MEMORANDUM FROM THE CHIEF OF OPERATIONS, OPERATION MONGOOSE (LANSDALE) TO THE SPECIAL GROUP (AUGMENTED)

• Document Type: FOIA
• Collection: FOIA Collection
• Document Number (FOIA) /ESDN (CREST): 01317535
• Release Decision: RIPPUB
• Original Classification: U
• Document Page Count: 8
• Document Creation Date: December 28, 2022
• Document Release Date: June 15, 2018
• Case Number: F-2016-02554
• Publication Date: July 25, 1962

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Memorandum from the Chief of Operations, Operation Mongoose
(Lansdale) to the Special Group (Augmented)
Washington, July 25, 1962.
Subject: Review of Operation Mongoose
This is the Operations report at the end of Phase I. It has
been compiled to assist you in reviewing Operation Mongoose thus
far and in determining the best course of U.S. action for the future.
This Operations report contains the contribution of each major
participant, on objectives, on the planning and operational activity
to win these objectives, and on future possibilities to be governed by
the policy framework. A National Intelligence Estimate (NIE 85-2-62)
is being submitted separately for consideration in connection with
this report.
As Chief of Operations, I am indicating in this covering
memorandum what I. consider to be the most significant aspects of
our poly and program picture. The full report of each major partici-
pant is appended4\ to ensure that you have access to the exact reporting
as submitted.
OBJECTIVES
As desired by higher authority on 30 November 1961, the U.S.
undertook a special effort "in order to help Cuba overthrow the Communist
regime." After a review of operational planning and programming con-
cepts, the Special Group (Augmented) provided guidelines on 14 March
1962 for Phase I, Operation Mongoose (roughly until the end of July 1962)."(Vilt
The main objectives were seen as:
a. The acquisition of hard intelligence on the target area.
--\1/4ource: Kennedy Library, National Security Files, Meetings
and Memoranda Series, Special Group (Augmented), Operation Mongoose,
7/62. Top Secret; Sensitive; Eyes Only. An attached distribution
list indicates that 11 copies of the memorandum were prepared.
Copies were sent to Robert Kennedy, Taylor, Johnson, Gilpatric,
Lemnitzer, McCone, Harvey, Hurwitch, Harris, and Wilson. One
was held by Lansdale.
e? See footnote 3, supra.
The appendicies consisted of the reports made to Lansdale
by the Operations officers of the Departments of State, Defense,
CIA, and USIA, which are printed as Documents DEPARTMENT OF F.;TATE
. 0 Ratzin [1 Chanig3Iclassifyito
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With concurrenco
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� b. Undertaking all other political, economic, and covert
actions, short of inspiring a revolt in Cuba or developing the need
for U.S. armed intervention.
c. Be consistent with U.S. overt policy, and remain in
position to disengage with minimum loss in assets and U.S. prestige.
d. Continue JCS planning and essential preliminary actions
for a decisive U.S. capability for intervention.
ACCOMPLISHMENT
Elements of the U.S. government were organized to reach the
goals set for Phase I. My assessment of where we are on each
objective is noted under appropriate sub-headings below. In general,
this has been a remarkably quiet operation, well within the "noise"
and "visibility" limits imposed.
Higher authority has been kept informed of progress through
the Special Group (Augmented), by frequent reports. The Speciil
Group has provided policy guidance, as required, in Phase I.
The Chief of Operations has coordinated the efforts of participa-
ting departments and agencies, through meetings of the Operational
Representatives and by constant review of progress. The Operational
Representative of each major U.S. participant in Operation Mongoose
are William Harvey (CIA), Robert Hurwitch (State), Brig. Gen. Benjamin
Harris (Defense), and Don Wilson (USIA).
My assessment of the organization, planning, and actions to
reach the goals in Phase I:
Intelligence. CIA had the main assignment to acquire the
"hard-intelligence" desired. The headquarters and field staff of CIA
are now well organized for a major effort for this aspect of Operation
Mongoose, being strengthened by a number of CIA officers experienced
in "denied area" operations elsewhere in the world. Planning and
actions rate superior, in a professional sense of intelligence collection.
