FOREIGN COMMUNIST SUPPORT OF UNITED STATES REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS (W/ATTACHMENTS)

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 01475735
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 40
• Document Creation Date: December 28, 2022
• Document Release Date: August 7, 2017
• Case Number: F-2007-00094
• Publication Date: June 30, 1969

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30 June 1969
MEMORANDUM FOR: Mr. Tom Charles Huston
Staff ..P.asistant to the President
SUBJECT t Foreign. Comm-txxist Support of United State.
Revolutionary Protest Movernents
REFERENCE.
Memorandum from Mr. Torn Charles Huston,
Staff .Assistant to the President, dated ,
JutterIO. 1969 (copy attached)
1. Attached la A paper on the above subject based upon
information acquired by this .Agency. Also attached is a folder
containing samples of pertinent Agency reports which have previously
Ibeen disseminated to the White Nouse and to the Federal Bureau of
Investigation.
2. The information collected by this Agency provides evidence
Iof only a very limited amount of foreign Communist assistance to
i revolutionary protest mcrvemcnts in the United States. There ie very
I little reporting on Communist aosistance in the form of funding or
training and no evidence of Communist direction or control of any
United States revolutionary protest movement. The bulk of our Infer-
mation illustrates ComMunist encouragement of these movements
thronh propaganda methods.
3. Since the summer of 14,67, this Agency has been attempting
� to determine through its sources abroad wh.ether or net there is any
significant Communiat direction or assistance to revolutionary groupe
in the United States]. We have been collaborating closely in this effort
with the Federal Bureau of Investigation and disseminating information to
it. Existing Agency collection resources are being employed wherever
feaeible and new sources arc being sought through independent means
:j as well as with the assistance of foreign intelligence GerViCOSI and the
� Federal Bureau of Investigation. Cf course, the Katzenbach guidelines
have inhibited our access to certain persons who might have information
on etfortu by Communist intelligence services to exploit revolutionary
groupa in the United States.
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4. I feet certain that whoa Mr. Helms returns from his
current trip abroad, he will be happy to discus the allocation
of Agency resources to collecting information concerning the
extent and nature of foreign Corarnunist support of revolutionary
protest movements in tb.is country.
5. Please advise MO if this Agency can be of any further
assistanco in this hizhly important and sensitive matter.
. 7
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Attachments: &is
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cc t The Honorable lienry A. 17.1zsinger
� As s ist ant to the President for National
Sincerely.
Cuslimart,
: �. R. E. Cushman, Jr.
� . Lieutenant General, USMG
Acting Director
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Security Affairs (without attachments)
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' � � %gnat-0e Reco� mmended:
Deputy Director for Plana
DDP/Cl/SO:ROber:sh(30 June 1969)
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Distribution: �
Orig.- and 1 - Addressee (w/ one set atts)
� 2 - DDCI (w/o att)
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THE vnirrE HOUSE
WASII1NOTON
June 20, 1969
PERSONAL AND CONFIDENTIAL
�rAt
MEMORANDUM FOR THE DEPUTY DIRECTOR OF THE CENTRAL INTELLIGENCE
AGENCY
FROM: Tom Charles Huston
Staff Assistant to the President
' The President has directed that a report on foreign
Communist support of revolutionary protest movements in this .
.country be prepared for his study. He has specifically requested.
.4 that the report draw upon all the resources available to the
� intelligence community and that it be as detailed as possible.
e.
I' "Support" should be liberally construed to include all
1 : activities by foreign Communists designed to encourage or
-i assist revolutionary protest movements in the United States.
On the basis of earlier reports submitted to the President
on a more limited aspect of this problem, it appears that our
present intelligence collection capabilities in this area may
be inadequate. The President would like to know what resources
: we presently have targeted toward monitoring foreign Communist
: support of revolutionary youth activities in this country, how
, effective they are, what gaps in our intelligence exist because
of either inadequate resources or a low priority of attention,
� and *hat steps could be taken, if he directed, to provide the.
�: maximum possible coverage of these activities.
I have asked the Federal Bureau of Investigation to
submit their response to the President's request to me by
Monday, June 30th. I would appreciate it if the Agency would
provide their contribution by that date.
Although I realize that the Agency submits all information
it has available in this area to the Bureau, I would like to see
a broad sample of the raw data which the Agency prcduces. And
I am particularly interested in the Agency's response to the
second part of the President's request; e.g., your present
ability to collect information of this type.
The President has assigned a high priority to this
project, and I know that you will render the utmost assistance
in its preparation.
�
� Tom Charles Huston
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SPECIAL REPORT
FOREIGN COMMUNIST SUPPORT
TO
REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS
IN THE UNITED STATES
27 June 1969
Sen itive
No Foreign Dissem kNo Dissem Abroad
Sec et
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ABROAD
General
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CUEA
V.' . : � TnCG� r'z r r�-� � �
- FOREIGN COMMUNIST SUPPORT OF REVOLUTIONARY
PROTEST MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES
Note: In accordance with the terms of reference,
this report is essentially limited to information
provided by Agency sources. It does not
.�
include extensive information available from
the Federal Bureau of Investigation on all
aspects of the subject; from the Department
h� of Defense on draft resistance/deserter matters;
or from the National Security Agency. The
relative lack of firm Agency-developed
����information on the subject may either rep.
resent the true situation, i.e., the absence
of extensive foreign Communist support,
� or it may be a reflection of a lack of enough
well-placed sources.
���������:.- � � � �-�. ; �
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� The information collected by this Agency provides evidence
of only a very limited amount of foreign Communist assistance to
revolutionary protest movements in the United States. There is very
1/4 little reporting on Communist assistance in the form of funding or
training and no evidence of Communist direction or control of any
United States revolutionary protest movement. The bulk of our infor-
mation illustrates Communist encouragement of these movements
through propaganda methods and exploitation of international
conferences. �
�For the purposes of this report these movements are defined
to include militant Black groups, radical student and youth groups,
anti-Vietnam war groups, and draft resistance/deserter groups.
Support given to these movements by Cuba, the USSR, and
Communist China is discussed in the following pages.
.1 7.).
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Cuban assistance has been provided primarily to Black
militants and to radical student groups. �
p . . . � ,
Aid to Black Militants
-.; t-Aid to Black militant groups has included:
a...:�Providing asylum to militants, the most important
5 of whom is Eldridge Cleaver, Minister of
i.:� rr.I.: :Information for the Black Panther Party; -t
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0. b. Providing sustenance to such militants
Z.I53 during their -lengthy stays in Cuba; and .
