[SANITIZED]THE NEW ARGENTINE JUNTA - 1976/04/01

• Document Type: SPECIALCOLLECTION
• Collection: Argentina Declassification Project - The "Dirty War" (1976-83)
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 06628233
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 13
• Document Creation Date: April 3, 2019
• Document Release Date: April 12, 2019
• Publication Date: April 1, 1976

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Biographic Report
The New Argentine Junta
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_Sauer
CR 76-11461
April 1976
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COMPRENT-Ild-
PREFACE
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In the early morning hours of 24 March 1976, the Argentine armed
forces, in a long-awaited, well-executed bloodless coup, overthrew the
government of President Maria Estela (Isabel) Martinez de Peron. The wife
of the late President (1946-55; 1973-74) Juan Peron, Mrs. Peron came to
power as her husband's constitutional successor upon his death on 1 July 1974.
Relying almost exclusively on a handful of loyal, rightwing Peronists, the
unskilled and incompetent Mrs. Peron for many months had presided over an
inept, almost nonfunctioning administration. The former President is
currently in military custody. She leaves behind severe economic problems,
widespread terrorist violence and a fragmented body politic.
In 1973, embarrassed and chastened by 7 years (1966-73) of ineffective
military rule, the armed forces had withdrawn from politics, hoping that the
civilians could succeed where they had failed. As it became increasingly
apparent that neither Mrs. Peron nor her opposition could deal with
Argentina's comp:..:x problems, coup sentiment grew. Lt. Gen. Jorge Rafael
Videla, Commander in Chief of the Army, counseled patience, however, in an
effort to give the administration every opportunity to reverse its destructive
course or fall of its own ineptitude. With subordinates placing increasingly
intensive pressures on the service chiefs to act, Videla, finally ready with a
plan for a new government, executed the coup de grace to bury a government
that had died months before. By the time the overthrow came, the populace
was resigned to it. Because of overwhelming popular opposition to the
Peronist administration and the military's attention to positive public
relations, Argentines greeted the military's reentry into politics with relief.
A junta composed of Videla and the two other service chiefs, Navy Adm.
Emilio Massera and Air Force Brig. Gen. Orlando Agosti, took power on 24
March 1976 and will govern the country. Sworn in on 29 March 1976 as the
39th President of Argentina, Videla will act as Chief of State, but the supreme
authority will rest with the junta. In addition, the new President is expected to
work closely with a nine-man legislative council composed of senior military
officers, to give the impression that authority is diffused and that numerous
viewpoints are represented in the new administration.
The junta has moved quickly and efficiently to institutionalize its rule.
The members have stressed their intention to avoid extreme repression, and
their approach to date has been moderate. They will emphasize law and order,
giving top priority to countering terrorism, but within a legal framework.
This report was prepared by the Central Reference Service and was
coordinated within CIA as appropriate. Comments and questions may be
directed to
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The new junta
They will try to implement an austerity program that will stress fiscal
responsibility, export prumotion, favorable attention to the neglected
agricultural sector, a positive attitude toward foreign investment, and less
overall state participation in the economy. They have taken over with a hope
of restoring a sense of social, economic and political well-being to the ailing
nation. Whether they can accomplish this goal remains to be seen. The junta
has not indicated how long the military will rule but has stated that no chief
will represent his branch of the service on the junta for more than 3 years.
The three junta members, all about 50 years old, are
professional military officers. Videla and Agosti are relatively new to the
position of commander in chief, having taken their posts in August and
December 1975, respectively, while Masscra has been head of the navy for
over 2 years. All are moderates and currently enjoy the respect of their
subordinates. They will have to keep a close eye on hardliners within the
ranks, however, and will have to walk a thin line between control and
repression in their attempts to deal with Argentina's myriad problems. All are
favorably disposed toward the United States and all have had tours of service
in Washington, D.C. They will probably work well together, at least at the
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outset, drawing on their long-term professional association and personal
friendship.
This publication contains biographic reports, alphabetically arranged, on
the three members of the new Argentine junta.
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ARGENTINA Orlando Ramon AGOSTI Echenique
Commander in Chief
of the Air Force;
Member, Ruling Junta
Commander in Chief of the Air
Force since December 1975, Brig. Gen.
Orlando Agosti (pronounced
ahGOHStee) became a member of the
three-man ruling junta after the
military coup that overthrew the
government of President Maria Estela
Martinez de Peron on 24 March 1976.
