NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY 99; PHILIPPINES; THE SOCIETY
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CONFIDENTIAL
99/GS/S
1 1 t
Philippines
A December 1973
I ar
t
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY
CONFIDENTIAL
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Dirfe is I-Nis I NI& ff a
NATIONAL INTELLIGENCE SURVEY PUBLICATIONS
The basic unit of the NIS is the General Survey, which is now
published in a bound -by- chapter format so that topics of greater per-
ishability can be updated on an individual basis. These chapters Country
Profile, The Society, Government and Politics, The Economy, Military Geog-
raphy, Transportation and Telecommunications, Armed Forces, Science, and
Intelligence and Security, provide the primary NIS coverage. Some chapters,
particularly Science and Intelligence and Security, that are not pertinent to
all countries, are produced selectively. For small countries requiring only
minimal NIS treatment, the General Survey coverage may be bound into
one volume.
Supplementing the General Survey is the NIS Basic Intelligence Fact
book, a ready reference publication that semiannually updates key sta-
tistical data found in the Survey. An unclassified edition of the factbook
omits some details on the economy, 'he defense forces, and the intelligence
and security organizations.
Although detailed sections on many topics were pa; t of the NIS
Program, production of these sections has been phased out. Those pre-
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portion of the study is considered valid.
A quarterly listing of all active NIS units is published in the Inventory
of Available NIS Publications, which is also bound into the concurrent
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nated by the Central Intelligence Agency.
\tiARNING
This document contains information affecting the national defense of United States, within the
meaning of title 18, sections 793 and 794 of the US code, as amended. 1!s transmission or revelation
of its contents to or receipt by an unauthorized person is prohibited by law.
CLASSIFIED BY 019641. EXEMPT FROM GENERAL DECLASSIFI-
CATION SCHEDULE OF E. J. 11652 EXEMPTION CATEGORIES
5B (1), (2), (3). DECLASSIFIED ONLY ON APPROVAL OF THE
DIRECTOR OF CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE.
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i
It
5 WARNING
The NIS is National Intelligence and may not be re-
leased or shown to representatives of any foreign govern-
ment or international body except by specific authorization
of the Director of Central Intelligence in accordance with
the provisions of National Security Council Intelligence Di-
rective No. 1.
i For NIS containing unclassified material, however, the
portions so marked may be made available for official pur-
poses to foreign nationals and nongovernment personnel
provided no attribution is made to National Intelligence or
the National Intelligence Survey.
Subsections and graphics are individually classified
according to content. Classification /control designa-
tions are:
(U /OU) Unclassified/ For Official Use Only
(C) Confidential
(S) Secret
ti
(3 1 1
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ix
Page
4. Work opportunities and conditions 29
a. The people and work
29
b. Labor law and practice
33
c. Labor and management
36
5. Social security and welfare
39
a. Welfare services
39
b. Social insurance
40
E. Religion
41
1. Roman Catholicism
42
2. Protestantism
43
3. Other religions
45
Page
F. Education 46
G. Artistic and cultural expression 51
1. Literature and drama 51
2. Music and dance 52
3. Architecture and the fine arts 53
H. Public information 55
I. Selected bibliography 59
Glossary 60
FIGURES
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Page
Fig. 1
Representative physical types
Fig. 15
Modern supermarket photo)
28
(photos)
6
Fig. 16
Littered slum area (photo)
30
Fig. 2
Distribution of native languages
Fig. 17
Upper class housing photos)
30
Fig. 3
map)
Population density, by province
9
Fig. 18
Middle class housing photos)
31
(map)
15
Fig. 19
Representative types of rural
Fig. 4
Growth of cities table)
16
housing (photos)
32
Fig. 5
Movement of population, by
Fig. 20
Women rolling cigars photo)
34
province map)
17
Fig. 21
Spanish -style Catholic churches
Fig. 6
Age -sex structure (chart)
18
(photos)
43
Fig. 7
Age -sex structure, by urban
Fig. 22
Rural mosques (photos)
45
rural residence chart)
18
Fig. 23
Literate population, by sex chart)
47
Fig. 8
Distribution of families, by in-
Fig. 24
Employed persons, by highest
come group table)
19
year of schooling table)
47
Fig. 9
Index of earnings in nonagri-
Fig. 25
Enrollment, elementary and sec
cultural activities chart)
20
ondary schools chart)
48
Fig. 10
Consumer price index chart)
20
Fig. 26
Young girl playing the bandurria
Fig. 11
Rural health center photo)
25
photo)
54
Fig. 12
Street in the Tondo area of
Fig. 27
A dancer of the Banyanihan
Manila (photo)
26
troupe (photo)
54
Fig. 13
Fish stall in the city market photo)
27
Fig. 28
Dancers performing the iota photo)
55
Fig. 14
Trends in daily food consump-
Fig. 29
Rural youth in a dance contest
tion (chart)
28
(photo)
55
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the Society
A. Introduction (C)
1,argely as a result of American cultural influence
infused during rncarly a half century of intensive U.S.
tutelage, the Republic of the Philippines is me of the
most Westernized nations in Southeast Asia. Political,
social, and economic institutions are mociLl"d on those
of the United States, industrialization is aclvanciug,
the literacy rate is high, and the average Filipino is
more politically adept, more familiar with democratic
norms, and more technologically receptive than his
counterparts in neighboring countries. Neversheless,
Philippine society still reflects its origin in small
agricultural communities, and grass inequities still
exist bets+', en the impoverished masses and the small,
wealthy, and powerful elite. Although growing,
mainly as a residt of industrialization, the rnidclle class
is riot large, and the gap between the rich and the poor
is widening. Democratic institutions, moreover, are
not firmly rooted cr politically responsive to the needs
and desires of th majority. Corruption and
malfeasance in office have hccn endemic. Since
independence, successive administrations have been
frustrated in their efforts to institute needed economic
and social reforms by ill(' oligarchs who have hccn
unwilling to relinquish even it small part of their
wealth and privilege or their power to manipulate
;political and economic life.
In September 1972, President Marcos' 3 -year
stntggle with the oligarchs culminated in the
declaration of martial law and -1 months later in tha
ratification by citizens' assemblies of a new
constitution providing `or a transitional period during
Which the President worticl wield both executive and
legislative power. In the spring of 1973 it %%-its still too
soon to assess the success or failure of lire President's
efforts at reform. The more fundamental "new
society" programs were still in the early stages of
planning or implcnncnt,ation. Political opposition was
intimidated; the oligarchs Nvere apprehensive and
more inclined to acconunodation than opposition.
Report ^dly, however, the 1'residen: must reach this
accommodation quickly, for in the long run the
entrenched power of the oligarchs could topple his
administration. It wars also unclear whether the
President's actions represented merely a power grab or
a sincere desire to reorder society. In any event, the
"revolution from the center," long espoused by the
President, was underway.
B. Structure and characteristics of the
society (U /OU)
Philippine society is the produwt of diverse cultural
influences which have blended into it distinctive
pattern. Populated by Asian peoples whose ethnic
origins are similar to those of neighboring Malaysia
and Indonesia, the Ihilippines was subject to Spanish
control for more than 300 \-cars and to U.S.
administration in this century, a situation alricln
deeply affected Philippine society and created it fusion
of Eastern and Western institutions to a degree
uncyualc d among Asian pcoplcs. Despite it diversity in
language and customs, the majority of the Philippine
people display it cultural unity in which Western
religion and education are of prink importance.
Adherence to Christianity f:a the part of more than
nine tenths of the population, it legacy of Spain and
its Roman Catholic missionaries, gives the Philippines
the unique characteristic of being the only
4
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predominantly Christian nation in the Far East.