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����.,��71'.c.. 1-Providing alias documentation to selected militants
.a.p.1-1,�:.��jo.facilitate their travel abroad..
The Cuban Embassy in Paris has been used as a base for
contacting Black militants in Europe, both directly and indirectly,
but the purpose of these contacts is not known. The Prensa
Latina representative in Paris said in January 1968 that Cuban..
supported propaganda outlets would be used to spread Black .
Power ideas to Black U. S. military and civilian personnel
in Europe; the extent of the actual effort since then is not known.
� There is one unsubstantiated report that in June 1968 the
Cuban intelligence service dispatched an agent to the United States
with instructions to encourage American Blacks to defect to Cuba.
-�
.� Although there was Cuban refugee reporting in 1967 on
alleged training in Cuba of American Blacks for subversive
operations in the United States, these reports have not been sub-
stantiated. Since 1967 at least 15 to 20 Black militants are known
to have travelled to Cuba, but details of their activites there
are not known. When Stokely Carmichael, visited Cuba in 1967 his
"interpreter" was a Cuban intelligence service officer who was
subsequently assigned to the Cuban Mission to the United Nations
in New York.
� � �
One American Black militant visited Cuba at Cuban expense
In January 1969 to receive an "Heroic Guerrilla" award for winning
a Radio Havana contest.
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. r;Thi Afro-Asian Latin American People's Solidarity
Organization (AALAPSO), headquartered in Havana and
.supported by Cuba, mails propaganda to the United States
seeking to exploit the racial situation. AALAPSO showed a
particularly fast reaction capability after the assassination
..01. Dr. Martin Luther King.
'
Aid to Radical Students - .. kf:
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Cuba has encouraged travel by radical student groups
and individuals to Cuba for propaganda and orientation
'purposes. Good coverage of such travel exists. At least 110.
identified American members of Students for a Democratic
Society or its affiliates are known to have visited Cuba, at
least 55 of them at the expense of the Cuban Government. The
bulk of this travel was in 1968. Many U. S. youths and students
have applied for visas to visit Cuba this summer, but the Cubans
are reportedly denying some of these requests. � . �.: ,
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Deserter Support � � �:.1
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7: The Cuban Embassy in Tokyo provided asylum in April 1967
to a. U. S. Army deserter. It permitted him to remain there until
March 1968 when he travelled clandestinely to the 'USSR with the
help of the pro-Communist Japan Peace for Vietnam Committee
.(Beheiren). . . : . � . . : � ..
� . .7.
Aid to Puerto Rican Independence Movement L3
"
Two Puerto Ricans were reported to have received .
guerrilla training in Cuba during 1967 and 1968. This report
has not been independently substantiated.
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There is no evidence of direct Soviet support to militant
Black, radical student, or anti-Vietnam war groups in this
country.
In Japan. the Soviet Embassy actively assisted a number
of U. S. armed forces deserters to reach safeha.ven in Sweden
via the USSR during 1967-68. In. Europe. several Communist
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party front groups and radical leftist groups with Communist
party members have aided American deserters and draft resistors,
particularly in France, the Netherlands. and Sweden.
� A new component of the Chief. Intelligence Directorate of
the Soviet General Staff (GRU) was formed in 1968 to oversee the
collection of information on insurgent and dissident groups world.
wide. Although this represents a significant upgrading of GRU
interest in such activity, there is no evidence of any such GRU
efforts targeted at the U. S. This GRU component is believed to
concentrate instead on the less developed areas of the world.
Information available on the operations of the Soviet Committee
for State Security (KGB), although_not complete, shows no involve-
ment with U. S. revolutionary protest movements. � �
. � � - � � 4��
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The Government of Guinea, whose intelligence service is
in liaison with the Soviets and which is friendly with the Soviets, is
providing safehaven for Stokely Carmichael, former Chairman of
the Student Non.Violent Coordinating Committee. However,
although Carmichael still has contact with radical American Blacks
at international conferences and during his other travels, his
primary concern now appears to be in forming a united Black African
movement.
. .
� � � American Blacks were reportedly being given training in
late 1968 in a special camp in. Algeria, the Government of which is
very friendly with the USSR. This report has not been substantiated,
and recent information indicates that the Algerian Government is
reluctant to become involved with American 131ack militants. �
.f�-.!:�!1 - - - � A
COMMUNIST CHINA
The only evidence of Chinese Communist support
to revolutionary protebt movements in the United States, other than
propaganda broadcast31 is discussed below.
� �
.� � In 1966� the Black militant Robert Franklin Williams
moved to Peking from Havana where he had been granted asylum
in 1961 and had been helped in setting up "Radio Free Dixie."
Williams has been supported in Peking by the Mao regime and
has been aided in the production of a Black militant periodical. The
Crusader. The latter is distributed by mail to recipients in a
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number a countries including the U.S. The May 1968 issue of
The Crusader was distributed together with a special booklet1
prepared in Communist China a few days after the assassination
of Martin Luther King in April 1968. The booklet refers to the
killing of King. cites the Black struggle in the U.S. as part of
the world struggle against the "Yankee imperialists." and urges
all people to unite and eliminate the U.S. capitalist regime. The
early printing of the booklet showed a fast reaction capability by
the Peking regime. The booklet was prepared in English and
Spanish. The Spanish copies were distributed in Latin America
via the Peoples Party in Panama.
7" � �
� � -Williams, who is the head of the Republic of New Africa (RNA).
a Black militant American organization, visited Tanzania, the
Government of which is friendly with Peking, from June to September
1968 and again in May 1969. Two key leaders of the RNA travelled
from the U.S. to Dar es Salaam during Williams' 1968 stay in
Tanzania to consult with him. There have been unsubstantiated
reports that American Black militants were being trained in Tanzania.
� r�
Exploitation of international Communist front conferences
is discussed in Attachment A of this report. American represen-
tatives of radical groups participate regularly in such conferences,
which seek both to mobilize world opinion and to encourage
revolutionary protest movements. There is no evidence that these
conferences have been used as covers for direct foreign Communist
control of domestic movements. , �
ri-ve.2.1��.io;:-tr-r
'INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES
� : � � � � �
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PROPAGANDA
The Communist powers use press and radio propaganda
to encourage radical protest movements. Foreign Broadcast
� Information Service coverage of the propaganda output of
Moscow, Peking, Hanoi, and Havana, which affects such move-
ments in the U.S.. is analyzed in detail in Attachment B to
this report. Appended to Attachment B are selected transcripts
of propaganda, separately grouped for each of the four countries.
