CIA HENCHMEN CARRY OUT MURDER POLICY IN NATION'S CAPITAL

• Document Type: SPECIALCOLLECTION
• Collection: Argentina Declassification Project - The "Dirty War" (1976-83)
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 03258180
• Release Decision: RIFPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 75
• Document Creation Date: April 3, 2019
• Document Release Date: April 12, 2019

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Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
.1101101.111110�VIMMORIONIOMMIPPI0010
On the evening of Sept. 10, just
prior to an overflow rally at the Felt
Forum in New York on behalf of the
restoration of human rights in Chile,
I chatted with a dear friend and fellow
humanist, Orlando Letelier, former
Chilean ambassador to the United
States and an opponent of the junta.
He complained how on that very
day the Chilean junta had withdrawn
his Chilean citizenship. And, in
response, I told him how such a
deprivation, coming from the junta,
should be considered as a great tribute
to him. He simply smiled and nodded
his head. We then chatted with mutual
friends and I looked forward to
accepting his invitation to visit him
soon in Washington.
Later that evening, at the close of
his speech to the rally, Letelier emo-
tionally but with the utmost sincerity
declared: "Today is a dramatic day in
my life in which action of the fascist
generals against me makes me feel
more Chilean than ever.
. "I was born a Chilean, I am a
Chilean and I will die a Chilean. They,
the fascists, were born traitors, live as
traitors and will be remembered
forever as fascist traitors."
How logical then�if monsters can
claim to use logic�for the junta to
take the next step in eliminating
what they considered dangerous
opposition to their cruel and inhuman
regime. Thus on Sept. 21, the Chilean
junta, acting through their secret '
police�DINA�murdered Orlando
Letelier�just as they murdered Gen.
Carlos Prats in Argentina and many
others in Italy and elsewhere who
were "graciously" allowed to leave
Chile after months of torture and
imprisonment.
With the cynicism typical of their
rule, they promptly denied any
involvement in Letelier's murder.
Moreover, with crocodile tears they
even "lamented" the assassination of
a man for whom they so recently
*issued a decree depriving him of his
Chilean citizenship. Obviously, in their
diabolic reasoning they feel they can
more easily escape indictment for the
deaths and disappearance of the
former democratically elected leaders
and members of the Popular Unity
party if these individuals are done
away with outside Chile instead of
by the "on the spot" murders and
"disappearances" which have been
going on in that tragic country since
Sept. 11,1973.
� If there is any forthrightness and
"Founding Father" greatness in either
of our present presidential candidates,
I believe that now is the time for their
platforms to include specific proposals
for doing away with this monstrous
terror that is spreading throughout all
of Latin America. We now all know it
was aided and abetted by deliberate
acts of the Nixon administration and
the CIA�an attitude that is still
being supported covertly and overtly
by the Ford administration, and many
in the business world and the banking
community. This growing cancer in
the western hemisphere will surely
destroy not only our Latin American
brothers and sisters, but also our
America�just as our policy in Vietnam
came close to doing.
Now is the time�now before our
November election�for our next
President to obtain his mandate from
the American people to correct the
evil that we have wrought; to state his
intent to go before the United Nations
and there openly acknowledge, with
all the honesty that should characterize
America, our government's part in
stealing away the Chilean government
from the Chilean people and our
anxiety to make amends and enable
restitution.
Our next President should also
commit the United States to support-
ing all possible U.N. sanctions, includ-
ing the ouster of the present Chilean
regime from that body, to bring about
the regime's downfall; he should
insist that this regime be succeeded
by a caretaker body in the hands of
the democratically elected Popular
Unity party and that early elections
be held under U.N. supervision and the
constitutional laws that prevailed
prior to the 1973 putsch, and he
should pledge our willingness to help
a democratic Chile recover from its
eresent state of economic chaos.
By taking such a stand, this country
--mid once again demonstrate to the
�/odd community of nations that
America is still capable of exercising
the high ideals and purposes of demo-
cracy upon which our nation was
founded.
In the hearts of his many admirers
in this country and Chile, Orlando
Letelier has not died. In history,
Letelier, his former president, Salvador
Allende Gossens, and the many
Chilean heroes who worked and died
with them to bring political and
economic freedom to the Chilean
people will live on forever. The mem-
bers of the junta and those who
assisted in establishing that junta must
surely, soon we hope, share the fate of
Hitler, Mussolini, and all their ilk.
A.J. Rosenstein
New Marlborough, MA
About four years ago I worked with
the Committee of Concerned Asian
Scholars to write a pamphlet called
The Opium Trail. In it, we accused the
CIA of purposefully aiding the opium
heroin trade in order to �build the
economic dependence of allied
mercenary forces and tribal groupings
in Laos. I talked personally with one
ex-green Beret who said he delivered
CIA gold to village chiefs and loaded
opium on Air America planes and
helicopters. He also said he later saw
the same opium (village markings)
on the Saigon market. I believe Alan
Ginsberg has names of other G.I.s
who had similar experiences.
Around the time I was working on
the pamphlet, I thought of starting
an organization to research and
expose the CIA. I am very happy to
find you proceeding with much
effectiveness. My best wishes. Thank
you for your efforts!
C. Knight
Cambridge, MA
� Your Spring 1976 issue is just great;
congratulations on your good work.
One little addendum to the infor-
mation on Larry McDonald: I was
traveling from Miami to New York
in early May and noticed an item in
either a Georgia (Athens) or Tennessee
(also Athens) paper that he remarried,
and his new wife, whose name I forget,
from Glendale, California, is a long-
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"Should the practice
of Spydom become universal
farewell to all
domestic confidence and happiness."
London Times
Christmas 1859
Publisher �
� Fifth Estate Publishing Company
Senior Editors
Julie Brooks
Winslow Peck
Ellen Ray
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The Magazine For People Who Need To Know
� COMMENT
TRENDS �.
Feedback on Reeses- / Border Harassment Continues / IRS
Spies on Own Workers / HUD Refuses to Give Up Workers List
/ Bugging Aliens / Green Berets Train Local Cops / U.S. Narcs
Accused of Assassination Program / Are You an Interpol
Victim? / Gangs Linked to Police / Military Retreat I Framed
. Tokyo Rose? / Sensory Deprivation Report / Torture Survey /
Levi Threatens U.S. �
� .:ADEX;. The FBI's Hit List. Exclusive expose of FBI: "Adminis-
trative Index.'
DEATH ON EMBASSY ROW
CIA Covers Up Murder. Web. of Chilean Gestapo By Winslow Peck
Chile's Secret Police / 'Fascist Cancer in Chile / CIA Henchmen
16 TIP: TERRORIST INFORMATION PROJECT
Police Arrest Nazi Bomber 1 Klan Organizes Prison Guards /
Chicago Nazis Compete With. Klan / Vietnamese Reactionaries
Organize
18 , RENDEVOUS IN GENEVA
Philip Agee exposes the woman who bugged
Associate Editors
Philip Agee
Robert Friedman
Contributing Editors
Sidney Lens
Edgar Lockwood
ts D. Gareth Porter
Anthony Russo
William Turner
Philip Wheaton
Correspondents In
Bangkok, Berlin, Copenhagen,
, � Frankfurt, Havana,
Hong Kong, London, Luanda,
Madrid, Mexico City, Paris,
Rome, San Juan P.R.,
Stockholm, Sydney, Toronto,
and the U.S.
CounterSpy Magazine, Vol-
ume 3, Number 2, December
1976, published by Fifth
Estate Publishing Company, a
District. of Columbia not-for-
profit corporation, P.O. Box
647, Ben- Franklin Station,
Washington, DC 20044, tele-
phone [phone]. All
rights reserved; copyright Cc)
1976, by Fifth Estate Pub-
lishing Company.
Cover graphic by Johanna
Vogelsang of Art for People.
Typography by Art for People,
and Myrna Zimmerman.
22 . . BOOKS: MOMENT OF URGENCY
Edgar Lockwood examines the Kissinger Study of Southern
Africa
24 HIT 'N RUN
West German Revolutionary Ulrike Meinhof Found Raped,
/Hanged in Cell � .
� '-
26 EARTHQUAKE WARFARE A Preliminary Report on the Penta-
gon's Unthinkable Plans By Robert Friedman
27 . .CIA AROUND THE WORLD
28 Plan Mercurio; Round 'Up For Political Exiles By Philip
Wheaton
'� 34 Revelations from CIA's Former Korea Chief By Steve McGuire
"..3.6 CIA and Local Gunmen Plan Jamaican Coup By Ellen Ray,
� 49 Bloody Wednesday in Bangkok By D. Gareth Porter
42 CONFIDENTIAL. U.N. MEMO Discloses U.S. Covert Actions-
- Against Namibian Independence and U.N. Commissioner
for Namibia
53 TECHNOFASCISM
.; Technology News Briefs
54 SPECIAL SUPPLEMENT
Indochina War Crimes! CBS Aids Pentagon Cover Up! Military �
Documents Verify War Crimes Charges of Col. Anthony Herbert
By John Kelley and Winslow Peck
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Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
COMMENT
Them' . . .
Throughout the last five administrations, the State De-
partment and the Central Intelligence Agency have been at
war. with Cuba. It has not been the war of Vietnam, nor of
Angola or,the Middle East. It has been a secret War, and for
:the past eight years; one of Ilenry Kissinger's favorite
,battlegames. Whether the new administration will have the
.sense or the courage or the strength to end this war remains
,-,to be seen. During the recent presidential campaign, the
.reality, was well hidden, and only glimpses of that secret
swar came into focus from time to time.
But with the assassination of Orlando Letelier in Wash-
ington, and the bombing in the Caribbean of a Cubana
Airlines plane, the war escalated, and the tangled, convoluted
�web was exposed, interweaving the U.S. intelligence appara-
Aus,- the right-wing Cuban expatriots--- the gusanos, the
fChilean Junta, and the transnational forces of destabiliza-
-.tion. Caught in the web are the banished Chilean exiles,
:the brave Cuban people, and progressive forces everywhere.
People in power, have never given up their power without
-a fight. As the age of capitalism gives way to the age of
socialism, the struggle heightens at points of transition. And
social progress is not smooth; while there are victories in
Vietnam and Angola, there are tragedies in Chile and Thai-
land-. The United States is always involved. The sphere of
. North American counterrevolution is world-wide.
As we demonstrate in this issue of CounterSpy, there is
�a special emphasis now on Latin America and Africa. In
the three years since the CIA-engineered coup in Chile, the
southern cone of our hemisphere has become an inter-
--national testing ground for mill taryputschestreeding fascism:
The multi-national corporations, the ndlitary dictatorships,
and the fascist parties are all at work with U.S. techno-
logical help. Our articles on Chile and Argentina show
'something of the scope of these activities.
' The other major focus of current U.S. involvement,
southern Africa, is represented by the revealing description
of events surrounding the status of Namibia, as documented
in-the confidential U.N. memorandum reprinted here, and
in a critique of an early, secret Kissinger study of southern
Africa, still being implemented. "
Providing a link between the two fronts is Jamaica, a
Caribbean land with a deep African heritage, which is the
current target of a major destabilization effort, comparable
to Chile and much of Latin America. Woven through all
these -events is a common thread: the U.S, government's
psychopathic fear of Cuba, as evidenced by the preposterous
assertion that Fidel Castro may have been responsible for
the assassination of John F. Kennedy.
The struggle of course is global. This issue of CounterSpy
also provides some exclusive details of U.S. war crimes in
-Vietnam, exposed by Anthony Herbert, as well as an analy-
sis of the repressive and reactionary developments in
Germany and Thailand. Even though we limit our coverage
to the incredible transgressions of the U.S. intelligence
'community and those they have trained, there is no lack
of material.
2 CounterSpy
anti Us
Readers of CounterSpy will notice some changes,
beyond the lateness of this issue. We have decided to attempt
an expansion; we want to reach more people. We have
incorporated, increased production, and modified our re-
sources to present tighter, more comprehensive coverage
Our staff has changed somewhat, with some former
members of the old Organizing Committee for a Fifth Estate
going on to other things. Now we will draw on the vast
skills and knowledge of our contributing editors and advisors,
as we have done in this issue. Future issues will carry more
of their own analyses of national security issues, as well as
those written by independent journalists. We hope our
readers" will approve and welcome the new CounterSpy.
CounterSpy Magazine Advisory Board*
Sylvia Crane
National Committee Against Repressive Legislation
David Dellinger
Institute for New Communications
Frank Donner
ACLU Political Surveillance Project
Robert Katz
Assassination Information Bureau
William M. Kunstler
Attorney and former OSS officer
Dr. Ralph Lewis
Criminal Justice Research Director, Michigan
-State University
COL (Ret.) L. Fletcher Prouty
Former Military Liaison to CIA
Kirkpatrick Sale
Author
William H. Schaap
Editor, Military Law Reporter
Stanley Scheinbaum
American Civil Liberties Union
Daniel Stern .
Professor of Sociology, Northeastern University
'Organizations listed for identification only.
CounterSpy Magazine is published bi-monthly by Fifth
Estate Publishing Company. Please address all correspon-
dence to P.O. Box 647, Ben Franklin Station, Washington,
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CounterSpy welcomes the submission of manuscripts, but
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Prior written permission to reprint articles from CounterSpy,
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Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
Levi Threatens U.S.
Human Events, a conservative na-
tional weekly, has concluded that U.S.