Formal education was introduced by the Spaniards as
early as the 16th century, and broad public education
along Western lines was initiated in the 20th century
when the U.S. Government established a mass
education program as a means of preparing the nation
for self- government.
1. Ethnic and cultural groups
The population of the Philippines is essentially
homogeneous. Although constituting g g a sizable number
of ethnic groups, the inhabitants are 96% Malay in
origin. The predominant cultural group consists of the
largely Christian Filipinos, comprising 91% of the
total population. A Muslim Filipino minority,
commonly referred to as the Moros,' represents
approximately 5% of the total, and tribcspeople
another 2.5 The remainder of the population
includes a substantial number of Chinese, most of
whom have become Philippine citizens; it also
includes U.S. nationals, estimated to total more than
40,000, as well as some Europeans mainly
Spaniards �and other resident aliens.
Anthropologists have surmised that the Philippine
Islands were populated through successive waves of
migration, initially from mainland Southeast Asia over
a period of several thousand year and lacer from the
East Indies. The migrations were facilitated by the
ease of transportation through the sheltered inland
seas between the islands. Some of these islands became
populated more rapidly or densely than others because
of their hays, protected waters, and riverine areas
adaptable for fishing and agriculture. There was it
natural tendency for new migrants to settle in the
fertile coastal plains of the islands rather than in the
mountainous and forested interiors, and this was at
least partially responsible for the initial division of the
population between the ancestors of present -day
Filipinos and the tribal peoples. The latter, having
settled (luring the first series of prehistoric migrations,
were pushed into the interior regions by the more
socially advanced Malays who arrived in a later
period. Subsequently, as the case of waterborne
communication promoted the diffusion of cultural
traits through interisland migrations, linguistic and
other cultural similarities developed among the
'The term "Moro." long used to designate those Filipinos who
profess Islam, is now officially frowned upon and is seldom ti"'d in
the Philippine press. In this chapter, the Moros will he consistently
referred to as the Muslims, art(] Christian Filipinos simply as the
Filipinas. In those few cases where simply the term "Filipino" is
used, the contest will usually make clear whether both the Christian
and Muslim elements are included.
2
lowland Filipinos while the people of the interior,
isolated behind mountain and forest harriers, tended
to retain their primitive social characteristics.
Fragmented into small insular groups, the people of
the Philippines historicall% have been receptive to
foreign penetration through trade and other contacts.
Hindu cultural influences emanating from Hindu
Malay empires in the East Indies had an impact on
the society from the 7th to the 15th centuries, A.D.
The Chinese dominated trade with the islands by the
13th century and during the 15th century claimed
suzerainty over many of them. At about the same
time, Islam reached the region, resulting in the
conversion of some southern groups who thereafter
were to constitute a small but restive Muslim minority.
The term "Moro," meaning "Moor,' was used by the
Spaniards a century later to designate these
inhabitants of the islands. It is now seldom used
because it is considered offensive to many of the
Muslims.
The Philippines is the oa:ly country of Southeast
Asia to have been subjected to Western colonization
before developing some degree of centralized
government. The Spanish conquest of the islands
occurred in the 16th century, spearheaded icy the
explorations begun by Ferdinand Magellan.
Accompanied by Catholic missionaries who made
widespread conversions to Christianity, the Spaniards
soon established hegemony over many islands which
had known no central rule, and by 1600 they had
consolidated control over all of the islands except
Mindanao and those of the Sulu .lrchipelago in the
south. When the Spaniards came, the basic political
and social Unit was the barangay, it small community
of from 30 to 100 families which sill survives in the
islands as the barrio. At the head of each barangay was
a chief known as a dato. The barangays were grouped
together in small federations, sometimes headed by a
single chief whose power extended over a whole
island; more often, such a realm covered much less
territory. Beyotad grouping the barangays into d1lages
or towns headed by a data, the Spaniards left the old
social order virtually intact. While the Filipinos
absorbed many elements of hispanic- Catholic
culture, the Muslims and the tribespeople, who
resisted the imposition of Spanish authority, rero-oined
on the periphery of the colonial system and of Filipino
society. During the period of Spanish rule, migrations
of Chinese into the slands resulted in the growth of a
Chinese commercial element. Although there was
some intermarriage, most of these immigrants formed
an alien community within the colony and did not
influence Filipino social institutions.
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H
C
The entry of the United States into the islands,
following the Philippine Revolution of 1896 -97 and
the Spanish American War, brought many changes in
the society. During the period of U.S. tutelage, from
1898 until the attainment of full independence as the
Republic of the Philippines on ,i July 1946, Filipinos
experienced the strong impact of U.S. influences,
particularly as a result of the mass education progro..m
begun in 1901. Although the society remained
essentially agrarian, as an increasing proportion of the
Population became literate its capacity to absorb U.S.
cultural values through the press and other mass
raedia steadily grew, and a gradual shift from a largely
village- centered subsistence economy to a nationwide
money economy stimulated desires for higher levels of
living. The Japanese occupation in World War II had
the effect of increasing Filipino attraction to American
culture rather than the reverse, and since the
attainnent of independence the tendency to acquire
U.S. cultural values has grown.
Muslim cultural characteristics differ considerably
from those of the Filipinos, the divergencies stemming
drimarily from Islamic precepts and practices,
although some pre- Islamic customs and social
institutions have also been preserved, including
elements of the dato system. The Muslim population
is comprised of nine more or less distinctive linguistic
groups: the Magindanao, Tausug, Maranao, Samal,
Yakan, Badjao, Molbog, Sangil, and Jama- Maptui.
More than 95% of all Muslims live either in the Swu
Archipelago or in the provinces of Lanao del Norte,
Lanao (lei Sur, Cotabato, and Zamboanga del Stir on
Mindanao Island. Some are found in other provinces
of Mindanao, along the outhern coast of Palawan
Island, and scattered elsewhere in the Philippines.
Like the Filipinos, most are farmers or fishermen; the
coastal groups have always been known as seafarers.
Despite considerable factionalism, the general
acceptance of one religion has created a degree of
unity among the Muslims which has been
strengthened by a common hostilit to the Filipinos.
After the conquest and conversion (to Catholicism) of
the central and northern Filipino peoples, the
Spaniards made many unsuccessful attempts to
subjugate and convert the Muslims, and for the three
centuries of colonial rule the latter carried on
successive "holy wars" against the Spaniards and their
Filipino soldiers. The U.S, administration (lid not
encounter the same degree of animosity from the
Muslims as had the Spaniards, primarily because it
adopted a policy of strict noninterference in religious
matters. Since independence, the government has had
little success in iniegrating the Muslims into
Philippine society. Lawlessness and banditry, directed
mainly against Filipino communities, has persisted
over the years, and Muslim resistance to the growing
settlement of Filipinos in southern and western
Mindanao has resulted in large -scale outbreaks of
terrorism in that region, leading to clashes between
government forces and Muslim insurgents. The
continuing violence in the south was one of the factors
inducing President Marcos to impose martial law on
the nation in September 1972.
The tribespeople comprise a number of groups
scattered over the archipelago, inhabiting the interior
of Luzon, Mindoro, Palawan, Panay, Negros, and
Mindanao islands. The largest concentration is in the
mountainous region of northern and central Luzon,
encompassing most of Kalinga- Apavac, Benguct,
Ifugao, and Mountain provinces. Major groups
include the Ibaloi, Kankanai, and Bontoo �known
collectively as the Igorot �and the Ifugao, Kalinga,
Gaddang, Isinai, and Apayao. Luzon tribes range
from nomadic bands to the comparatively sophisti-
cated Ifugao, who centuries ago worked out a system
of land ownership, water rights, and techniques for
rice terracing. Social organization has traditionally
centered around the kinship group, economic interests,
and the ritual obligations of the indigenous animistic
religion. Many of 'the tribespeople in northern Luzon
are being Christianized and assimilated into Filipino
society.