CIA established the Caribbean Admission Center at Opa-Locka,
Florida, It undertook a priori tZ 001..(b)(3)
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plan to collect information on the target from third country areas in
Latin America and Europe. Inside Cuba, the recruitment and place-
ment of third country nationals and initiation of Cuban collection nets,
particularly in urban centers, has made Operation Mongoose numeri-
cally he largest U.S. intelligence a ent effort inside a Communist
state JlrowTever, the exxor in more emote provincial are of Cuba,
where guerrilla resistance was expected to be spotted, recruited,
and organized, was short of the hoped-for goal; this was due to the
regime's security precautions and, to some degree, to policy limita-
tions on the risks to be assumed.
Defense contributed the majority of personnel to staff the
Caribbean Admission Center,Mepped-up SIGINT collection under NSa. 4145C.�
despite changes and improved sophistication of Cuban communication
procedures, and brought into play the available assets of Service intelli-
gence organizations, in coordination with CIA. State stepped up its
information collection from diplomatic and refugee organization sources.
Justice (FBI and INS) and USIA provided significant support to the
Caribbean Admission Center.
Political. State appointed a representative to devote full-time
to Operation Mongoose and to develop the required political actions.
During Phase I, the Punta del Este conference was a major U.S. political
action to isolate Castro and neutralize his influence in the Hemisphere,
but was not developed within the context of Operation Mongoose. The
/successful visit of President Kennedy to Mexico was another major U.S.
political action, with a potential impact upon our special goals, but was
not developed within the context of Operation Mongoose. Two Operation
Mongoose efforts in political action were attempted in Phase I: to
counter Castro-Communist propaganda exploitation of May Day and to
arouse strong Hemisphere reaction to Cuban military suppression of the
hunger demonstration at Cardenas, in June. Ambassadors in Latin America
were asked to undertake a special effort, as possible, with the help of their
Country Teams; political action results in both instances were mostly
negative, due to lack of capability and the local attitude in Latin American
countries.
State is responsible for refugee political policy matters, assisted
by CIA in daily liaison. This is an area of major interest to Operation
Mongoose, since the Cuban refugees have an open objective of over-
throwing the Communist regime in Havana and recapturing their homeland.
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They are given open U.S. assistance to remain in this country, yet
are participating in covert actions in a limited way. Only a fractional
opening has been made to release the frustrated energy of these refugees
in freeing their homeland and in creating a favorable political climate in
Latin America for the liberation of Cuba. Policy limitations of "audibility"
and "visibility" apply directly in considering the handling and use of this
dynamic refugee potential.
As a working document for U.S. operational guidance, State
developed a definition of a political program for a free Cuba, with the
understanding that any real political program must be developed by the
Cubans themselves.
Psychological. Psychological activities for Operation Mongoose
make use of existing assignments of responsibilities within the U. S.
government: State, having the policy role, chairs an inter-agency Cuba
Psychological Operations Group which meets weekly; USIA isseminates
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any U.S. overnrn.ent information (VOA and Press Service) and generates
Clgray" or non-official information (5 million cartoon books and thousands
of Spanish books on Cuba disseminated in Latin America); CIA passes iatA.,
information appropriate for "gray" and covert psychological channels
(radio, mailings to Cuba, and dissemination inside Cuba).
,,i�......-......----
Conditions and events in Cuba have provided many effective themes,
which have been promptly and sharply exploited by available means in the
Western Hemisphere. However, the U.S. still lacks the capability of
� effectively getting information to the majority of the Cuban people. Our
1 short-wave broadcasts are highly regarded by the Cuban people, but short-
wave receiver sets are limited inside Cuba. Our medium-wave broadcasts
compete against stronger Cuban signals; it was felt that greater U.S.
competition in medium-wave broadcasts could lead to Cuban interference
of U.S. commercial broadcasts over a fairly wide area of the U.S.
Clandestine broadcastsVom a submariraappearing as broadcasts by NS e,..
Cuban guerrillas inside Cuba) have been initiated; they are in their infancy,
and have a long way to develop before their messages are believed and
get passecl among Cubans bword-of-mouth. Dis emination of leaflets
and propaganda inside Cuba 1:UT balloon or aircraf has not received policy AV em.