Attorney General Edward Levi is a threat
to our internal security. In the Septem-
ber 25 issue it accused him of weakening
our republic by ordering the FBI to stop
illegal burglaries, stop infiltration of
political parties, and stop COINTEL-
PRO-type sabotage, particularly against
the Socialist Workers Party. The Human
Events article encouraged the Attorney
General to allow the FBI to harass the
SWP.
is to go into trouble spots as a small team
of specialists. The CIA makes initial
� contact with local insurgents, and Spe-
cial Forces enter to supply and train
them. Its second function is to conduct
direct operations against the enemy:
� raids, ambushes, intelligence gathering
operations, etc.
- Presently, the Special Forces doctrine
is designed for rural areas only. Recent
urban guerrilla activity leaves them
totally disabjed, according to a Special
Forces Agent who wrote a story. for
Harpers Weekly.
Torture Survey -
Amnesty International, an organiza-
tion devoted to the release of political
prisoners, reports in its latest survey that
suppression of human rights is continu-
ing on a disturbing scale in 107 nations.
Persecution of dissident individuals, in-
cluding the use of torture that almost
defies belief, is not limited to a � few
countries; it's widespread. Amnesty In-
ternational, which sent investigators into
31 countries last year, reports that
torture experts exchange knowledge and
that torture equipment is exported from
one country to another.
Green Berets Train Local Cops
� 'Although it is illegal for the military to
aid civilian law enforcement agencies, '
, members of the Special Forces Reserve
Units have been holding informal meet-
ings with local law enforcement officials
over the summer. '
The U.S. military's Special Forces
Reserve Units held illegal training ses-
sions for local police in counter insur-
gency strategies. The sessions are com-
pletely unofficial and not in any Special
Forces capacity. They met with local
police officials and also personnel from
certain county sheriffs' offices. They
created realistic scenarios, in which they
would act. One went like this: a lame-
duck president is in power. He should
resign but can't give up his power.
Military leaders decide they need a�
strongman government. They demand
the. federal government step in and
declare martial law, a police state
pronouncement. -
Special Forces has two functions. One
ugging Mien
In March 1976, President Ford, Attor-
ney General Levi and Senator Kennedy
announced a bipartisan bill to govern
electronic surveillance for national secur-
� its,- purposes. On its surface, the For-
eign Intelligence Surveillance Act (S.
3197) appears to be a constructive
response to the abuses and atrocious
practices of U.S. Intelligence agencies. It
,isnot-
The bill establishes a procedure for
obtaining warrants for electronic sur-
'veillance of an "agent oF a foreign
power" in the name of collecting "for-
eign intelligence information." An agent
of a foriegn power is 'defined as ayone
"who is not a permanent resident alien or
citizen of the U.S. and who is an . . .
employee of a foreign power." But q
"foreign power" includes not only gov-
ernments (friendly or otherwise) and
military forces but also factions, parties,
or enterprises controlled by such entities.
Foreign intelligence information includes
any information with respect to foreign
� powers which is deemed essential to U.S.
national security or to the conduct , of
U.S. foreign affairs: Christopher Pyle, in
his analysis of S. 3197 in The Nation,
� states: "The scope of this definition is
truly breathtaking. Fourth Amendment
protection against unreasonable national
security wiretapping would be denied not
only to suspected spies (whose agencies
are omitted from the list) but to doctors
'from Sweden, prOfessors from France,
railroad engineers from England, poli.
ticians from Canada, and UNICEF
workers from Australia. Indeed, given
the millions of people that socialism has
put on foreign government payrolls,
about the only foreign visitors clearly
exempted under the bill are apolitical
foreign businessmen, like the executives
of multinational corporations whose
dealings in strategic commodities have
caused consternation in our intelligence
agencies."
Gangs Linked to Police
A police scandal is brewing in Detroit,
where sources report that officers in the
gang intelligence unit of the Detroit
Police Department and members of the
Detroit Police Officers Association
(DPOA) have made plans to feed guns,
money and drugs to the Errol Flynns and
rival gangs. Although DPOA and Dep-
uty City Mayor William Bechham have
termed such reports "ridiculous and ir-
responsible," at least one aide to Mayor
Coleman Young is reported to be inves-
tigating the rumors. Possible motives
for the crime-intensifying actions include
�the need to force rehiring of laid-off
officers and the desire to ernbarass or
destroy the mayor and strengthen the
DPOA.
At least one gang member, Keith
Harvey (known as a publicity-seeker and
not entirely credible), says that members
of the Detroit Police gang intelligence
unit gave a list of black police officers,
names and addresses to gang members.
The list was recently found in the posses-
sion of a gang, member. The list, Harvey
contends, was given to the gang by Abdul
Mohammed, who was found murdered
in Highland Park last winter. Harvey
contends that Mohammed was a police
provocateur. '
A recent article in the Los Angeles
Times also charged that gang violence in
Detroit was precipitated by Mayor
Young's 'enemies to embarrass his
administration.
Feed Back on Reeses
John and Louise Rees were sub-
poened by the Socialist Workers Party
as part of its suit against the govern-
ment for harassment. The FBI admit-
ted to its lawyers that 66 FBI agents are
inside the campaign committee of SWP
Presidential Candidate Peter Camejo,
despite the ruling by the court to cease
spying. The SWP suspects that the Rees
apparatus may have worked for the
government to spy on the party. The
Reeses have also been subpoened by
the Institutue for Policy Studies in a
similar suit.
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CounterSpy 3
�
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(right) A sample of John Rees' hand-
writing in a letter sent as recently as
, June 19 76 to a radical left organization.
John Rees has been active infiltrating
a number of leftist organizations in Bal-
timore claiming he, worked for a dog
kennel or worked as a freelance writer.
He also bragged about his many con-
tacts in the Left movement. When the
Senate Internal Security Subcommittee
.- published its analysis of the SWP� -
.largely written by Louise Rees .who
works for Rep. Larry McDonald�John
Rees rushed a copy of the document
.:over to the local officer of a. SWP
splinter group, the Baltimore Marxist
Group, to gauge their reactions. An of-
Baltimore police press sticker is
h .John Rees's automobile license
plate. His I.D. says he works for
'2!Capital Reports." But -"Capital
.Reports, Inc.," which answers his
'telephone as "Washington Credit Let- -
:ter," denies -Rees worked there.
The. National �Lawyers. Guild � in
Washington, D.C. has formed the-
Guild Investigative Group to examine
the works of the Reeses -and Larry.
McDonald.
,
, (Wow) JOHN and LOUISE RFS as they appeared in 1972. In August, the Committee to Combat CommunistAggression
� held a- banquet in Virginia in honor of the Reeses and Rep. Larry McDonald (D -Ga.). The .three spies received awards for
their `great efforts at infiltrating radicals until their exposure recently in CounterSpy magazine.- Unknown to the 45 gues'
- 'attending the dinner, there Were also three counterspies enjoying dinner and McDonald's wicked'remarks about this rna,;,!
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IRS Spies On Own Workers
Three IRS employees, Paul Stuchlak,
Frank D. Fuoco and Albert J. Schibani,
charged that the IRS engaged in whole-
sale violation of the 1974 Privacy Act by
maintaining illegal files on its workers.
They filed the suit in Washington, D.C.,
seeking damages and other relief not
only for the three plaintiffs, but for the
"thousands" of other IRS employees
allegedly affected. The files, which are
not the files the IRS admitted and
disclosed they had last December 1975,
are kept in the supervisors' offices. The
plaintiffs' names are on the outside of the
notebook or binder and each folder
contains handWritten notes on the em-
ployees, evaluation forms, latters, mem-
oranda and other personal information
on the employees. They're called "docu-
mentation folders" and are not kept with
the Official Personnel Folder.
HUD Refuses to Give Up
Workers Lists
This may be the first case where the
Privacy Act conflicted with the Freedom
of Information Act�and the latter pre-
vailed. The Housing and Urban Develop-
ment Dept. maintains promotion lists on
which employees are ranked numerical-
ly. The lists are major factors�though
not the only ones�in promotion deci-
sions. When HUD refused to grant a
local of the American Federation of
Government Employees access � to the
lists, the union filed a grievance which
eventually went to arbitration. The arbi-
trator declared the union is entitled to
any and 'all information available to
individual employees. He ordered HUD
to make the promotion lists available
� within fifteen days. He further ordered
that management must advise the union
of the promotion ranking of any em-
ployee who asks the union to seek such
information for him. He also said that
when rankings are questioned, manage-
ment must make the lists available in full
to both the employees and the union.
U.S. Nares Accused of
Assassination Program
The Solidary Committee with the
Argentine People (SCAP) and the Man-
chester Guardian have releaSed separate
reports about an assassination program
similar to the CIA's Phoenix Program in
Vietnam, but operating throughout
Latin America. (See story) It may have
been created by.the CIA and the Drug
Enforcement Administration (DEA).
SCAP charges that the DEA in Argen-
tina can be directly linked with the
paramilitary death squad, AAA (Argen-
tine Anti-Communist Alliance), which
has been responsible for as many as
5,000 murders since August 1972. In
September, 55 young men and women,
opponents of the Argentine military dic-
tatorship, were murdered on the out-
skirts of Buenos Aires in one 24-hour
period. The most grim mass killing
involved 30 victims; they were found near
Fatima on August 29, their bullet-
riddled bodies blown apart by explo-
sives. This method is now common in
AAA killings.
The man responsible for organizing
the AAA was former Argentine Social
Welfare Minister Jose Lopez Riga. While
exiled in Spain, Riga was recriiited by
Robert Hill, then U.S. Ambassador to
Spain and a suspected CIA agent. When
Hill was assigned as Ambassador to
Argentina in 1973, Lopez Riga became
the Welfare Minister. Hill and Riga
arranged for the DEA to enter Argentina
in order to establish a program to "wipe
out drug traffic in Argentina." Riga
claimed, while on television with Hill
when they signed the U.S. Argentina
Anti-drug Treaty, that the "anti-drug
campaign will automatically be an anti-
guerrilla campaign as well." The DEA
has over 400 agents operating through-
out Latin America.
Sensory Deprivation Report
The August 5, 1976 issue of New
Scientists has a remarkable article titled
"Taking the Hood off British Torture"
documenting the clinical results of Brit-
ish "sensory deprivation' techniques on
prisoners in northern Ireland. The arti-
cle, using evidence from a report by the
European Human Rights Commission,
reveals that this modern form of torture,
used by the British at their Combined
Services Intelligence Centre, has long-
range medical and psychiatric effects
including paranoid delusions and visual
and auditory hallucinations which can
continue long after initial treatments.
In 1971, the British placed hoods over
fourteen prisoners, forced them to stand
against a wall in a frisk position,
supported only by their fingertips, and
dressed in loose-fitting boiler suits for
periods up to sixteen straight hours. If
they fell, they were forced back to the
position. If they, fell again, they were
subjected to a continuous loud "white"
noise of high intensity and deprived of
"
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sleep, food and water. Although these
techniques do not leave any physical
scars, the report concluded these
methods are indeed torture.
Border Harassment Continues
The U.S. Supreme Court has autho-
rized the Border Patrol to reestablish
highway checkpoints along the Mexican
border. In its July 6 decision, the court
reversed a 1975 order by the circuit
court of appeals in San Francisco that
shut down checkpoints because they
violated the Fourth Amendment ban on
unreasonable search and seizure. The
new decision also scraps the court's
earlier rulings requiring "reasonable
cause" for stopping and searching cars.
The court described the checkpoints as
. "minimal" intrusion on constitutional
rights, justified by the number of undoc-
umented workers the system appre-
hends.
The checkpoints 'may be "minimal"
� for whites but not for Mexican-Ameri-
cans. There have been many incidents of
racist abuses by -the Border Patrol,
, including verbal insults, physical vio-
lence, women molesting, and good old-
fashioned American shakedowns. Justi-
ces Thurgood Marshall and William
Brennan, dissenting from the ruling,
declared the searches "a dragnet-like
procedure offensive to the sensibilities of
free citizens." The court noted that
17,0.00 "illegal aliens" were caught at a
single checkpoint last year. Brennan
added in his remarks, "That law in this
country should tolerate use of one's
ancestry as probative of possible criminal
conduct is repugnant"
Framed Tokyo Rose?
The Workers News Service of Ewa
Beach, Hawaii, recently sent Counterspy
an interview from the Honolulu Adviser
which indicates the FBI may have
framed Iva Toguri d'Aquino, the Jap-
anese-American woman convicted, of
treason in the 1949 "Tokyo Rose- trial
concerning pro-Japanese radio broad-
casts during World War II. The inter-
view was with Norman Reyes, a Flonoinlu
public relations man, who, white a
POW,' helped write some of the broad-
casts by d'Aquino. Reyes was a defense
witness at the trial of two other POWs
who worked at Radio Tokyo. They all
agreed d'Aquino was innocent and that
they had conspired to .sabotage Japanese
03258180
CounterSpy 5
-
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
propaganda efforts.
Out the judge threw out Reyes' testi-
mony because it directly contradicted a
statement, prepared by the FBI and
signed by Reyes. in which he stated there
were no efforts to sabotage Japanese
propaganda and that he did not trust
d'Aquino. On the stand, he said he
would trust her with his life. Reyes now
claims the FBI statement was a total lie,
composed by the Bureau, which he was
forced to sign. Reyes and many others
are urging President Ford to pardon Iva
Toguri d'Aquino.
