LEBANON'S PHALANGE PARTY

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 06813182
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: March 9, 2023
• Document Release Date: January 29, 2020
• Case Number: F-2019-01524
• Publication Date: May 15, 1981

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MEMORANDUM FOR:
Mr. Geoffrey Kemp
National Security Council
Room 351, Executive Office Bldg.
We were asked for a brief description
of the Phalange and thought youmight like
to have a copy. It was drafted by
of OPA/NESA Division.
Chief, Near East
South Asia Division
Office of Political Analysis
Date 15 May 1981
(b)(3)
(b)(6)
(b)(3)
(b)(6)
FORM 4P4 USE PREVIOUS
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MEMORANDUM FOR:
Helene
With the level of interest on Lebanon,
put together this descriptive account(b)(3)
of the Phalange for the NIO. We are sending(b)(6)
a copy to Kemp/NSC, but thought we also might" '
send it to D/NFAC, DDCI, and DCI. It might
be useful,background reading. Would you
sign the blue notes?
(b)(3)
(b)(6)
Date 15 May 1981
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MEMORANDUM FOR: D/NFAC
We had a request for a brief descrip-
tive account of Lebanon's Phalange Party
and would like to share Lt with you. It
was prepared by of OPA's Neal0m3)
East South Asia Division. (b)(6)
-Helene L. Boatner
Director
Political Analysis
Date. 15 May 1981
FORM q,vi USE PREVIOUS
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MEMORANDUM FOR: DDC I
We had a request for a brief descrip-
tive account of Lebanon's Phalange Party
and would like to share it with you. It
was prepared by of OPA's Near
East South Asia Division.
Helene L. Boatner
Director
Political Analysis
Mae 15 May 1981
(b)(3)
(b)(6)
FORM qi USE PREVIOUS
5-75 I V I EDITIONS
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MEMORANDUM FOR: DCI
We had a request for a brief descriptive
account of Lebanon's Phalange Party and would
like to share it with you. It was prepared
by of OPA's Near East South Asia (b)(3)
Division. (b)(6)
Helene L. Boatner
Director
Political Analysis
Date
15 May 1981
FORM Aq USE PREVIOUS
5-75 I V I EDITIONS
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LONYIUL
CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE AGENCY
NATIONAL FOREIGN ASSESSMENT CENTER
15 May 1981
MEMORANDUM
LEBANON'S PHALANGE PARTY
The Phalange party is the largest Maronite Christian
political organization in Lebanon. Supported by an armed
militia of 20,000 men, the Phalange is virtually a state
within a state. The party and its various smaller Christian
allies control a substantial portion of central Lebanon
encompassing the area from East Beirut north along the coast
to Batrun and extending inland to the Sannin ridge line.
141/4)
Within this area--the traditional Maronite heartland
known as Mount Lebanon--the Phalange collects taxes,
enforces the law, and dispenses justice. The party runs the
port of Juniyah, its supply-line to Israel and the outside
world, and controls its own radio station, the Voice of
Lebanon.
Origins and History
The Lebanese Phalange Organization (Munazzamat al-
Kataeb al-Lubnaniyya in Arabic) is largely the creation of
one influential Lebanese family, the Jumayyils. Politics in
Lebanon is very much a family or clan business. The
Jumayyils are a major Maronite clan of long standing who
dominate the politics of their ancestral home at Bikfayya.
The Phalange was founded as a youth organization on 21
November 1936 by Pierre Jumayyil, who is still the party
leader. Pierre, born in 1905, studied pharmacy in Beirut
and Paris in the 1930s. In 1936, while attending the
Olympics in Berlin, Pierre was very impressed by the Hitler
Youth Organization and the other fascist parties of Europe;
he created the Phalange to serve as the defender of Maronite
interests in Lebanon. The Phalange's membership soon grew
to over 20,000.
. This memorandum was prepared by of the Near
East South Asia Division of the Office of Political Analy.siis
at the request of the National Intelligence Officer for Near
East South Asia. Information as of 15 May 19_81 was, used in
preparation of this paper. questions and'comments should be
addressed to Chief, Near East South Asia Dillgian, OPA on
PA M 81-10196
CONFIDENTIAL
DERIVATIVECLBY
ODECLORVANON 15 May 01
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The Phalange became a political party after France gave
Lebanon its independence in 1945. It has always controlled
several seats in Lebanon's parliament, and Pierre has often
served in the cabinet. ()�
The Phalange played a key role in the 1958 civil war,
supporting President Camille Shamun against a Muslim leftist
coalition backed by Egypt and Syria. The party provided the
bulk of the Christian militiamen in the 1975-76 civil war as
well.
The Phalange enjoys the sympathy of many Maronite
members of the Lebanese army.�traditionally led mostly by
Christians. Units of the army have often fought alongside
the Phalang since 1976, most recently during recent clashes
in Beirut.