The interior of Mindanao, is inhabited by more than
a dozen tribal groups, includin the Subanon,
Manobo, Bukidnon, Bila -an, Tiruray, Tagabili,
Bagobo, Mandaya, and Tagakaolo. Generally less
advanced than the Luzon tribespeople, most live in
dense tropical forests where they carry on a shifting,
slash- and -horn type -of cultivation. Some have a
pattern of social Organization which resembles that of
the Muslims; a few profess Islam, but animistic
religious beliefs and practices prevail. The Mindanao
tribes are dependent on the Muslims or Filipinos for
metals, salt, and other commodities, and some have
become partially assimilated into lowland Filipino
cult-ire as artisans or as agricultural laborers. In 1971,
internatit.nal interest was aroused by the discover on
Mindanao of a hitherto unknown mountain dwelling
tribe, the Tasaday, which was found living under
Stone Age conditions isolated from other tribes of the
island.
Tribal peoples on Mindoro, Palawan, Panay, and
Negros islands are regarded as the most primitive in
the archipelago. On Mindoro there arc at least nine
groups of mountain dwellers who are c(:Ilectively
known as the Mangyan. A shy and peacefu people,
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they include the Irava, Alangan, Batongan, Buhid,
and flanunoo tribes. Oniv a few small groups inhabit
Palawan, Panay, and Negros. Most of these
t tribes eo le
p p practice an upland al,riculture, burning
forest patches for new fields and supplementing their
diet Nynih game and fruit from the jungle. Almost all
r:. are animists.
S,attered about the islands are the Acta, commonly
known as Negritos. These people, generally believed to
be the first inhabitants of the Philippines, once dwelt
s in the remote upland regions of the larger islands but
rt
noNw 1 e in the foothills. Originally nomadic, they
have become semisedentary, engaging in shifting
cultivation, hunting, and fishing. Although the
Negritos :ire beginning to lose their cultural identity
through interbreeding, they have resisted assimilation
into Filipino society in the past and shy away from
government controls.
Most Chinese in the Philippines are descendants of
immigr from the South China coastal provinces of
Fukien and Kwangtung. 'They are concentrated
mainly in the cities, particularly Manila. Although the
government has promulgated measures aimed at the
"Filipinization" of commerce, the Chinese continue
to dominate this sphtrre and have therebv incurred
animosity among the Filipinos. In many respects they
j remain outside the Philippine social structure�
retaining their traditional social organization, values,
and customs. Many still adhere to the Confucianist,
Buddhist, and 'foist precepts of their ancestors. A
surprisingly large number, however, have converted to
Christianity. The characteristic self containment of
the Chinese notwithstanding, there has been
considerable intermarriage and assimilation into
Filipino society. Despite their anti Chinese iiias, many
t ilipino families regard well -to -do Chinese merchants
as eligible husbands for their daughters. In such
Chinese- Filipino unions the management of family
business interests frequently remains in the hands of
the Chinese father and his relatives rather than being
passed on to the children of the marriage, who tend to
identify tl: ^mselves Nvith the Filipinos.
Persons of 1, uropean origin residing in the islands
r are n iinly of Spanish descent. Most are associated
with "old families who have amassed wealth through
banking, export and import trading, and other
profitable ventures. Many prominent Philippine
citiz-ms are mestizos of mixed Spanish and Filipino
heritage. 'The American community includes military
or other U.S. Government personnel and their
families, as well as individuals representing ,private�
corporations or international organizations. The
majority are in the Philippines on temporary
assignment. Sere, however, are wealthy entrepreneurs
who reside there more or less permanently.
In terms of physical appearance, the native
inhabitants of the Philippines resemble the Malay
peoples of Indonesia and Malaysia. Most have broad
noses and wide mouths; skin color varies from light
olive to (lark brown, and hair is generally brown-
black. Caucasoid facial features are found among
mestizos, and a yellowish skin tone and epicanthic
eyefold mark the progeny of Filipino- Chinese unions.
Dress, ornamentation, or other cultural criteria are
often the only means of distinguishing between the
Filipinos, the Muslims, and the triba; peoples, or
between one tribesman and another. In some areas,
admixtures of Filipino and tribal stock are common.
The Negritos provide an exception to the Malay
physical type represented by the other Philippine
peoples. The typical Negrito of unmixed blood is a
dark skinned pygmy, less than 5 feet tall and with
Negroid facial characteristics. Representative
Philippine islanders are shown in Figure 1.
Information derived from the 1960 census indicates
that as mail\ as 75 different native languages are
spoken in the Philippines. However, more than rour-
fifths of the population speak as their mother tongue
one of eight IVlaiayu- Polynesian languages traditional-
ly associated with the Ch istian Filipinos. These are
listed as follows, along ith the proportion of the
population identified with each at the time of the
census.
Cebuano 24.1
Tagalog 21.0
Iloco 11.7
Hiligaynon 10.4
Bikol 7.8
Samar -Leyte 5.5
Painpangan 3.2
Pangasinan 2.5
Other including Muslim and tribal languages) 13.8
Total 100.0
Despite the fact that Cebuuno ranks first as a
mother tongue, 'Tagalog is niore important and more
widely used, more than half of all persons speaking
Tagalog in 1960 had learned it as a second language.
Its standing stems from tLe fact that it is the language
of the Manila area �the political, economic, and
cultural center of PlOippine society. Tagaloi; is hardly
distinguishable from "Pilipino," which was pro-
claimed the national language in 1939. While Pilipino
incorporates elements of other Philippine tongues� it
has remained almost synonymous with Tagalog, and
as a result the name �'Pilipino" is not often used. Even
in government circles, the national lzmguage is
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z
e
frequently referred to as "Tagalog. As a legacy of
f,
almost half a century of U.S. administration and its
concomitant cultural and economic influences,
rl
English is a second official language and it continues
to he highly important. It is used as the lnedinm of
instruction in all schools above the second grade all(]
F"'
r
as the princip lan guage ge of the government, of the
1 Pc k k k
ki rt
communications media, and of business. Nevertheless,
the use of Tagalog is growing at a faster rate than that
of English. By the time of the 1960 census, 44.4 of
the population spoke Tagalog either as it first or
second language, while 39.5% spoke English. 'Tag
s
is a re(riired subject in Philippine schools from the first
grade through high school, and by 1973 it was
estimate that more than half of the population could
speak the. langl age.
The promotion of English throughout the islands
during the U.S. period was in marked contrast to the
Spanish regime's indifference toward the populari�ru-
lion of Spanish in the long colonial era. As it result, a
e
knowledge of the language was restricted to a small
minority. "Today its use is confined to wealth\. fan:ities
j
of Spanish or mesti lineage.
Concentrations of the various native languages have
s'
been changing, particularly in recent years as
increasing numbers of Filipinos have migrated from
their place of origin to other parts of the archipelago.
G;
Generally, however, the eight principal languages arc
associated with specific locations (Figure 2). Iloco,
k,
ck
Pangasinan, cold various tribal languages of northern
Luzon make llp \\'flat Ilflglatitti d(`tilglnht(' as t h e
s
Northern Luzon Croup of interrelated longucS.
t:.
Tagalog is centered in metropolitan Manila and the
surrounding lowland areas of Lu zon, where it is joined
by Parnpangan ao..d Bikol. Farther south, Ifiligavnon,
Saniar-Leyte, and Cebhlano comprise a mutually
t
intelligible grouping knw n as the Visayan, after the
Visayan Islands where they pred,.minate. Although
s'
these languages are also found in Mindanao, the
a r
languages of the Muslims and various tribal tongues
comprise the majority of the languages spoken in that
region and on Palawan Island as yell. In contrast to
many other Philippine peoples, the Muslims are
mostly monollllguai.