Military Retreat
During the August 10, 1976 hearings
before the Senate Armed Services Com-
mittee on the Nomination ot Daniel
Orrin Graham to be promoted to Lieu-
tenant General on the Retired List of the
Army, Senator Stuart Symington
(D-Mo.) was able to force Gen. Graham
to,admit that the CIA was -the brightest
and most flexible piece of the Federal
Bureaucracy that I have ever run into.-
It's startling when one remembers
Graham led the Pentagon effort to take
over many intelligence activities, especi-
ally strategic estimates troni the CIA.
Under questioning from the Senator
though, Graham admitted that the De-
fense Intelligence Agency (DIA) was not
very accurate at threat estimates. Like
most military intelligence agencies, the
DIA exists to enforce the command
statrs operational plans and most often
delivers "intelligence to please." Most
notorious were the military intelligence
estimates of the Indochina War, which
only reinforced Pentagon contentions
that the U.S. was winning,
Are You an Interpol Victim?
The National Commission on Law En-
forcement and Social Justice has been
conducting an investigation into
INTERPOL, the quasi/private Inter-
national Police Organization working
out of the U.S. Treasury Department. If
INTERPOL officials or associates have
abused or harassed you overseas by
possible false [INTERPOL tiles, we want
you to contact the Commission. It' you
know or suspect INTERPOL harass-
ment, please contact: The National
Commission or Law Enforcement and
Social Justice, 044 Market St., Rrn. 607.
San Francisco, CA 94102 or call 415) ,
397-2678.
rounterS2y
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Station, Washington, D.C. 20044. Send Money Order or
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�1�11����..1.1.11.1����....M.
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C032581,80
In 1971, Attorney General John Mitchell, in an attempt to stave off further criticism of the FBI's practice of keeping
huge lists of dissidents�alleged subversives�for Who knows what nefarious reasons, announced that all of the lists had -
.been abolished, and were replaced by one short "Administrative Index," or "ADEX," of less than 10,000 names. Since
that list was also unrelated to proven, or even suspected criminal activity, in 1974 Acting FBI Director L. Patrick Gray
announced that the ADEX had been abolished. However, in 1976, a politically active attorney from New York, requesting
his FBI file under the Freedom of-Information Act, discovered, buried in his dossier, a copy of his ADEX entry Memoran-
dum and Report. ADEX, it appears, was not abolished, simply moved around. No explanation of the four categories was
given. The New York office recommended that the lawyer be put in the lowest category, IV, "because of subject's apparent �
influence with New Left leaders." However, the home office stated: "In addition to the foregoing, a review of subject's
activities clearly depicts him as a revolutionary attorney and sympathizer who, during a time of national emergency, would
be likely to commit acts inimical to the national defense. In view of the above, subject is being included in Category III
of ADEX" What fate is in store, we wonder, for people put in Category 1? The names and addresses have been changed;
otherwise the document below is an exact replica of an ADEX Memorandum:
111-12'.! ilt,r,
�,..0-........a. .� .....' ''"
......., ......,..- -.
,
UNITED STATES C. ' ERNNIENT
illemorarldun?
,
DM f 4. F fil (B (I DATE:
GLAY .1 5- 1972
� sAc. NEW YORK
illiECT z amUel. Abraham Strauss 'aka --
e
� NY summary'reoort dated
R.,�,,,,,,,d; !g:.u.,i.,:i c3rd c:j ADES. Card changed (speCify thange only) Ei Sal eel removed (...ecr ince snmosusy eifmiche"
Same
� Samuel Abraham Strauss.
Abases
Samuel A. Strauss -
,-.Sam Struuss
' Abe Straus a
WS:alive bor.
0 -
LT3 Al,,., _
Tab
C-4..C....elp,r+.
E.,-, Cat!gtarIT
K Care;ory Is
..viia,urtesserCt*'"
El MCC MI COMMUNIST 0 NL ED PLP C] P BSI r.7.3 &4C c3 sir?
fj ENT El JFG 0 501 � 0 PPA CM SOB , 0 Sri., 0 WI.
� 1,
0 BPS, M 1.1010 Miscellaneous (Specify!
If
Date of Bird,
6/20/39
Place of Moll 12..ace 1
Brooklyn, New York. , Id
Sex
. Ggml.,....
0 Female t
�----1
Business Address. Name of Emploaing Concern and Address,
NilliZV 01 EffiP10) men.. and Union Alfiliation, irony,
attorney . .-.35
Becker, Becker and Strauss.
504 Lexington Avenue
,New York, New York
Residence Address
Jana Street -
New York, New York
Key jUiltry Laata '
Geographical Reference Bundaer �I
Note the importance given to "Union Affiliation."
Some of the political groups are obvious: BPP�Black Panther Party; PLP�Progressive Labor Party;
SDS�Students for a Democratic Society; SNC�Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee; SW?---
Socialist Workers Party; WWP�Workers World Party. For some, we can make educated guesses: MIN�
Minutemen; NOI�Nation of Islam; PRN�Puerto Rican Nationalists. Some are less clear: NL may mean
National Lawyers Guild; AWC may be American White Citizens Council; SPL could mean Spartacist
League; no one at CounterSpy can guess what JFG stands for.
ADEX:
,The
indox
of moo
Americans
Note that fluctations in Category are obviously contemplated.
Note the date of "Rev." If the ADEX was only established in 1971, what was being revised? -
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CounterSpy 7
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ID T
� .-IF.F.MBASS)
�
CIA
-
CIA Covers Up Murder Web
of Chilean Gestapc
� With False Stories
and Terrorist Operations
Leaders Hi the .1z1nra from IL!! ir filrct. 'comma,.ider\
General G.istal..o [vizi' (;uzman, Junta President Pinocilid
Admiral .1-)w Torihio Merino Castrr, and General Cesar
Mendoza L,heran, commander of the. cardhincrr)s (armed
8 CountrSily
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By Winslow Peck
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
By the time CIA Directo'r George Bushmet with Justice
Department officials to, as the Washington Post put it, "Aid:
the Federal investigation of the bombing death of former
Chilean Ambassador Orlando. Letelier", the cover-up was in
full gear. Bush knew he couldn't keep all the strands of the
CIA's convoluted web of intrigue from being torn, but the
official probe could be just a "narrow" investigation focused
only on those who committed the murder. With persuasion
and limited cooperation on his part, the Justice Department
would probably 'not examine, all the CIA's "sources and
methods'.. The -odds were !favorable for the narrow in-
vestigation. , , ' � ,4
Confused local Police, FBI investigators, and boinb ex-
perts examined the bits and pieces of twisted automobile
glass and metal. Whatever remained of the bomb did nof
explain its compositim or the method .of detonation, The
assassins were long gone before police could e'ven recon-
struct the event. Interrogation, of bystanders and witnesies
were equally fruitless; conflicting stories'are commOn after
crimes of hightension and quick execution. Ordinary police
methods do not work. This was a political assassination not
a common murder.
_
The professional assassin can kill anyone, at any time at
any place and "does. not hinge success on the method of
murder but on ,protective invisibility. The objective is not
the killing, but the not The assassin con-
centrates on plausible denial, alibi,, confusion, false leads,
escape and finally, the frame-up.. This is ',why political
assassinations such as those of the Kennedys and Martin
Luther King have produced more tangled and speculative
theory than evidentiary fact, which is likely to be the fate
of this assassination. -
Reporters in. the Washington communitY heard
Letelier may have died of a bomb of his own making, or
perhaps that of a jealous lover or political rival in .his own
family'. The whispers from Letelier's enemies were far-
fetched and abundant. The trauma of death in the nation's
capital. was momentous enough for mass confusion. Bush
could plausibly, deny involvement .of the CIA, allowing
those at the bottom of the murderous hierarchy_ to be'the
scapegoat if the whispers and confusion failed. Tire capital's
citizens might. know in their, hearts that,.henchmen of the
CIA and its bloodthirsty Chilean client DINA (the Direc-
- cion de intelkgencia Nacional), comrpitted the foul deed
but 'the CIA could live with that. What ,the CIA must hide
is the vast web of CIA and Chilean intelligence agents,
foreign' dictatorships and their secret police, right-wing
'terrorists, media agents,, lobbyists and corrupt government
officials that would be exposed by a "broad" investigation.
'The American public must never know that the bloody
hands that murdered the Chilean democrat patriot and the
young American woman with him, are connected body and
soul, to the secret power of fascism permanently woven
into the frabric of America's 'liberal democracy and
foreign policy. ,
Symbol of Unity
; Orlando Letelier, 44-year-old former Minister of Foreign
Affairs and Defense and , Ambassador to the US, for the
Chilean Popular Unity Government was an outspoken critic
of the Present Chilean military Junta which overthrew his
government on September 11, 1973, almost three years to
the day they assassinated him. The Junta had targeted him
for a long time through its propaganda machine and through
verbal threats made on his life. .Letelier became a symbol of
unity in the movement to resist the bloody dictatorship.
Also killed when an explosive device went off in Letelier's
car on September 21, as it rounded Sheridan Circle in
Washington's Embassy Row, was Ronni Karpen Moffitt of
the institute for Policy Studies. Moffitt was an assistant to
the Institute's director and active in Chile solidarity work.
Letelier was an economist and Director of the international
program of the Institute�the Transnational Institute (TNI),
.;," � '
shake .
since coming to the 'US after imprisonment by the Junta.
Iviloffitt's husband of three Months, Michael, was injured
irt the blast; �
*, The leader of the junta, General Augusto Pinochet, had
personally greeted Letelier that day,. three years ago when
the tanks and planes murdered Chilean democracy. Allende
was killed by the time Pinochet ordered soldiers to take
Letelier from the Ministry of Defense building at gunpoint.
The Junta iMprisoned Letelier at a concentration camp for
the next year' of his' life" onthe bitterly cold Dawson,
Island, off Tierra del Fuego-. But through concerted efforts
of his friends and supporters throughout the. world, Letelier
was released on September 10, 1974, a year after the coup.
Letelier joined other Chilean refugee S in a life of deter-
mined resistance against the Junta. Last February, in the
course of his TN! activities,-he visited Holland and spoke
with the 'Dockworkers Federation and the Dutch trade
unions. After listening to Letelier, they agreed -to a total
-.boycott on the _handling of Chilean commodities. After
talks with Letelier, the Dutch government offered financial
aid for Chilean refugees in Holland and .cancelled a S63
million development credit for the Junta. Letelier's prestige
.._and leadership qualities made him a key figure among
Chilean exiles from the .Populat= Unity parties, the MIR
(Movement of' the Revolutionary Left), some Christian
Democrats, and the-liberal Catholics. He was-a symbol of
Chilean unity.
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More threats on Letelier's life began shortly after Con.
gress passed the Kennedy/Fraser resolution to cut off
military aid to Chile on June 16;1976. Strange men would
call Isabel Letelier to ask: "Are you the wife of Orlando
Letelier?"
"Yes," Isabel would answer.
"No, you are his widow," the voice on the line would
say. Some of Letelier's mail was mysteriously opened and
through friends in the diplomatic community, he learned
that there were high level discussions in the Junta over
whether or not to assassinate him.
The Junta viewed him as such a threat that Pinochet
personally signed a� decree revoking his Chilean citizenship
on September 10,1976.
Letelier was killed by right-wing Cuban exiles�called
gusanos or worms�in the pay of both the CIA and recently
i,DINA. The gusanos have been engaged in a war of terror
against Cuba, the Caribbean countries and Latin America.
ORLANDO BOSCH, leader of the gusanos' terrorist group,'
CORU, recently accused GUILLERMO and IGNACIO
- NOVO SAMBOL of killing Letelier. ,
� The gusanos also blow up airplanes, embassies, fishing
boats, airports and carry out kidnappings in an effort to
� overthrow and disrupt the Cuban government.
The CIA trained the gusanos. The gusanos' army, after
..training, was organized by the Chilean gestapo, called DINA.
The CIA with DINA, organized the escalated war against
Cuba. Today DINA is declaring its independence from the
CIA by carrying out its own operations against Chilean
resisters. The CIA-trained DINA-organized gusanos are
connected to the secret police agencies of several Central
and South American right-wing dictatorships and also to the
secret police of Venezuela. Certain operations are cairied
out under CIA directions; others are unilateral efforts by
DINA or other foreign secret police agencies. Together the
_network is desperately 'trying to cover up its connections by
,using its paramilitary , operations, and its psychological
warfare methods. � , � ,
,What follows is a portrait of what abroad investigation
of the CIA's paramilitary and propaganda operations that
'created, trained and supported DINA would uncover. A
narrow investigation, such as the one the CIA is trying to
control will cover up these facts. But the CIA will also have
to cover up the fact that the IS government can rio longer
control its brutal and vicious monsters;like Dr. Frankenstein
when the, monster he Tcreated from many dead bodies
turned to attack him in his own laboratory.
,
PARAMILITARY OPERATIONS
On October 15, Cuban Premier Fidel Castro announced
cancellation of the 1973 anti-hijacking agreement with the
US in retaliation for what he termed a CIA-backed "terrorist
- - -
campaign against Cuba. Castro spoke at the mass funeral
rally in Havana for the 57 Cubans (including several national
a heroes) who were among 73 persons killed when a Cubana
Airlines plane was blown out of the air October 6. Castro
revealed the existance of a double agent, working for the
CIA but loyal to Cuba, who had intercepted two messages
from CIA headquarters at Langley, Virginia to a CIA agent
10 CounterSpy
Orlando Bosch -
in Havana. One of the messages indicated that the CIA,was
planning another attempt on Castro's life. The message of .