A professional military
officer, Agosti has already proved
himself to b.: an effective and
impressive leader. Agosti was chief of
staff of the Air Materiel Command
from January 1974 to January 1975 and was serving as its commander when
he was named head of the air force. His rank is equivalent to that of a
lieutenant general in the United States Air Force.
Agosti should work well with his fellow junta members, Adm. Emilio
Massera and President Jorge Videla. He got to know the former very well
when they were both serving in Washington, D.C., in the early 1960's. Agosti
and Videla were reared in the same small town in Buenos Aires Province and
have been friends since childhood. Agosti has spoken often of the need
for�and importance of�interservice cooperation. Shortly after becoming air
force commander, he demonstrated his commitment to that cooperation by
lending air support to the joint army and navy counterterrorist operations.
Politics
Like a typical Argentine Air Force officer, Agosti gave the impression of
being apolitical during the Peronist administrations of 1973-76. He was
known to be anti-Peronist, however, having participated in the first abortive
revolt against then President Juan Peron in June 1955. He was exiled to
Uruguay until September 1955, when Peron was successfully ousted.,,
Agosti is well disposed toward the United States and places considerable
value on continued good relations with this country.
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From Cadet to Commander
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Orlando Ramon Agosti Echenique was born in Mercedes, Buenos Aires
Province, on 22 June 1924. He attended the Military Aviation School in
COrdoba and was commissioned a pilot, third lieutenant, in 1947. During the
course of his career he has held the following significant posts: vice president,
Aeronautical Map Committee, Pan American Institute of Geography and
History (1960); adviser, Inter-American Defense Board (I A DB), Washington,
D.C. (1962-64); chief, Politics and Doctrine Department, Air Force
Headquarters (1966); chief, Special Aerial Warfare Doctrine Committee
(1967); chief, Policy Division, Air Force General Staff (1967); deputy
commander, 1st Air Brigade, El Palomar Air Force Base (1969); deputy
superintendent, Military Aviation School (1970); commander, VII Air
Brigade, Moron Air Force Base (1971); commander, II Air Brigade, Parami
(1971-72); air attach�Washington, and delegate and chief of delegation to the
IADB (1973-74).
Agosti's appointment in December 1975 as Commander in Chief of the
Air Force resulted from a rebellion in which a small group of air force officers
attempted to oust the incumbent, Hector Fautario. The officers also tried
unsuccessfully to bring about a government overthrow. The gov-zrnment then
removed all major generals, and Agosti, the most senior brigadier, was
appointed chief. By prudent handling, he managed to end the revol: swiftly
and without bloodshed.
Personal Data
Married to the former Elba Esther Boccardo, Agosti is the father of one
son, Marcelo Orlando, born in 1956, and one daughter, Sonia Raquel, born in
1958.
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ARGENTINA Emilio Eduardo MASSERA Padula
Commander General
of the Navy; Member,
Ruling Junta
After the military coup that
ousted the government of President
Maria Estela Martinez de Peron on 24
March 1976, Adm. Emilio Massera
(pronounced mahSEHrah),
commander general of the navy,
became a member of the three-man
ruling junta. Massera is an intelligent,
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and he is expected to work well with
his colleagues on the junta.
in late 1973 then President Juan
Peron handpirked Massera to head the
navy. Earlier Massera had impressed the President with his skill while serving
as a member of the civilian-military committee that prepared the rules for the
election that restored democratic government to Argentina in 1973. Massera
was considered an acceptable choice for the post of navy chief because he was
not as overtly hostile toward Peronism as were other senior navy officers.
Seesaw Popularity
Massera currently appears to have the respect of both peers and
subordinates; at times in the past, however, he enjoyed little popularity
e regaine some of
his popularity when he directly confronted Jos�opez Rega, Minister of
Social Welfare and secretary to President Peron, with accusations of
misconduct in office. Massera may have been emboldened,
by threats made against his life by Lopez Rega's Argentine
Anti-Communist Alliance, a rightwing death squad.
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Attitude Toward
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A friend of the United States, Admiral Massera was enthusiastic about
his assignment to this country as an adviser to the Inter-American Defense
Board and a student at the Inter-American Defense College during 1963-64.
His most recent visit to this country was in February 1975, when he met with
the US Chief of Naval Operations and received the Legion of Merit medal.
