SAMORA MOISES MACHEL - MOZAMBIQUE

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 06762102
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 7
• Document Creation Date: March 8, 2023
• Document Release Date: August 29, 2019
• Case Number: F-2018-01461
• Publication Date: October 17, 1976

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MOZAMBIQUE
President
President of the Front for the
Liberation of Mozambique (FRE-
LIMO) since May 1970, Samora
Machel (pronounced mahSHELL) be-
came the first President of the People's
Republic of Mozambique on 25 June
1975. In addition, he controls the
National Service of People's Security,
the new secret police organization that
has wide powers of arrest, detention
and confiscation, and, as FRELIMO
president, is ex officio Commander in
Chief of the People's Forces for the
Liberation of Mozambique.
More a warrior than a statesman,
Machel bears the marks of his colonial
Samora Moises MACHEL
experience and the nearly 11 years that he spent as a guerrilla leader.
�ural leader and a man of action. His dominant personality and oratorical
skills have earned him a wide popular following, particularly among the
party's rank and file. He is dedicated to the objective of creating -the first
truly Marxist state in Africa."
Machel joined FRELIMO as a guerrilla fighter in 1963 and by 1966 had
become chief of guerrilla o erations�a nost he h
in 1974.
MheI leddelegations to the peace talks with the
� i Portuguese in Lusaka, Zambia, in June 1974 and again n September, when
the independence agreement was signed; during the discussions he impressed
the Zambians with his independent character.
Machel did not participate in the transitional government (September
1974-June 1975), but remained in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania, at FRELIMO
headquarters, laid plans for Mozambique's first independent government,
Finally returning to Mozambique in
May 1975, Machel made a whirlwind speaking tour of the country that ended
in his triumphal entry into Maputo on the day before his inauguration.
CR 76-14716
REPORTS FiLw. 'OP'(
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Machel, the President
Since independence Machel has proceeded rapidly to consolidate his
power, to downgrade or purge potential rivals and to institute a regimented,
militarized Marxist-Leninist state, drawing on the Chinese and Tanzanian
experiences. He has become the dominant figure in the country and has
completely overshadowed any rival. As head of the party, government, army
and secret police, he wields tremendous power.
Theoretically Machel shares power with the other members of
FRELIMO's Executive Committee, but in practice he relinquishes only as
much power as he chooses. Before making policy decisions, however, he
consults key figures in the various ministries. He. also relies on the advice of a
small group of Marxist-oriented mulattoes and Goans; this group includes
FRELIMO Vice President and Minister of Development and Econonic
Planning Marcelino dos Santos, Minister of State for the Presidency Joie
Oscar Monteiro, Minister of Information Jorge Rebel� and Chief of the
President's Cabinet Sergio Vieira. Monteiro, Rebelo and Vieira are also said to
write Machel's speeches and provide guidance to the local media.
Confident of his position, Machel travels within Mozambique with a
minimum of security, mingles freely with the crowds and seems to have no
hesitancy about leaving the country for meetings and official business.
Through government assignments and party censure, he has undercut the
power and influence of those within the administration who could challenge
him. He is intolerant of opposition to FRELIMO's policies and says that he
will not hesitate to use force to implement FRELIMO's programs. Those
considered opponents of FRELIMO now crowd Mozambique's jails and
political rehabilitation camps.
Machel's power base is the army, and his ties to the military are strong:
He makes an attempt to attend all military ceremonies and manages to
include senior officers in his overseas entourages. He seems to have the respect
and loyalty of the army rank and file; although there has been some
discontent over low wages, disciplinary Measures and favoritism toward
certain tribes in appointments. The only mqjorichaNnge to the government
was the police-military mutiny in December 1975, but it was quickly put
down by loyal troops.
Domestic Policies
Anxious to destroy all vestiges of Portuguese colonialism, Machel
nationalized education, law practices, mortuaries and medicine immediately
after independence in June 1975. Some believe this action was motivated in
part by memories of the humiliations in these areas that he had suffered under
the Portuguese. Certain types of private property, such as rental properties,
and abandoned buildings, were nationalized in February 1976, and an anti-
religion campaign has been launched. The country's number-one economic
priority is agriculture, and in this field the communal village program-
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modeled on that of Tanzania�has become the basis of development and
production.