October 9 read: �
Please report as soon as possible any inforniatiod dealing
with Fidel's attendance at the ceremony on the first anni-
versary of the independence 'of Angola on November-11. If
affirmative, try to find out complete itinerary of Fidel's ,
visits to other countries during the same trip. .,
With applause from the crowd, Castro said, "We_have the -�
code, the ciphers and all the evidence of the veracity of
thee communications." Castro also mentioned. that the CIA
agent had bugged the office of Osmany Cienfuegos, secretary
of the executive committee of the council of ministers, who'
participates
participates in formulating Cuba's African policy. �
The other message from CIA headquarters intercepted ,
earlier asked a" series of questions about terrorist acts against
Cuban property. The message read:
What is the official and private reaction to bomb attacks
against Cuban offices abroad? What are they going to do to
avoid and prevent them? Who is suspected as responsible?
Will there be retaliations? -
In a barely plausible denial, Henry Kissinger said in
response ta Cas`tro, "I can categorically state that no official
of the US government, no one paid by the American.
government, no one in contact with the American gbvern-'
ment has had anything to do with the airplane sabotage."
Castro mentioned eight. earlier incidents other than the
Barbados plane bombing. On .April 6, two fishing boats
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were attacked by private launches from Florida. One fisher-
man was killed. Two persons were killed and there was
heavy damage when a bomb exploded in the Cuban embassy
in Lisbon on April 22. On July 5, another bomb damaged
the Cuban mission to the United Nations. On July 9, a
bomb exploded at Norman Manley airport in Jamaica in
a luggage cart just before the luggage was to be loaded onto
a Cuban airliner. A bomb exploded July 10 in the offices of
British %Vest Indies Airways in Barbados, which represents
the Cuban airlines in Barbados. On July 23, a technician of
the Cuban National Fishery Institute was killed in an
attempt to kidnap the Cuban consul in Merida, Mexico. On
August 9 two Cuban embassy officials were kidnapped in
Buenos Aires and no one has heard from them since. And
on August 18, a bomb exploded in the Cubana office in
Panama.
",-
CORU, a DINA terrorist army
Identified by Castro, the Washington Star and numerous
Caribbean newspapers as responsible for the terrorist acts is
the gusano organization (pronounced goo'zan'o) organiza-
tion, the Coordination of. United Revolutionary Organi-
zations (CORU). CORU is an umbrella organization of five
anti-Castro groups with approximately 500 members (See
Sidebar). It formed at a meeting in Costa Rica in June 1974.
CORU is well known in Miami's Cuban exile community,
Little Havana, and photos of its meetings have appeared
in the local Spanish press. From investigations of its activi-
ties by Caribbean governments, we'll learn more about
CORU, but it is taking the blame in the US government's
narrow investigation. Training and support for the indivi-
duals and member groups of CORU is supplied by the CIA;
that's what the cover up is all about. The organization is the
result of fanatic passions of enterprising gusanos and the
operational need of the Junta's gestapo, DINA. CORU is
a DINA terrorist army.
It claimed responsibility for the September 1 bombings
at the Embassy of Guyana in Port of Spain, Trinidad; the
Mexican � Embassy in Guatemala City; as well as other
bombings in Barbados on other occasions. CORU claims it -
bombed the Guyana embassy in retaliation for Guyana's
policy of allowing Cuban airplanes to refuel there en route
to Angola. The Guatemala bombing, according to CORU,
was in retaliation for Mexico's failure to release two CORU
.members who tried to kidnap the Cuban consul in Merida,
Mexico.
CORU is lead by the crazed former pediatrician named
Orlando Bosch. Bosch was one of the founders of Cuban
Power but he supposedly broke with the CIA after the Bay
of Pigs because he thought the CIA was no longer dedicated
to overthrowing Castro. Although his first commando
actions were hardly dangerous, Bosch has a habit of killing
those with whom he disagrees. (See New Times, October
29 for a profile of Bosch's career.)
Bosch and others began their anti-Castro actions in the
early sixties against Cuban and other socialist commercial
shipping in the harbor of Miami. But his first attacks were
empty threats.; he forgot to put fuses in the bombs. The
"mad baby doctor" soon learned from his mistakes, how-
The CIA's Henchmen.
The following gusano groups are only some of the Cuban
exile organizations under the umbrella group called CORU.
The organizations that participate in terrorist activity use
such sophisticated explosives that police in Dade County,
Florida required special training in bomb techniques.
Accion Cobano�a small Miami-based group formed
� around July, 1974 which claimed credit for bombing several
Cuban embassies in that year. Recently, this group sold
bonds on the streets of Little Havana (in Miami) to finance
its organizing, in denominations from $10 to $1,000, re-
deemable upon Fidel Castro's death.
The National Liberation Front of Cuba (FNLC).- also
Miami-baSed and headed by -FRANK CASTRO and HUM�
BERTO LOPEZ. It took credit for the April 6 fishing boat
attack. FNI.0 appeared about the time that talks of renewed
trade with Cuba began in Washington. It also had plans to
,assassinate Senators Javits and Pell tiefore their trip to
Havana in early 1974. �FNLC has been largely responsible
for an internecine war between gusano groups in little
Havana and elsewhere over the question of how to main-
tain discipline for the umbrella group CORU. The FNLC
has formed sevetat satellite terrorist cells in the US including
the Jovenese de Estrella (Youth of the Star) in Miami, and
F14 in the New York City area, with whom the Letelier
� assassins are associated; Zero, which marks its victims for
death by sending the a "zero" mark; Secret Cuban Govern-
ment; Cuban Action; GIN; Omega 7; and El Condor which
took credit for the plane �bombing that killed 73 people in
October. One of El Condor's leaders, ROLANDO OTERO
was arrested for bombing the Miami FBI office, the Florida
State Attorney's ,office, the Dade County Police Depart-
ment and another explosion at Miami International Airport.
He was the youngest member .of the Bay of Pigs invasion
force.
The Association of Veteran's of the Bay of Pigs�a Miami-
based group headed by ROBERTO CARBALLO who won
the presidency after a bitter fight at this year's election
ceremonies on April 17. The keynote address at the congress
was Nicaraguan dictator. Somoza and US Representative
CLAUDE PEPPER.
Some of these gusanos simply became mercenaries after
the Bay of Pias fiasco and joined bands such as the Inter-
continental Penetration Force led by freelance ,anti-
communist mercenary GERALD PATRICK HEMMING in
the early sixties before the Congo operation.
Movimento 17 de April�.a splinter group Of the CIA-and-
Green-Beret-trained Cuban Invasion Brigade 2506, run by
CIA case officers GRACETON LYNCH and 'RICHARD
ROBERTSON, which was defeated at the Bay of Pigs on
April 17, 1960. The splinter group was formed last April
by JUAN PEREZ FRANCO. '
Movimento Nacionalista Cubana�another Miami-based
group responsible. for many bombings in the US and
�'elsewhere. �
�.; CORU drew personnel from the JURE group of
gusanos, for CORU operations in the Dominican Republic.
JUKt has operated since the US' invasion in 1967.
- �
CounterSpy 11
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ever, and created such a problem for harbor authorities that
the US Coast Guard was forced to escort the ships in and
out of the harbor. By the mid-sixties, Bosch was a leader of
the Movement for Revolutionary Recovery (MIRR) led
by MA.NUEL F. ARTIME, who later would form the
Commandos Mambises, the only gusand-terrorist group
which the CIA directly originated in the early sixties.
All the gusano groups were infiltrated and manipulated
by the CIA's OPERATION MONGOOSE, the campaign to
overthrow or kill Castro. Mongoose developed the Miami
CIA station IM/Wave on the University of Miami under the
cover of Zenith Technical Enterprises. JM/Wave had an
annual budget of..over $50 million, branch offices in 54
dummy corporations, and a permanent staff of 300 Ameri-
cans who employed. and controlled approximately 6,000
gusano agents including Bernard Barker of Watergate fame,
who' was a member of MIRR under E. Howard Hunt as his
controller. After the Bay of Pigs fiasco, led by GRACETON
LYNCH and RICHARD ROBERTSON, the CIA wound
down operations at JM/Wave and sent Artime to Guatemala
under direction from Robertson in a last effort to influence
gusanos who were bitter over the defeat. Robertson later
directed the gusano actions in the Congo crisis of 1967. The
following explains what some of the 6,000 trained gusanos
did after the Bay of Pigs plan fell apart. "
With a cell of MIRR, Bosch escalated the disruption of
shipping in the Miami harbor. On September 16, 1968, the
FBI arrested Bosch and others While they fired a makeshift
bazooka into the harbor from MacArthur Causeway, over
the Coast Guard cutters escorting a Polish ship. Charged
with this, and with using the telephone to make threats
against the governments of Mexico, England and Spain,
.Bosch was sentenced to ten years in a federal prison. After
three and a half years Bosch ,was freed after a series of
hunger strikes; he soon disappeared. US authorities still
want Bosch for parole violations and for questioning for at-
tempting to murder RICARDO MORALES NAVARETTE,
a former FBI informer and CIA agent, now a high-ranking
member of the Venezuelan secret police. _ � ,
Bosch was arrested in Caracas, Venezuela in November,
1974 after taking credit for two bombings, but the FBI did
not ask that he be extradited to the US because the State_
Department intervened. Powerful Cuban exiles in VeneZuela
took their case to high levels of the government and Bosch
was released. He flew immediately, to Santiago, Chile and
established contact with DINA. A Miami newsman who
interviewed him there reported he had a Venezuelan chief
of staff and 15 Chilean bodyguards.
DINA had already made contact with other gusano
� groups including the non-terrorist youth group ABDALA�
and Alpha 66, a broad coalition of exiles often opposed to
the terrorism. According to a gusano defector who returned
' to Cuba named CARLOS RIVERO COLLADA*, Colonel
'EDUARDO SEPULVEDA, the Chilean Consul in Miami;
is an intimate friend of Pinochet and visited Miami shortly
after the coup; at the same time, the Junta repaid several -
million dollars ofitadebt to the US in cash. There, according
CARLOS RIVER� COLLA DOS, who returned to his homeland in Cuba.
has recently published &book on the gusanos called Los Sobrinos tiel Tbo
Sam or The Nephews of Uncle Sam.
�
12 CounterSpy
to --Thvero, he met with RAMIRO DE LA FE, a leader of a
group plied Young Cuba. Young Cuba took credit for
attacks on the Cuba Mission in Ottawa in 1966 and 1967
and in 1972 blew Up the Cuban trade mission in Montreal
with assistance � from members of the Royal Canadi-
Mounted Police. De la Fe had been sentenced in th'e
three and a half years for illegal activity. Young C,;':
CORU and the National Liberation Front of Cuba (-
are believed to receive additional financial backing fr.,in
Little Havana gbdfather, CARLOS PRIO SOCARRAS, th
president of Cuba before Battista. A splinter group 'of
Young Cuba, the ,Cuban Neorevolutionary Action Group
took credit for the 1973 attack on the Cuban ambassador
in Mexico which CORU would later attempt ,to avenge in
-� the Guatemala City bombing. �
Sepulveda encouraged the gusanos to carry out a publi-
city campaign in Miami and New York City in return for
munitions and funds. DINA assigned a newsman, PEDRO
ERNESTO DIAZ of the fascist Patria y Libertad party to
control Young Cuba. The information which was stolen
from the Chilean Embassy in Washington before the coup
by the same gusanos involved in the Watergate affair, ended
up in the hands of this Chilean fascist party. Sepulveda
attended a September meeting of gusanos in Miami Beach;
others in attendance were JULIO DURAN, the Junta's
representative at- the U.N., Memphis mayor MARICE
FERRAR, and the US Representative TOM E. GALLAGER.
By July 1975 Bosch began his reign of terror in Little f
Havana and the Caribbean to gain control of all the gusanos
and to raise his CORU army. One of his principal deputies
became HUMBERTO LOPEZ of FNLC who was a former
announcer for the Voice of America and who had been
� trained in demolitions by the US Army and the CIA.
Some of Bosch's first actions after his release from
prison were in Costa Rica. While Bosch was, behind bars,
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BENJAMIN MATTE, a member of Patria y Libertad had
set up DINA's Costa Rican operations to counteract the
work of anti-Junta groups according to the Costa Rican
weekly Pueblo on November 2, 1974. Its July 6 issue stated
� that Chileans were working with various right-wing groups
with their nexus in Guatemala, where the CIA organized
a coup d'etat in 1954 and has influenced the government
City cm charges of massive gunsmuggling from the US to
Central America), Guatemala, Israel and the United States.
That same year a Costa Rican radio 'station reported that
Guatemala, El Salvador and Chile were facilitating a coup.
Even the conservative opposition Costa Rican daily .La
Nacion on October 23, 1975 carried reports of the Guate-
rnalan government financing MCRL.**
Left: A Rev Moon Unification- Church 'spy (left) and
DINA agent photograph C'hile Solidarity rally' one year
after the coup, September 11,1974, in front of the White
House._ Middle: At a large reception for Hortensia Allende
November 1974, sponsored by the Institute for Policy
Studies at the DuPont Plaza Hotel. Left to right; an uniden-
tified man, a DLVA informant who is a student at Mont-
gomery Junior College and a former Santiago Military
Academy. student; DINA agent with mustache; and his
superior. Right: As guests enter reception hall, DINA
informer and .DINA agent whisper names to superior.
ever since.- On October 29, 1974 the newspaper La Horn
published photostats of intercepted correspondence dated
September 12,-1974 between Chilean Embassy officials and
their superiors in Santiago, in which the Embassy requested
more funds to finance the activities of Movimento Costa
Rica Libre (MCRL). The MCRL was asking for more funds.
