate, however, that
industrialization is forging change in this. Having
been enticed in increasing numbers to work in many of
the new, or "pioneer," firms, some of which employ
women predominantly, women as of September 1971
comprised 30% of the labor force, compared with 18%
in 1957. In 1972, moreover, go.ernment officials were
Publicly urging housewives to seek jobs in the
electronics, textile, and garment industries, all of
which were experiencing severe worker shortages.
Greater employment opportunities for women
notwithstanding, female workers are subject to on -the-
job discrimination, especially as pertains to work
assignments and remuneration. In 1970 the average
amount earned by female workers was about 40% less
than that eamed by their male counterparts, and few
women held supervisory posts. Furthermore, the
inequity in payment occurs irrespective of skill level,
as ,hown by the following tabulation of hourly wage
rates (expressed in L.S. cents) for starting workers in
the manufacturing industries:
TYPE of WORKER
INIA
FEMALE
Unskilled
15 -:,.3
10-15
Semiskilled
20-32
15-20
Skilled
30 -75
20-25
While women increasingly are being drawn into the
industrial work force, they ';.uve traditionally been
relegated to domestic service and retail sales jobs, a
notable exception being the Samsui %�omen who serve
as construction laborers (Figure 20).
The Singapore labor force also differs from others in
Southeast Asia with respect to child labor. Although
children aged 12 to 16 may obtain official work
permits, few actually do so, in large measure because
an increasing number complete secondary schooling
prior to seeking work. The employment of children
under age 12 is prohibited.
b. Labor legislation (01011)
Singapore's labor statutes are comprehensive in
scope, having been revised or amended in order to
update provisions pertaining to conditions of work and
to strengthen those dealing with industrial relations.
The Employment Act of 1968, a recodification of
previous legislation, prescribes minimum standards
governing, among other things, female and child
27
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FIGURE 19. Despite the trend toward industrialization,
skilled Chinese artisans, such as t Rio carpenter, continue
to play an important role in the economy. Working in
small, family- operated establishments, many of the
artisans hand down the ancestral occupation to their
offspring. (U /OU)
FIGURE 20. Samsui laborer. An association of celibate
but nondenominational women who lead austere lives,
the Samsui sisterhood originated in rural South China.
The members scorn domestic jobs and seek personal
and group redemption through the performance of
strenuous outdoor work. (U /OU)
labor; hours of work arid holidays; health, sanitation,
arid medicai attention at places of employment; and it
full range of work contract terms, including hiring and
dismissal procedures. IVcinimum wage provisions do
not exist, but the act sets forth guidelines concerning
methods of remuneration and fringe benefits.
Although the act recognizes the right of workers to
organize, relations between labor and manageme!!'
are regulated mainly by the Industrial Relations
Ordinance of 1960, as amended in 1968, which also
outlines the government's role in the settlement of
disputes between employees and employers. A third
piece of legislation, the Workmen's Compensation
Ordinance of 1055, applies chiefly to blue- collar
workers, particularly to those engaged in hazardous
duties; it specifically excludes domestic aril casual
workers, managers, and professionals. In addition to
stipulating safet} practices, the ordinance requires
employers to insure workers against occupational
injuries and work related disabilities; employers are
given the option of obtaining such coverage through
28
private insurance carriers or of contributing to a
government administered workmen's compensation
fund. While the existing statutes establish minimum
working standards, the machinery of collective
bargaining is available to workers desiring better
conditions; should such negotiations prove fruitless,
workers may petition governmental arbitration.
Several of the legislative changes wrought in 1968
were designed to reduce production costs by curtailing
the amount of worktime lost because of industrial
conflicts and by tightening worker benefits. 'I'hus, the
statutes imposed restrictions on the right to strike,
placed ceilings on the amount of wage increases,
shortened the length of the workweek from 48 to 44
hours but limited the amount of overtime work to 48
hours per month, reduced the number of paid public
holidays from 15 to 11, and reduced the amount of
sick leave, which had previously averaged 32 rnan-
clays per year, to it rnaximurn of 14 days in instances
not involving hospitalization. Paid annual leave was
limited to 7 days for employees with fewer than 10
years of continuous service and to 14 days for those,
having 10 or more scars' employment. Acknowledging
the importance of worker incentives, the legislation
also contained provisions relating to profit sharing and
to the inclusion of production bonus schemes in
collective bargaining agreements.
Organized labor opposed several aspects of the
legislation enacted in 1968. The provisions that met
the strongest resistance were those amended to the
Industrial Relations Ordinance for the purpose of
diluting the power of unions to negotiate with
management in matters pertaining to wage
adjustments, to work assignments, and to hiring,
promotion, and dismissal policies. Regarded by the
government as essential to the maintenance of
industrial tranquility, the measures also were officially
construed as prerequisites for enticing foreign
investors. Prior to that year, strikes could be called over
minor issues, such as the dismissal or transfer of a
single worker. The amendment to the ordinance not
only enjoins workers from engaging in such strikes but
also prohibits collective bargaining over any personnel
action involving only one allegedly mistreated worker.
Whereas issues concerning wages arid dismissals�
traditionally the main sources of conflict in industrial
relations �had previously constituted the leading
causes of strikes, other issues, most of them related to
conditions of work, became the chief causes following
implementation of the 1968 legislation (Figure 21). In
fact, during 1969 the country experienced its first
strike -free ye, r in recent times. Five strikes were
carried out the following year, only two were recorded
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20
15
10
5
0
1964
FIGURE 21. Labor strikes, by cause and year
of inception (U /OU)
in 1971, resulting in the loss of 5,449 man -days, it
substantially lower amount of lost worktime than was
recorded in the raid- 1960's (Figure 22). During the
first half of 1972, however, there were six costly strikes,
most of which occurred previous to that yea wage
raise; those stoppages resulted in the loss of 16,268
man -days. Another measure which met labor's
opposition stipulates that contracts resulting from
collective bargaining are not renegotiable for it
rninimutn of ,3 years and may remain in effect as long
as 5 years, at which time renegotiation is required.
'1 le government, through the Labor Inspectorate,
an entity of the Ministry of Labor, is charged with
enforcing statutory provisions governing conditions of
work. To assist in the performance of this mission,
employers are legally hound to furnish detailed
information concerning the number of workers
employed, wage schedules, absenteeism because of
illness, and the incidence and nature of job- related
injuries. They also are required to register all jot)
vacancies with the Employment Exchange, un agency
that employers also are obliged to utilize in the
recruiting of workers.
Although working conditions in Singapore are
superior to those prevailing elsewhere in Southeast
Asia, wide variation exists in the degree of compliance
with the statutes. Generally, conditions of work are
better in the large establishments, especially foreign
firms, than in the numerous family- operated
enterprises, where conditions are often poor because of
the difficulty of supervising compliance with the
regulations. Similarly, working conditions are said to
be generally better in the public sector than in private
industry. To facilitate the inspection of smaller
establishments, the Labor Inspectorate reportedly
plans to establish branch offices throughout the island.
However, the need to pursue a more rigorous
inspection and enforcement policy has also become
imperative because of the proliferation of manufactur-
ing industries since the late 1960'x, a development that
has been attended by the introduction of large
quantities of modern machinery and by an increase in
the number of industrial accidents. Because of the
hazards create,(] by rapid industrialization, a major
revision of the existing Workmen's Compensation
Ordinance was heing offici -Ily considered in the early
1970's.
The legal basis for the formation aril operation of
trade unions derives from the Trades Union Ordinance
of 1941, as subsequently amended. The statute
Workers
".000
11000
+.000
000
1 .000
Man -days lost
50.000
40.000
30.000
20.000
1 0.000
0 1 _1 1 -V
1964 1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
FIGURE 22. Number of striking workers and man -days
lost (U /OU)
29
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1965 1966 1967 1968 1969 1970
requires unions to register, and defines criteria which
they must meet in order to obtain and retain legal
sanction. Over the years, however, official interpreta-
tions of these criteria have been gradually broadened
to the point where the government is empowered to
abolish unions �a step it has taken on numerous
occasions. The Industrial Relations Ordinance
prohibits supervisory and managerial personnel from
joining regular trade unions, and emplo promoted
to such positions must resign their union membership;
they may, however, belong to specially chartered
employer, or "white collar," unions.