-5-
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FOREIGN DISS:f.T.40 . A3!ot D
Soviet propaganda in the future will probably be guided
primarily by the 17 June 1969 declaration of the conference
of Communist parties. The declaration sets forth the U.S.
as the main enemy, and views favorably the opposition of
radical U.S. youth and students to the Vietnam war, the
draft, racism, and "monopoly control of universities." It
expresses strong support for "the struggle of the Negro
population of the U.S. for their rights." It urges Communist
parties to devote considerable attention to work among students.
The CPUSA has enthusiastically endorsed this line. Until
the fall of 1968 when the Soviets tried to formulate a more
positive approach to the youth movement, Soviet propaganda
sought to explain all U.S. protest and unrest in classical
Communist terms, and avoided giving publicity to extremist
groups. The Soviets were noticeably concerned over the
threat of contagion from undisciplined Western youth movements
and over the disrur tive impact of such groups on orthodox
Communist parties.
Havana media publicizes statements and articles by
members of the Black Panthers. the Students for a Democratic
Society, and such prominent individuals as David Dellinger
and Mark Rudd. However, there has been a marked abatement
,of such propaganda in the past six months as a result of media
'preoccupation with domestic issues. Cuban broadcasts generally
avoid detailed accounts of U.S. student activities, but stress
that the rebellion of American youths is symptomatic of the
sickness of U.S. life and institutions. The emphasis in youth-
targeted propaganda is on Vietnam and Che Guevara-type
revolutionary feats.
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Co ide ntia I
SPECIAL REPORT
ATTACHMENT "A"
EXPLOITATION OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES
IN ENCOURAGEMENT OF
REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS
IN THE UNITED STATES ;
27 June 1969
Se sitive
No Foreign Dissem No Dissem Abroad
Confide tial
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OLIi01 I E.
Attachment A
EXPLOITATION OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES IN
ENCOURAGEMENT OF REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST
MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES
� � :
Introduction
World Assembly for Peace,
East Berlin, June 1969
Bratislava Conference,
Czechoslovakia, September 1967
,Page,
� 2 41,
. � .. � 1--
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Ninth Youth Festival, � � 3 , .
Sofia, Bulgaria., 28 July to 6 August 1968 � �
Budapest Conference.
. � Hungary. September 1968
- � V. � ."."���.::%.!
.., �
Western Hemispheric Conference Against the 5
Vietnam War,
28 November to 1 December 1968
4
Stockholm Conference on Vietnam Emergency
V Action,
Sweden, 6-19 May 1969
International Conference of Lawyers for
Vietnam,
Grenoble. France. July 1968 ;
Anti-War Conferences in Japan.
August 1968
Havana Cultural Congress,
Cuba, 4-11 January 1968
.9-10
NO FOREIGN DISSEMINO DISSM AnPnrsn
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EXPLOITATION OF INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCES' IN
ENCOURAGEMENT OF REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST
MOVEMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES
Introduction
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American representatives of radical student and Black
groups, draft resistance/deserter support groups, and anti-
Vietnam War organizations participate regularly in Internation-
al Communist front conferences, meetings, and activities.
These conferences seek both to mobilize world opinion and to
encourage pertinent revolutionary protest movements. s There is
no evidence that they are used as covers for direct foreign
Communist control of domestic movements.
tive.
The conferences discussed in this report are representa-
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World Assembly for Peace. East Berlin, June 1969
7
Currently, a number of U.S. delegates are attending
the World Assembly for Peace in East Berlin. This gathering
constitutes the de facto Eighth Congress of the World Peace
Council and is a convocation of all international Communist
front leaders behind a facade of some 900 invited "supporters
of peace." The delegation from dile U.S. consists largely
of representatives of the CPUSA and CPUSA fronts, but also
includes such organizations as the Women Strike for Peace
(WSP), the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS) and the
Black Panthers. The WSP representatives were also invited
to attend the International Women's Conference which is
scheduled subsequently for Helsinki. Finland. Expenses
for the trip to Helsinki are to be paid by the East German
Women's Congress.
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Bratislava Conference, Czechoslovakia, September 1967
�� About forty representatives of various U.S. organizations
(including the National Mobilization Committee Against the War
in Vietnam, the Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee,
Students for a Democratic Society, the American Friends Service
Committee and the Southern Christian Leadership Conference)
met in Bratislava, Czechoslovakia, with representatives of
the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DR V) and with South Viet-
nam National Liberation Front (NLF) officials. According to
'. a. Czechoslovak press agency report, the conference discussed
"the future development in the anti-war movement." The
report added that the U.S. group was organized by David T.
Dellinger, Tom Hayden, and Nick Egle son (the latter two being
former SDS Chairmen). The NLF delegation was headed by
Mme. Nguyen Thi BINH (currently head of the NLF negotiating
team in Paris and "Foreign Minister" in the recently established
provisional "Government." The Czechoslovak press agency
report concluded: "The Czechoslovak Peace Committee provided
everything required to make this meeting possible." Soon after
his return from Czechoslovakia on 21 October 1967, Dellinger
led the massive "peaceful demonstration" at the Pentagon.
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Ninth Youth Festival, Sofia, Bulgaria. 28 July to 6 August 1968
The American delegation consisted of 85 persons, 11 of them
members of the Students for a Democratic Society (SDS). The
conference was sponsored by the World Federation of Democratic
Youth and the International Union of Students. North Vietnamese
and NLF representatives were present at the Festival along with
American deserters. W. E. B. DuBois Club members, through a
minority of the delegation, effectively controlled it. Great propa-
ganda attention was focused on the U.S. role in Vietnam. Willaim
Cathbert, Chairman of the American Deserters Committee in Stock-
holm, announced that the Bulgarian government had financed the
attendance of the American deserters who held several press con-
ferences and appeared jointly with the members of the NLF. After
the conference, and in response to a Soviet request, the delegation'
leader (also president of the DuBois Clubs) selected eight Black
delegates to tour the USSR.