Ideology and Program
The Phalange is dedicated to the ideal of a separate
Lebanese nation and to preventing Lebanon's absorption into
a greater Syria or a unified Arab state. The party is
dedicated, in particular, to preserving Maronite Christian
hegemony in Lebanon. -rsIL,
The Maronites are a Uniate Christian Church affiliated
with the Vatican. They comprise about 30 percent of the
total Lebanese population and slightly more than half of its
Christians. There are no exact statistics on Lebanon's
population. There has been no official census singe 1932
when the Christian were slightly in the majority; most
observers now believe the Muslims are in the majority.
The Phalange acknowledges that Lebanon is an Arab
country, but believes its confessionally divided population
makes it a bridge between the West and the Arab world. The
party has always argued that Lebanon should remain neutral
in Arab politics an oppose any effort to unite Lebanon with
other Arab states.
The party also supports the traditional Christian
dominance of Lebanese politics, which was created by the
French colonial government and enshrined in the 1943
National Pact, which mandates a Maronite President, a Muslim
Prime Minister, and a slight Christian majority in
parliament.
Faced with the realities of today's Lebanon with its
Muslim majority, some in the Phalange favor creation of a
Swiss-style canton system for Lebanon in which the Maronites
would control one area, the Druze another, Sunni Muslims a
third, and the Shia Muslims a fourth. A weak central
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government would head the confederation. This program was
endorsed by the Phalange in a document entitl d "The Lebanon
We Want to Build Up" published last December.
The Phalange sees the Palestinians in Lebanon--most of
whom are Muslims who left Israel in 1948--as a threat to the
Maronite community. The Phalange believes the 400,000
Palestinian refugees in Lebanon should return to their homes
in Israel. This view--sharply disputed by Israel--has been
played down in recent years but is a potential friction
point between the Phalange and its Israeli ally. -1-�4,,
The Phalange initially welcomed the Syrian intervention
in Lebanon in 1976 that saved the Christian militias from
defeat by the Palestinians and Muslim leftists. Since late
1977, however, the Phalange has argued that Syria is
protecting the Palestinians and trying to annihilate the
Christians, and that it should leave.
Organization, Leadership, and Membership
The Phalange has always been a well organized and
disciplined party. It is led by its president, Pierre
Jumayyil, and his sons Bashir and Amin. Bashir's control
over most of the Phalange militia gives him the dominant
voice in party affairs. Bashir is the leading advocate of
an aggressive anti-Syrian, pro-Israel policy. He generally
has the backing of his father.
Bashir has also led the Phalange drive to dominate
Lebanon's other Christian parties. He ordered the June 1978
attack on the pro-Syrian Franjiyah clan in northern
Lebanon. He also planned the Phalange attack on Shamun's
National Liberal Party militia last year which led to the
NLP's forced merger with the Phalange. The Phalange
dominates the Lebanese Front, a loose coalition of Maronite
groups.
Amin represents the Phalange in the Lebanese
parliament. Amin--who has lost influence in recent years--
generally favors a more conciliatory policy toward the
Syrians and often urges negotiations. He symbolizes a
minority view in the Phalange that fears Bashir's pro-Israel
policies will isokate the Maronites from the Arab world,
ultimately creating a weak Maronite ministate cut off from
the economically powerful Persian Gulf oil producers and
dependent on Israeli military protection. M4,,
In the 1960s the Phalange sought Muslim members--
especially Shia Muslims--but never attracted many.
Lebanon's Greek Catholics are well represented in the party,
but the Phalange has never gained much support from the
Greek Orthodox Christians, the second largest Christian
community.
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The Israeli Connection
The Phalange has had occasional discreet ties with
Israel since the 1940s, but it generally supported the Arab
opposition to Israel until the 1970s. In need of an ally
against the Palestinians in the civil war, the Phalange
established secret contacts with Tel Aviv in early 1976.
Israel has since become its key outside military
Tel Aviv has provided arms and ammunition, including
some Sherman tanks, through Juniyah; it has also trained
Phalange fighters in Israel.
regularly visit the Maronite heartland to advise and consult
with the party leadership. Senior officials like Bashir
have visited Israel.
Israel also serves as a link between the Phalange and
Major Haddad's Christian enclave in south Lebanon. Phalange
fighters have traveled through Israel to reinforce Haddad in
the past.
The Phalange also buys weapons from private arms
dealers. To finance these purchases the party depends in
part on funds raised in the large Maronite communities in
South America and the US. The party has some 40 offices
outside Lebanon' for fund-raising and information purposes.
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App
roved for Release. 2
SUBJECT: Lebanon's Phalange Party (U)
DISTRIBUTION:
Orig & 1 - NIO/NESA
1 - NSC (Kemp)
1 - DCI
1 - DDCI
1 - Exec Reg
1 - D/NFAC
1 - DD/NFAC
1 - NFAC Reg
4 - ICDB
1 - D/OPA
2 - OPA/PS
1 - C/NESA
3 - OPA/NESA/ISL
NFAC/OPA/NESA/ISL/
(15 May 81)
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(b)(6)
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