Because of the common Malavo- Polynesian origin
q
of Philippine languages, it is relatively easy for it
person belonging to one linguistic group to learn the
t'
language of another. Most are grammatically
k
a
interrelated, and there re some words and v.,pressions
which are identical in all. 'I'll(` Roman alphabet,
introduced by the Spaniards and pronloted during the
period of U.S, tutelage, is used in writing il', of the
major Philippine languages.
2. Social organization
a. Class structure
Philir society is still characterized by what is
basically it two -class system comprising a small elite
and a vast !oxyer class, although it middle sector has
been gradually emerging in the larger urban areas
since independence. I', inily prestige and wealth
through land ownership remain the primary
determinants of high status, but education and the
subsequent entry into government service�, commerce,
or industry are providing increasing opportunity for
upward social mobility in the urban centers. In
contrast to the growing scope for economic
advancement among the urban population, a static
situation prevails in rural areas, where there is little
chance for inlpover.shed farmers or farm laborers to
better their condition. Itl the. contest of the national
society, cultural idcntil is in added criterion of
status; Muslims and tribespcople are regarded as
socially inferior by Filipinos of all classes, an(i
unassimilated Chinese are generally looked upon as
outsiders.
The upper class is estimated to represent no more
then 5 of the total population, comprised in part of
persons ,yho trice their lineage to clatos who were abic
it) perpetuate their privileged position by becoming
landowners during lire Spanish colonial period. This
landed gentry �the cacigr becanie the dominant
class in the provinces and in the developing towns.
Within the cacfquc class, mr`sli%os, the progeny of
Spanish Filipino marriages, possessed a higher social
status than Filipinos and had access to positions not
usually open to the latter in the colonial governnent
and in conunerce. Under the U.S. administration,
mesti families continued to enjoy high socioeconom-
ic status, and since independence they have largely
replaced it so- called Euro- American elite consisting of
wealthy U.S. ::nd Spanish business untrepreneurs.
Considerable prestige has also accrued to weidthy
families of Filipino- Chinese descent who have become-
assimilated to the dominant culture. The Filipino
sector of the upper class �as distinguished from the
mesti�ro and Filipino 'Chinese groups �first assumed
importance under the U.S. administration. This
element consisting priniarily of wealthy landowning
families residing ;n Manila and the provincial cities,
subsequently became highly influential, producing
nhany of the political figures who have governed the
Philippines since independence. They have also come
to donlinate such professions as law, medicine, and
engineering. Intermarriage among members of the
Filipino elite and the consequent interlocking of
5
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family ties has strengthened social c�ohc�sion and
C. expanded famih financial resources. Increasingly,
members of this group are becoming involved in
commercial and financial enterprises traditionally
dominated b} Euro -A erican, mestizo, and Chinese
entrepreneurs. Despite the fact that land ov.-nership is
the basis of their power and social position, upper class
families do not spend much time on their holdings.
Most live in the cities, preeminently Manila, leaving
the administration of their estates it, the hands of farm
managers or lessees who supervise the tenant farmers
working the land.
Although not of sufficient size or cohesion to bridge
t1w widening gap between the upper and lower classes,
the urban middle class is nevertheless proportionately
larger in the Philippines than in outer Southeast Asian
countries, The upper middle sector, generally well
educated and often possessing upper class values, is
composed of civil servants, teachers, businessmen, and
p,.tfessional people. Mane of the intellectuals in this
group are critical of the elite for its monopoly of
wealth and political pow-r and tend to identify
themselves with the aspirations of the impoverished
masses, particularly the rural villagers. The lower
middle class, which might be described as an upper
stratum of the urban lower class, includes clerks, small
shopkeepers. artisans, and skilled mechanics. Also part
of this group are the Factory workers, who have
i
benefited from the social mobility caused by industrial
expansion.
The lower class, comprising the bul! of the
Philippine population, divide.-; into urban and rural
components. While most of its urban members fall
into such recognizable groups as street peddlers,
unskilled laborers, and those in menial service
occupations, increasing urbaniz,tion is producing a
subgroup consisting of impoverished migrants from
rural areas who are chronically unemployed. The rural
lower class, encompassing; well over half of the total
population, consists of subsistence cultivators, tenant
fanners, and migratory agricultural workers who
provide labor for the large plantations. In 1870, one
out of every two persons in the islands depended on
agriculture or allied occupations for his livelihood.
Most of these people live in conditions of great
poverty. The average farm in the Philippines is too
small to provide the bare essentials of life, and fanners
are frequently forced to burrow at exorbitant interest
rates in order to subsist. Subsequently they become so
deeply mired in debt that they constantly risk
foreclosure and a future of virtual peonage as
sharecroppers. In 1972, almost half of all farmers in
the "rice basket region of central Luzon were tenant
6
Filipino Muslim (C)
Partners. Although the abuses of the land tenure systems
have lung generated unrest and even violence among
sectors of the rural population, little progress has been
inade in solving the problem, primarily because of the
governments unwillingness to accept the political
consequences of implementing the land reform
program. After the imposition of martial law late in
1972, President \larcos issued a land redistrihution
decree affecting the ri(x and coin- growing areas. The
decree theoretic�a!!y lictits I..ndo to holdings of
17 1 acres of land and allots 12 1 /z acr. s to each tenant
fanner. Information is not yet available on the extent
to which this sweeping legislation is being
implemented.
Generally speaking, the Muslims continue to
maintain their own social structure, based in I,.,rt on
an ancient system which involved three classes: 1) a
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FIGURE 1. Representative physical types
Filipino men (U OU)
o1a..Z:v
Filipino peasant woman
(UIOU)
Filipino of
mixed Chinese-
Filipino ancestry
001.1)
(the late Presidc nt S rgio Osmena)
AC 4,1,
Negrito tribesman
W (Uiou)
W IN.
Bontoc tribesman
(U OU)
if
Z
Z
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hereditary nobility headed by a dato, 2) commoners,
and 3) slaves. Historically, the strongest datos were
able to assume a feudal authority over their weaker
counterparts, and after the adoption of Islam these
became known as sultans. There is till a dato class,
and the traditional system whereby commoners tilled
the land of the datos continues to be practiced in
many Muslim areas. Today the Muslims customarily
elect their own provincial and local leaders from
among the datos, and the latter are able to control
local police services and public works funds in many
instances, thereby acquiring opportunities for
patronage. Personality conflicts and family feuds are
common among them, however, and the resulting
factionalism has prevented the datos from becoming
an effective force, either regionally or at the national
level. Although most Muslims engage in fishing,
farming, or interisland trading for a living, the spread
of education and it gradual shift to a money economy
have produced a small Muslim middle class which has
been especially evident in the Sulu Archipelago. A few
Muslim leaders have served in Congress and in the
Cabinet.
No class system as such exists among the
unassimilated tribespeople, and little precise
information is available concerning prestige factors in
the various tribes. Many of those on Mindanao
reportedly retain a social organization akin to that of
the Muslims, with hereditary datos as chieftains.
Among the tribes of Luzon there is no formal office of
chieftain; leadership and influence have usually been
vested in those who own the most riceland. Negritos
assign authority to the oldest made in the community,
and other groups are ruled by councils of elders or
village headmen.