.06
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Budapest Conference, September 1968
�
. .
Twenty-eight Americans opposed. to the war in Vietnam
travelled to Hungary to meet with representatives of North' Vietnam
and the NLF to discuss strategy on the U.S. campuses. This
meeting Was arranged by David T. Dellinger, head of the National
Mobilization Co ,..tamittee. Vernon Grizzard, former national vice-
president of the SIDS/USA and onp of the participants, stated that
this meeting centered on the Paris peace talks, on prospects of .
further student unrest, and on furthering unrest among U.S.
military personnel. Grizzard stated that the Vietnamese gave
no direction for activities in the U.S., but that they were pleased
and interested in "our" plans. �
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Western Hemispheric Conference Against the Vietnam War,
Montreal, 28 November - 1 December 1968
This conference was first proposed by the CPUSA at a
secret meeting of Western Hemisphere Communist parties during
the Consulative Meeting of Communist and Workers Parties in
Budapest. Hungary, 26 February - 5 March 1968. It was decided
at this time to hold the conference during October when it would
have the greatest impact on the 1968 U. S. elections. It was also
suggested at this meeting that each country send 10 - 20 delegates,
except the United States and Canada, which would be expected to
send 500 - 1, 000 delegates. Gus Hall, chairman of the CPUSA.
Stated that delegations should include representatives of anti-
imperialist groups such as pacifists, church groups, and youth
and trade union groups. Throughout the summer of 1968 the
Communist Party of Canada (CPC) and the CPUSA worked closely
together to set up the conference. A dispute arose when the CPC .
wanted to limit its scope to questions of Vietnam and the danger
of U.S. imperialism to Latin America. The CPUSA, however,
wanted to broaden its scope to include all aspects of imperialism,
including its implications in U. S. domestic developments. These
two positions continued to be a point of disagreement throughout the
conference. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union contributed
a substantial amount of funds to support this conference.
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StOckholm Conference on Vietnam Emergency Action, 16-19 �
May1969
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� The conference was planned and requested jointly by the.
NLF and DRV delegations to the Paris Peace Conference.
Assisting in the coordinating and setting up of the conference
was the Swedish Intern.ational Liaison Committee (ILC). Among
the leaders of the ILC are Carl H. Hermansson, chairman of
the Swedish Communist party, and Dr. John Takman, Communist
head of the Swedish Peace Committee. The ILC has been partially
funded by the World Peace Council.
Approximately 350-400 individuals attended from 52 nations.
The primary purpose of the conference was to promote acceptance
of the NLF/DRV Ten Point Peace Plan, proposed at the Paris
peace talks among the world intellectual community. The NLF
and the DRY reportedly hoped thereby to use the influence of
these intellectuals in their respective countries to develop world
opinion in support of their proposed solution to the war.
� The head of the NLF delegation in Paris, Madame Nguyen
Thi Binh, indicated privately during the conference that Hanoi was
considering having prominent U.S. Black militants, particularly
those opposed to the war, visit Hanoi some time in the next four or
five months. Both the NLF and the DRV delegations showed
considerable concern over the deteriorating anti-war movement in
the U.S. They indicated that without public opinion in the U.S.
calling for American troop withdrawal, their efforts to achieve
victory would be handicapped. They urged those attending the
conference, particularly those from the U. S. to revitalize the
deteriorating anti-war sentiment.
Besides representatives from the NLF and the DRY, there
were delegations to the conference from some other Bloc countries
(GDR, Czechoslovakia, Poland, and the USSR).
The American delegation consisted of about 25 individuals
representing at least eleven organizations. Two Americans addressed
the conference. Professor John B. Nielands, of the University of
California at Berkeley, spoke critically on U.S. "Chemical Warfare
in Vietnam," and Professor Franz Schurman gave a speech on
"The Nixon Administration and the Vietnam War," American
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�
� intellectuals in attendance included Anatol Rapaport, Noam Chomsky,
. and Gabriel Kolko. American organizations represented included -
the American Friends Service Committee, the National Lawyers'
� Guild, Women Strike for Peace. Resist, Student Non-Violent �
Coordinating Committee, National Committee for a Sane Nuclear
:Policy, and the War Resistors' League.
� ��
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USIT SEIVL
International Conference of Lawyers for Vietnam, Grenoble,
France, July 1968
.��: � -�..f�!. -
This conference was sponsored by the International
Association of Democratic Lawyers (IADL), the international
Communist front in the legal and parliamentary field. Closely
cooperating with IADL has been a U.S. organization called
the "Lawyers Committee on American Policy toward Vietnam"
(LCAPV). Among its leaders are William L. Standard and�
Carey McWilliams, who have been cited numerous times by
the House Committee on Un-American Activities for involve-
ment in Communist fronts. Also on the Lawyers Committee
are well-known professors Richard Falk, Hans Morgenthau,
and Quincy Wright. The five-man delegation representing
the LCAPV worked closely with the DRY and NLF delegations,
dominating the proceedings and drafting the meeting's final
resolution. The LCAPV continues its activities, recently
having published a "Five-Point Program to End the War in
Vietnam" which it presented to the latest (16-18 May 1969)
Stockholm Conference on Vietnam.
� ,.. 1: �:. . �'.
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ILTE111441�,_:_
SEETIVF
�
Anti.War Conferences in Satan, August 1968 ".1"..
In August 1968 several leftist protest organizations in
Japan sponsored conferences attended by American citizens
representing a broad spectrum of "New Left" groups. Sponsoring
organizations differed with the conference involved but included
front groups of the Japan Socialist Party (JSP) and the Japan
Communist Party (SC?). American groups represented at
the JSP conference included the Student Non.-Violent Coordinating
Committee, Students for a Democratic Society, Women Strike
�for Peace, the Socialist Workers Party, American Friends
Service Committee, and the Quaker Action Group. Americans
attending the JCP conferences included CPUSA members and
sympathizers, representing such organizations as the Tr-
Continental Inforrn3.tion. Center, the Marx-Lenin Institute, and
the Concerned Citizens' Society. The following list of Americans
who attended the Kyoto conference shows the variety of groups they
� � " . ,
represented: .
Richard Balzer, Student, Yale University
Brad Cleaveland Profess or, 'University of California, Berkeley
Eldridge Cleaver, Writer, Minister of Information, Black
Panther Party
. � . � ! 4
Kathleen Cleaver, Wife of Eldridge Cleaver
� ���:.