C. Labor and management (C)
Having begun their organizational activities in the
1920's, the early trade unionists, most of whom were
Chinese, drew their inspiration and techniques from
Marxist teachings. Trade unionism did not flourish,
however, until immediately after World War II, and
then only briefly, as the principal labor organization,
the Marxist oriented Singapore Federation of Trade
Unions, was dissolved upon the outbreak of the
Communist insurgency in Malaya during 1948. After
a period of inactivity, the trade union movement was
revitalized in the early 1950'x, once again largely by
militant Communist labor leaders. Several opposition
spokesmen, notably those belonging to the Singapore
Industrial Workers Union, adhered to the revolution-
ary doctrines espoused by Mao Ise -tung. During the
decade the movement became increasingly entangled
in partisan activities, with the rank and file serving as
the basis of popular support for contending political
groups. Since union strength became dissipated
among political factions, however, this development
undermined the effectiveness of the labor or-
ganizations to deal with economic issues and enabled
the government to begin rescinding the registrations of
numerous locals, and especially of those aligned with
the opposition, usually on charges of involvement in
subversive activities.
Besides suppressing the opposition by means of
legislative and administrative actions, the government
itself, usually through PAP and adjunct groups, has
become more and more disposed toward participation
in the labor movement. Thus, while the number of
legally sanctioned labor federations and individual
trade unions generally declined during the 1950's and
1960'x, the entities that were permitted to operate
came increasingly under government control. During
the years 1963 -70 alone, the number of federations
was reduced from four to one, that of unions declined
by 10, arid total union membership dropped sharply
despite substantial growth in the blue collar work
30
FIGURE 23. Number and membership
of labor organizations (U /OU)
TYPE OF ORGANIZATION
YEAR
Federation
Union
MEMRF.BSHIY
1963
4
112
143,000
1964
4
106
157,000
1965
1966
4
108
154,000
1967
3
108
142,000
...............2
1968
106
130,000
1969
2
110
126,000
1970
2
110
120,000
1
102
112,000
force during the period (Figure 23). The losses were
recorded both by organizations linked to opposition
Political groups and by unions affiliated with the
National Trades Union Congress (NTUC), a
federation which the government helped found in
1961 and which became its chosen instrument.
Having extirpated the Singapore- Association of Trade
Unions, a federation of leftwing unions, in 1969, the
government by the early 1970's had effectively
disbanded all hilt a handful of opposition labor
groupings, which continued to operate informally.
The remaining leftwing unions, which in 1969 had an
aggregate membership of fewer than 10,000 �a figure
%%bich flits probably continued to drop �have been
plagued by factionalism and a lack of effective
leadership. *h"(' unions have generally refrained
from engaging in aggressive recruiting campaigns for
additional members.
Originally embracing unions of white collar and
+utility workers, including government emplovees, the
NTUC during the early 1960's gradually registered
gains among industrial workers, often by mak
inroads into the leftwing unions. However, the
resignation in 1965 of Devan Nair, N'1'UC Secretary
General and one of Singapore's most effective trade
unionists, coupled with the enactment 3 years later of
legislation restricting trade union activities and
prerogatives, resulted in a temporary decline in the
federation's membership. The reinstatement of Nair in
his former post during 1970, an event that was
attended by tale launching of a so- called "moderniza-
tion" program, stimulated a growth in membership b
unions affiliated with the NTUC as of early 1972
these represented some 125,000 members, or roughly
28 of the labor force, most of the recant :additions
being workers in the manufacturing industries. Nearly
two thirds of the union members regularly pay duex by
means of a recently instituted checkoff system,
whereby employers collect the assessments, and the
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financial situation of the NTUC arid its affiliates is
reported to have improved markedly during the earl
1970'x. In addition to contributions received from
individual unions, the federation has received
government subsidies.
By and large deprived of their traditional means for
manifesting worker dissatisfaction, trade unionists have
generally supported the NTUC's efforts toward
modernization. The federation's new -found financial
solvency enabled it to acquire a fulltime professional
staff arid, despite legal restraints, it has become an
increasingly effective agent in industrial relations.
Perhaps as important, by engaging in certain
entrepreneurial and welfare activities the organization
has aimed at becoming a more dynamic force in the
nation's socioeconomic life. As part of the
modernization program, the NTUC in 1971
established two cooperatively operated business
ventures: a life insurance fund for workers, and a
public transportation company. The enterprises
proved successful, as the fund issued more than 4,000
insurance policies with a face: value of S$17.4 million
and the transportation company had a pool of over
1,200 vehicles within the first year of operation. O:r
the basis of this success, the NTUC intends to
inaugurate a chain of cooperative supermarkets at
housing estates. Other plans call for the establishment
of a dental clinic for workers arid of a combined resort
and training center.
At the international level, the NTUC is an affiliate
of the International Confederation of Free 'Trade
Unions (ICFTU), while at least a dozen of the
federation's largest constituent unions are linked to
other multinational labor groups, most of them
International Trade Secretariats. NTUC represent-
atives regularly participate in regional labor activities,
including those of ICFTU and of the I1,0. In October
1970, Singapore hosted an ILO- sponsored regional
seminar on trade unionism and cooperatives, while the
I LO's 57th international conference was held there in
June 1971. Basing his campaign on the desirability of
an unaligned trade union movement of third world
nations, in 1971 Devan Nair ran for the post of
Secretary General of the ICFTU; although he lost,
Nair succeeded in enhancing the NTUC's interna-
tional stature. During the same year he worked toward
rapprochement with the AFL: CIO by agreeing in
principle to participate in regional activities sponsored
by the organization and by suggesting that Singapore
could serve as a site for these.
Midlevel and production line managers as well as
other supervisory personnel are represented by a
substantial number of organizations, most of which
are chartered as employer unions, although some are
registered under the Societies Ordinance. In 1970, 5:3
of these white collar unions with an aggregate
membership of 6,507 were in operation. The
organizations' activities customarily include advising
members on trends in industrial relations, representing
them in --ollective bargaining and in arbitration
procedures, and promoting or opposing legislation
affecting management interests. Entrepreneurs and
the upper echelons of management are represented by
the Singapore Manufacturers' Association and by four
smaller groups �the Singapore Chinese Chamber of
Commerce, the Singapore Indian Chamber of
Commerce, the Japanese Chamber of Commerce and
Industry, and the Singapore International Chamber of
Commerce. Founded in 1932, the Manufacturers'
Association serves as an information clearinghouse in
matters pertaining to trade and to manufacturing
technology for approximately 440 member enterprises;
it also takes part in, or otherwise supports, trade fairs
and missions, arid publishes an annual directory and a
monthly newsletter.
Within the purview of the Industrial Relations
Ordinance �which provides machinery for the
prevention and settlement of disputes between labor
and management by means of collective bargaining,
conciliation, and arbitration �the Ministry of Labor
operates an Industrial Relations Section whose officers
act as mediators between the two groups. Upon receipt
of a joint request from the parties to a dispute, or at
the discretion of the Minister of Labor, deadlocked
conflicts are adjudicated by an Industrial Arbitrations
Court, whose decisions are binding. In addition, all
collective agreements, including those reached
without the tribunal's intercession, must be certified
by the court. In 1971 the Industrial Relations Section
sr ttled over 400 dispute cases, while 48 were referred to
the court.
Refl::ctirrg the existence of a fundamental
dichotomy in management principles, the techniques
applied in solving industrial relations problems vary
widely. In the numerous small establishments, rnost of
which are operated by the. Chinese and are heavily
staffed with relatives, proprietors or managers lend to
be authoritarian, yet paternalistic, toward their
employees. Confronted with an upswing in trade
unionism, the attitudes of old fashioned emplovers
have ranged anywhere frorn resigned acceptance to
hostile oriposition. Preferring to deal with employees
on a personal rather than a group basis, traditional
managers tend to take a dim view of formal work
contracts and of guaranteed wages, fringe benefits,
arid working conditions. With the advent of rapid
31
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industrializvIion, however, increased numbers of
managers, including Chinese, are being trained in
modern principles, some of which have been
introduced by Western firms and are being emulated
by local employers.