From Ensign to Commander
General
Emilio Eduardo Massera Padula was born on 19 October 1925 in
Parana, Entre Rios Province. Prior to entering the Naval Academy in 1942, he
studied physics and mathematics at the university level for a year. He has held
a variety of command, intelligence, academic and staff assignments, including
those of: deputy chief, Naval Intelligence Service (1962); chief, 6th
Department (Organization), Navy General Staff (1967-68); instructor, Naval
War School (1971); and secretary general of the navy (1971-72). Massera held
the post of commander of naval operations concurrently with that of
commander general of the navy from January to December 1974. As a
seagoing officer, he has traveled widely.
Personal Data
\He speaks
limited French and English.
Married to the former Delia Esther Vieyra, Massera has two sons.
Eduardo Enrique, born in 1951, and Emilio Esteban, born in 1960.
English.
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Like her husband, she speaks limited
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ARGENTINA Jorge Rafael VIDELA
President of Argentina;
Member, Ruling Junta;
Commander in Chief
of the Army
On the night of 23-24 March 1976
Army Commander in Chief Lt. Gen.
Jorge Videla (pronounced veeDEHlah)
led a long-awaited, bloodless coup
against the government of Maria
Estela Martinez de Peron. On 29
March he was sworn in as the
country's 39th President. According to
military decree, a junta composed of
Videla, Navy Chief Adm. Emilio
Massera and Air Force Chief Brig.
Gen. Orlando Agosti will exercise
supreme authority in the land. As Chief of State, however, Videla will handle
all ceremonial duties. Thus far General Videla has proved to be a strong and
competent leader, and his wishes will undoubtedly'carry considerable weight
within the junta.
The Reluctant Dragon
Since he became Commander in Chief of the Army in August 1975.
Videla had been the voice of patience %yithin the military, while many officers
were lobbying vociferously for putting an end to the inept Peronist
government. Ironically, unlike the three army commanders who preceded
him, he sincerely tried to keep the army out of politics. Upon taking cc�-"mand
he said, "The armed forces does not want to intervene until there is no
alternative, for whatever reason." Faced with a nonfunctioning government,
rampant terrorism on the left and the right, and an economy near collapse,
Videla was compelled to act. Undoubtedly pressures from within the military
ranks helped impel him, but evidence suggests that he waited until he
personally felt the time was propitious. When the coup came, it was well
managed and methodical, bespeaking careful attention to detail and a
well-disciplined command structure. Several days before he moved, Videla
stated that the government had been intentionally and repeatedly warned that
a coup was being planned, in order to provide the administration with every
opportunity to correct the direction in which the country had been going and
thus avert a military takeover. He attributed the delay in implementing the
overthrow to slow planning of how the next government should be constituted.
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Almost Everything in Moderation
The March 1976 coup can best be described as moderate in approach,
and to date, Videla's personal moderate conservatism has set the tenor of the
military government. Upon taking power, the junta refrained from attacking
the Peronists or any other political party. They arrested only a few
high-ranking officials of the former government whom they believed to be
guilty of malfeasance or abuse of power. There have been no massive arrests,
although a considerable number of suspected terrorists have been detained.
US Embassy officials believe that the junta's. investigation into Mrs. PerOn's
questionable activities while in office will be fair.
Coming to Grips
with Terrorism
One of the new government's first priorities will be countering Argentine
terrorism. In this area Videla will not be lenient, although he has been quick to
establish a legal framework to disarm the terrorists. On 26 March 1976 the
junta issued a series of communiques that dealt with the general problem of
security and announced stiff penalties for those inciting violence or attacking
public services. In accordance with the Code of Military Justice, special war
councils will be established throughout the country to judge accused persons
and impose sentences on those found guilty. Another communique, on the
unauthorized possession of arms and explosives, was aimed primarily at the
numerous extralegal groups that have proliferated in Argentina during the last
several years. Videla has appointed a tough army officer who is a former
federal police chief to head the Interior Ministry. He will be charged with the
overall campaign against leftwing guerrillas and rightwing vigilante groups.
The Economy
Equally as urgent as the terrorist problem is the nation's economy.
Admittedly not personally versed in economics, Videla has appointed as his
Minister of Economy an experienced and competent businessman who
appears to have a good grasp of the complex problems facing Argentina. The
Minister will try to implement a moderate austerity program, emphasizing
less state participation in the economy. Also stressed will be fiscal
responsibility, export promotion, and favorable atteation to the neglected
agricultural sector. Videla has already stated his intention to create a
favorable climate for foreign investment, and he does not plan to nationalize
any private or foreign firms.