Kenneth Cloke, Lawyer, National Lawyers' Guild
� . .1.
Jim Forman, International Secretary, Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee
-411- � � . . � -- - -.� '-' � � �:��
Ruth Gage-Colby, Women Strike for Peace, Women's
International League for Peace and Freedom
t� 1 - . ... -.4 �
Fred Gardner, Editorial Staff, Rarrmarts
Nicola Geiger, American Friends Service Committee,
Quaker Action Group
�
eV.
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. -
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Ttraltir..111titt�
ertpr:1.tr
�
Walton Geiger, 'American Friends Service Conunittee,
Quaker Action Group . :p
� S � � '
� � Todd Gitlin. � Former Chairman,. Students for a Democratic
� Society
'
.7sed Halstead. Presidential Candidate, Socialist Workers
. .� - -Party . - � -
..� � , � , �: � 1
Henry Hurlburt, Independent Activist in Peace Movement,
-- San Francisco Area
' � David Lang. Student, :University of California, Los Angeles,
e'. , � .Correspondent, Liberation News Service, Student
Communication Network
� :
. Victor Lippit, Student, Yale University
��. -
. Raymond Mungo, Liberation News Service
Barbara Reynolds, Hiroshima Friendship Center
Jeotrey Sharlet, Editor. "Vietnam GI" - Monthly Publication
Barry Sheppard, Editor, "The Militant"
Gary Snyder, Poet, Resident of Kyoto City
Donald P. Stone, Deputy Chairman, Student Non-Violent
Coordinating Committee
Walter .Teague. Chairman, U.S. Committee to Aid National
Liberation Front of South Vietnam
John Wilson, Chairman, National Black Anti-War,
Anti-
Draft Union.
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irinalrinv-IT.p..
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WINIS.111 � Alibi
g E'F'Prz`
trim i
Havana Cultural Congress, 4 - 11 January 1968
Five hundred writers, scientists, performers, artists,
journalists, and educators from 70 countries, including about
50 Americans, attended this conference. The final declaration
of the congress proclaimed that armed struggle was the only
road open to the underdeveloped countries of the world seeking
economic development and that "North American imperialism
is today the bloodstained representative of oppression, misery,
economic backwardness and cultural genocide."
The Student Non-Violent Coordinating Committee (SNCC) was
well represented. SNCC leaders contended that the conference
would be important in the development of the Black movement in
the United States.
Other American delegates included David Dellinger, Tom
Hayden (co-founder of SDS), Robert Scheer of Ramparts, and
Linus Pauling.
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'
SPECIAL REPORT
ATTACHMENT "B"
MOSCOW, PEKING, HANOI AND HAVANA PROPAGANDA
ON REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS
IN THE UNITED STATES
27 June 1969
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w wsi� a anis
Attachment 13
" � ���.. -r� � �t �- 7
-
�'" A t �
"1:3
MOSCOW, PEKING, HANOI, AND HAVANA PROPAGANDA
ON REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS
-rJt�7, � IN THE UNITED STATES
- � .7( � . � �r �
Contents � � ���'
C.:��`..ia '��
t,...;�4 � el..'7�f.:=� I�% Introduction
A!. .Soviet Union
- Comznun.ist China
North Victnana
Cuba
Page, :
z
�
..:40; S. 7.7
; � �-� .
Z.� ����
*:
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_ _
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� � � ; r If N.. �
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a.
��� ���
MOSCOW, PEKING, HANOI, AND HAVANA PROPAGANDA
ON REVOLUTIONARY PROTEST MOVEMENTS
�� � ;-� IN THE UNITED STATES
� r ,
Litroduction
The official radio and press media of Communist countries
are cautious and for the most part unspecific in their treatment
of radical protest movements in. the United States. Shunning
direct statements of support, they convey their view of such
movements as a rule in reportorial coverage of events deemed
exploitable in the framework of each Communist regime's
approach to revolutionary strategy and relations with the United
States.
This report will focus on the propaganda of Moscow. Peking,
Hanoi. and Havana, the moat relevant of the media sources for
this study on revolutionary protest movements in the United States.
Selected examples of documentary FBIS coverage of this
propaganda are assembled by country as an appendix to this attach-
ment.
-
�
�.*
�
�
� . : . " " �� 'I..: � .; �� � �C � ; �:`
�...
. -
�
. .
;
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The Soviet Union
� : � � ;� :At
-
Soviet propaganda in the future will probably be guided -
primarily by the 17 June 1969 declaration of the conference of
Communist parties. The declaration sets forth the U. S. as
the main enemy, and views favorably the opposition of radical
U. S. youth and students to the Vietnam war, the draft, racism.
and "monopoly control of universities." It expresses strong
support for "the struggle of the Negro population of the U. S. for
their rights." It urges Communist parties to devote considerable
attention to work among students. The CPUSA has enthusiastically
endorsed this line. Until the fall of 1968 'hen the Soviets tried
to formulate a more positive approach to the youth movement,
Soviet propaganda sought to explain all 13. S. protest and unrest
in classical Communist terms, and avoided giving publicity to
extremist groups. The Soviets were noticeably concerned over
the threat of contagion from undisciplined Western youth move-
ments and over the disruptive impact of such groups on orthodox
Corrununist parties.
r : � � .
� Hitherto. the Soviets have had a shifting and ambivalent
attitude toward all student protest activities in the West, includ-
ing the United States.
�.
On the one hand, commentators have applauded student
protest activity as proof of the weaknesses and contradictions of
capitalist society and as a natural prelude to the general
revolution which will destroy that society. Ca the other hand, they
have decried the youths' disregard of Zoviet interests and
direction and have warned that the young will be really effective
only when they submit to the discipline of the workers' movement
and the theory of Marxism-Leninism.
Soviet discussion of foreign youth tends to lump United
States and Western European youth together as motivated by
similar concerns and influenced by similar ideologies. Thus,
the philosopher Herbert Marcuse, conveniently of German birth
and American residence, is seen as the spiritual father of the
New Left in both the U. S. and Western Europe.