5. Social security (U /OU)
a. Welfare services
Assistance to needy members of society is furnished
by the government and by numerous private agencies
under the overall supervision of the Social Welfare
Department, Ministry of Social Affairs. Created to
deal with problems of postwar repatriation and the
caring of refugees, the department rapidly assumed a
wider range of responsibilities. In general terms, some
form of assistance is available for those who are
unemployed, elderly, chronically ill, handicapped,
destitute, or otherwise disadvantaged. Private
assistance, which complements that provided by the
public sector, is coordinated by the Singapore Council
of Social Service. Comprising 91 individual
organizations, the council also fosters the entry by
private groups into welfare: fields inadequately
covered by existing programs. The council derives the
bulk of its funds from private sources, but it also
receives a small government subsidy for administrative
expenses. Roman Catholic missionary groups and the
Salvation Army are among the oldest entities engaged
in welfare work. Other major private organizations
include the Singapore Association for the Blind, the
Singapore Association for the Deaf, the Singapore
Children's Society, and the Singapore Antituberculosis
Association (SATA).
Some welfare services supported by the government
are dispensed through 200 community centers located
in urban, suburban, arid exurban areas. Managed by
the People's Association, an entity chaired by the
Prime Minister and directed by PAP functionaries, the
centers serve its distribution points for public assistance
funds arid as places for disseminating information
pertaining to health, farming, legal matters, and
cultural events. Additionally, the People's Association
supports community development activities and youth
programs.
'I'll(- Public Assistance Scheme, the main welfare
program, provides cash allowances up to a maximum
of S$60 per month to merrnbers of households deprived
of income by unemployment or other misfortune.
Eligibility is subject to it "means test,' and persons
under age 53 without dependents cannot normally
qualify for benefits unless they are medically certified
as unable to work. The schedule of payments allows
;32
S$21 for the head of household, S$10 for the spouse,
S$8 for each dependent age 16 and over, and S$5 for
each one under age 16. To quality, the head of
household must register with the Employment
Exchange, which tries to place the individual in a job.
Largely because of the increase in employment
opportunities since the late 1960'x, the number of
families receiving public assistance has declined
sharply. Whereas an average of 29,141 families per
month were granted allowances during 1964, the
average had dropped to 8,913 families by 1971; the
total expended under the program in each of those 2
years was about S$12.5 million and S$2.7 million,
respectively. In a related plan, families which lose
their liontc or of other personal belongings because of
fire or a natural calamity may qualify for a relief
grant.
Heads of household who are temporarily incapack
tated by tuberculosis and are undergoing treatment for
the disease may receive a monthly grant under the
Tuberculosis Allowance Scheme. Subject to a monthly
maximum of S$120 per household for it period not to
exceed 2 years, the allowances amount to S$45 for the
breadwinner, S$25 for the spouse, S$15 for each
dependent age 16 and over, and S$12 for each
youngster under that age. 1'hc number of families
benefiting under the program has declined markedly
because of the effectiveness of tilt: antituberculosis
measures. During 1971, an average of 240 families per
month received allowances, and the total expenditure
under the program was approximately S$181,900, a
figure nearly three fourths lower than the amount
disbursed in 1966.
Under provisions of the Children and Young Persons
Ordinance, the Social Welfare Department is charged
with guaranteeing the general welfare of youth and is
responsible for detaining and rehabilitating juvenile
delinquents. In conjunction with a number of private
agencies, the department supports several child
welfare programs, one of the most important being the
Fostering Scheme, whereby abandoned or orphaned
youngsters age 9 and tinder are placed in approved
foster homes. Adoption services are also offered.
Additionally, the department administers eight centers
for the care of children age 5 -15, most of them school
dropouts, belonging to indigent families. The centers,
which have a combined capacity for 920 youngsters,
provide specialized primary instruction and some
vocational training. Ten daycare centers, or "creches,'
operated by the department attend to preschoolage
children of working parents; although the charge for
the service is quite norninal, the creches, which have a
combined capacity for 900 children, reportedly are
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undernrtilized. Free medical and dental cure is
provided to children attending the ce/Nters and
creches. 'Che care and rehabilitation t +f delinquent
youth takes place in five Social 1YP(ir, 111 Departnlcnt
Burnes; in that connection, Ow r6�yarhtl( a l,, o
administers a probation program and carries out
followup cawwork.
Additional Social Welfare homes include four
specializing in women's rare, two for destitute persons,
and one for the aged. Within the purview of the 1961
Women's Charter, the Director of Social Welfare is
empowered to order the detention of women under
age 21 who are in "moral danger" or who otherwise
need care and protection, and to prosecute persons
who abuse the rights of women. Family counseling is
available to persons involved in domestic conflicts,
and a legal aid service assists those of limited means in
the pursuit of civil actions. Responsibility for
providing care and rehabilitation for the handicapped
rests mainly with private groups.
b. Social insurance
Although a substantial amount of protection
against social problems is provided, no single
insurance program is applicable to the population at
large. 'Che bulk of pension plans, savings programs,
and other arrangements designed to guarantee sonic
form of income are administered by officially
sanctioned private institutions. Insurance firms pl a
major role in this regard, as do the so- called mutual
benefit schemes and provident funds which many
working people join. The government does operate a
Central Provident Fund for the benefit of workers
excluding employers, the self emplo and unpaid
family laborers�who are not covered by private
pl ans. Although government agencies previously
administered counterpart programs for their respective
emplovees, it block of 41,500 "pensionable" civil
servants was brought under the fund in March 1972.
Since its inception in 1955, more than 700,000
workers have paid into the Central Provident Fund,
over three fourths of the contributors having been
workers earning less than S$300 per month. Thu fund,
which essentially constitutes a forced savings flan,
provides w orkers a Iump sum payment upon
retirement, the minimum age for eligibility being 55.
Permanently incapacitated workers, or those wishing
to purchase a public housing unit, may withdraw their
savings without regard to age. Noncitizens who
emigrate are also permitted to withdraw their
payments. In tfte event of a contributor's death, the
sum is transferred in full either to designated survivors
or to legal heirs. At yearend 1972, the contributions to
0w fund amounted to 12% of wages for emplovees
car less than S$200 per month and a higher
liercc gage for those earning more than that sum,
subico to a maximum contribution of S$300 per
worker within a given month. F or employees earning
less than S$2W monthly, the employer pays the entire
contribution; employees who earn more than that
amount are required to pay a portion of the
contribution, although the bulk of it is paid by the
employer. The amount deposited to each worker's
account earns 5.5% interest per annum. The amount
Paid into the fund more than doubled during the
period 1967 -71, and by early 1972 the total, including
accrued interest, had surpassed S$1 billion; as of Mav
1972. 470,000 workers were actively contributing to
the fund.
E. Religion (U /OU)
Because the Chine: comprise more than three
fourths of the total population the pervasive religion
of Singapore follows the traditional s pattern
of Chinese beliefs and practices. Although the vast
majority of Chinese are nominally Mahav na
Buddhists, their common religious' expression is
an amalgamation of folk beliefs with elements of
Buddhism, Taoism, and Confucianism. The Malays
are virtually all Muslims, as are Singapore's few Arabs
and a minority of the Indian population, mainly those
who derive from the regions of the subcontinent that
now stake up Pakistan and Bangladesh. Most of the
Indians are Hindus; Sikhs and Parsis constitute a small
group. Christians, estimated to represent something in
excess of 5 5 of the total population, include
Europeans, Eurasians, and some Chinese and Indians.
There also is a small Je wish community. No official
figures are available concerning the size of the various
religious groups. Religious affiliation was not covered
in the 1957 census, and preliminary results of the 1970
census released up to rnid -1972 contain no relevant
data.
Religious particularism, by fostering communal
solidarity among the different ethnic groups, has
hindered the development of a national consciousness.