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approval.
Economic. State has the main responsibility for developing economic
actions. State has chaired an inter-agency working group, which generated
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the U.S. trade embargo, denial of bunkering facilities, increased port
security, and control procedures on transhipment, technical data, and
customs inspection. Diplomatic means were used to frustrate Cuban
trade negotiations in Israel, Jordan, Iran, Greece, and possibly Japan.
Under Resolution VIII adopted at Punta del Este, the OAS has established
a special committee to study "the feasibility and desirability of extending
the suspension of trade with Cuba to other items (than arm," State has
prepared a program to be submitted to this OAS committee in the future.
The evidence is that Cuba's economy is suffering. Trade with the
Communist Bloc and others has kept it limping along, despite scarcity
of U.S. goods, the bad drought limiting agrarian crops, increased worker
non-cooperation and the regime's bungling of economic control measures.
Critical spare parts still arrive in Cuba, including shipments from British
and Canadian firms. Chartered shipping from Free World sources still
plays a major role in Cuba's trade, and the U.S. has little hope of cutting
this life-line to Castro.
Guerrilla. CIA had the main responsibility for assessing resistance �1
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potential inside Cuba and to start quietly organizing such resistance as 1
feasible. The CIA plan has been to set about doing this through introducing
small teams into the Cuban countryside, "over the beach" from boats.
Att t.
Each team is tasked first to stay alive, while getting established in an area.
Once able to live in an area, it then sta#ts a cautious survey of potential
recruits for a resistance group. Names of such recruits are sent to CIA
for checking. As recruits join, they are trained on the ground by the team,
and then continue the survey. This is slow and dangerous work. L1...
. CIA reports that 11 teams will have been infiltrated by
the end of July and that 19 maritime operations have aborted. Of the
teams in, the most successful is the one in Pinar del Rio in western Cuba;
its success was helped greatly by a maritime re-supply of arms and
lequipment; the fact that it is a "going concern" and receives help from
outside has attracted recruits. Its potential has been estimated at about
) 250, which is a sizeable guerrilla force. With equally large guerrilla
forces in other Cuban provinces, guerrilla warfare could be activated
with a good chance of success, if assisted properly. However, the teams
in other provinces have not been so successful; our best hope is that we
\
, will have viable teams in all the potential resistance areas by early October.
S Bad weather, high seas, and increased security patrols will make the
infiltration of teams and their re-supply from small boats a hard task.
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Sabotage has not taken place, on a U.S. -sponsored basis.
Planning for such action by CIA has been thorough, includjng.detailed
study of the structures and vulnerabilities of key targets. Mphisticated
MSC...
....i actions, such as the contamination of POL has been frustrated b lack of
cooperation of nations where POL would be vulnerable to action. Commando
type raids would take maritime means which now have priority use in
support of CIA teams being infiltrated inside to survey and create a guerrilla
potential. CIA has reported that there is now some capability inside Cuba
1Ffor sabotage action, that target selection has been under further careful
review, and that a proposal is forthcoming to be submitted for policy approval.
Intervention Planning. The ICS were given the responsibility for
planning and undertaking essential preliminary actions for a decisive U.S.
capability for intervention in Cuba. This "Guidelines" objective has been
met, fully. Also, U.S. military readiness for intervention in Cuba has
been under continuing review within Defense, being improved wherever
feasible. In addition, rumors during June of a possible uprising inside Cuba
led to further planning for a contingency where a non-U. S. inspired revolt
might start inside Cuba; inter-agency staffing of U.S. planning for such a
�Cuban contingency is being completed, under Defense leadership.
Assets. Whatever we decide to do in the future depends, to a
� large degree, onthe assets available to us. Our own U.S. assets in organi-
zation, personnel, and equipment are sufficient to liberate Cuba, given the
decision to do so. Assets among the Cubans, to liberate themselves, are
capable of a greater effectiveness once a firm decision is made by the U.S.
to provide maximum support of Cubans to liberate Cuba, and the Cubans
start being helped towards that goal by the U.S. There are enough able-
bodied and properly motivated Cubans inside Cuba and in exile to do the job.