Because Machel has given priority to political objectives and the
organization of the new government, the economy has suffered. His
government has failed to provide strong and effective leadership of the
economy and has delayed the formulation of an economic plan until the end
of 1976. In addition Machel's fiery, revolutionary rhetoric has precipitated a
large-scale exodus of Portuguese technicians and businessmen. Trained
replacements are not available, and as a result, factories have closed and there
has been a loss in productivity and in tax revenue�the Portuguese had paid
most of the individual and business taxes. Additionally, the President's
Marxist orientation and the lack of an investment code have caused private
investors to shy away from Mozambique.
International Views
Machers philosophy is a mixture of Marxism, Maoism and Tanzanian
socialism. He considers the "socialist states- as natural allies and the West as
the enemy and the -center of imperialism.- In descending order he has listed
his foreign policy priorities as follows: Africa, the liberation movements in
Africa, the socialist countries, the progressive parties of capitalist countries, the
democratic for-ces of capitalist countries and the newly independent nations
who are struggling for economic emancipation. His country, he said, is
working for "real peace- in the world, supports the establishment of the
Indian Ocean as a peace zone and abides by the UN Charter. According to
Machel, his foreign policy is dictated by internal rather than external forces.
A Short-term Pragmatist?
Machel is primarily an ideologue, but over the short term it appears he
can be pragmatic in his approach to foreign affairs. During the independence
struggle, he rejected dos Santos' advice that FRELIMO should depend only
on "friendly- socialist countries. As well as receiving military training and
equipment from the Chinese and the Soviets, FRELIMO received medical
supplies and educiational aid from East and West European governments and
from private groups in the United Kingdom iind the United States.
Immediately after independence, Machel did not impose the expected
economic restrictions against Rhodesia, apparently because he was weighing
the economic consequences of the loss of about 10 to 15 percent of his
country's foreign exchange. The embargo was delayed until March 1976.
The same pragmatism is seen in his treatment of South Africa. Verbally
denouncing the white South African government as "Africa's number-one
enemy," he nevertheless continues to deal with it commercially and accept
technical advice. The profits from the sale of gold paid by the South African
Government to the Mozambican Government for migrant mine labor have
become the country's major source of foreign exchange; there are currently
about 80,000 Mozambican laborers in South African Mines. Other ties to
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South Africa include the upcoming sale of electricity from the Cabora Bassa
Hydroelectric Project and the revenue received from the transshipment of
South African imports and exports.
Africa
Machel's principal concerns in Africa are the success of the liberation
movements�particularly those in southern Africa, the establishment of
majority rule and the formation of likeminded revolutionary governments. He
has given direct aid and support to the Popular Movement for the Liberation
of Angola (MPLA) and is now heavily involved with the black Rhodesian
nationalists. Machel provides bases and military aid to the Rhodesian
nationalists and has been instrumental in forming the -Third Force"�a
leftist military force in opposition to the traditional African National Congress
leadership. Machel wants to unify the Rhodesian nationalist factions and
create an organization like FRELIMO which could eventually assume control
of the Rhodesian government.
In Africa Machel has also worked to establish links with such other leftist
states as those of Guinea, Congo, Somalia, Tanzania, Guinea-Bissau, Angola,
Cape Verde and So Tome. With the former Portuguese territories he would
like to maintain contacts through, and eventually assume leadership of, the
Conference of Nationalist Organizations of the Portuguese Colonies (the
umbrella organization through which the various Portuguese nationalist
groups maintained contacts prior to independence).
Of the African leaders, Machel admires most Tanzanian President Julius
Nyerere and has used Tanzania as a model for a number of reforms. Among
his immediate neighbors he seems to have the least rapport with Malawian
President Hastings Banda, whom he believes aided his enemies during the
independence struggle.
China and the USSR
Machel seems to lean toward a Maoist interpretation of Marxism and has
written several pamphlets in classical Maoist-Varxist terminology. He has,
however, avoided taking sides in the Sino-Soyiehonflitt and seems intent on
benefiting from a relationship with both Communist, powers. Immediately
after independence the Chinese seemed to have the upper hand, but their
favored position was lost when they backed the MPLA's Angolan rivals. Ties
with the USSR have been strengthened because of military needs, and
Machel's first state visit outside Africa was to the USSR in May 1976.