The student role in large-scale disturbances in Europe in
early 1968. especially in the events of May in Paris, forced the
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Issue in Moscow of what pone* to adopt toward the movement � '
beyond the general sympathy that had always been expressed on
the subject of the alienation of youth in the West. The response
came in the form of an article in Pravda in May 1968 by com-
mentator Fury Zhukov. who gave a detailed critique of Marcuse's
theories and castigated his young followers, including Cohn-Bendit,
is "werewolves." Foreign policy considerations, especially the
Interests of the French Communist party, seem to have largely
determined this negative reaction.
�� v7 4- it
Soviet officials, however, were clearly surprised and
troubled by the effectiveness of the student revolt and the prospect
��
that it would usurp the revolutionaiy role in the West from the
Communist parties. The Vice-President of the USSR Academy of
� Sciences. A. M. Rumyantsev, admitted in September 1968 that
� "the latest events in Frsnce . . . proved to be a surprise in many
ways for the Soviet scientific workers." A professor wrote in the
Soviet press in November 1968 that "many Communist parties admit'
they underestimated the potentialities of the student movement."
. � �
-'� Since the .fall of 1968 press articles have tried to formulate
a more positive appreach to the youth movements of the West.
They developed many of the themes expressed by the physicist
Petr Kapitsa to the Presidium of the Academy of Sciences in
February 1969 and by Brezhnev in June 1969. While still condemning
Marcuse's theories and the anarchistic elements of the students'
activities, commentators have seen the "ideological fog in
students' heads" as natural and understandable. More important
In the commentators' eyes was youth's rejection of capitalist
society. Like Kapitsa and Brezhnev, they found that ideological
and spiritual disaffection were more important causes of student
protest than material conditions. The commentators still main-
tained, however, that the potential of the young activists could
only be realized when they accepted the guidance of the workers'
movement and Marxist-Leninist teachings, thereby implying the
current independence of the students from Soviet influence.
A Radio Moscow broadcast beamed to Yugoslavia on
23 June 1969 assailed Marcuse and his concept that youth, not the
workers, are ,the motive force of revolution. In a rare Soviet
mention. of the SDS, it noted that "some" members of this organiza-
tion have expressed dissatisfaction with Marcuse's view and favor
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.�1�0
an alliance with the working class--"a more mighty revolutionary t
force in capitalist society." � � - - $ ���.- . ;�.� � �
� .� Kapitsa's departure from other writers on the subject In his
explicit criticism of Soviet ideologists for their isolation from
_ foreign-revolutionary movements and the suggestion that they could
fall behind progressive thought in the West. Here Kapitsa is
expressing the fears of liberals in the Soviet Union that the dogmatic
stance of the present regime is isolating their country from
progressive movements in the rest of the world. A similar spirit
marks the essay by Kapitsa's fellow physicist Andrey Sakharov,
which appeared in the West in July 1968. .
. � . � � ."
The difficulty for the regime is that the attempt to reconcile
the student movement in the U.S. and Soviet ideology may lead to
modification of the latter. An example is found in an article in
the' February 1969 issue of the Soviet journal, World Economy and
International Relations, which takes the most positive approach
yet to youthful revolutionaries in the West. While it speaks of the
necessity of their joining ranks with the workers' movement, it
notes that the spiritual issues the students are raising are drawing
the workers away from their narrow economic concern and are
helping to create the "socio-psychological prerequisites" for the .
revolutionary struggle. This attribution of an almost leading role
to the students remains an isolated one, however, and Brezhnev's
pronouncement stands as the official analysis. .1 .
, �
Leonia Brezhnev's speech to the international Communist
conference on 7 June 1969 offers an authoritative statement on
the subject. The rising generation in the capitalist countries is
In "revolutionary ferment," Brezhnev declared in explaining the
"considerable attention" Communist parties are now devoting to
work with the young people. He saw the young aroused by
opposition-to "imperialist wars, " and "the militarization of
bourgeois society." The negative aspects. of the activities of the
young, according to Brezhnev, are their spontaneity and "immature
forms" and at times their exploitation by anti-Communist elements
and "imperialist agents." Nevertheless, he predicted that the
young activists, once they have mastered the theory of scientific
socialism and gained more experience, "will do great things."
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:.tta.: a an:s.
The Main document approved by the conference of Communist
parties on 17 June 1969 incorporated favorable descriptions of the
actions of young American radical elements in its description of
the many forces round the world engaged in what the Communists
call the struggle against imperialism. .The presentation is designed
first of all to serve as proof of a basic premise of the conference,
that the United States Government is the main enemy of all anti-
imperialist forces at home as well as throughout the world, and
the universal aggressor against which all forms of struggle should
be employed: '- � - .1 � �I? . - � �
�� �
. "Moreover, the depth of the crisis in the capitalist
i,.world is also strikingly revealed by the advance of the
mass struggle in the United States itself, that main
pillar of world imperialism. A wave of rebellions against
racial discrimination, poverty, starvation and police brutality
has swept the Negro ghettoes . . . .
. "Young people, students in particular, black and white,
resolutely use various means to oppose the Vietnam war,
military conscription, racism, and monopoly control of
universities. Reaction replies to this with the assassination
of public figures, mounting repression and massive violence.
In the third section of the document, which summarizes the
"calls to action" approved by the participating Communist parties,
the conference calls, as a part of the general anti-imperialist
struggle, for solidarity and support, through protest movements
around the world, against
, � � .
� � � the most ignominious phenomenon of our time,
the barbarous persecution of the 25 million Negroes
in the USA. . . �"
The so-called "Peace Appeal, "unanimously approved by the
participating parties at the June Moscow conference equates anti-
war manifestations in the United States with the armed attack on
our forces in Vietnam, as laudable parts of the kind of "struggle
for peace" aupported and carried out by all Communist parties:
'I
�
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� "
_ �
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."The struggle for peace comprises both the victorious
battles fought by the Vietnamese patriots in the jungles of
South Vietnam and the anti-war manifestations in Europe and
America. The cause of peace is also served by the actions
of the working class against . . . monopolies, by. . . Latin
American peoples. . . , by anticolonial movernehts in,. . .
Asia and Africa, by the struggle of the Negro population
of the United States for their rights. . . ."
The Soviet view of these forces in the United States was well
expressed at the June conference by L. I. Brezhnev, speaking in
the name of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the
Soviet Union: �-
� "Comrades, one of the decisive sectors of the anti-
.:
. imperialist atruggle naturally runs through the capitalist
�. countries themselves. The blows which the revolutionary
forces are dealing imperialism in its very citadels are
� . highly important for the whole of the world development.