Although most of the Chinese might be said to
exercise a commercial middle class role, there is a small
elite group of wea -thy merchants and businessmen
and a similarly son ill lower class element involved in
menial occupatio�rs. As in the case of the national
society, the principal criteria of high status are family
prestige and wealth.
b. Family and kinship groups
Family relationships dominate: political, social, and
economic life in the Philippines. Family ties have been
important to the people of the islands since pre
Spanish days, and the Roman Catholic emphasis on
the sacredness of the family unit and the
indissolubility of marriage has strongly reinforced
these ties among the Christian population. Islam has
had a similar effect among its adherents. The Filipino
family is bilateral, tracing descent through both
8
paternal and maternal ancestors, and although the
family and society as a whole are male oriented,
women share equal status with men in the [ionic and
have ;lie traditional and legal right to participate in
economic and professional spheres outside the home.
By contrast, the Muslir family is patrilineal, and it
tends to be more patriarchal than the Filipino family.
Moreover, the Muslim tradition permits polygyny.
Patterns of familial relations vary among tribal groups,
depending upon their proximity to Christian or
Muslim influence, but the concept of kinship appears
to he important to al' of the tribal peoples.
Among the Filipinos the family may he nuclear,
consisting of a husband and wife and their unmarried
children, or it may he extended, encompassing other
relatives. The extended family is the prevalent type in
rural areas. Families are linked together not only by
blood relationships but also by the Spanish institution
of compadrazgo, or ritual coparenthood, which
extends the concept of kinship beyond the family. In
accordance with the requirements of the church,
Catholic parents select godparents to sponsor the
baptism of their children, and a permanent bond of
ritual kinship is establistred between godparents and
parents and between godparents and the children they
sponsor. Filipino society has expanded this practice to
include sponsorship of confirmation and marriage
also. Families with many children acquire a large
number of compadrazgo kin, often selected on the
basis of wealth or higher social status. Wealthy
landlords, businessmen, and politicians sometimes
have dozens of godchildren among the children of
their tenants, employees, and followers. In instances of
marked class differences between the sponsors and
their godchildren, the compadrazgo relationship is not
an intimate one.
Mutual assistance and collective responsibility are
considered to be primary obligations of the kinship
group. Although kinship bonds arc strongest at the
upper levels of society, cooperation between relatives
is common to all classes.: upport for parents in their
old age and for less fortunate siblings is regarded as
essential. Well -to -do Filipinos in the urban centers feel
obligated to help relatives obtain employment and, if
possible, preferment. As a consequence, both
government and private industry are riddled with
nepotism. Family loyalty is emphasized to the extent
that an offense against a single member is regarded as
a threat to the entire kinship group; similarly, the
transgression of onc member is seen as dishonoring all.
Ali individuals social standing is identified with that
of his family, and his occupation and political
affiliation are deemed to he inseparable from familial
connections.
s
3
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The importance of the family is given formal legal
recognition in the 19:3 Civil Code, which states that
"the family is it basic social institution which public
Policy cherishes and protects." Legal protection for
the sanctity of the family is explicitly defined as
follows:
In case of doubt, all presumptions favor the soli_.
clarity of the family. Thus, every intendment of
law or fact leans toward the validity of marriage,
the indissolubility of the marriage bonds, the legiti-
macy of children, the community of property
during the marriage, the authority of parents over
their children, and the validity of defense for
any member of the family in case of unlawful
aggression.
Marriage among Filipinos is considered to be an
alliwgce in which the inclinations and aspirations of
the briti- and groom are subordinated to those of the
two families involved. Although there has been a trend
toward freedom in the choice of a marriage partner,
the selection is sd1l strongly influenced by parents, and
parental disapproval usually terminates it courtship.
Filipinos marry at an early age �tho average age for
women is 18, and for men, 20. While devout Catholics
among the Filipinos consider it essential to have the
wedding ceremony performed by it priest, the Severe
shortage of clergy in the islands makes this d0ficult,
particularly in rural areas. Many Catholics reportedly
are married by civil officials, and consensual unions,
involving no ceremony of any kind, are believed to he
common.
Filipino family life centers on the children. The
early period of it child's life is one +if permissiveness
and indulgence, but as he matures he is firmly
disciplined and taught respect for his elders. Among
the rural population he is also expected to hecome a
cohesive part of the family at an early age, helping
With its labor and sharing its responsibilities.
Tendencies toward individuality are suppressed, and
deviaJonal behavior is condemned. In return for such
conformity, parents will risk total indebtedness to
provide for their children, and any accumulated
property, possessions, or savings are looked upon as the
future inheritance of the children rather than the
personal estate of the parents. Females inherit equally
with their male siblings.
in the borne the position of Filipino women is
complementary, rather than subordinate, to that of
men. At all class levels the Filipino wife commonly
manages the household, including its financial affairs,
and is concerned with rearing the children. in rural
areas she is also expected to help in the fields During
pre Spanish times, the women of the isla uls were
accorded a status of equality Nvith men, bu.i ,n the
Spanish colonial period they were relegated t. .,n
inferior jural and social position. Under the U.S.
administration and since independence, they have
regained their traditional social equality and have
gradually been granted the same legal rights as men.
Additionally, they have gained equal opportunity for
education, and growing numbers of educated Nvomen
have been entering pi 4essional ar.d managerial ranks
in various spheres of activity, including government
and industry. Today women predominate in several
professional categories, including dentistry, ph-trmacv,
and teaching.
Divorce was virtually nonexistent under the
Spaniards and was granted only on grounds of
adultery during the period of U.S. tutelage. Current
Philippine law prohibits divorce, except for Muslims.
Legal separation is permissible, however, in cases of
adultery oil the part of the wife, concubinage on the
part of the husband, or attempted murder of a spouse
by either. In file 1960 census, only 0.4o of the adult
Population were reported as separated or divorced.
Although the family is still of prime importance in
the rural barrio, increasing urbaniz- ion and the
modernizing Western influences which accompany it
u
are affecting traditional family mores. As yon
Filipinos acquire soilre schooling and leave the barrios
to seek work or further education in the towns, their
bonds with home and kin group necessarily weaken as
new associations are formed. For rural families that
settle in urban areas, the problems of urban living are
detrimental to family life. In many cases both parents
must find jobs in order to eke out i living, and their
children grow up in a milieu that is quite different
from the economic and social framework in which the
rural family functions. The usual result is in erosion of
parental authority and a gradual decline in family
solidarity.
Adherence to Islam makes family and kinship at
least as important to the Muslims as they are to the
Filipinos. The Muslim family is typicall extended
and patriarchal, \vith a strong emphasis on male
authority. Polygyny is sanctioned by the Koran, each
male being entitled to as many as four wives. In
practice, however, only a small minority of Muslims
are sufficiently wealt iv to afford more than one wife.
Islam also permits it husband to divorce his wife by
simple renunciation, but no information is available
concerning the extent to which this has been practiced
in the Philippines. in Muslim tarnilies the position of
females is considerably inferior to that of their Filipino
counterparts. For example, sons always receive
preference over daughi: rs in education. Among some
r:.
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serves to maintain mutually beneficial relationships
between persons of different social levels. A high value
is placed on gratitude for services rendered or favors
received.
Gregarious by nature, the Fi'pino seeks pleasure in
group activity whenever possible. Important in this
connection is the fiesta, a legacy of the Spanish
colonial era. Usually held in commemoration of the
feast day of a patron saint, the fiesta, with its
attendant carnival atmosphere, is the high point of the
year for many Filipinos in rural barrios. Extravagance
is also enjoyed whenever possible, although in widely
varying degrees. Ostentatious entertainment and
pre tentious luxuries are common among the wealthy,
.while poor barrio families have been known to
bankrupt themselves for the fiesta. Filipinos arc
further identified with indolence, a trait often
attributed to other Southeast Asian peoples as well.