The documents stated that "the contributions wrucn we
have given them have been small but they are asking for
- more aid." The letter mentioned activities "following our
instructions from Santiago" to buy arms (presumably for
MCRL) and to pay for propaganda work by gusano teams.
The Junta's purpose was to strengthen MCRL at the time
because it was, in their opinion, the only way to prevent
communism in Costa Rica. Santiago (and. presumably the
US) believed the Oduber government was ='weak, indecisive,
and corrupt."I '
The La Hora photostats specifically implicate the
Guatemalan .military attache in Costa Rica and state that
MCRL has "minimal aid" from the embassies of El Salvador
(whose Chief of Staff was, recently arrested in New York
In 1975, DINA-sent Bosch to Costa Rica with a Chilean
diplomatic passport to make contact with the MCRL and to
assassinate MIR leader ANDRES PASCAL ALLENDE,
nephew of the murdered President 'of Chile. But Bosch was
detained after Mexico's President Echevveria called Costa
Rican President Oduber to warn him. Kissinger was coming
to Costa Rica at the same time. The April 29, 1975 issue of
Pueblo revealed that ,from there Bosch was reported in
several Latin American and Caribbean countries especially
the Dominican Republic and Veneznela, where the gusano
'groups are active in the police, and intelligence agencies
services. The Pueblo office was blown up on August 2,1976
by gusanos connected to Bosch and DINA. The Costa Rican
secret police, 0 fficina de Seguridad Nacional (OSN), directed
by Gen. FERNANDO FIGIJLS. also employs gusanos and
continues to allow MCRL to operate in Costa Rica and to
publish a column in El National.
. _
Gusanos Admit Guilt
- One day after the Cubana plane blew up, Trinidad
authorities arrested HERNANDO-RICARDO LUSANO, aka
JOSE VELASQUEZ, aka _JOSE GARCIA of the Caracas
That month, the government began a formal investigation of,VCRI, sparked
'by rumors that the group, along with gusanos, were planning to assassinate
foreign minister CONZA LO FACIO who was active in the campaign to lift
sanctions against Cuba. The Miami Herald on September 20, 1974 reported
that Facto received phone threats when he was in the U.S. for U.N. and
OAS meetings. At the same time, a former gusano surfaced in Havana re-
vealing- that the gusano terrorists .were planning attacks against Facio,
Kissinger, � and- other U.S. diplomats. 'Facia, like Kissinger and other
officials were hardly soft on communism; they were seeking a pragmatic
policy towards Cuba at the, time because, of skyrocketing sugar prices,.
Facia professes close ties with Nelson Rockefeller and is a _corporate lawyer
in Costa Rica for United Brands. Allied Chemical, U.S. Steel, and ALCOA
and has been a legal counsel to Robert Vesco.
CounterSpy 13
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newspaper Et Mundo, which. carried a column by CIA agent
LLANO MONTES on October 12 about the bombing. Also
arrested was FREDDY LUGO.
At this writing the Venezuelan judge has indicted four
gusanos; Bosch, Lusano, Lugo and LUIS POSADA
CARRILES,, a Cuban-Venezuelan who was formerly chief
of operations of the Venezuelan secret police called DISIP
(Directorate of Intelligence and Prevention Services), from
1971 to 1973. .
Ricardo and Lugo, who have now aamitted planting the
bomb, have implicated Bosch in the incident. They were ar-
rested in Trinidad on October 7, 1976 after the crash when
-7 a taxi driver, taking thern� to.' their hotel, overheard them
- discussing and laughing about the incident. Trinidad police
have proof that Richrdb contacted his boss Posada from the
hotel, and Ricardo 's girlfriend and his secretary both con-
,firrn.ea they had passed on a message for Posada: "The
:truck has left with a full load." -
Ricardo was trained by the CIA in demolitions and
- formerly wolked for Cuba's old dictator Battista in his
secret police. A few days before the bombing, he was seen
.;in Caracas in the company of CIA agent FELIX MARTINEZ
� SUAREZ. Ricardo and Lugo also worked for a private
detective agency in Caracas called Commercial Industrial
� :Investigations (ICICA), which uses equipment that's more
'sophisticated than any used by government agencies in
Venezuela. �'�-* . - '
On October 15, Venezuelan authorities arrested other
members of the �private eye firm including Posada. The CIA
also trained Posada, who is believed to be among those who
� intervened for Bosch's release in 1974. �
I The daily Punto announced that CORU members OLEG
GUETON RODRIGUEZ, CELSA TOLEDO, FRANCISCO
NENEZ and Bosch had all been arrested in Caracas as well;
they are also connected to the mysterious private eye firm.
-The governments of Trinidad and Tobago, Venezuela,
- Guyana, Barbados and Cuba have formed a united effort to
investigate these actions and more information will no
.� doubt be available in the next few months.
zuelan government has had intimate ties to those involved
and has allowed DINA and the gusanos to operate from
Venezuela; to prosecute those who have served the govern.
ment will be difficult. .
� The problem for Perez is further complicated because
gusanos hold important positions in. the Venezuelan secret
police, DISIP. RICARDO MORALES NAVARRETE,
, high. ranking gusano in DISIP, worked for the CIA jusi
after the Bay of Pigs. He was a member of Rick Robertson's
team in. the Congo (Zaire) in the mid-sixties. He became
outraged there at the degenerating operation. According tc
a reliable source in the CIA, the gusanos had nothing to do
in the Congo and spent most of their' time getting drunk
firing shots at the U.S. consulate for fun, and generall:v
terrorizing the consul's wife. Morales later returned to the
U.S. and became an informer for the Bosch trial, an act
against Which Bosch retaliated by , trying to kill Morales
-.Now that Bosch has some protection in Venezuela, he denies he accused
the Novo brothers of the Letelier/Moffitt assassination. Cuba's Foreign ,
Minister.declared recently that the US is attempting to block the trial of
the gusanos in Venezuela and has recently divided the Caribbean meetings
on the airplane sabotage. In those meetings,.Fred Wills, Foreign Minister of
Guyana, mentioned that Trinidad and Tobago officials had diaries of the
arrested gusanos which implicate the CIA. He also mentioned that he had
concrete proof the US was attempting to destabilize Guyana and Jamaica �
it is part of an overall US strategy-to divide the other nations of the Carib-
bean from Cuba. During negotiations on the fate of the arrested gusanos,
'Trinidad and Tobago officials refused to release evidence to the other 4
nations including Venezuela. '
- . .
Perez hired gusanos to �fight -Cuban influence in the
past, as 'many Latin American chiefs of state have clone. But
in recent years, Perez has opened up to the possibility of
better relations between Cuba and Venezuela. The Caracas
�:trial for the terrorist saboteurs puts pressure on Perez. They' �
will be tried in a military court, because officials thought it
. would facilitate a fair trial for the gusanos. But the Vene-
DINA Foreign Operations
The murder Of Letelier follows a pattern of Junta terrof
to remind Chilean exiles of the blood that was let on a
' day of the coup. For the past three years prominent Chi!'
exiles have been attacked. In 1974 CARLOS PRA
former Chief of Staff of the Armed forces under Allenel..,
was killed in -Argentina, at DINA's request. Then, in 1975
'--gusanos, or- Italian fascists, fired shots at BERNARDC
LEIGHTON, vice-president of the Chilean Christian Demo
cr a tie Party �
� - Prats, Chief of Staff until his' resignation during the
, Allende -regime, was replaced by Pinochet. He was living ir
'Buenos Aires, working on a, book about the coup ar
Pinochet, whom he had actually recommended as his o -
replacement, a judgment he had come to regret and v.,'
./to expose. On September 30, 1974, just a year afte-c
IcOup, he and his wife were blown tri, in a car; shorn:,
.ili-ereafter, the manuscript was stolen from his home.
Colonel PEDRO EWING, director 'of DINA's foreigr
'oPera dons, established DINA relations with Argentina.'
� Ewing and his assistant; JUAN, LUIS BULNES CERD
who was former- head of the youth group of the fasci
.National Party; ordered the Prats assassination. -13ulne.
:was one of many Chilean Military Intelligence Service
� (SIM) agents who were responsible for the killing of Prat'
predecessor, General Rene Schneider.** Sources allege thn
members of the,Argentine Anti-Communist Alliance (AA,',
killed Prats. The AAA is composed of Argentine soldiers
and was formed by LOPEZ REGA, the power behind th
Peron' government at the time.. After the coup against th
corrupt. and failing Peron administration, General JORG
VIDELA reincorporated the AAA back into the army. Thu
'he could declare that he "eliminated" -the right wit'.
terrorists, in Order to target the left. DINA agents Ewire.
� Bulnes, and 'a man named EDMUND() JACKSON, a to]
turer who directed the AAA attack on Prats, began work i
Argentina only a month before Prats was Murdered.
A year later, the trio made contact with the Italia
neo-fascist party, MSI, whose leaders have been connecte
to the Italian secret service, SID. On October 6, 1975, a
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attempt was made to kill Leighton, vice-president of the
conservative CDP. Italian Communist newspapers accused
MSI of machine-gunning Leighton and his wife in a street
in Rome. Though both survived, Ana Leighton was para-
lyzed. Oddly, though significantly, CORU sent a com-
munique taking credit for the attack in Italy, pointing the
finger again at DINA and the gusanos.
Ewing institutionalized DINA's tactic of cooperating
with local terror squads after DINA practiced it with the
CIA's terror squad, Patria y Libertad, in Chile. DINA
maneuvers with the gusanos' CORU, the Italian MSI, the
Costa Rican MRCL, the Argentine AAA, and others, were
organized from DINA headquarters, which Ewing estab-
lished in fascist Madrid in early 1974.
CounterSpy has also learned that DINA is active not
only in Spain, but in England, Paris, Switzerland, Bel&ium,
and Holland. A report from the London-based news service,
InterPress, on May 16, 1976, reveals that Ewing may have
repeated his operations in London. The former Chilean
Embassy press attache and DINA informant, JORGE
NAVARRETE, contacted a man known only. as "John
Cooper," but whose real name, according to InterPress,
was Leslie Wooler. Wooler, a former corporal in the British
Royal Air Force, infiltrated pro-Palestinian organizations in
the sixties. Three years earlier, lid had been active in a plot
by the British neo-fascist, anti-sernitic National Front.to
take over the Conservative Party's Monday Club.
Navarrete recruited 'Cooper" at the Monday Club and
asked him to photograph people entering the Chile Solidarity
offices. After a few contacts, he asked Wooler to remove
documents, including finance and address lists, and to
gather information on the private lives of the supporters.
In particular, Wooler was asked to gather information on
Judith Hart, the former Minister of Overseas Development,
and her son Stephen, secretary of the British Chile Soli-
- darity Campaign. Then Navarrete encouraged Wooler to
' make harassing late-night phone calls to the Harts. �
� Wooler was motivated by his anti-communism and by
�the lucrative paychecks (several hundred pounds) signed by
*the Chilean Ambassador to England, KAARA OLSEN.
:But he soon realized that he was associating with people
who were capable of killing his allies, the Christian Demo-
-crats. Navarrete took Wooler to a meeting with a� DINA
agent, presumed to be Ewing, who told him they were
Ewing was the secietary of the Junta immediately after the
coup and it was he who presented the notorious "White
Book," written by the CIA, in which the Junta repeated the
propaganda lines against Allende to justify the coup. At
that time, Ewing controlled many resources of the Chilean
intelligence network.
*1,1 June of this year, at least 27 Chilean refugees disappeared in Argen-
tina and there are reports that some 15,000 refugees there are terrorized
by the DINA .with assistance from the Argentine SIDE. There are more
reports that IBM installed a sophisticated computer system in Santiago
for DINA; it contains an index of these 15,000 Chileans and others from
-. Latin American countries. Shortly before the coup, 12 members ofPatria
Libertad -were trained by International Cash Register in computer opera-
tions in Ohio. TIME magazine revealed in September, 1974, that the U.S.'
Embassy added 12 code clerks to the staff in Santiago shortly before the
coup. Reliable sources at the State Department have indicated to Counter-
Spy that the clerks helped computerize names of Latin American leftists
, in Chile at the time for arrest during and after the coup. Thousands of
Bolivians, Argentines, Brazilians and at least two Americans were arrested
by the Junta forces. Many died, including the two Americans, and the
others were turned over to their own countries' secret police.
**
. This policy is continuing.- In July,. ANDRES PASCAL ALLENDE,
who Bosch planned to kill in Costa Rica but never attempted, announced
from Havana that EDGARD� EVRIQUEZ, a leader of the MIR, had been
captured by Argentine authorities and turned over to DINA last April.
-Schneider opposed a plan for a coup before the elections. The Church
Committee report on Covert Actions in Chile reports that the CIA gave
machine guns to a group of military conspirators on the day of Schneider's
death. This was part of Kissinger and the 40 Committee's Track II plan to
prevent Allende's election.- But according to CIA records, the guns were
given to a different group, not the one headed by Bulnes. Despite this plan
or that of various conspirators in Santiago. Allende was elected.-
_ continued on page 64 -
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'Terri) ist
Irliormation
!Project
----Vietnamese Reactionaries
'
"Organize
secrzt society called Black April was
recently formed by anti-conununist Viet-
namese refugees and is waging sporadic
violence and intimidation in refugee
communities. First reports of the intimi-
dation campaigns came from the refugee
, camps. Violence often broke out between
Thieu regime officials and politically
more moderate Vietnamese,' swept along
in the exodus. In Los Angeles; several
refugee meetings have been disrupted by
fist fiehts. Vietnamese priests have been
red-baited by the Black April members
who believe priests work with corn....