1960's have introduced many new elements in this
. front of struggle as well.
. ". . . explosions are becoming ever more frequent
.1 everywhere, including the United States, where the most
acute social contradictions, the struggle against the war
In Vietnam and the fight for Negro civil rights are tangled
in a tight knot. It is a long time since imperialism has
been confronted with such violent forms of social protest
and with general democratic action of the present scale and
� pitch. .
"It is natural that the fraternal parties now devote
considerable attention to work among the young people.
It is a fact after all that therrising generation in the
����
�
capitalist countries, including the students, is in revo-
lutionary ferment. Young people are actively coming out in
opposition to imperialist wars, to thz militarization of
bourgeois society, and to the attempts of the bourgeoisie to
� curtail the working people's democratic rights."
�
�
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.61,13C1r1r.!'11-19
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Communist China
aar. U. �t":.1 rs-ct
:�4 � �:
Revolution or people's war in any country is the business
of the masses in that country and should be carried out prima-
rily by their own efforts; there is no other way.
. Lin Piao, "Long Live the Victory
.,4. ��� � � �
�
_ of People's War,"
- 2 September 1965
71,
Through the broadcasts of Radio Peking in English and
the distribution in the United States of the Pei-sing Review and
other English-language publications, Communist China has
provided a measure of propaganda support and ideological
guidance to U.S. radical movements. Peking does not, how-
ever specifically tailor this propaganda for a U.S. audience--
it is part of a monolithic effort targeted at audiences worldwide.
The propaganda is couched in doctrinaire terms, concerned
generally with student, youth, and black radicals. Attention
to anti-Vietnam war activities, as to all aspects of the war,
is slight. The ideological guidance, for those disposed to
pay heed, is made available through the publication and rebroad-
casting in English of Mao's "works," and through the innumerable
rehashes of his "thought."
Peking's exploitation of American student unrest, however.
Didicates that the Chinese view the subject as a target of oppor-
tunity through which they can discredit the U.S. image world-wide.
Their propaganda portra.ya student activities as an example of
the "unending troubles which have brought the U.S. to the verge
of collapse" and "progressive forces struggling against the
capitalist system." Lin Piao has stated that, "We firmly support
the proletariat, the students and youth and masses of the Black
People of the United States in their just struggle against the U.S.
ruling clique."
Chinese Communist proraganda seldom refers to individual
U.S. groups, the single notable exception being the Maoist-
oriented Progressive Labor Party, several articles and statements
of which have been publicized by NCNA this year. Apart from the
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UunJen. ri
general objective of simply blackening the U.S., the fact that
some of these students are self-ntyled "Maoists" probably
increases Peking's incentive to lend verbal support to such
"progressive elements." - � . .
�� � .
Partic-ular attention has been paid to the militant Black
movement. In a very widely publicized statement on 16 April
1968. "in support of the Afro-American struggle against
violence," Mao Tse-tung declared that the assassination of
Dr. King, "an exponent of nonviolence," has taught U.S.
Blacks "a profound lesson." The nature of the "lest-ion" was
not spelled out by Mao. But lesser, routine Chinese com-
mentators expounded the view that Dr. King's death established
the bankruptcy of his philosophy of nonviolence and showed
the Black masses and all "American revolutionary people"
that they must meet "counterrevolutionary :violence with
revolutionary violence." � � � .
. � . � r
, :During the U.S. civil disorders in the summer of 1967.
a series of People's Daily articles had applauded statements
by militant Black spokesmen and branded Dr. King a "reac-
tionary lackey" who preaches "the humbug of nonviolence."
People's Daily predicted that the "Afro-American masses"
together with "oppressed strata" of the white population will
isolate and besiege the "handful of reactionaries who rule the .
-
country."
� .
The April 1968 statement by Mao. along with his previous
formal statement on U.S. racial discrimination on 8 August 1963,
- constitute the core of Peking's propaganda on. the "Afro-American
struggle." The anniversaries of their issuance are observed
through renewed publicity for the original statements, coupled
with elucidations and updating of the textual content. The anej,.
versary propaganda since 1965 has stressed the thesis that the
Afro-Americans' "main form of struggle" currently is "armed
struggle against police violence." At the same time, Peking
has expressed its aversion to separatist trends, repeatedly
stressing a community of interests between. Black and White
workers in opposition to the capitalist system.
. '
41�
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. dr
". (1:1.17:7-.117.771.7,1
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� .�� � .. �
100.
North Vietnam - to t:re At:In:jean er. t 3tr...r:nhier-...r1
) . � 1. ,�; " .�:�� ..�..--. 4����. .
t 7(1 Vietnamese Communist media emphasize anti-war attitudes
among the American people and frequently quote anti-war state.
meats by members of Congress and other prominent U.S. person-
alities, but have given relatively little publicity to anti-war
demonstrations. During 1967 and 1968, Hanoi and Liberation
Front media publicized South and North Vietnamese "people's
committees" for solidarity with "progressive" American groups
and individuals and aired messages 'of greetings both to "the
American people" and to specific U.S. groups. The only message
of this kind during 1969, however, has been an appeal to the SDS
from the "South Vietnam Liberation Students' Union" in March for
support in the campaign for the nullification of sentences meted
out to Buddhists. Normally Hanoi ignores SDS activities and student
unrest. Both Hanoi and Liberation Front media tend to lump all
protest elements in a single category, the "progressive people"
of the United States, appealing to them for continued support and ,
crediting them, along with the peoples of socialist countries, with
contributing to victories in Vietnam.
��
� � In October 1967 the establishment of a "South Vietnam People's
Committee for Solidarity with the American People" (CSAP) was
announced. Its counterpart in the North was founded almost a
year later. A communique on the formation of the CSAP said its
objectives were to promote friendship and to "unite and coordinate
with the American people in the struggle for peace, justice, freedom,
democracy, and civil rights, and in demanding that the U. S. Govern-
ment put an end to its aggressive war in Vietnam." One of the
committee's tasks was said to be the establishment of contact with
all "progressive" organizations and individuals in the "American
people's struggle." � -
On 15 November 1967 the CSAP addressed a letter to American
soldiers in South Vietnam which urged them to refuse to fight and
stated that the committee would help any serviceman find his way
home or to any other place. The letter noted that the committee
had chapters in South Vietnamese cities. In September 1968 the
CSAP sent a letter to the National Mobilization Committee extending
thanks to "progressive" American people for their activities at the
Chicago Democratic convention..