Members of the lower class seek socioeconomic
advancement not only for the monetary rewards and
increased prestige, but also for freedom from manual
work. Observers agree moreover, that tipper class
Filipinos have frequently lacked the ambition and
drive. to compete effectively in business enterprises
with Chinese and Westerners.
Filipinos have long been noted for their stoicism
and resignation in the face of physical disaster or other
serious adversity. char acteristic`s which derive frnm 0�
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Muslim grou first marriages are carefully arranged
experienced. The Muslims share the Filipinos' sense of
traced hack to pre Spanish times when the universe
by the families concerned, and the groom's family is
personal worth. Injury to a Muslims ntaratabat, or
expected to pay a bride price. The intensit of family
loyalties
honor, often brings revenge in the form of death.
cultural influences and mass education have modified
throcghout the Muslim area creates kinship
Throughout the Philippines, hypersensitivity to any
ties so strong that disputes between families often flare
into feuds that smolder for generations. As in the case
action deemed to be an affront to dignity or honor is
among the Filipinos.
of the Filipinos, the Muslim family is being affcct.d
reflected in a high incidence of crime and violence.
by urbanization and modernization, but to a much
This is especially true in the transitional society
outside world, he needed a secure place in an
l esser extent.
existin g in urban areas w here many of the traditional
Many tribespeople of the Philippines have adopted,
restraints are no longer a deterrent to aberrant
society. His concern with his place in the social system
in differing degrees, into Filipino or Muslim social
beh avior.
patterns. Those tribal groups that remain outside these
Throughout Philippine history a secure social
about a national tendency toward euphemism,
spheres of influence vary in patterns of marriage and
position has been concomitant with strong family ties.
familial relations, although similarities also exist. The
The Filipino believes that these can best be reinforced
which has been reinforced by the Spanish emphasis on
use of intermediaries for arranging marriages is
by the sharing of good fortune, and a system of
frequent, and the groom's family customarily provides
reciprocal obligations called utang na loob has grown
honor. This value has traditionally governed
a bride price. Among the Negritos, marriages are
out of this belief. One member of a kinship group
generally contracted between parents of the couple,
shares his good fortune or bestows a gift of gratitude
encounters and a deference to elders nd those in
and in some instances the contract is made even before
upon another member, often in the form of a service or
the children are born. In certain groups prem arital sex
favor, and the acceptam -e of that gift signifies the
is encouraged. Marriage is easily dissolved, and the
acknowledgment of membership in the group.
changing of mates is fairly common. Equal or nearly
Repayment usually is in greater value, making the
equal status for women has prevailed in most tribes.
donor the debtor in a never ending circle of
obligations, each repayment strengthening the
3. Basic values and attitudes
cohesiveness of the unit. This highly developed system
serves to maintain mutually beneficial relationships
between persons of different social levels. A high value
is placed on gratitude for services rendered or favors
received.
Gregarious by nature, the Fi'pino seeks pleasure in
group activity whenever possible. Important in this
connection is the fiesta, a legacy of the Spanish
colonial era. Usually held in commemoration of the
feast day of a patron saint, the fiesta, with its
attendant carnival atmosphere, is the high point of the
year for many Filipinos in rural barrios. Extravagance
is also enjoyed whenever possible, although in widely
varying degrees. Ostentatious entertainment and
pre tentious luxuries are common among the wealthy,
.while poor barrio families have been known to
bankrupt themselves for the fiesta. Filipinos arc
further identified with indolence, a trait often
attributed to other Southeast Asian peoples as well.
Members of the lower class seek socioeconomic
advancement not only for the monetary rewards and
increased prestige, but also for freedom from manual
work. Observers agree moreover, that tipper class
Filipinos have frequently lacked the ambition and
drive. to compete effectively in business enterprises
with Chinese and Westerners.
Filipinos have long been noted for their stoicism
and resignation in the face of physical disaster or other
serious adversity. char acteristic`s which derive frnm 0�
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The basic value system of the Filipinos can be
traced hack to pre Spanish times when the universe
beyond an established known kinship group was
believed to be hostile. Although Spanish and U.S.
cultural influences and mass education have modified
the indigenous values, this traditional view of the
world can still be seen in various interrelationships
among the Filipinos.
y
In pre- Christian times, if the Iilipino was to be
strong enough to withstand the hostile elements of the
outside world, he needed a secure place in an
established setting. Similarly today, the most deep
seated values of the Filipino relate to his position in
society. His concern with his place in the social system
involves an emphasis on face- saving, common to
many other Asian peoples, which in turn has brought
about a national tendency toward euphemism,
equivocation, evasiveness, and procrastination. More
importantly, it involves a sensitivity to personal status
which has been reinforced by the Spanish emphasis on
self esteern. The Tagalog term for the concept is hiya,
defined as "an awareness of personal dignity and
honor. This value has traditionally governed
interpersonal relationships among the Filipinos,
evidenced by a natural courtesy in evervday
encounters and a deference to elders nd those in
superior positions. Howeve it is also the source of
volatility when real or imagined insults are
serves to maintain mutually beneficial relationships
between persons of different social levels. A high value
is placed on gratitude for services rendered or favors
received.
Gregarious by nature, the Fi'pino seeks pleasure in
group activity whenever possible. Important in this
connection is the fiesta, a legacy of the Spanish
colonial era. Usually held in commemoration of the
feast day of a patron saint, the fiesta, with its
attendant carnival atmosphere, is the high point of the
year for many Filipinos in rural barrios. Extravagance
is also enjoyed whenever possible, although in widely
varying degrees. Ostentatious entertainment and
pre tentious luxuries are common among the wealthy,
.while poor barrio families have been known to
bankrupt themselves for the fiesta. Filipinos arc
further identified with indolence, a trait often
attributed to other Southeast Asian peoples as well.
Members of the lower class seek socioeconomic
advancement not only for the monetary rewards and
increased prestige, but also for freedom from manual
work. Observers agree moreover, that tipper class
Filipinos have frequently lacked the ambition and
drive. to compete effectively in business enterprises
with Chinese and Westerners.
Filipinos have long been noted for their stoicism
and resignation in the face of physical disaster or other
serious adversity. char acteristic`s which derive frnm 0�
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1
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Eri 0�n0TQ5
grim struggle for subsistence endured by most and
from a pervasive belief in the inevitability of "God's
will." This sense of stoicism, called bahala na, and its
accompanying tendency to accept the status quo have
been giving way to new ideas and attitudes among
those Filipinos who have benefited from the massive
expansion of education begun under U.S. tutelage and
continued since independence. U.S. concepts of
nationalism and democracy have raised Filipino
political awareness far beyond that of other Southeast
Asian countries, and the emphasis placed on national
self reliance, equality of economic opportunity, and a
competitive system of free enterprise have greatly
increased aspirations for socioeconomic advancement.
Since in dependence, various social conflicts have
reached serious proportions. In the urban centers,
primarily Manila, intellectuals have become
increasingly critical of social inequalities, and activist
students, through sometimes violent demonstrations,
have aggravated a latent discontent stemming from
industry's fai!ure to provide jobs foi an expanding
urban population. in the rural areas of Luzon,
impoverished tenant farmers have risen against their
landlords, frequently encouraged by Maoist guerrilla
hands. Added 'o these tensions is the acrid dispute
between Muslims and Filipinos over arable land in
Mindanao and in the Sulu Archipelago.