=mists. ,
Last July in Boston the Association of
Vietnamese Patriots meeting at MIT was
disrupted by three Vietnamese men-
brandishing knives. The men identified
themselves as former soldiers (paratroop-
ers and marines) of the Thieu regime
who left leaflets with this declaration:
"Blood will flow and corpses will fall if
you continue to make propaganda for the
communists." At the bottom of the
leaflet was the name "Black Apar.%
Former Minister of Information, Hoang
Due Nha, was beaten by Black April
16 CounterSpy
,members in Washington D.C..
1- The group emerges to the extreme
right of Thieu and his followers among
,the. Vietnamese-exile conimunity. Many
Black April members believe Thien was
. too soft and sold out the country, thus
the � name, April, the month of the
exodus. One Vietnamese exile paper.
Trang Den, which claims to still have
correspondents in Ho Chi Minh City
(formerly Saigon), reports that Black
April, with contadts in counter-
revolutionary'groups still operating in
Vietnam, is well funded 'and armed.
Over 5,000 refugees who worked with the
CIA's Phoenix assassination program
arrived in the U.S. with other refugees.
Although U.S.' officials stated at the time
that they were merely heads of programs
and not the torturers or assassins in the
field, many who trained and practiced
terrorism are now organized in the U.S.
�
Police Arrest Nazi Bomber
On September 9, 1976 the Los Angeles
Police arrested' 23-year-old Serge Mashe,
a former American Nazi Party member,
for bombing the Socialist Workers Party
headquarters in that city on February 4,
1975. In his 'home, police found six
machine guns, four high-explosive artil-
,
lery shells, and 36 other weapons includ-
ing 19 handguns. There were also
500,000 rounds of ammunition found in
the house. Mashe says he is a "gun
collector."
The day after the 1975 bombing, the
National Socialist Liberation Front, a
Nazi splinter group, took credit for the
bombing. Two months later the LA Free
Press published. an interview with NSLF
leader Joseph Tommasi who openly
boasted his outfit was responsible for the
bombing: "We know the cops aren't
interested if we bomb the left." He was
later gunned down by a member of a
rival Nazi faction.
Chicago Nazis Compete
With Klan
The American Nazi Party in C.'
continues to organize white yeaaT;:
Marquette Park area, in
with local Ku Klux Klan ent:, White
youths organized an attack on a rally
sponsored by the Martin Luther King Jr.
Movement on. July 19th. The march,
. attended by 300 people, was organized to
protest racist attacks on blacks in the
park. They were confronted by several
� thousand youths Who assaulted the un-
armed marchers -with cherry ...bombs,
� bricks, bottles, and paving stones.
Although the KKK was active among.
the older white residents of Marquette
Park, it was the Nazi Party wooing th,:.
youths that really spurred racism in
area. The Nazis have opened a storefro^.
in the area and some reports indicate
� they are now concentrating on Organizing
:among the 3,000 policemen known to be
living in the Marquette Park community.
In connection to the SWP's $40 million
lawsuit against government harassment
and surveillance, the FBI was forced to
release its Denver files on Timothy
Redfearn, an FBI informer who
infil-
trated the SWP and who committed
burglaries for the FBI. A Denver grand
jury is hearing testimony that FBI Direc-
tor Clarence Kelley and the local bureau
conspired to cover up the evidence of
Redfearn's burglaries for the FBI. On
August 30, red swastikas were found
painted on the SWP headquarters build-
ing and Nazi hate mail regularly streams
into the SW? office. Nazi flags were
found in Redfearn's apartment Which
have led the SWP to charge the FBI is
cooperating with the Nazi factions to
harass the SWF and the Left in Denver,
Los Angeles, and other cities.
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Klan Organizes Prison Guards
. Reports are growing of Ku Klux Klan
organizing drives among the guards at
Attica, Clinton, Comstock, Elmira,
Greenhaven, and other prisons in New
York Stare. At Napanoch, some prison-
ers, active in the NAACP or other mi-
nority organizatons, have been beaten
by guards affiliated with the secret KKK
organizing. Napanoch appears to be the
center of KKK activity because of the
prison's innovative education programs,
college :and vocational programs for
Black and Latin people.
� The September 1976 issue of Off Our
Backs, a- national feminist newspaper,
has an important article on the Ku Klux ,
Klan among the woman and men guards
at the Bedford Hills Correctional Facility
in Westchester County New York. Two
of the male guards openly wear gold and
silver KKK rings. The report contains
details of the male guards pushing,
beating and molesting the female in-
mates while the female guards watch. In
one incident, a woman, who had recently
had a Caesarean operation, was beaten
until she began to bleed. She was then
left bleeding in her cell for six hours
before a doctor came to assist her.
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If there is. a .Nazi, KKK, or NCLC
-activity in your area, be sure to send a .
tip to TIP, Box 647, Ben Franklin
Station, Washington, D.C. 20044.
by the XXX, was obviously in atten-
dance. Leaders of the so-called "respec-
table racists" say they can't control the
KKK and the open threat of terrorism
unless they can win concessions on the
busing issue.
,
-.Klan Marches
On August 14, 200 members of the
UnitedKLans of America marched down
Preston Highway- in Louisville with
shouts of "White power" and "Good
thing no niggers are here!" KKK litera-
ture stated that the march was not only
an anti-busing march but openly anti-
black and anti-communist. The march
was made up of some Klansmen , on
horses, scores of Klansmen walking,
several parade floats carrying Klan dig-
nitaries, a military unit, a youth group
and a ladies' auxiliary. Almost everyone
wore hoods and robes and carried Ameri-
can, Confederate and KKK flags.
Although the KKK leads only a weak,
extreme-right faction of the anti-busing
movement in, Kentucky, the cheering
crowds on the day of the march indicate
a growing support for KKK methods.
Since the KKK began active organizing
in Louisville a year ago, the black com-
munity has suffered bombings, beatings,
and massive harassment. Sherman
Adams, head of KKK for efforts in
Kentucky, said the march showed "the
people were around and ready to fight."
Peaceful demonstrations were followed
by violent ones in September as Louisville
schools opened. Police were forced to fire
volleys of tear-gas to disperse about
1,000 demonstrators as suspected Ku
Klux Klan members and white youths
smashed store windows, burned park
benches, vandalized phone booths and
threw rocks and 'bottles at police. Police
were forced to arrest 14 adults who
refused to disperse.
August 28 was the date of the first
mass rally by anti-busing forces in Louis-
ville and there was ample evidence of a
split developing in the ranks of this racist
movement. The 'majority of the 1500
people were led by ROAR (Restore Our
Alienated Rights) and the National
Association to Preserve ,and Restore our
Freedom (NAPF) supporting a national
strategy of legal action against forced
busing, sex education in _schools, com-
munism and atheism. A small force, led
Anti-busers Rampage
The Powder Keg Information Center,
a local anti-busing group loyal to ROAR,
and Boston City Council President
Louise Day Hicks, held the first anti-
busing demonstration of the season on
August 31 which culminated with rock-
throwing attacks on police in Charles-
town. The following evening, an esti-
mated 600 whites skirmished in gang
assaults on police, attacked patrol cars
and set bonfires in what the Boston
Herald American, a conservative anti-
busing newspaper, termed a "rampage."
Public ,transportation in the .area was
disrupted by groups of young white
toughs who stoned city buses. The four
who were arrested had scattered pieces of
cardboard, which were embedded with
two-inch nails, under police cars., In all
these incidents, members of the secret
paramilitary Charlestown and South
Roston Marshals Association, largely
organized by KKK members, were
present.
CounterSpy 17
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One of the loose ends left hanging
when I went to London in late 1972 was
the mystery of Leslie, my benefactor
during those difficult months in Paris
when I was struggling to write the story
of my work in the CIA.
� Just as I returned to Paris after six
months of research and study in Havana,
I had a visit from a former CIA colleague
who said he came from Washington to
ask what my book was to be about. I
assured him that my presentation would
be theoretical, without naming any
names or damaging the Agency, and that
I would be pleased to present my manu-
script to the 'CIA for review prior to
publication. For the time being, I needed
to avoid any confrontation' with the ,
Agency, for I still had months of research
to complete.
At the Minerve Hotel, on Rue des
Ecoles, I settled in to live and work,
making only a few friends from among
the Americans who lived in the hotel and
some others who frequented Le ,Yam's,
our corner cafe.
A few weeks before Easter, 1972, 7 -
a young American journalist nam
.-
Ferrera who occasionally came around f,
Le Yam's and who was friendly with
Therese, a Canadian who was settling in
the Quartier after tiring of the violence
and pressures of New York City. �
Therese, Sal and I often discussed the
American scene until early morning. Sal,
with his good nature and wit, was an
"underground" journalist and had be-
cothe a principal contact for American
anti-war activists who came to Pais for,
peace conferences and demonstrations,
and to visit the delegation of the FRG,
of course, said nothing of the true ne.
of the book I was writing.
In May 1972, my money was running
out. I decided to tell Sal who I was and
what I was writing, in the hope that he
could sell an interview and split the
proceeds with me. He seemed a little too
surprised and enthusiastic, but we agreed
that he would do an interview and try to
place it with a major American journal. -
On the day of our first recording ses-
sion, when we left the hotel for lunch, we
spotted what was without any doubt a
team of surveillance agents following us
on Betlevard Saint Germain. After we
shook off the surveillance by passing
through the tunnels of the Faculty of �
Science at Jussieu, I decided to tell
another friend, Catherine, of my book
and see whether she would allow me to
stay at her studio until I found another.
She agreed, and on the night the first
surveillance occurred, I left the hotel and
went carefully to her place, a short walk
from the station. In Catherine's studio I
would experience, a few months later,
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one of rhe shocks of a lifetime--the end
of one phase of this mystery and the
beginning of another.
Sal began to lend me small amounts of
money for food. Although he was curious
and occasionally would ask, I refused to
tell him where I had gone to live. Cath-
erine was unknown to anyone else.
Towards the end of June, Sal invited
me to dinner. The formality of his invi-
tation was strange, but I accepted, and
afterwards he suggested that we have
some English beer at the Mayflower.
Less than five minutes after we entered, a
young woman carrying a copy of Time
entered and took the stool next to mine.
By and by we began to talk. Her name
was Leslie Donegan, daughter of an
American businessman in Venezuela and
a Venezuelan-American mother, both of
whom had passed away. She had a
degree in Public Relations from Boston
� University and was sustained by the
income from her parents' estate in Ca-
racas which, from her manner of speak-
ing, seemed by no means a pittance. I
etook her telephone number and left in
time to catch the last Metro back--
taking care, as I always did, to watch for
. possible surveillance.
A few days later Sal came Up with an
idea. Leslie was an heiress. She was
'interested in Latin American politics,
seemed politically liberal enough, and
was planning to spend the summer in
Paris after having just finished a year of
study at the University of Geneva. She�
_might fancy becoming a patroness of the
arts by financing me through the corn-
. pletion of my book. My situation was
desperate. I had been forced to return
my typewriter to the rental shop in order
to get back the deposit for food. As luck
would have it, a friend of Sal's had left a
typewriter with him, and I could use it
� for a while. Leslie's support might be the
;olution to my deepening anxieties.
I took Sal's suggestion, called Leslie,
and immediately received an invitation
for dinner - the next evening. Leslie's
modern studio apartment was on the
eighth floor of a new twenty-story build-
ing, a ten-minute walk from the metro
station. �
Leslie bought me dinner at a cozy,
- candle-lit restaurant near her building,
and,- glowing with wine, we bought
another bottle and headed back to her
studio'. I had decided not to tell her, the
true nature of my book before getting to
know her a little, so we spent most of the
evening talking about Spain, Latin
America, the University of Geneva, and,
her Spanish boyfriend, who was coming
from Geneva to visit her in about ten
days
Ina few days I saw her again, and it
was not long before I was telling her that
I was a former operations officer in the
CIA and that my book was an account of
how the CIA operates and of what I and
others in the CIA had been doing in
Latin America. On hearing of my penury
she said she would help, but she wanted
to see what I had written. A couple of
days later Leslie and I stood for three
hours at the copy machine in the Sor-
bonne, copying about 250 pages of an
early draft that I had removed from the,
safe deposit box in the nearby Societe
Generale bank where I kept my writing
and important papers safe from any
eventuality. I left the material with her,
returned the copies to the safe deposit
box, and Promised not to call her'for the
next few days�she wanted it that way
because her boyfriend was visiting for the,
weekend: ,
Leslie returned the draft to me the fol-
lOwing week, and although She was not
terribly enthusiastic over what she read,.
she agreed to help me. By now she had
already given me a, few hundred francs,
which I immediately spent on food and
some overdue essentials. This time Leslie
gave me 500 francs and promised 500
more in a couple of weeks. Relief was at
last at hand.
From the beginning 11 tried to com-
partmentalize my developing situation
with Leslie from my continuing relation-
ship with Sal. To my consternation he
was exceedingly slow in getting our inter-
view transcribed. I wondered about Sal,
not least because from time to time I
would discover the surveillance again
--
almost always after having seen him, Sal
was now receiving all my mail so that I
would not have to give my secret address
to my sons and parents in America, but
he persisted in listing the advantages of
his being able to reach me on short notice
�which was impossible as he didn't
know where I lived.