It also has contributed in sonic measure to the
communal discord which has plagued Singapore in
the past and continues to exist beneath the surface of
national life. In the early 1960's, Malay opposition to
the government, which developed as it result of alleged
discrimination in employment housing, and
education, was augmente by Muslim antagonism
toward the economically entrenched "infidel
Chinese." Arid in July 1964, bloody Malav- Chinese
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riots broke out when a Malay reh, sous procession was
attacked while passing through a Chinese neighbor-
hood. Earlier, before Singapore became a self
governing state, there had been outbreaks of anti
Christian rioting by Malays. Occurring in 1950 and
again in 1955, the violence was directed against
European, Chinese, and Indian Christians, as well as
against the colonial government.
Both prior to and since independence, the
government has upheld the principle of tolerance for
all religious groups and of noninterference in their
affairs, except for the purpose of protecting the rights
of all and of insuring public order. Although it does
not include a guarantee of religious freedom, the
constitution of 1959 does contain a generalized
provision for government responsi:)ility in safeguard-
ing the interests of "racial and religious minorities." It
also specifically recognizes the "special position" of
the Malays as the "indigenous people of Singapore"
and stipulates that the government is responsible for
Protecting and promoting their religious concerns in
addition to their political, economic, social, and
cultural interests. The first significant legislation for
the purpose of safeguarding what the Malays regard as
their religious rights was the Muslim Ordinance of
1957. Enacted in anticipatio; of Singapore's
attainment of self governing status in 1959, the
ordinance established a system of Sharia courts to
adjudicate Muslim marriage and divorce cases. In
1966, as it further measure of conciliation, the
government passed can Administration of Muslim Law
Act setting up a Muslim Religious Affairs Council
whose responsibilities include: supervision of Sharia
interpretations of religious law; the council is
composed of prominent Muslim leaders. Under the
1966 legislation, traditional Malay custom (adal) is
consider(-(] supplementary to Islamic law in the
adjudications of the Sharia courts.
The government has sought over the years to rccluce
communal tensions by encouraging cooperation
among leaders of the principal religions. In the
aftermath of the 1975 communal riots in Inter
Religious Organization (IRO) was established,
comprising representatives of all of Singapore's
religious groups. Since its founding this body has
served primarily as a liaison between the various
groups and tins government, but during the 1964
Malay- Chinese riots Prime Minister Lee prevailed on
it to endorse his appeals for tolerance and an enci to
the violence. The presidency of the IRO is rotated
among representatives of the constituent faiths.
A
1. Chinese religions
Buddhism has been the principal institutionalised
religion of the Singapore Chinese, but Buddhist
Practices are closely intermingled with Taoism, a
religion of indigenous Chinese origin, and with some
elements of Confucianism. The Buddhist and Taoist
influences are manifested largely through the popular
aspects of those religions, which appeal primarily to
the uneducated lower class. This is the case wifh
Taoism in particular. There are few, if '10,
establishments in Singapore for the study of 'Taoilll Ili
a mystical philosophy as the religion was origic
conceived by its founder, Lao Tzu, who li%g
sometime between the sixth and fourth centuries B.(..
However, popular Taoism, which involves the
propitiation of evil spirits through Taoist sorcerer
priests, is omnipresent in the imagery and rituals of
many Chinese religious ceremonies. Orthodox
Buddhism, which originally entered China From India
during the first century A.D., is represented in
Singapore primarily by Buddhist monks and nuns and
by lay organizations. The traditional philosophical
aspects of Buddhism are presented through a few
Buddhist educational institutions and classes
conducted by Buddhist scholars. Generally speaking,
Buddhist religious precepts, with their emphasis on
renunciation of the material world, have had little
influence on the values of the Singapore Chinese.
Similarly, as most of the Chinese immigrants have
been from the lower economic levels, the Confucian
intellectual philosophy and code of conduct which
appealed to the educated Chinese upper classes in pre-
Communist China have had relatively little
..attraction, Nevertheless:, Confucian forms of ancestor
worship are practiced in numerous temples and
homes, and Confucian ethics still exert a vertain
influence in the lives of some Singapore ('hit,(.%
Prevailing religious beliefs of the Chinese
population are based on the traditional concept of the
universe as governed by gods and spirits. The folk
deities are marl) and varied, drawn from classical cults
and from the Buddhist, 'Taoist, and Confucian
traditions. An "upper" spirit world of the popular
religion encompasses a diversified pantheon which
includes important divinities, local deities, household
gods, and nature spirits. A second spirit world relates
to departed human souls, who have been judged
according to thtlr deeds while on earth. "The virtuous
may be rewarded with divine status or by
reincarnation in another human existence which
brings there honor and luxury, while the wicked may
be punished by everlasting torture or by reincarnatio'l
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inter it miserable existence or a lower form of annnal
life. The punishment of a soul. however, can be
mitigated h%- the good deeds of his descendants or
increased by their misdeeds. Moreover, rewards or
punishments may come during ones lifetime as well its
after death, and tray be accorded to one's children.
Wealth and good fortune are often regarded as
compensation for good actions performed by the
recipients or their ancestors. Conversely, sudden
death, serious illness, or other disasters are looked upon
as retribution for sinful deeds or for failure to
propitiate malevolent spirits through proper rituals.
The deyOtlt pay homage to their deities, spirits, and
ancestors through prayers, offerings, and other rites in
temples and before family altars in their homes. Such
altars usually contain a variety of objects, including
candles, incense sticks, prayer scrolls, and photographs
of deceased family members. The better educated,
Westernized Chinese are inclined to ignore what they
regard as the more superstitious aspects of spirit
worship, although they may participate in religious
cerenwnies as a family or communal obligation.
In addition to a variety of ritu related to personal
and family concerns, certain holidays, such as the
Chinese New Year and the Dragon Boat festival
(associated with the sunrnrcr solstice), are occasions for
religious rites, public as well as private. There are
several hundred Chinese places of worship in
Singapore, ranging from printitive roadside strtictilms
to imposing stone edifices; only it fey are of strictly
Buddhist orientation (figure -I), lu keeping with the
s religious patterns, most are equally devoted
to Buddhist and 'Taoist ceretnonics -with cnphasis ou
spirit worship �and are served by clerics of both
persuasions. Temples are ccorrtinonly operated by
C0111 [I] associations, guilds, or other organizations
and are supported primarily bN- contributions from
worshipers and by clonatiors from wealthy Chinese
businessmen.
The only Chinese religions associations in Singapore
are of Buddhist affiliation. k loosely formed group, the
Singapore Buddhist Sangho (nwnkhood) Organization
(SBSO), represents Buddhist inonks and also has as its
stated purposes the propagation of the faith, Ili(
conduct of educational mud charitable activities in
collaboration whit Buddhist lavmeit, it the
maintenance of contacts with core ligionists abroad.
The leading lay organization is believed to be the
Bnddhisl Union. Thi body, which has had
representation in the Ili(), professes to speak for
Buddhists and to uphold their interests vis -a -vis those
of other religious groups. Many other organizations
claim Buddhist affiliation. Sone operate schools and
FIGURE 24. Massive image of Buddha in a Buddhist
temple. Few Chinese places of worship are of strictly
Buddhist affiliation. Most reflect the diverse elements
of Chinese folk religion. (C)
charitable institutions; others reportedly function
sole!-, for sectlar purposes. Several
relatively nc\
associations proclaim their goal to he the purging of
Buddhist superstitious" in order to e stablish it sleeper
spiritual foundati ;,n for Chinese religion; these groups
also focus ou cotnntrutitywidc educational and welfare
activities. Singapore Buddhist delegations have
frequently attended conferences of the World
Fellowship of Buddhists, and the SBSO is affiliated
with a World fccle"Ition of Chinese Sanghas formal
in Taiwan in 1965.