The Muslim population, once predominant in
Mindanao, has become a minority there after two
decades of settlement by Filipinos from islands to the
north.:'rom time to time throughout this period the
Muslims have resisted the encroachment of the
Filipinos. This has caused social tensions, often
assuming the dimensions of civil strife. Because the
settlers are Christians, the conflict has taken on
religious overtones, although the basic issues are the
problems of land ownership and the alleged reluctance
of the Muslim community to adapt to social and
economic change. Although the Sulu Muslims have
been more amenable to government programs than
those on Mindanao, the fear that land grabbing
Filipinos would also overrun the Sulu Archipelago has
led to clashes in that area also. Government troops
have been fighting rebel Muslim elements in the
southern Philippines ever since President Marcos'
declaration of martial law in September 1972. Young
educated Muslims seem to be leading a well organized
revolt, and amnesty offers by Marcos have been
largely ignored. In an address late in March 1973, the
President admitted that military action was not the
answer to the troubles in the south and announced a
number of reforms designed to gain Muslim goodwill
and support for his previously announced "New
Y
12
Society" program. The reforms include writing off the
interest on debts owed to the government by the
southern provinces in which most of the Muslims
reside, strengthening institutions of higher learning
throughout the south, and providing at least 2,000
scholarships for Muslim students.
Plans for the "New Society" encompass the
previously mentioned land redistribution measures to
help impoverished farmers, price and rent controls to
benefit the urban poor, and more equitable taxation to
relieve financial pressures on all sectors of the
population. The credibility of the President has
suffered in the past, however, because of his failure to
implement grandiose promises, and many West-
ernized Filipinos are highly critical of his decision to
rule by martial law. Few of the Republic's presidents
have inspirod confidence among the electorate
(among the exceptions were the late Manuel Quezon
and Ramon Magsaysay), Cynicism toward politics
and politicians pervades all sectors of the society,
manifested in the increasing disrespect fo� law and
order. A growing attitude, fostered by -widespread
corruption in government, appears to he that law
exists only to he circumvented.
Despite the pervasive cynicism and dis'rust of
officir_ldom, Filipino nationalism is strong. The sense
of nationhood, symbolized by the slogan "Filipino
First," transcends linguistic ties, regional interests, and
political loyalties. Filipino pride in national
independence and in the cow:`ry's accomplishments
seem almost an extension of hiya from the individual
to the mass of the population. All take great pride in
contributions of the Philippines on the international
scene, particularly its active participation in the U.N.
and the various U.N. specialized agencies. By the
same token, there is great sensitivity to what night he
construed as derogatory attitudes toward the nation on
the part of foreigners; this is especially true of the
educated elite.
Filipino nationalism has been one of the factors
fostering hostility toward the Chinese population in
the Philippines. Since Spanish times the Chinese have
been disliked because of their commercial competition
and aaso, in ruore recent times, because of their
potential for political subversion. Despite rigid
administrative regulations and heavy taxation they
continue to dominate retail trade. Chinese busi-
nessmen usually avoid direct involvement in
Philippine politics, but have often contributed heavily
to both major political parties in the hope of future
favors or mitigation of restrictive legislation. In
addition to the friction generated by the near
monopoly o` trade enjoyed by the Chinese, many
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Filipinos are alarmed by the open admiration found
among some Chinese toward the accomplishments of
the People's Republic of China. Although there is a
growing sympathy for Communist ideology among
sma!! segments of educated Filipino youth, most
politically conscious Filipinos are anti- Communist.
The deeply rooted anti Communist sentiments are
being offset to some extent by the realization that
normal relations witl: Communist countries has
become economically desirable.
Among foreign peoples, the Japanese have incurred
the most hostility from Filipinos, stemming from the
atrocities and humiliations suffered during the
Japanese occupation of the Philippines in World War
II. However, postwar reparations paid by Japan,
growing commerce between the two countries, and the
healing effect of time have resulted in it considerable
lessening of animosity.
The traditional attitude of the people of the
Philippines toward Americans has been predomi-
nantly one of friendship, manifested in an obvious
desire to absorb U.S. cultural values. Many of the
older people in the islands, Filipinos and Muslims
alike, recall with warm sentiment the dedication of
American officials, teachers, and missionaries who
worked among them during the period of U.S.
tutelage, and the common defense effort against the
Japanese in World War lt. However, some have
always found certain aspects of U.S. culture vulgar,
and particularly so during the past decade. Rock
music, X -rated firms, and the imported hippie cult,
while enthusiasC ally welcomed by many young
urban Filipinos, are repugnant to the more
conservative elements in the society. Similarly,
although a large number of urban Filipinos have
adopted such American characteristics as the firm
handshake and the instantaneous use of first names,
many members of the upper class, particularly
mestizos, deplore these practices as a departure from
dignity. On a more important level, considerable anti
Americanism is now apparent arnong certain sectors of
the population, chiefly students and intellectuals, who
accuse the United States of holstering the oligarchy.
Anti American feeling is also found among some
elements of the rural population who profess to believe
the United States is supporting the wealthy Philippine
landowners against the interests of the peasants.
C. Population (U /OU)
In the years since independence, phenomenal
growth has been characteristic of the Philipp;-ac
population, the number of the country's inhabitants
having more than doubled in the 27- yearspan. During
the 1960 -70 intercensal decade alone, the population
rose F 9.6 million. This increment exceeded by 2515
the tote. r )pulation in 1903, and it roughly matched
the entire population of such countries as Belgium,
Chile, Greece, and Portugal. Since 1970, the
population has continued to increase rapidly. On the
basis of an average annual rate of growth of 3 it was
estimated to have reached 39,693,000 at the beginning
of 1973 and 40,194,000 by mid -1973, unless checked,
it will number 50 million in 1940.
Until late in the 1960's, the traditional desire for
large families and opposition from the Catholic
Church effectively precluded anv initiatives to curb
Population growth. Officialdom, moreover, generally
regarded growth favorably, seeing it as a means of
settling sparsely populated but potentially rich areas
of the archipelago. As it became increasingly evident,
however, that the burgeoning population was
outstripping economic development and threatening
to lower an already unsatisfactory level of living, a
small group of concerned officials and citizens, with
encouragement from foreign foundations and
agencies, including the U.S. Agency for International
Development (AID), began to press for action to
relieve the pressures created by population growth.
With assistance from the press and radio, these
individuals made public discussion of birth control
respectable, earlier inhibitions notwithstanding, and
they then lobbied both pa.blic officials and religious
leaders to sanction family planning programs. In 1969,
the government responded with the creation of a
Commission on Population, and it subsequently lifted
the ban of the importation of contraceptives and
incorporated family planning into the overall program
of the public health clinics. 'Today, both public and
private clinics offer all forms of birtju control measures,
although the public clinics "recommend" only the
rhythm method of contraception, reflecting the
official position of the Catholic Church. This
approach has tended to mute church criticism of the
program.
While family planning activities, sponsored by some
20 groups under the overall coordination of the
Commission of Population, are now underway, the
program to (hate has had only marginal impact, and
major obstacles are yet to be overcome. Ignorance of
methods of limiting family size is a serious problem. A
survey in 1165. for example, discovered that 55% of
married urban women and 69% of married rural
women were unfamiliar with an form of birth control
and that many of these were not �specially interested
in acquiring such knowledge. Although the
proportions undoubtedly have since declined as the
result of widespread campaigns designed to acquaint
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the populace with knowledge of family planning, the
desire for large families remains strong, particularly
among rural Filipinos, who still view many children as
the only dependable old -age insurance. The 1965
survey indicated that rural %vomen considered five or
six children ideal, while the norm for their urban
counterparts was four. Until infant and child
mortality is further reduced, it is unlikely that many
Fi!ipinos will change their minds about the
desirability of large families. Family limitation
appears to have caught on mainly among middle
class, urban couples and among those with some
education who are attempting to move up to middle
class status. Upper class families, as a general rule,
continue to .re large.