Soon Leslie became tired of the Paris
summer and went to Spain, leaving me
with more money and her studio apart-
ment. She tried to persuade me to ac-
company her to Spain, offering to pay all
My expenses, but I declined. From Spain
Leslie sent me still , more money, which,
though not excessive, was all I had
besides the continuing small loans, from
Sal,Each night after leaving the studio,
would go back to my secret hideaway at
Passage des Eaux, always taking great
care to leave the metro on the Left Bank
to cross the Pont de Bir-liakeim on foot,
so as to observe better, or at Trocadero to
wander down among the gardens and
fountains in order to get lost in the
crowds and the dark.
When Leslie returned to Paris in late
September to turn back the studio to its
owner, she ruined my compar�tmentation
by taking a hotel room just a few doors
from Sal's room and only a block from
Le Yarn's. It seemed that suddenly every-
one knew of each other's participation in
my project, and soon Sal and Leslie were
planning to go to London with me to help
in the final research in the British
Museum Newspaper Library.
A couple of days after the American
publisher rejected my book, a crushing.
blow after almost three years' work. I
was to meet Sal at the Choppe Mortge,
but Leslie came instead�by now she had
moved in with Sal although she also kept
her hotel room. It was cold and rainy and
she had a bad case of flu. A few hours
-
earlier, when Sal was away, the owner of
the typewriter that Sal., had lent me
months earlier came to get it. According
to Leslie, he was furious that Sal had
given his typewriter to someone else, and
he demanded it back immediately. She
had gone -out and bought me a used
typewriter, which she gave me, so that I
would not be left without any typewriter
at all. I would have to get the first type-
writer right away and �return it to Sal
later that afternoon. ,
A few days later over pizza at Chez -
Pietro, Leslie seemed hurt when I told
her that I had left her typewriter at
� Therese's roam and hadn't used it yet. �
Later, Sal warned me that if it were
stolen from Therese's room, where things
had already disappeared�and we all
knew Therese never locked the door�
"then'Leslie might stop financing the
Philip Agee, an A:sociate Editor of
CounterSpy, is author of CIA Diary
and is a former CIA case officer:
Coun terSpy 19.
Approved for Release: 2018/06/17 C03258180.
named Leslie. It seemed that his friend
had a young Spanish friend, no longer in
Geneva, who confided one day that his
girlfriend was working for the CIA. The
girl had told her boyfriend that the CIA
had recruited her for assignment at the
University of Geneva, where she was
studying, and that while at the Univer-
sity, the CIA paid her rent and salary.
Moreover, according to Jorge, she re-
vealed to her boyfriend that the CIA sent
her to Paris to work against me. Her
true name was Janet Strickland.
It all saemed to fit but I wanted to be
sure. This would not be-difficult because
Janet Strickland was still in Geneva and
was working for none other than the
International Labor Organization. Leslie
Donegan, good old Leslie, a spy at the
ILO? This I had to see.
I went around to Janet's apartment,
no. 8 on the 8th floor of a big, new luxury
building called Matutina Park at Avenue
du Bouchet Though the building was
not as tall, her Geneva pad was on the
order of the modern studio that Leslie
had taken in Paris for the summer of
1972. Security was fairly good�doors
locked with entry controlled by the in-
habitants through the electronic porter
system. Still, I had to see her. We rang.
No answer. Janet was probably away for
the weekend.
I went on to Milan. Over Christmas
and New Years we had a family vacation
in Italy, but during the first week of
January 1976 I returned to Geneva. I had
to see her face to know for sure if I had
finally found Leslie.
On Monday morning I waited for her,
seated in Jorge's car with a scarf around
my head, watching for Leslie to leave
Matutina Park. Lots of people and cars
came from the garage, but not Leslie. I
went to the ILO.
According to the ILO Staff List of
February 1975, Janet Strickland was an
employee of the Central Library and
Documentation Branch. I wondered if
that gave her access to all ILO docu-
ments�not bad for a CIA agent�or
whether her current CIA assignment was
to spot possible new agents, perhaps
from Third World countries, who would
be recruited in Geneva and eventually
sent back to their countries to continue
working for the Agency.
While still working for the CIA in the
1960's, I had learned that the Agency
had a station under the cover of the U.S.
Mission to the European Office of the
U.N. in Geneva. I had also learned that
this Station had among its priorities the
recruitment of U.N. people and people in
other organizations who could penetrate
and exercise influence from the inside�
an operation that seemed doomed if
measured by the U.N. voting patterns
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
against U.S. policies.
The Geneva Station also had, as the
Paris, London, and other European Sta-
tions, the task of recruiting Third World
people for use while in Europe, but
especially for use when they returned to
their home countries. Possibly one of
Leslie-Janet's jobs was to arrange intro-
ductions between CIA officers in the
Mission and the possible agents she had
been spotting and assessing. The officer
under diplomatic cover would then take
over the case, bring along the prospective
agent to the point of recruitment, and, if
such was not accepted, at least the
woman would be protected and could
continue with other possible agent re-
cruits. Leslie would be perfect for that. I
wondered which of the CIA officers in
the Mission might be in charge of her
case�already I had begin to identify the
CIA officers in the Mission and there
seemed to be about 12-15 not counting
all the clerical, communications and
other support personnel. �
I entered the ILO building through the
garage and walked around looking for
stairways and elevators. I wanted a quick
way to get out if Leslie-Janet recognized
me and reacted strongly. At that moment
I remembered her as a hard, tough
woman with little feeling and maybe
capable of violence.
Janet's office was at the far end of the
building, number 159 on the ninth floor.
I walked down the long hallway from the
elevator, took a deep breath, turned the
corner and walked by number 159.
Empty! Back down to the cafeteria,
fifteen minutes. over coffee, no sight of
Leslie there.
Back up to the ninth floor. Down the
hallway and around the corner to 159.
There she was, talking on the telephone.
I slowed down, almost stopped, to make
absolutely sure it was her face. She was
wearing a lot of make-up now but behind
it all was my Leslie. She looked up at me,
then down again without reaction as she
continued her conversation. I don't think
she recognized me�I looked different
too, shorter hair, heavier, different
clothes and glasses. Good! At least
know where she is, and if luck holds she
won't know that I've found her. And it'
she and the CIA don't know, they won't
be able to move her quickly to some other
job or country.
But then,'maybe she isn't still working
for the CIA. Possibly, but why did they
give her another identity when they sent
her to Paris? Or is Janet Strickland an
assumed identity too? But not that many
people are willing to work as CIA agents.
Not after Chile, cobra venom, shellfish
toxin, poison dart guns, CHAOS and
other crimes. Surely not after the escala-
tion of torture and political repression in
so many countries where the CIA has
been hard at work. Leslie did her job in
Paris,, so why wouldn't the CIA do
everything in its power to keep her
working in Geneva? Besides, that Matu-
tina Park pad should demand a pretty
rent�probably too much for a Grade
Seven employe of the ILO.
I wondered how she got the ILO job.
Who recommended her? What personal
references did she give? In any case she's
had choice assignments: University of
Geneva, Paris, then back to Geneva and
the ILO.
On June 9, 1976, I returned to the ILO
�to obtain photographs to show to Janet-
Leslie's old friends in Paris.* I had
decided to confront her. She was now in
a different office and when at first I
entered, she acted as if she didn't know
me, rather in jest. But as soon as she saw
the photographers at work, she stood up,
turned fearful, and tried to hurl one' of'
the photographers across the office. She
fled down the hallway, probably into
another identity, another life. Perhaps
someday with coordination we. can
keep' moreof them, like Leslie, on the
run.
frokpproved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
r
,
,
THE KISSINGER STUDY OF SOUTHERN AFRICA,
National Security Study Memorandum 39, Edited and
Introduced by Mohamed El-Khawas and Barry Cohen,
Lawrence Hill and co., 189 pages; paperback $3.95; Cloth
$6.95.
By Edgar Lockwood
' The end of white rule in southern Africa draws close]
day by day. The collapse of the Portuguese colonial
regime, brought about by the guerilla liberation armies,
has shortened the time frame within which we look at the
future. We are bound to feel now that the schedule will be
written in years, not in decades as one might once have felt.
The domino theory, while it has no validity as a forecast of
white collapse, still has some use as a projection of a series
of linked victories. First the crisis will come in Zimbabwe
(Rhodesia), and white rule by a five percent minority will
be ended; next it will be the turn of Namibians to liberate
themselves; at length, by proceSses that can be intuitively
felt but not known. South Africa itself, the heart of apart-
heid's monster, will fall.
For the United States government, what was once a
matter of leisurely planning and haphazard rationalization
of contradictory interests and political postures becomes a
question of moment and urgency, full of allegedly global
consequence. Secretary Kissinger's intervention in Angola
makes it plain that, for him, the forces of communism,
which had been defeated in the Congo in the Sixties, are
winning new and dangerous influence in central and south-
ern Africa, not only destabilizing the region but also
threatening a momentous shift in the world balance of
_power. Why this sequential conclusion should necessarily
follow is a matter of puzzlement as well as almost daily
comment. For this reason, if for no other, i' urgent that
all Americans interested in these issues read this book. In it
we have the original text, unexpurgated and unabridged,
of a secret study memorandum prepared at Dr. Kissinger's
direction in 1969 inaorder to furnish the National Security
Council with options- for United States policy toward
southern Africa.
But isn't this by now outdated, and in any case, isn't it
just a study paper? Was policy actually changed as a result
of this study?
, Of course, the memorandum is dated. It was written be-
fore the Portuguese coup, before the defeat of the United
States in Vietnam, before the Watergate scandals, before
the Arabs imposed a new price for energy on the West,
before the deterioration of capitalist economies because of
inflation, scarcities of mineral supplies and energy, loss of
productivity, etc.,�and before the Angolan war. The facts
22 CounterSpy
of the memorandum can be brought up to .
Mohamed El-Khawas and Barry Cohen have done ii.
important and useful introduction. With this accompli:.
, it will be seen that the "tangible interests" which forn
thzi foundation of US policy under any of the five optio
elaborated in the memorandum are much greater in th� ,
mid-seventies than they were in 1969.
. By the end of 1974, US direct investment in Soutf
Africa had risen to 40 percent of all US investment h
� Africa from a level of 25.8 percent in 1968., At the sami
time, trade had doubled without diminishin:; the two-to
, one favorable balance. Arguing from the results anti
� forqeeable trend, we can see that Option 2 has le
amounted to an encouragement of US investment and �
in South Africa. �
State Department spokesmen tried to play down tht
importance of National Security Study Memorandum 3S
' when it was first revealed in detail by Tad Szulc and het
Anderson in the fall of 1974, saying that Option Two wai
�� never chosen and that no decision was reached to chang�
policy in accordance with Option Two. Technically, thes-
statements may be correct, but they are in fact completelt.,
misleading,
� Kissinger recommended to President Nixon in January
� 1970, that. he approve a general posture of partial relaxa
tion along the lines of Option Two as presented at the
National Security Council meeting on December 10, 1969
This would mean, he wrote, balancing US relations in the
area by compensating for, rather than abandoning, US tan� .
gible interests in the white states, lowering the anti-apart-
heid profile at the United Nations, quietly relaxing bilateral
'� relations with South Africa by taking a less doctrinaire
approach to mutual problems, avoiding pressure on the
Portuguese and increasing aid (by about $5 million) and
making other gestures to black states.
Option Two was not adopted verbatim, true. Certain of
its features given as operational examples were altered.
Kissinger recommended that through 1970 at least the
Navy continue to limit calls at South African ports to emer-
Edgar Lockwood is .Director of the Washington Office
On Africa in Washington, D.C.
'Approved for Release: 2018/09/1.7 C03258180
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
gencies only. Clearly, this sort of action remains too highly
visible, invites racial antagonism in the crew and is a politi-
cally volatile issue without any compensating necessity to
require it. EXIM policies would be loosened some, but not
all the way; the test seemingly was whether the.loosening
up amounted tb a visible promotion of trade.
Subsequently, the decisions taken were, apparently,
incorporated in a National Security Decision Memorandum,
dated close to the end of January, 1970.
What Option Two represents is a compromise, a straddle
between option One-which was advocated by the Depart-
ment of Defense and is often called the Dean Acheson
position, after its advocate over the years-and Option
Three, which was a codification of the Kennedy-Johnson-
era policy advocated by the State Department's liberal
Africa Bureau. These advocacies continue. Thus, the repeal
of the Byrd Amendment, which undercut US compliance
with UN sanctions against Rhodesia, is , advocated profes-
sionally by the Africa Bureau, yet disparaged, discouraged
or delayed by Defense, Treasury and Commerce, each for a
different reason which is thoroughly "tangible": strategic,
commercial and economic. The result is' a kind of dichoto-
my, a hypocritical, rhetorical stance which is politically
unenacted and a continuing stasis in which the White House
remains unwilling to bend Republican arms lest it offend its
business patrons to put marginal pressure on the Ian Smith
regime. Meanwhile, however, the Africa Bureau is gradually
being weeded out. The liberals are being rusticated, Donald
Easum, former Assistant Secretary for African Affairs, for
example, has been removed and sent to Nigeria, having
returned from a tour of Africa during which he spoke in
forceful terms against South Africa's intransigence. Foreign
policy .officers with experience in key countries of Latin
America where CIA operations have been executed (such as
Chile, Guatemala and Cuba) have been installed in South
Africa, Zaire and elsewhere. These changes have not all
been effective. Nathaniel Davis, for example, a veteran of
Chile, opposed Kissinger's hardline policy on Angola, even
though he had been appointed to succeed Easum (apparent-
ly because -he was believed to be much more sensitive to
Kissinger% wishes than Easum). �
Within the dialectical process, however, the, synthesis of
contradictory tendencies was achieved by the application of
a Kissingerian analysis. By reading NSSM 39, we are
allowed to see how the staff approached a problem by
laying it out in its full actual detail with all US underlying
interests bared�. What is so chilling is the rationality of what
is so fundamentally wrong and morally desiccated. Here we
see realpolitik at work in the nude, unclothed with diplo-
matic rhetoric and unadorned by obfuscation. Here we can
see the balancing of interests, the trade-offs and the con-
siderations that, preoccupy the national security manager of
our time, who has shaped US foreign policy for seven years,
almost single-handedly.