2. Islam
The Malays, who constitute the balk of Singapore's
M (Is Iitu population, profess to adhere to the SIIIIIIi sect
of Islam and to the Shafii school of Islamic
inrisprudence. Most Ntalays, however, have little
accptaintauce with Muslin doctrine or law oxcept as it
affects their lives directly. 'I'll(- orthodox beliefs :ncl
practices to which the\ dworeticaliy subscribe are
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essentially the same as tb0se of the Indian and Arab
Muslims on the isl;ud, involving veneration of the
Koran as the literal Nord of God and the principal
source of doctrine, and observance of the "I ivc
Pillars" of Islam as defined in the Koran: the
profession of faith, ritual prayer five times a da%,
almsgiving, daylight fasting during the month of
Ramadan, and pilgrimage to Mecca. Among the mass
of the Malay population there is little orthodox
practice. Adherence to the prayer reylirvii,clll is
minimal; the zakul, or alnr I.I i talc paid; the fast
of Ramadan is poorly observed; and few are able to
make the pilgrimage to Mecca. Nevertheless, Malays
almost never abandon Islam in favor of another
formal religion; almost all Malay children are taught
to recite some verses from the Koran, !md marriage
and burial rites are invariably solemnized by a Muslim
functionary. Malays generally observe the Koranic
injunction against eating pork, but they indu!ge in
gambling and some drink alcoholic beverages despite
the Koranic prohibition.
Popular religious beliefs and practices among the
Malays include elements of mixed Muslin, Hindu,
and indigenous origin. The Hindu component derives
from ancient Hindu beliefs predominating ill the
region before the conversion of the Malays to Islam in
the 13th century. Spirit worship is common,
manifested in countless variations and affected Irf
such factors as the social and crononic sattts of the
worshipers, the extent of their ;inherence to orthodox
Islamic precepts, and their residence, whether urban
or rural. In general, however, Malays recognize
innumerable supernutural beings in vaguel
hierarchical order. At the highest levels are various
categories of angels, ['lost of them creations of Muslim
mythology, and at the opposite extreme are the evil
spirits, or jinn, who are believed capable of causing all
nanner of misfortune. f lindu deities, although little
known to the average Mal ;ay, are of' considerable
importance to Malav mystics and are also invoked by
the local shanuus who conduct riles aimed al
propitiating the evil spirits. The principal elements ill
such rites are sacrifice and the use of incantations.
Orthodox religious activities �for Malay, fndiau,
and Arab Muslims alike �arc centered in mosques.
Those in predorninantl>' Malay ccunnuuilics or
neighborhoods are likely to be modest wooden
buildings known as prayer halls, but elaborate marble
or sandsloue mosques can he found in the business
district of Singapore city (Figure 25). 'I'll(- Muslim
clergy consists "mainly of inams, or prayer leaders,
who preside at rnosciue services. Smaller nosqucs, or
prayer halls, are managed by informal conmun;al
lZ
groups, while "lost of the larger nwselues are
administered by trusts. Financial support for these
institutions is derived from endownents by well -lo -do
Muslims and from the aakal which mosctues attempt
to Ievy on their congregations. Most "nosctues include
it Koranic school which offers rudimentary instruction
in the tcachi"igs of the Koran.
Various Muslim organizations operate in Singapore,
their leaders and ;active membership consisting
primarily of Indian Muslins and Arabs. Although
Arabs constitute it very small minority of the
population, they hold considerable prestige ;among the
Muslims because of their ethnic association witl the
holy city of Mecca. The host important Muslim
:association is the Muslin Religious Affairs Coaincil,
which is it corporate body with power to hold and
dispose of comnuual property, enter into contracts,
and administer the estates of deceased Muslins. It is
also empowcmd to collect zakul for charity. handle
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FIGURE 25. Sultan Mosque, situated In' the central section
of Singapore city (C)
e�ttdowrnents for religious prrposes, serve as tnistee for
mosques, and supervise Islamic edtecational institu-
tions. Other organizations include it Nvomen's Welfare
Cotinc�il and a Student Soc�iet the latte consisting of
Muslim seconclary and university students. Sin-
gapore's Muslims have been represented in
international conferences of the Muslim World
League and the World Muslim Congress.
The most important Islamic holidays observed in
Singapore are Han Raya Puma, celebrating the end of
Hamadan, and Hari Raba haft, occurring upon the
return of those who have made the annual pilgrimage
to Mecca. Both are public holidays.
3. Indian religions (nun Muslim)
In Singapore, us in India, the intellectual an d
philosophical tenets of Ifirduism are observed by only
a small sector of the Hindu community Brahman
temple priests and gurus (te achers), asce�ties, and it few
intellectuals. Most of the island's flindus practice a
popular folk religion centered around belief in the
three major aspects of Brahma, the Supreme Spirit of
the Universe: Brahma, the Creator; Vishnu, the
Preserver or Sustainer: and Siva, the Generator and
Destroyer. Linked with these are if number of lesser
gods and goddesses.
1 fincht temples in Singapore are usually dedicated
to the worship of Vishnu or Siva (Figure 26). On
religious holidays and other occasients, worshipers
bring gifts to the temples t be o ffered by priests before
images of the various deities. lu the Siyaite temples,
1,
FIGURE 26. Hindu temple devoted to the worship of Siva,
third member of the trinity which comprises Brahma, the
Creator; Vishnu, the Preserver or Sustainer; and Siva,
the Generator and Destroyer (C)
these include Siva's female consort, Parvati or
Minakshi, the goddess of beauty and creation, and
their son Subrahntanva, Household worship of deities
is also c�onmon. ;d are viewed as emanations or
aspects of the one Supreme Spirit, who is prepared to
accept worship by the human spirit in whatever fora
it is offered, and who nay he approached in it variet
of ways. A few culls iu Singapore still engage in
ancient Hindu self- mortification practices (Figure 27).
particularly in couteetion with religious f( of
which there are many. /)eepavah. life annual Hindu
Festival of Lights, is a public holiday.
flinduisnl in Singapore, as ill India, has no formal
organizational struc�tttre or hiertreby. Its lerplcs and
priests are supported by contributions of the faithful.
Attached to some of the temples are schools for
contenplative study naintained by various ascetic
orders.
Little information is available on the organization,
activities, and facilities of the Sikhs and Parsis of
Singapore. Sikhism was founded in the I -Ith century
by Nanak, its first guru, in the Punjreh region of
northwestern India: Nanak taught if monotheistic
creed and preached the fundamental identification of
F
C
'wtiK'etf t: nrtl�:V'
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FIGURE 27. Member of a Hindu self- mortification cult
carrying a kavadi, a steel frame surmounted by religious
ornaments which is supported on the bearer's head by
numerous steel darts inserted In his flesh (U /OU)
all religions with one another. fie opposed the caste
system. Eventually the Sikhs split into several
divisions, and the original creed underwent a number
of changes. In the i7th century, Covind Singh, the
10th and last Sikh guru, welded the Sikhs into a
warrior community which adopted the caste practices
and many of the beliefs typical of traditional
Hinduism.
The Parsis are followers of the Persian prophet
Zoroaster, who lived about the 6th century B.C. Their
ancestors migrated to India from Persia in the seventh
and eighth centuries A.D. to escape Muslim
persecution and settled in the area of Bombay. t'arsis
are faithful to much of the Zoroastrian dogma, w ;Mich
centers about a belief in the ultimate triumph of good
as manifested by the god Ahura Mazda. This deity is
represented in the form of pure natural substances,
notably fire but aG:o water and earth. In India, the
community is closely unified and its economic
strength there far outweigi:s its small size. The Parsis of
Singapore reportedly for", a highly respected group of
merchants.
4. Christianity
Christian missionaries did n,:t cUme to Singapore in
significant numbers until late in the 19th centurv.
Since that time, however, they have played a
significant role In the development of society. In the
period before World War 11, English language schools
operated by Christian missions were regarded as
scholastically superior to those of the British colorli,ll
government, all(] they accordingly became a channel
for many Singaporeans, particularly the Chinese, to
enter important positions requiring a knowledge of
English. These schools also provided unprecedented
educational opportunity for girls, of particular:
significance in view of the low status accorded women
in traditional Chinese, Muslim, and Hindu societies.
Additionally, the Christian presence had a substantial
social impact in terms of the hospitals and other
welfare institutions which the churches established
and operated.