Neutralizing Labor
Part of the key to Videla's success rests with his ability to deal effectively
with the large and powerful labor movement that has traditionally been the
backbone of the Peronist movement. To date, the junta has handled labor
intelligently and prudently. The military has assumed direction of the national
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General Confederation of Labor (CGT), but most of its member unions are
functioning normally. Only the most coitupt union leaders have been 3 rrested;
however, the so-called "62 Organizations"�those unions within th CGT
considering themselves followers of the late President (1946-55; 1973-74) Juan
Peron�have been banned, because they were highly politicized and at least
several were well armed.
The workers have cooperated to date, and the staggering absenteeism
that had previously plagued industry disappeared immediately after the coup.
The junta confirmed the 20 percent wage increase that had been granted to
labor on 1 March 1976; it rescinded additional benefits that the Peron
administration had granted at the same time. One test of Videla's strength will
come when he attempts to impose his austerity program on the pampered
labor movement.
Dealing with Political
Parties
Videla has tried to show restraint in dealing with the myriad political
organizations in Argentina. He has banned several extreme leftwing parties,
mainly Trotskyite and Maoist in orientation, but has left the charters of the
other parties intact. An avowed anti-Communist himself, Videla has
nevertheless allowed the Moscow-oriented Communist Party of Argentina to
keep its charter.
The Congress has been dismissed, and political activity has been
suspended. Perhaps it is wishful thinking, but several US Embassy sources
have expressed hope that limited political activity will be allowed to resume
within 6 months. Videla has not set a specific time for lifting the suspension,
but his initial moves suggest that he realizes that political repression in
Argentina has been counterproductive in the past.
Foreign Policy and Attitude
Toward the United States
Like his colleagues on the junta, Videla is favorably disposed toward the
United States. He has been to this country several times, most recently in late
1972 on an Argentine-sponsored observation tour. The general will strive to
improve Argentina's ties to this country, and he will be looking toward it as a
source of investment and new capital. To this end he. has promised a quick
;esolution to the outstanding US investment problems in Argentina.
General Videla will probably wait until his domestic political and
economic consolidation is well under way before developing and enunciating a
foreign policy. So far he has removed all political appointees and incompetent
officials from the Foreign Ministry, but the purge appears to have been
evenhanded.
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A Soldier's Soldier
The son of an infantry colonel, Jorge Rafael Videla was born on 2 August
1925 in the small to,:vn of Mercedes in Buenos Aires Province, about 75 miles
west of the capital. His official biography states that, during his 31-year career
in the army, Videla has demonstrated professional responsibility and a
profound dedication to duty. From his first assignment in December 1944, as
a second lieutenant in the 14th Infantry Regiment, until his appointment as
commanding general of the army in August 1975, he held increasingly
responsible posts. Among the most significant of his numerous assignments
were the following: assistant to the chief, Argentine Delegation to the
Inter-American Defense Board, Washington, D.C. (1956-58); director,
Military Academy (1971-72); deputy commander, 1st Army Corps
(June-December 1973); chief of staff, Army General Staff (December
1973-May 1975); and chief, Joint Staff (July-August 1975).
Prior to his assignment to the Joint Staff, Videla was without a position
for several months because the Peronist government saw him as a potential
coup organizer. In finally agreeing to have him serve on the Joint Staff, Mrs.
Peron's advisers hoped to keep him in a relatively weak post. A month later,
because of a military-government confrontation over the appointment of an
active duty army colonel to head the Interior Ministry, the Commander in
Chief of the Army was forced to resign, and Videla was chosen as a
compromise candidate to replace him.
A Man from Another Time
General Videla is well respected within the army, having demonstrated an
understanding attitude toward senior officers as well as enlisted men. At the
Military Academy, he had the opportunity to influence several future officers
and showed himself capable of instructing as well as commanding.
"He loathes corruption
and will not tolerate any degree of it
within his government.
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Family
Videla is
married to the former Alicia Raquel Hartridge,
The couple has seven children: Maria Cristina, born in
1949; Jorge Horacio, born in 1950; Alejandro Eugenio, born in 1951; Rafael
Patricio, born in 1953; Maria Isabel, born in 1958; Fernando Gabriel, born in
1961; and Pedro, born in 1966. Two of their sons are currently attending the
Military Academy.
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