I agree fully with the admirable analysis of the authors'
introduction to NSSM 39, which needs no further elabora-
tion. Perhaps it may not be amiss to stress a few points
which deserve special emphasis:
First, the writers of the classified documen-t do not seem
to understand what black people want when they say they
want majority rule. The issue is defined as the -racial issue"
or "discrimination". At no point is it defined as a transfer
of power to Africans. The most that the NSSM writers
could envision the United States working for would be
"progress" involving "participation" by blacks in a white
power structure, a qualified franchise, advances in wages
and organizational power, etc. Such progress is similar to
the proposal rejected recently by the moderate leader of
the Zimbabwe African National Council (international
wing), Joshua Nkomo.
- Second, we should understand the new significance of a
minerals shortage which has been illuminated and studied
since the Arab oil embargo. South .Africa and Rhodesia are
now more important to the survival of the inclustrialieed
western world than ever before. Specifically, I would like to
refer to the declassified version of a White House study of
16 strategic minerals, which was published in December
1974. (Special Report, Critical Imported- Materials, Wash-
ington, D.C. Council on International Economic Policy,
December, 1974.)
Embargoes, of raw materials are highly unlikely.
They do not Make economic sense in terms of pro-
ducers' revenue objectives . An embargo, however,
may be undertaken for political reasons, as in the case
of the Arab oil producers ...
Canada, Australia, or South Africa would be un-
likely to participate in any embargo of exports to the
United States, Western Europe or Japan. Since these
three countries are the most important sources of raw
materials for the United States (and are very impor-
tant for Western Europe and Japan), any embargo
threat for commodities they produce is greatly dimin-
ished.
If Western Europe proceeds with its projected plans to
shift its energy sources to nuclear power, there will be a
very significant shortage of nuclear fuel by 1980 unless
new-enrichment facilities are brought into existence close
to sources of uranium. South Africa has 30 percent of the
world's uranium reserves and a new uranium enrichment
process.
Third, the United States intervention in .Angola meant
that the United States began to assume active responsibility
for securing the stability of the southern African region
against liberation movements that , are anti-imperialist.
Through the CIA, the US assisted in bringing about the
active collaboration of South Africa-with Zambia, Zaire and
two black political movements in a common plan of action.
That it failed does-not mean that -similar kinds of opera-
tions will not be attempted utilizing the lessons of that.
experience. It is interesting to note in the NSSM 39 the em-
phasis the authors place on South Africa and Zambia as key
elements in the plan to stabilize the region.
I am personally- very grateful that the publisher of this
American edition has had the courage and the foresight to
, put into the hands of ordinary citizens the plan facts about
how "our" security is planned through collaboration with
racist and fascist regimes. That knowledge should arm us to
resist.
Approved for Release:, 2018/09/17 C03258180-
CounterSpy 23
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
West German
Revolutionary
Raped, Hanged in
Cell
New Evidence in MaMho!
Case Points to Murder, Not
Suicide
Ulrike Meinhof, ii !coder of what the
press calls the "Baader-Meinhol group,"
was strangled and raped in her cell in
Stammheim prison, near Stuttgart, West
Germany, according to new evidence pre
set-iced at an international commission or
inquiry held in Stuttgart August 26th by
the German Writers Union. Previously
undisclosed information, from police re-
ports and autopsies, contradicted official
government findings that she had com-
mitted suicide by hanging herself with a
towel. '
From the start, official reports of
Meinhofs death in June were confused:
contradictory accounts were issued about
how the towel had been secured, and how
officials found the position of her bociy.
The official conclusion was that she had
torn the towel into strips; knotted them
into a rope; looped it around a metal
window screen; then, with her head in
the loop, jumped off a chair.
An official autopsy was carried out
hours after the discovery of the body and
before her family or lawyers even had a
chance to see the corpse. The Atit(1,sy,
24 CounterST
pertprmed Joachim Haushke and
Joachim Mallach. two professor, of fo-
rensic medicine, reported t mat the body
was found hanging with her left heel still
resting on the chair. Farli2r accounts,
however, had not mentioned any chair in
her cell. Meinhot's lawyer were skep-
tical and questioned how her foot could
have been found resting on the chair. Did
the chair exist? Hanging victims usually
have violent convulsions; a( chair would
have teen kicked away.
This was not the only ccntlict in the
autopsy report examined by CounterSpv.
The report statas Meinhof w is dressed in
dark corduroy pants, a shirt t with its
sleeves rolled up) and dark socks.
Raushke and Mallach too id saliva on
Menthol's skin, a common feature of
death by hanging or straagdaticto But it
ran from her hrethit to her navel, suggest-
ing she v, as not fully clothed when she _
died.
The most damaging evidt rice present-
ed at the inquiry...vas a report trim the
Stu tti.;art public prosecutor which docu-
mented that semen was found on Mein-
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
hors underwear. The official autops.
also found small, blue patches, possibl.
bruises, on Nfeinhof s legs; similar rr ark
are often found on victims of rape. Tin
autopsy dismisses the marks as "with-'
sieniticonce" and concludes that Li -
Meinhof hanged herself.
Another examination of the bo-11:.
ducted two days later, raised rnor-
tions. The Meinhof family hroi:,;:
other forensic expert, Werner
perform the autopsy. He foil
parts of the body cut away
termined it was impossib!
reconstruct exactly wha-. '�
The fingernails had bee-
that he could find no �.;ence of
fiber under the nails to indicate when
or not Meinhof herself had handled tr:
towel.
Janssen also noted the blue patches on
both legs and said they were inflicted by
blunt objects while she was still alive. 3u-
he added; "This could have been the con
sequence of hurting herself while hr_ro,
ing.- He also noted that the conjunctiv
a delicate membrane that lines the o
lids, showed no signs of bleeding. C(....�
terS py has shown copies of both autc.3- -
reports to Dr. Cyril Wecht, a well-known
forensic pathologist and Pittsburgh cor-
oner. Dr. Wecht stated that an absence
of conjunctival bleeding is most unusual
where death is caused by hanging, and is
more typical of strangulation.
Janssen was reluctant to comment on
the significance of his findings. His re-
port concludes that there was no proof
of third-party involvement in the death.
But he emphasized thatfor a final evalu-
ation, all the tests conducted in the pre-
vious autopsy should be made availaiple,
as well as reports of how the body was
discovered in the cell.
Lawyers sought expert medical advice
from pathologists outside of German::
and many of these experts have four..
other puzzling aspects to the case. .For
example, the fracture of the hyoid bone
at the base of the tongue�found in both
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
autopsies�revealed throttling, not a
suicidal hanging. The fact that the aorta
was apparently undamaged also pointed
to murder.
The commission of inquiry raised the
possibility that Meinhot's death had
political motivations.
Meinhof, 41 when she died, was one of
the leading New Left journalists in West
Germany during the 1960's. She and her
husband, Klaus Rainer Riihl, edited a
Hamburg magazine, Konkret, which was
instrumental in the growth of Germany's
New Left. Its editorial style was modern
and adventurous; in the words of the
New York Times, it preferred "the
methods of Playboy to those of Pravda."
Meinhof and her husband raised nearly
$250,000 from the orthodox East Ger-
man Communist Party to finance Kon-
kret but they never promoted an ortho-
dox line. Although both were members
of the then secret West German Com-
munist Party, Konkret often criticized
orthodox communism.' Yet her brilliant
polemics, during the decade that Kon-
kret unified the German opposition to
the Vietnam war, reveal more affection
for the red flag than the black.
Meinhof and her contributions to
Konkret, were instrumental in the
achievements of the German militant left
�seizing the West'Berlin Free Univers-
ity, organizing tens of thousands of pro-
test marchers to descend on Bonn, and,
eventually, developing factions propos-
ing to take power through armed strug-
gle. Motivating Meinhof was her desire
to transform the German youth move-
ment into a mass force against American
imperialism. She saw the left debilitated
and reduced to theoretical impotence by
never-ending defeats in decades bf
struggle. �
But Meinhof, like many American
New Leftists, grew weary of the abstract
idealism of the 60's. She also feared the
random violence she saw perpetrated by
Western Europe's most prosperous and
powerful society.
By the 1970's she had rejected what
her husband termed "Christian paci-
fism." She broke with Konkret and left
Taking her twin daughters with her,
she moved to West Berlin and began a
new life devoted to the plight of the un-
derprivileged�from orphans to convicts
�recruiting for the revolution as she
went along. Although her friends say she
missed the old world of artists, poets,
witty conversation, and left-wing cocktail
parties, she was soon an established
figure in the world of shabby, zealous,
blue-jeaned radicals. She wrote a cri-
tique of Konkret editorial policies de-
nouncing the magazine for its nude
pin-ups and its role as an "organ of
counter-revolution." She was convinced
now that a German revolution called for
more direct measures than those offered
by the peace demonstrations she organ-
ized or publications she edited. She saw
urban guerrilla warfare as the only
means available to achieve her original
goal of a mass ariti-i mperialist movement
guided by Marxist principles.
In 1968, she met Andres Baader.
'Baader had turned his back on the temp-
tations of his father's middle-class edu-
cational ideals and had become a fiery
preacher of violent revolution. He and
his comrade, Gudrun Ensslin, whose
father was a Protestant pastor, had been
arrested for setting fire to two Frankfurt
department stores. Meinhof interviewed
him and caused a stir by writing in her
Konkret column that the-acts of arson
were politically "progressive." She said
they represented audacious defiance of
the law. In 1970, Meinhof became in-
volved in a plot to free Baader from jail.
The escape attempt was daring but
successful.
Meinhof, Baader; Ensslin and Jan-
Carl Raspe formed the Red Army Frac-
tion�the first and foremost of Ger-
many's urban guerrilla groups. Meinhof
saw the group as a "fraction" of an
eventual proletarian army (in English,
the name of the group is often mis-
translated as "Red Army Faction"). But
to the press they were, and are, the
Baader-Meinhof Group.
Starting in 1970, the Red Army Frac-
tion initiated an urban guerrilla offen-
sive. Millions of people watched their ex-
ploits on television. A surprisingly high
percentage of young Germans indicated
in a poll that they liked the idealism of
the guerrilla movement and, hypotheti-
cally would help them bide or get away.
Many older Germans thought the Red
Army Fraction members should be shot
by a firing squad. Hardly a day went by
without the police reporting some new
incident. American installations in West
Germany, such as the National Security
Agency headquarters in the 1.G. Farben
building in Frankfurt (used for U.S. in-
telligence coordination during the Viet-
nam war) were fire-bombed; other ac-
tions against U.S. military presence in
Germany; and frequent shoot-outs with
police. Eventually, other groups emerged
_
continued on page 35
Above: Ulrike Meinhof after the mur-
der. German officials want us to believe
the strange mark on her neck was left
by the towel with which she supposedly
hung herself The May 20, 1976 issue
of Der Stern, magazine which ran this
photo never got into the United States.
Stern is the only magazine that has
received the photo and even the Mein-
hors lawyers cannot get their hands
on an original. The photo was a two-
page spread, thus the faint line down
the middle. Political observers believe
the photo ran as a scare tactic ci,linst
German leftist.
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
CounterSpy 25
Approved for Release: 2018/09/17 C03258180
Earthquake Ailhariare
Preliminary .Report on Pentagon's
Unthinkable Plans
By Robert Friedman
Is earthquake warfare on the
Pentagon's drawing boards'? Far-fetched
as the idea may seem, seismologists --
many of them working under con tr t
with the Defense Department-- have
learned over the past decade of at least
two ways of. causing earthquakes.
While the Pentagon's Advanced Re-
search Projects Agency (ARPA), which
funded some of the research, says that
the U.S: does not now have the mili-
tary capability of setting off earth-
quakes, it does admit that it has
explored the feasibility of seismo-
logical warfare.
CouraerTy's interest in artificial
earthquake; began when former
Lt. Col. Anthony Herbert who was
forced out of the Army in 1972 for
tryring, to expose war crimes in Viet-
nam- revealed in an interview that he
had been assigned in the mid-1 960's
to gather intelligence on potential
sites for the planting of, underground
and underwater nuclear devices. Aca
cording to. Herbert, these devices were
to be placed along a fault runnia
from Kenya up through the Persian
Gulf with :he specific purpose of trig
gering earthquakes. the U.S. planner_
to activate the bombs, Herbert said,
as a final military strategy should tin,
region be lost to hostile torces.
Herbert's reconnaissance \vork v.:e;
conducted from 19Os-6o under orderi;
from the Secretary of Defense, Rubel-.
S. McNamara_ At the time, Herber:
was stationed in the Middle
aboard "The Little White Fleet'
three military spy ships that sailer.
under diplomatic cover. He and
group of divers explored the floor o
the Persian Gulf', collected soil samples.
and, in some cases, inserted inopera-
tive "clay plugs- the size of a portable
Robert Friedman, a freelone.