There are no precise or comprehensi statistics on
the island's Christian community. Data available
from church sources, both Roman Catholic and
Protestant, are for Singapore and Mal_tysia combined.
In 1971, a government source estimated that
Christians of all denominations in Singapore totaled
about 150,0(X). An unofficial 1966 estimate placed the
t(tal for that year at ai)()tlt 80,000, including
approximately 60,(X)) Catlmlics and 20,(XX) Protes-
lants. "1'he principal Protestant denominaiions active
"I the area are Methodists, Anglicans, Presbyterians,
and Seventh day Adventists.
'.unlan Cathc,lics are under the jurisdiction of the
;Irrhdic of Malacca Singapore, with tile:
m :lishop, a native of France, resident in Singapore.
It 'i(? there were reported to be 17 Catholic places of
worship in the repnblir_: some of those in the central
city are sizable structures (Figure 28). Church
personnel include members of religious orders, both
male and fernale. Prominent among the male religious
are Jesuits and Franciscans. Catholics schools,
numbering about 20 in 1966, are operated b both
priests and nuns, while church sponsored welfare
institutions are :staffed entirely by nuns.
The largest of the Protestant denominations in
Singapore is the Methodist Church, established in the
;elra by U.S.' missionaries. Its facilities in 1966
FIGURE 28. Roman Catholic church of
modern design (C)
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consisted of 21 places of worship, five schools, and one
seminary. The clergy includes Chinese and Indians, as
well as U.S. nationals. In 1966, services were
conducted in English in eight of the churches; Chinese
was used in eight others, and Indian languages in five.
In the same year, the Anglican communion had 18
churches in Singapore, under the jurisdiction of the
Diocese of Singapore and Malaya; it also operated
three schools. The Presbyterian Church maintained 16
churches, a prayer hall, and a school for boys.
Seventh -day Adventist facilities included four
churches., a secondary school, and a hospital.
F. Education (U /Q
An expanded and modernized educational system
has been the keystone of the Singaporean Govern-
ment's efforts to raise levels of living, mold the diverse
ethnic groups into a cohesive society, and provide
adequate numbers of technically proficient personne!
for the island's many new industries. In all sectors of
the j education is viewed as it prerequisite
for I creative ernplovnent or success in business.
Amon_., the Chinese, in addition, it is regarded as an
irnpertant mark of social prestige. Since indepr.:-
dence, the school system has been expanded through a
massive building program in an effort to achieve the
official goal of at least 10 years of r.:ducation for every
child in Singapore, beginning at age 6. Educational
Policy, as articulated by the government, endeavors to
"inculcate habits and attitudes instrumental in the
development of adaptability, creativity, social
responsibility, and lovalty to the republic, and to
provide the knowledge and skills necessary for the
economic development of the country."
There has been it substantial rise in literacy as i t
result of the exp"nsion of educational opporhwity tit
the primary school level and the promotion of adult
education programs. In the 1957 census, a rate of
52.3% was recorded for the population age 10 and
over, literacy being defined is the ability to read and
write a simple sentence. Based on unprocessed data
from the 1970 census, a U.N. source has estimated that
literacy for the same sector of the population has risen
to 7o%. The literacy rate for males in the 1957 census
was 68.69 while that for females was only 33.6%.
Also, the limited educational opportunity available in
Singapore before World War ti was indicated by a
progressive decline in the proportion of literate; in the
older age groups.
Information on e..d lieu tional attainment for 1966
indicates that of the Population age 20 and over,
37.6% had received no education; 29.3% had not
finished primary schcx,l; 11.5% had completed their
sc hooling with a primary education; 9.45 had
attended secondary school without completing that
love! of education; 9.7%. had graduated from
secondary school; and 2.5% had attended institutions
of higher learning. Educational achievement for
females was considerably lower than that for males, as
shown in the following tabulation, in percentages:
MALES FEMAL.iS
No education
17.2
57.9
Uncompleted primary
38.2
20.4
Completed primary
15.8
7,2
Uncompleted secondary
13.0
5.8
Completed secondary
12.5
6,9
Postsecondary
3.2
1.8
100.0 100.0
Government control over education has been
increasing steadily. All schc �Is below the level of
higher education are rfficially divided into three
categories, designated "government,� "government
aided," and "priv; te." Of the 516 schoo!s in operation
as of 1970, 266 were in tl first c!assification, wholly
financed by the government an(! operated directly
under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Education. A
somewhat smaller number, 236, were in the
government -aided categorv, privately administered
but largely supported by tle government and operated
under the general supervision and control of the
Ministry. The third and smallest group, the so- called
private sc}oIs, numbered orjy 14 (e xcluding
preprimary schools); these presumably obtain the bulk
of their support from private sources but must corrply
With statutory requirements with respect to
administrative and professional standard%. Responsi-
Wlity for education rests with the Minister of
Education, but control of the educational establish
nunt is in the hands of the ministry's Permanent
Secretary, who also functions as Director of
Education. Overall supervision of schools is exercised
largely through a corps of inspectors under the
direction of a Chief Inspector of Schools.
For many years, education was the- largest item of
expense in the government budget. Since 1964 it lilts
dropped to second place after defense. In FY 1970/7 1,
a total of S$177.6 million was expended for education.
Primary education is free in both government and
government -aided schools for all children age 6 to 14
vho were born in Singapore or whose parents are
Singapore citizens, Free schooling is o..so available at
the secondary level for Malay children, but it small
tuition fee is required for children of other ethnic
groups. Fees may be remitted, however, on grounds of
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1....
hardship or through scholarships awarded for
excellence in schoolwork. Additionally, the govern-
ment supplies textbooks for needy schoolchildren
through i t loan system.
School enrollment began a steady increase soon
after World War 11, following rehabilitation and
reorganization of the educational system in the wake
of the devastation %%i by Japanese occupation.
By 1959, when Singapore attained full internal self
government, 266,625 students were enrolled in
primary schools and =48,723 in secondary schools, and
in 1968 the totals had risen to 371,970 and 150,641,
respectively. The following year, changes in the age
composition of the population, resulting in fewer
potential students, began to be reflected in i f
downturn in the number of children attending school
(Figure 29). 13y 1970, enrollment of females almost
ecivaled that of males in primary and secondary
schools. Institutions specializing in vocational training
have experienced a small hilt continuous increase ill
the number of students registering for the various
courses offered, accommodating more than �1,700
students in 1910. 1 ?nrollment at the level tf' higher
education fluctuated during the 1960's, but the trend
has been upward in recent years, rising from 7,518 in
1959 to 13,683 in 1970.
Although not compulsory, attendance at primary
school was nearly universal by the mid- I9(i0's, and
educational facilities have been hard pressed to meet
space requirements despite the large- scale school
building progratl. Most schools operate double
sessions, with one group of students cud teachers using
the premises in the morning beginning at 7:45, :Ind
-mother group in the afternoon starting at 1:00. In
general, a 5 -day school week is observed; tilt school
year, extending from January to November, consists of
three terms. In 1970, government and government-
aided schools ennploved 12,248 teachers at the primary
lervel and 6,530 at the secondary level; the studerlt-
teacher ratio averaged 30 to e,nc in primary schools
and 22 to one in secondary schools.
Singaporeans may choose to have their children
attend schools using ally one of the four official
languages English, Mandarin Chinese, Malay, or
Tamil -as the nnediun (If instruction. The govern-
ment's expressed policy is to afford equal treatment to
all four. All government and government -aided
irlstihtticns, whatever the language nedium, conform
to a unified education structure and are expected to
use curriculums with if common content. Whichever
language me'diunt is chosen, students must learn ;I
second language front the' tine they enter primary
school, and in the third year the national language,
Malay, is added as it subject in the noes -Malay schools.