The West
Except perhaps for the Scandinavian countries that supported FRELIMO
in its struggle for independence, Machel views the West as the center of
imperialism, colonialism and racism. He is suspicious of Western motives and
critical of Western policies. He found Western support to its NATO ally,
Portugal, during the independence struggle, incomprehensible. Consequently
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he did not invite the United States, France or West Germany to
Mozambique's first independence celebrations and delayed establishing
relations with several Western countries, including the United States, for some
time after independence. Machel feared that
formal relations with Western countries would increase their freedom of action
and allow them to support dissident groups against Machers government.
Portugal
Since independence, relations with the Portuguese have been shaky, but
negotiations to solve problems continue. Machel prefers ties and maintains
contact with the Portuguese Communist Party (PCP) and has been unhappy
with the political trend in Lisbon away from the left. During a PCP visit to
Maputo in March 1976, he said the purpose of Portuguese-Mozambican
discussions was -to find together types of cooperation making it possible to
face reaction and obstacles in the march of the revolution in Mozambique
and Portugal.-
Early Life and Career
A member of the Shangana tribe, Samora Moises Machel was born on 11
May 1932 in Bilene, Gaza District. His family were Methodists, but he
attended the Roman Catholic Mission School of So Paulo de Messano in
Bilene; here he was nicknamed -the rebel.- Unable to finish school�either
because of financial reasons or his refusal to begin seminary training�he took
a job and atterlded evening classes. Later Machel studied nursing at the
Miguel Bombarda Hospital in Maputo, where, he ,was working as of 1961.
In 1961 Machel met FRELIMO founder Eduardo Mondlane, a US-
educated Mozambican and lecturer at Syracuse University, who was visiting
Africa under UN auspices. In 1962 Mondlane founded FRELIMO in Dar es
Salaam, and in 1963, when Machel heard of it, he made his way to Tanzania
to join. After receiving 9 months of guerrilla training in Algeria, he returned to
Tanzania to train�and then lead�the 250 guerrillas who launched the
initial attack against the Portuguese on 25 September 1964. Machel
specialized in hit-and-run tactics and trained his men to be tough, disciplined
and satisfied with a Spartan existence. In 1965 he was given the task of
supervising the FRELIMO training camp at Kongwa, Tanzania. By 1966 he
had become FRELIMO's secretary of defense. Later in 1966 when the
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guerrilla commander Filipe Magaia was assassinated
Machel took on the added job of command er in chief of guerrilla
operations. That same year he joined FRELIMO's Central Committee.
After the assassination of Mondlane in February 1969, Machel was
named to the interim three-man Council of the Presidency. He quickly
emerged as the group's strongman. One of the three, Uria Sfmango, publicly
criticized his two colleagues, dos Santos and Machel, and was expelled from
the party in November 1969. In May 1970 the FRELIMO Central
Committee elected Machel president and do's Santos vice president.
Personal Data
An austere man, Machel lived modestly in Dar es Salaam. He neither
drinks nor smokes.
Machel was nicknamed
"the general- by his guerrilla troops.
Machel has been impressive in his appearances before the press,
projecting a warm, witty personality and giving an articulate, open
presentation. He speaks Portuguese, siSwati, broken Swahili, and some
French. He understands English. Machel received the Lenin Centenary
Medal in 1971 and the World Peace Council's Joliot-Curie medal in 1975. He
has also received Zambia's and Tanzania's highest awards.
1 J.
Family
Machel has been married three times. His first wife died prior to 1969
when he married Josina Muthemba,
She died in a Chinese hospital in Dar es
Salaam in 1971. Machel has two chi dren, a daughter who was working as a
nurse at the Miguel Bombarda Hospital as of 1974 and a son who was born in
about 1962.
On 7 September 1975 Machel married Craca Simbine. She served in the
transitional government (October 1974 to June 1975) as Secretary of State for
Education and Culture, and since independence she has been Minister of
Education and Culture./
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Machel has three brothers.
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17 October 1976
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