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� �-.111.1kirinr�7.7., 1 � -
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�
A CSAP letter to the American people on its first anniversary
1'21968 referred to "friendly ties and close solidarity" between the
two peoples in the common struggle for peace, justice, freedom,
democracy, and civil rights and an end to the war in Vietnam. It
cited conferences held to promote this goal in Bratislava, Paris,
Stockholm, Sofia, Budapest, "and so forth." The letter extended
greetings and gratitude to anti-war organizations of Americans
living in France, Great Britain, and Cuba and. to various peace
organizations around the world who were aiding American draft
resisters and deserters.
. .1. ��� ..
� ���
The counterpart committee in North Vietnam (DRY) was
lormulated on 10 July 1968 with Professor Hoang Minh Giarn, the
DRV Minister of Culture, as its president. While the statement
on the formation of the committee accented the building of friend-
ship as its goal and made no mention of coordination in anti-war
activities, Giam referred at the formation ceremony to "coordinating
struggles and supporting each other."
).. -.�
�
There are also infrequent expressions of support for the
"struggles" of the American Black people. On 17 August 1968,
for example, the Vietnam Asia-Africa Solidarity Committee held
a.meeting marking the "day of international solidarity with the.
Afro-American people."
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DRV Premier Pham Van Dong, in an interview granted
the Mexican publication Siernore on 30 March 1968, was asked
ar his views on U.S. recruitment of citizens of Mexican descent,
Puerto Ricans, and Negroes for the war. in Vietnam. He replied
that it was lamentable that they were forced to fight in Vietnam -
and added: "The NFLSV is seeking a way to make those people
understand the essence of this struggle and the just stand that
should .be adopted."
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Cuban media have from time to time publicized statements
and articles by members of the Black Panthers, SDS, and such
organizations as SNCC. although there has been a marked
abatement of such propaganda in the past six months, because
of preoccupation with domestic issues. While emphasizing
the theme of anti-war sentiment among the American people
and in Congress, Havana does not as a rule discuss the role
of specific groups or movements in opposition to the war.
� � Cuban radio broadcasts avoid detailed accounts of student
activities, but emphasize that manifestations of discontent
and rebellion by U.S. youths are symptomatic of the "sickness"
of U.S. life and institutions. Havana publishes various propaganda
materials aimed at influencing U.S. and other youths. t he
emphasis is on Vietnam, Che Guevara and his idyllic quest
for revolutionary endeavors, and is generally aimed at under-
mining U.S. foreign policy. -
� �In the only available commentary which has broached
the question of Cuban influence over U.S. radical movements
in recent months, a 2 April 1969 Radio Havana talk set out
to rebut a statement by Congressman Henry Gonzalez to the
effect that the Mexican-American community had been infil-
trated by California youth of Mexican ancestry- 'Who'had traveled
to Cuba on trips subsidized by the Havana regime: The com-
mentator charged that the congressman was trying to make
Cuba the scapegoat for "problems rooted in the expansionist -
policy of the United States during the 19th Century and in the
present living conditions of Mexican-Americans, Latin Americans,
and Negroes." The commentator argued that U.S. young people
do not have to leave their country to learn violent tactics, since
"Violence is a characteristic of North American society," but
concluded fatuously that Cuba was "honored" by the accusation
that it is "an example and stimulus to those fighting the injustices
of the imperialist system of exploitation." The commentator
added that "Cuba offers her own example and stretches her
friendly and firm hand to those fighting for a better tomorrow."
In past comment eulogizing Che Guevara, the ubiquitous
influence of his "example" has been emphasized in general terms.
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Last October, marking the first anniversary of Guevara's
death, Havana. media cited his impact as a "political catalyst"
in much of the world, specifically including the United States,
and boasted that "never in history have the revolutionary con-
cepts of a leader of oppressed peoples spread so widely and
so rapidly."
� :
Statements by spokesmen for the Black Panthers and
SNCC carried in Havana media have lauded Che Guevara
and his teachings. Thus Prensa Latina on 15 February 1969
reported an interview with two Black Panther leaders which
appeared in Tricontinental, organ of the Havana-based Afro-
Asian Latin American Peoples' Solidarity Organization
(AALAPSO), in which they acknowledged the inspirational
influence of the Cuban revolution and stated: "We are happy
to see that oppressed peoples are following the brave example
of Che Guevara to create one, two, three, many Vietnams,
and we will work together for the destruction of imperialism."
In October 1968, Radio Havana reported that a SNCC official
visiting Havana had said Guevara's teachings were deeply
rooted among Black Americans. He was also quoted as pre-
dicting that guerrilla warfare would "increasingly become the
method of common struggle" both in the United States and in
"liberation struggles" world-wide.
Emphasis on SNCC, and particularly its leader Stokely
Carmichael. shifted during the past year to the Black Panthers.
In a Havana press conference in August 1968 a Black Panther
leader was quoted in Cuban media as alleging that the direction
the struggle was taking in the United States is that of resistance
through guerrilla warfare.
While Havana media gave extensive coverage to Carmichael's
visit to Havana in the summer of 1967 to attend the Latin American
Solidarity Organization conference, where he participated as
"an honorary delegate," he has received scant mention for more
than a year. Carmichael was interviewed by telephone by Radio
Havana in April 1968 after the assassination of Martin Luther King
and was quoted as forecasting that "urban guerrilla warfare" would
develop in U. S. cities; with Dr. King's passing, he said, "there
18 no Black man who will ask Black people not to burn down cities."
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Since Havana's "Radio Free Dixie" broadcasts to the
United States featuring U.S. Negro expatriate Robert Williams
went off the air in March 191a 6 (7,-illia.rns migrated tc; Peking),
Havana has not addressed inflammatory appeals for violence
directly to U.S. Negroes. But Cuban comment has on occasion
continued to argue that violence may be the sole method for
the 'U.S. Negro to better his lot. Thus, after the slaying of
Dr. King, Havana comment stressed that with the murder
"imperialism has buried its last hope for a nonviolent solution
to its racial problems."
Cuban media have yet to acknowledge reports that Black
Panther leader Eldridge Cleaver is in :Havana, nor have they
taken cognizance of allegations that Black Panthers may have
been involved in the diversions of U. S. airliners to Havana.
V
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