During the 1960 -70 interensal decade, the
Republic's population increased by 35 rising from
27,087,685 to 36,684,486. Growth was due wholly to
natur. ^crease and, in fact, would have been slightly
greater had it not been for an annual excess of
emigrants over immigrants. Emigration, although not
extensive, is of concern to the Philippine Government
because many of those who leave the islands are
professional persons, particularly physicians, scientists,
and nurses. The "brain drain" has been accentuated
since 1965, when the United States, the principal
destination of Filipino emigrants, relaxed its quota on
immigrants from the islands. In the years 1967 -71, an
annual average of nearly 22,000 .Filipinos were
admitted to the United States as immigrants; the
number of registered Filipino aliens in the .United
States rose from 80,000 in 1967 to 149,000 1971.
Canada follows the United States a, the fay.n -ed
destination of Filipino emigrants.
Rapid population growth in the islands is the direct
result of a consistently high birth rate and a high but
declining death rate. Because the registration of vital
events is grossly deficient, it is impossible to determine
birth and death rates precisely. Philippine demogra-
phers hold that the birth rate has been essentially
stable since at least the 1920's, being al 45 per
1,000 population. The death rate, on the other hand,
has fallen dramatically, from approximately 26 per
1,000 population in the 1920's to an estimated 12 in
1965 -70. For the decades of the 1951; s and 1960'x, the
United Nations has estimated the following vital rates:
RATE OF
BIRTH DEATH NATURAL
RATE RATE INCREASE
1950 -55 45.7 16.0 29.7
1955 -60 45.1 14.9 30.2
1960 -65 46.6 13.4 33.2
1965 -70 44.7 12.0 32.7
1 11ilippine sources suggest that the numher of Filipinos in the
United States approximates 250,000.
14
As the U.N. figures indicate, the birth rate dropped by
about 2% during 1950 -70, whereas the death rate
decreased by 25 The rate of nat+ ral increase rose by
10% d the 1950 -70 period, culminating in a &W
annual rate during 1965 -70. Emigration, however,
served to low( r somewhat the average annual rate of
growth during the late 1960'x.
With the decline in the death rate, life expectancy
has increased. It rose from about 25 years in 1918 to 45
years on the eve of World War II and was estimated at
about years in 1970, with females on the average
outliving males by about 4 years.
1. Density and distribution
With an average of 346 persons per square mile in
mid -1973, the Philippines was almost six times as
densely populated as the United States. Because of
great variation in terrain and climate, however, the
population is unevenly settled throughout the
archipelago. It is heavily concentrated in the central
and southern portions of L uzon and in the Visavan
Islands (Bohol, Cebu, Leyte, Negros, Panay, and
Samar); it is less dense in the islands of Mindoro,
Palawan, and Mindanao, in the Sulu Archipelago,
and in the northern part of Luzon. The most extensive
area of urbanization occurs on Luzon, in the environs
of Manila, but both urban and rural populations are
concentrated on the coastal plains and lowlands,
leaving much of the interior and mountainous parts of
the islands thinly settled. The valley of the Cagayan
River, the Nvestern coastal littoral, and the great
central plain on Luzon are the areas of the most
intensive cultivation and densest habitation.
Population density varies markedly among the
provinces and the city of Manila (Figure 3). Tile most
densely populated area is the city of Manila, which
had nearly 89,000 persons per square mile in 1970.
Provinces with more than 1,000 residents per square
mile were Rizal, Pampanga, Cavite, and Laguna. All
are in central or southern Luzon, near Manila. Nine
other provinces had densities of between 500 and
1,000 persons per square mile. Palawan Province,
comprising Palawan and nearby islands, was the least
densely settled province, having only 41 persons per
square mile.
The Philippine population is predominantly rural,
and the typic .l settlement form is the village (barrio)
or the rural grouping of farm families (sitio).
Nonetheless, there has been a st ady trend toward
urbanization, although it is not possible to trace the
growth of the urban population, primarily because
definitions used in various censuses to determine
urban and rural populations have varied. In 1970,
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31.8% of the population was classified as urban, but
the proportion probably overstates the actual degree of
urbanization. Many of the small poblaciones" which
meet the socioeconomic requirements for urban are, in
fact, small towns with more rural than urban features.
Additionally, some of the 59 chartere cities, all of
which qualify as urban, cont in rural areas within
their boundaries.
As determined by the 1970 census, the 59 chartered
cities accounted for 65% of the total urban
population. Included among them were 17 with
populations in excess of 100,000 (Figure 4). The city of
Manila, with a 1970 population of 1.3 million, was the
only community with more than 1 million
inhabitants. Greater Manila, encompassing the city,
its suburbs, and such nearby communities as Quezon,
Caloocan, and Pasay, had a population of over 3.4
million in 1970, roughly 30% of the total urban
population.
All provinces and Me city of Manila registered
growth during the 1960 -70 period, but some provinces
grew much more rapidly than others, mainly as the
result of interprovincial migration. Overall, an
"A poblacion is the seat of a municipality, an administrative
division roughly equivalent to a U.S. county.
estimated 2.1 million persons changed their province
of residence during the intercensal decade. the
volume of migration varied widely by province. Net
migration had an almost negligible effect on
population growth in such provinces as Surigao del
Norte and Zamboanga del Sur. In Rizal Province,
however, the contribution of inmigration to total
population growth was greater than that of natural
increase. On the other hand, in Catanduanes
Province, outmigration removed more than 88% of
natural increase during the decade. Between 1960 and
1970, 25 provinces gained population through
inmigration, while 41 provinces and the city of Manila
lost population as the result of outmigration. In
general, the provinces of northern Luzon, the Bicol
Peninsula, the Visayan Islands, and northern
Mindanao lost.population through migration; those in
the Cagayan Valley, in central and southern Luzon,
and in southern Mindanao gained population (Figure
5). Rizal Province registered the largest gain (784,662),
Negros Occidental the largest loss (258,396).
Although the city of Manila lost some 86,000
residents as the result of outmigration, principally to
the city's suburbs, the Greater Manila region
registered a substantial increase, the metropolitan area
FIGURE 4. Growth of cities* of 100,000 or more inhabitants in 1970 (U/OU)
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AVERAGE
.S
ANNUAL RATE
POPULATION
OF GROWTH,
1639 -70
CITY ISLAND
1939
1960
1970
(IN PERCENT)
Manila.. Luzon
623,492
1,138,611
1,330,788
3.1
Q uezon ....do............
39,013
397,990
754,452
2.1
Davao............ Mindanao.........
95,546
225,712
392,473
4.7
Cebu Cebu.............
146,817
251,146
347,116
2.8
Caloocan.......... Luzon
na
na
274,453
Iloilo. Panay............
90,480
151,266
209,738
2.7
Pasay Luzon.............
55,161
132,673
206,283
3.3
Zamboanga........ Mindanao.........
131,445
131,489
199,901
1.4
Bacolod........... Negros........
57,474
119,315
187,300
3.9
Basilan............ Basilan............
na
155,712
143,829
Angeles........... Luzon
na
na
134,544
Butuan........... Vindanao.........
III 295
82,485
131,094
G.'
Cadiz Nr,ros............
na
na
124,108
Batangas.......... L�azon
na
na
10
Olongapo ....do............
no
na
10j,785
San Pablo ....do............
46,311
70,680
105,517
2.7
Iligan Mindanao.........
28,273
58,433
104,493
4.3
na Data not available.
Pic`. pertinent.
*In the Philippines, cities and municipalities
tend to resemble U.S. counties or townships in that
they include both urban and rural areas.
The data given in this table include the population of
both areas. The population of Manila and Quezon are considered completely urb .n, but in many of
the other cities, the bulk of the population
act-tally may be rural.
Akio
16