There is wide-spread disaffection in Cuba, with strong indications that
economic distress and demoralization of population is causing real concern
and strain for the regime's control officials. Firm U.S. intention to help
free Cuba is the key factor in assessing the Cubans themselves as an
operational asset for Operation Mongoose.
At the close of Phase I, my concern is strong that time is running
out for the U.S. to make a free choice on Cuba, based largely on what is
happening to the will of the Cuban people. Rightly or wrongly, the Cubans
have looked and are looking to the U.S. for guidance on what to aspire to
and do next. They wonder if we are not merely watching Cuba closely, as
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a matter of our own security, undertaking some economic proscription,
and isolating the Castro/Communist gang from contaminating the Hemis-
phere. Along with recognition of our humanitarian sympathies, this seems
to be the fear among Cuban refugees, although they are still hopeful.
If Cubans become convinced that the U.S. is not going to do more
than watch and talk, I believe they will make other plans for the future.
The bulk of Cuban refugees in the U.S. are most likely to start getting
serious about settling down for life in the U.S. , dulling their desire to
return home with personal risk involved. The bulk of disaffected people
inside Cuba will lose hope and incentive for futile protests against the regime
and start accepting their status as captives of the Communists. Some Cuban
activists will not accept the loss of their homeland so easily and may seek
release from frustration by liberation operations outside U.S. territory
and control. The recent wildcat Cuban scheme to bomb Habana from Central
America is an example.
Our probes of the guerrilla potential inside Cuba have been hampered
by similar morale factors. Cubans sent to risk their lives on missions
inside Cuba feel very much alone, except for their communications link
back to the U.S. They are unable to recruit freedom fighters aggressively
by the time-proven method of starting an active resistance and thus attracting
recruits; U.S. guidelines to keep this short of a revolt have made the inten-
tion behind the operation suspect to local Cubans. The evidence of some
intent is seen in the recent maritime re-supply of the team in Pinar del Rio.
We brought in extra weapons, for which there were immediate recruits; if
we were to exploit the evident guerrilla potential in this province, it appears
�likely that we would have to furnish supplies by air and probably open the IL S.
�to strong charges of furnishing such support to Cuban resistance elements.
Therefore, we have been unable to surface the Cuban resistance
potential to a point where we can measure it realistically. The only way
this can be done, accurately, is when resistance actually has a rallying
point of freedom fighters who appear to the Cuban people tb have some
chance of winning, and that means at least an implication that the U.S. is
in support. Word-of-mouth information that such a freedom movement is
afoot could cause the majority of the Cuban people to choose sides. It
would be the first real opportunity for them to do so since Castro and the
Communists came to power. There was little opportunity for the Cuban
people to join an active resistance in April 1961; there is less opportunity
today. If the Cuban people are to feel they have a real opportunity, they
must have something which they can join with some belief in its success.
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PROJECTION (PHASE II).
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As a help towards the making of a U.S. decision on a future course
of action, the Operational Representatives developed working statements
of four possibilities; at my request they have commented on the positive
and negative factors worth considering for each possible course, and it
is suggested that these thoughtful statements are worth reading in full.
The working statements of the choices open to the U.S. are as follows:
a. Cancel operational plans; treat Cuba as a Bloc nation; protect
Hemisphere from it, or
. b Exert all possible diplomatic, economic, psychological, and
other pressures to overthrow the Castro-Communist regime without
'overt employment of U.S. military, or
c. Commit U.S. to help Cubans overthrow the Castio-Communist
.regime, with a step-by-step phasing to ensure success, including the use
.of U.S. military force if required at the end, or
. d. Use a provocation and overthrow the Castro-Communist
regime by U.S. military force.
RECOMMENDATION.
It is recommended that this review of Phase I be considered by
the Special Group as providing the operational basis for guidelines and
objectives for Phase II. It is a matter of urgency that these be arrived
at by the Special Group, to permit developing specific plans and schedules
for Phase II.
/
E; The White House copy of this memorandum, which was
presumably General Taylor's, was marked by McGeorge Bundy at this
point with an arrow pointing to option b.
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