Ill all schools where Chinese, Malay, or Tamil is the
language of instruction, the prescribed second
language is English, in line with the government's
efforts to build a cohesive cation front the diverse
ctlntic e'leniruts of the population. In any case. by far
the most popular language tedium is I-:nglish. r1nung
the :109,258 students attending schools al the primary
and secondary levels in 1970, tale language- stream
distribution was as follows:
English
317,335
ChilWse
162,111
1\lnlny
28,340
ramil
1,472
TO t i l l 509,258
The promotion of bilingualism h-s acquired ao
,'ddvd dimension through policy begun in fit( early
1960's, wbervby two or three language slrvanis ;tre
integrated in ortc sc1100 IV 1970 tht'rc were 112
schools of this type with if lolal enrollnn'lt of
FIGURE 29. Enrollment In educational Institutions (U /OU)
INntwrrtlAl.
INN'1'ITUTIONN
PRIMARY
Mr.CONDAItY
Y0 CAT10NA1,
rItAININ0
or moilklt
YEAIt 14C11001.9
NC1100118
INN'I'IT ITEM
CENTICRN
N:Ilt1C'A
TOTA1.
1 10133...........
:3:35,450
84,�1'25
8,13
11,840
q :3'1,773
1004...........
348, 1137
of), 511'.x,
871
12,1303
{!31 ,:32$
1005.........,.
357,075
114,730
1,10'3
13,807
�1811,811
i 111(10.....,.....
3114,840
132,088
1,400
13,184
511,527
1007,..........
3118,05.1
1.14,448
1,752
1 :1,005
527,8511
1008........,..
:371,070
150,041
2,100
12,447
537,257
1000....,...,
1
mm 881
147,081
2,843
1,280
12,71 :3
531,704
1070...........
3t1:3,518
144, 740
3,034)
1,1188
+1:3,811 :3
S27,848
Not, pertinent.
+lneh,des Pn roil nlei,t in the'retteher
I
'mining
College.
'10
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approximate!, 171,000 students; almost all of these
schools arc government institutions, and most function
at the primary level.
In addition to primary, secondary, .tilt] post-
secondary institutions, Singapore has tin adult
ecloeatiort program and special schools for hancli-
capped children. Preprimary cdicatiou has not vet bccn
developed to a significant degree; I ?nglish- and
(;hinese- larguage kindergartens do exist, but most are
sponsored by churches or private seculargroups. Sonar!
preprinrary classes are also available in community
canters. Operated tinder the supervision of the
Ministry of Social Affairs, these are intended to serve
the children of working parents.
Primary schooling of ti years' duration begins for
most children at age ti, following curriculums and
svllabnses developed by the Ministry of Education in
the four language streams. Subjects offered include till
first language (tile nurcliuna of instruction), at secuud
la.tiagu V e, the national language, arithmetic, general
science, history, geography, arts and crafts, music,
physical education, and civics, the sal ject emphasis
varying front year to year throughout the 6 -year
course, t1pon finishing this segment of lilt- education'I
system, pupils take the examination for the Primary
School heaving Certificate, which is conducted in
each of the four official languages. 'Those who pass
may go on to secondary school, but for large numbers
of children, completion of primary school marks the
end of formal emulation,
Secondary education consists of it .1 -year lower
cycle, which is generally viewed as secondary school
Proper, plus a 2 -vicar upper cycle generally known as
the segment. Fornacrly, students
cntcriug secondary school could choose am academic,
technical, vocational, or commercial program
beginning in the first year, and roost opted for the
traditional academic type of cducalion leading to
white collar employancnl, leginning ill It)tii),
however, radical changes were made in the system i ll
AM effort to ameliorate the acute shoringe of technical
personnel, the first 2 years of secondary school, all
stndcnls are now required to take a common
ca.irriculutn which includes the first lungnage and its
literature, it second language, the national language
history and geography, Mathematics, general science,
technical drawing, arts and crafts, music, physical
edricution, and civics. In addition, boys namst spend 3
hours it week after reguli, r school hours on metalwork
aand woodwork, or on metalwork and basic electricity,
Girls may also take these vocatiolutl subjects; Ihosc
who do not choose to do so ntatst spend the 3 extra
hours at week on dotueslic science, A revised
curriculum for the third and fourth years of secondary
school was introducer! in 1070, According to a
government report on education, this curriculum
"provides the base for it liberal education and avoids
narrow specializalipii." Nevertheless, students still
have it choice between all academic, teclmtic il, and
commercial hias. It was expected that only about one
third of all students going into the third near of
secondary school would choose technical studies, but
in 1070 more than 6 of'the third- vearstudent body
had opted for the technical course, signifying a
narked lowering of msistanee to this tvpe of
cducalion.
National exaninatioits are held for students
completing the fourth year of seconclary school, those
in tic Chinese-, Malav .and 'Tamil- language streams
taking the School Cortific ite examination and those i
the t ?nglisl- language stream sitting for the Cambridge
School Certifica.te cxaumiuution. No precise figures are
available, but attrition in enrollment is known to he
high for each year of the secondary level and is
especially high al lilt' cod of the fourli year,
Admission to the prcuniversily cycle of secondary
school is based on perforinance in the school certificate
exaninaations. As in the case of lower secondary
cducalion, preraniyersity courscwork is geared to an
academic. technical, or commercial bias. Studcnls
may lake three principal subjects and one subsidiary
subject, or two principal and two stibsidiar% snbjecls.
'I'll(- Higher School Certificate is awarded upon
successful completion of the cotn'se and prescntalion
of an acceptable "general paper," A 2 -year
prcuniversit% course leading to the Higher School
Cerlifivale is also available a11 tic National Junior
College. lilt institution established in 1969. Plazas for
setting up several similar institutions were being nade
ill 1970.
Operating al the secondary level but somewhat
oulsicic the regular school system arc vocational
inslilulcs and industrial (ranting eculers offering
instruction in electrical, building, and other trades,
Normally, those enrolled have completed 2 years (if'
secondary mlucsation. In general, 2 -year courses are
provided ail the institutes mid short -tern cotirses at the
training ccntcrs. A system inlrocbiced in 1970scparates
(raining in the various fields into several stages,
enabling students will differing backgrounds to
undertake instruction All as stage appropriale to their
knowledge and skills. As of 1070, there were three
vocalional institutes with it total enrollment of' 3,039,
and four industrial training centers with an eiirollinent
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Active participation in a varied program of
extracurricular activities is cncouraged in both
primary and s- condary institutions. Such participation
is taken into consideration when students arc s- lectml
for scholarships or for admission to preuniversity
c0urses, and also for employment in the civil service
upon graduation. Mysical cducution is an important
part of primary and secondary school curriculums,
involving gymnastics and it wide range of ganes, aucl
sports competition is organized on au interschool,
intradistrict, and interdistrict basis throughout
Singapore. All schools Ilso hav- clubs which carry on
activities related to subjects fn the curriculun or to the
more general interests of students.
Teachers in governnuml primary and secondary
schools arc civil servants whom- recruitment,
appoiutrn -nl, and promotion ordisniissal rest with the
Public Service Conmission, as is the case witl other
civil service p-rscmn-l. 'Teachers in government -aided
schools arc not under the civil service syst-nl, and their
appointnurn; �and subs -qu-ut Carer development is in
the. hands of the m;uag-m-nt comillilt-c of the
particular school in which lfiey leucll. 'I'h -y reCeive the
same rut -s of pay is t eachers in govvnim it
institutions, whom- salary scales are determined In the
Public Service Comrnimmiou.
Of lh- 18.778 teach e mployed ill govvniinvnt
and goven nl eral -aided primary ;ud secondary schools
Ili 1970, 15,2.1+5 had kppropri;aty educational
dualific ;ition!; uud 33,5333 were still undergoing
training, Traaini ig of teachers in the four official
language streans is C-ulralized ;al the 'Teacher
Training Coll-0, Ili- miniumm w(lidr for
enrollnuvt being lfie School Certific11te (signil' �I
y-au :s of secondary eclucalior), with trainees sp-ei;ally
seleewd on the basis of achieven11vll in certain
subjects. The college's main program is it 2 year full
tirne -cubs- leading to as C:- rlificate in I;Oucation for
primary .school leachers. As of lh(- lair 14)(i()'s, the
course was divided into five subj-cl categories;
eOracation, language studies, principal subjects,
subsidiary subjects, and classroom practice. A parl-
lina- "teach -r- ill -lr ;wining" program covers At 3 -yeaar
1-rind, 011"' It student fills been scl-ct-d for
appointment as it teacher in training, h- is post-(l 14) 11
School uS a staff member ul it regldar salary unO
lh- reafter aaitends a sp- cif1 -0 mim1wr of 1-Clnres per
week for 108 weeks, spread 0Vvl' the 3 -year period,
Teach in s- condary schools, partieufiarly 1hos- at
tIll- upper 1-vel, we supposed l0 b- university
grauluat -s Willi it c1-gr-- in education, tlniv -rsily
graduates wilhoul tills quulific11tion rmaV I -con-
s-conclar} school Inichers by taking 11 1 -year cools-
�12
leading (o a Diploma in E(IIICdion. This program is
available in both English and cllincsc and is
conducted bN the Teacher 'Training College jointl
with the t'niversity of Singapore's School of
Edilc ;alion. The College also offers a 2 -year course for
holders of the Ifigh -r School Certificate whiell
qualifies them for posts at the lower secondary level.
'I'caChers in technical and vocational fields are 4,611 0.1
in 1 year full -tiue mid 2 -year part -time courses
leading to the CerlifiCAV in I'Alticaliou (Teclinical).
01' the 2,000 students enrolled at the 'Teacher
Training College in 1070, 1.322 were attending full
time ;uad the remainder were receiving part lime
training. An inservice program to keep teachers
abreast of clevelopnents in their field is also Conducted
I)% the College, in eonperaticm with the Inspeclorate
Division of the Ministry of I?c11acutio1.
I'lacirig increasing emphaSis nn llae quali1lalive
aspects of edacaliou, the ministry is eneouraging
teachers to make greater use- of leaeling aidS IMW
avail ;al,1- them. All goveni mvt schools ;ire supplied
will record 1)1;1yers, film projectors, and tape
mcorders, and rl11ry also have television sets. Th e
govvnimenl's ecjueational television service, intro-
duced in 1067, operates under the general sipervision
of the Ministry of F &Wktiou, with programs planned,
prcduCed, and recorded 4)n videotape at the 'Teacher
Training College, Tlw programing, wliCh includes
Classes in languages, 111a1 hen11atics, science, geography,
;urd Civics, originally w;is confined to s(ConO ;arV
schools Baal has been exleuded to dw primary level.
Singapore's most inaportalal institution 4)f higher
edit('(1011 is the University of Singapore, established
Ili 1962 ball with origins dating back to 1005. As of
1970, it Iad facullies of Archileclure, Arts and Social
Sciences, Denlislry, Engineering, L,11W- MediCine, and
Science, us well as schools of Accomit;anev and
Business Adiniit istraIion, I ?ducutfc,,, NharnaCV.
1'oslgrad 'ilk lc' Denlal Studies, ;and I 'oslgracluale
Medical Studies. English is the main language of
instruction. A degree ill nu- cli -iue is ;awardt-d after 6
years of slildy, I(II the rnajorily of Course lead to u
bachelor's degree in :1 years, vit11 ;Ili honors degree
av101a1>1- afler anod wr year of slid Most faCUllies
and schools also confer advanced degrees after
udclfliou;al years of coaarsework, A 2 -v-ar course
leading (a a dil)IIrlln is offered in the fields of brlsim
administration, dnc11licnl, pall IiC heallfi, fisheries,
and social studies, For Ili- 14)70/71 11C; IN11ie year, Ili-
university 11 11(1 111 Wildling Slaf'l' of 5133 ;and ;ill
enrollmeW of 1,�13333, of whorl 2,977 were male
sludells and 1,456 I'elu;ale slud-nls, The Flicillh. of
Arts mid Social Sciences !111(1 the largest single
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concentration of students (904), followed b%' the
a('ulty of Sc�ietwo (77 -1), and (It(. Faculty of
Engineering (642)). Eivollrnent in engineering and
science coetrses has increased rapidly in recent years,
reflecting it changing attiludc toward these
clisciplincs �a trend strongly encouraged by the
goventment� 1 1 total of IJ63 degrees and 239
diplomas were awarded in 1970.
Several research facilities have been cstahlished at
the university. Those i11cludc all Institute of Southeast
Asian Studies, art(] Econonic Research Center, a
Cancer Research Cotter, un Inunun(logy Research
and 'Training Center sponsored b% WIiU, an(I a
lit'gional Marine Biological Center established In. the
United Nations Educational, Scientific and :ulturrul
Organizatiot (UNESCO),
The island's second- ranking institution of higher
learning is Nanvi:ng University, functioning since
1956. Chinese is its ,will language of instruction. "l'he
univosity encompasses three ,tai, colleges �Arts,
Contnleree, and Science� which provide at 3 -year
course for a bachelor's degree and a farther I -year
c�ou:se for un honors degree. In 1970, a :allege of
Graduate Studies %vas adciccl for the pursuit of higher
sha(lies leading to advanced degrees. 'Total enrollment
in 1970 stood at 2,:310, divided about ecluully anuug
the stain colleges and with 2.1 students registered for
Graduate Stuclics; the teaching staff' 11untbemd 185. At
the vild of dw 1969/70 acacle,tic' year Nanyang
graduated 556 studcnls.
Three institutions spoializv in l4'chnical studies at
the level of higher vdtic�alion. 'These art- Singapore
Iolytechnic, (he Singapore Tvc�Itnieal Institute, and
Ngee Aaut "I'rchni('aal College, Singapore Polytechnic,
fcancliouiug since 1959, is the major institution for
lr.ti ring technical personnel to tare! IhC nrunpower
needs generaled by lhv government's rapid
industrialization policy, It ol'fers I'ull -11111e courses at
diploma and certificale levels in civil, electrical,
nuIClanical, electronic, and proclnctioll en;;inevrir;;,
robber unrl phtsli('s (ecltrtolog)', tnecha,ical drafting,
surveying, and nuuticaul studies, It also couduc Is
evening ('lasses in some of the courses. Slealen(
enrollment readwd it total of I,f)113I in I4`70, and Ihere
were 1 full -time atud 107 purl -time instructors. Soule
�Ir30 students graduated in 1970, TlW Singapore
"Technical Institute established in 1969 to serve as
an inlcrnu�diale institulion between file lower level
vacattiotull and industrial schools "nett Singapom
l'oly(cchnic. Providing instruction a( what is desc�rilwd
its the adyau"eed eral ievel, 11 specializes ill
mechanical engineering practice. O(her courses
111('111(14' radio "anel (4'1Cv1si011 engineering and
shiphuilding. In ntid -1970 the rrt roll mrnt totaled 278,
but by 1972 the institulc was expected to have I,OOO
full -time students and an equal number of part -time
trainees. Ngee Aim Tec�hrrical College was founded as
Ngee Ann College in 1963 by a 'Teochew clan
association with the objective of providing instruction
in technical subjects, borne economics, and Imiguages
for stucleuts graduating from Chinese medium
secondary schools. In 1968 its name was changed, and
-is of 1970 it offered diplorna Courses in rucchanical
engineering, industrial electronics, artd corn"nerce.
Enrollment totaled 808 in the latter year, served by a
(vaching staff' of 3.1 full -time all 13 part -tin('
instructors. Both Singapore I'ulytcclmic and the
Singapore 'I'eclanical College use- English as the
principal mecliutn of instruction; Ngve Ann Technical
College uses Chinese.
Uf Singapore's institutions of higher ed Ilea Iioll, only
the 'teacher 'training College Mid the Singapore
'technical Institute are under the supervision of the
Ministry of I ?ducalion� The others are officially
described as autonouuuus itlsliltttions. Nevertheless,
the govvniment participates in their administration
through repmsentatiar on their governing bodies, All
of the expenses of the 'Teacher "Training College alit!
the Singapore Technical Institute are ino from the
national budget, Tlly Universi(y of Singapore alld
Singapore I'olytecltniv are financed largely by
government grans, with tuition fees and vud